Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
2017-2018
ii
Central Research Question: How do people choose the food they eat?
Sub-Questions:
· How do consumer experiences affect the level of engagement with place, space, and
Acknowledgements
family, thank you for your unconditional love, support, and motivation. I express my
sincerest gratitude to Professor Navarro-Farr for your patience, guidance, and enthusiasm to
oversee the completion of this research project. I started the journey with many questions and
ideas about food. I appreciate the time you took to assist me in my approach to my research
question and methodology. Your insight, constructive comments, and encouragement to trust
my own voice is a gift I thank you for. To The College of Wooster, thank you for the
opportunities to think critically, learn, grow, and reflect upon my experiences in the four
gratitude to my study abroad host country (Milan, Italy), The College of Wooster & Wooster
Abstract
The purpose of the study is to understand how people choose the food they eat. The
population focuses on consumers and vendors at the West Side Market. This study
hypothesizes that people decide what to eat based on social interactions. Thus, learned, social
behaviors shape food-related attitudes and dietary habits. This study explores food choice by
analyzing consumers’ attitudes through a sociocultural lens. I examine variables that affect
lifestyle; in particular, social relationships and values. The goal is to understand how food
choice behaviors reflect social and cultural values. Thus, the study investigates how
consumers select food by the level of engagement with place, space, and people. The study
interview individual vendors and adopt a public health research technique called photovoice
to capture and magnify consumer perceptions. Vendors do not take part in the photovoice
method, but the study aims to understand vendor motivations through personal experiences.
Thus, the research project illustrates the role of vendors in consumer food choice decisions.
Personal narratives are fundamental in the study to depict the interconnection between
consumers, vendors, and food. This study disseminates attitudes on food choice through the
power of storytelling.
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Table of Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction……………………………………..…………………………...1
Methods…………………...……..………………………..………………..…......1
Conclusion……………………...……………...…………….……...…………….4
Conclusion……………………………………………………………...……........14
Chapter 3 Theory………………………………………………………………………...16
Conclusion……………………………………………………………................…25
Chapter 4 Methods………………………………………………………………….…....26
Applied Methods…………..………………………………………………….........28
Interviews………………………………………………………………..…28
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Photovoice………………………………………...….………….………...29
Ethical Considerations………………………………………………..………........33
Conclusion……………………………………………………………...……….....34
Chapter 5 Results………………………………....……………………………….…...…35
Conclusion…………………………………………………………….……..…….49
Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..….….65
List of Figures
References………………………………………………………………………………….104
1
Chapter 1
Introduction
The purpose of the study is to understand how people choose the food they eat in an
ever changing world. I hypothesize that people decide what to eat based on social
interactions. Thus, food-related attitudes and dietary habits take form by learned, social
behaviors. The study aims to understand how food choice behaviors reflect social and
cultural values. To do so, I examine how consumers select food by the level of engagement
with place, space, and people at the West Side Market in Cleveland, Ohio. I consider
variables that affect lifestyle; in particular, social relationships, values, and attitudes.
Methods
The population focuses on consumers and vendors at the West Side Market. The
study incorporates views, motivations, and personal experiences from the Market’s vendors.
The goal is to portray the role vendors have on consumer food decisions. Furthermore, the
study aims to understand vendor perceptions on food trends and accessibility. Personal
narratives are fundamental to depict people’s relationship with food. I use ethnographic
method in form of participant observation and informal interviews. I interview vendors and
adopt a public health research technique called photovoice to capture and magnify consumer
ideas.
The study explores the nature of food choice at Cleveland’s West Side Market
because the public space is a historic landmark. Farmers and producers first met at local
markets to sell food to consumers (King, 1913). City authorities set up regulations for the
Market after Ohio City citizens, Josiah Barber and Richard Lord, donated the land (Admin of
2
the West Side Market, 2018; Tangires, 2014). Ohio City is a neighborhood west of
Downtown Cleveland which has housed the open air market since 1840 (Admin of the West
Side Market, 2018; Tangires, 2014). People shop for major food groups: fresh meats, fruits,
and vegetables (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018). Food sales began to include fresh
seafood, dairy, bakery items, and ready-to-go food (e.g., herbs, candy, and nuts) upon the
establishment of the Market house in 1912 (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018).
Clyde Lyndon King (1913), political and social scientist, argues, “As residential
centers change, markets decay” (p. 109). Yet, the current stance of the West Side Market
opposes this notion. For instance, the city built a wooden shed on site in 1868 and Benjamin
Hubbel and W. Dominick Benes developed the architecture of the Market house around the
turn of the century (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018; Tangires, 2014). The main
building underwent heating and interior updates in 2004 (Admin of the West Side Market,
2018; Tangires, 2014). Why has the Market remained in existence? The West Side Market
sustained a cultural footprint in the food industry (Cleveland State University, 2018).
Vendors and their families established a name and social status for the city as a leading
culinary and cultural resource (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018; Taxel, 2012). The
Market is representative of diverse ethnic heritage (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018;
Cleveland State University, 2018). The rich history of the West Side Market is well-known
I refer to people’s food decisions as ‘food choice’ throughout the study. Sobal and
Bisogni (2009) define food choice as “frequent, multifaceted, situational, dynamic, and
complex” (p. 37) decisions. Thus, food choice guides individual actions when people
3
“prepare, serve, give away, eat, store, and clean up” food (Sobal & Bisogni, 2009, p. 37). I
conceptualize food choice as a meaningful way to communicate dietary needs in part with
Sobal and Bisogni’s (2009) expression of food behavior. More so, I observe food choice as a
tie of actions and reactions, or series of attitudes, to make a decision on what to eat. I assess
individual and collaborative efforts (i.e., by families) during food acquisition to explain the
In the literature review, I explore ways people decide what to eat from various angles.
Thus, I exemplify what causes a person to act on a food decision. I first refer to the social
dynamics of food to examine influences on food choice (Hardcastle et al., 2015; Russell et
al., 2014). Then, the study focuses on psychological associations with food (Hardcastle et al.,
2015; Hoffmann, 2006; Holtzman, 2006; Miller et al., 2015; Sutton, 2001, 2010). People
perceive food in mental and emotional states that gauge a person to determine what to eat.
This incorporates studies on people’s attitudes, food preferences, memory, and cognizance.
The final element of food choice considered in the literature review is food and culture
(Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The section investigates the condition of food choice when food
practices and options shift due to the development of industrial food production and the
globalization of food. In the following chapter, the study uses a combination of theories to
create a framework through a sociocultural lens: 1.) Geert Hofstede’s cultural model theory
(Garro, 2000), 2.) application of the food choice process model (Bisogni et al., 2002; Furst et
al., 1996; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009), 3.) interpretation of the cultural schema theory (Garro,
2000), and 4.) engagement with the constructionist social definition theory (Garro, 2000).
4
Conclusion
People’s ability to choose what they can eat is a freedom most people do not have on
a day-to-day basis. Famine, food insecurity, poor environmental conditions, war, etc. are
constraints that violate human rights and restrict food choice. People may look at these
hardships on food as situational depending on location and socioeconomic status. But, how
do people choose the food they eat in a safe and secured place?
Food choice reflects nuance on who we are as an individual and who we are as part
of a social and cultural group. We consume food to honor our well-being through traditions,
in terms of mental and emotional, physical, and social health. Food serves a purpose in health
and medicinal practices. Holidays, rituals, and other celebratory and social events incorporate
food for specific reasons. These activities shape identity, beliefs, and values based on how
we take care of ourselves. More so, food reflects the attitudes and beliefs of the individual in
culture. How does food consumption behavior, social relationships, and consumer
experiences determine a lifestyle? Our daily behavior drives our need for food subsistence. In
company, people have a natural instinct to connect through food and communicate to get it.
Literature Review
This literature review explains social relationships, mentality, and cultural influences
on food choice. I examine social (Hardcastle et al., 2015; Russell et al., 2014), psychological
(Hardcastle et al., 2015; Hoffmann, 2006; Holtzman, 2006; Miller et al., 2015; Sutton, 2001,
2010), and cultural processes (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The literature engages in the field of
nutrition and science in public health (Miller et al., 2015; Russell et al., 2014), social
psychology (Hardcastle et al., 2015), and anthropology (Holtzman, 2006; Sutton, 2001,
2010). The social dynamic of food draws a parallel between attitudes and consequences of
food choice. The psychological section acknowledges food choice based on past and present
experiences. The literature on food and culture demonstrates how the food environment
The development of food choice begins at a young age. In this section, I demonstrate
how consumers influence one another’s food choices. I refer to Russell et al. (2014) to
explain the dynamic between parents’ and children’s food choices, motives, and preferences.
I also refer to Hardcastle et al. (2015) to focus on themes she identifies from various bodies
of literature on food (Deliens et al., 2015; Ensaff et al., 2015; Miller et al., 2015).
Parents, guardians, and health professionals influence food choice from birth.
Newborns and children are vulnerable and unable to completely fend for themselves. Thus,
people depend on food provision by others (Hamburg et al., 2014). But, how do adults go
influences (i.e., family and friends), stricter family rules, greater perceived behavioral
control, and confidence impact food choice (Hardcastle et al., 2015). For example, a person
is less likely to consume soft or energy drinks if family and friends rarely do so (Hardcastle
et al., 2015, p. 8712). Thus, people are more likely to simulate actions of an immediate social
circle.
Russell et al. (2014) examine parents’ motives in food selection. Parents search,
choose, and buy food for their children. Russell et al. (2014) examine associations between
parent motives and children’s food preferences. The purpose is to understand factors
affecting children’s health. The ultimate goal is to provide supporting data on how to shift
children’s food behaviors. Russell et al. (2014) aim to show the transition with dietary
recommendations.
cities—Melbourne and Adelaide. The study focuses on mothers who share similar
credentials. For example, the mothers are college graduates who maintain a full- or part-time
job. Also, the mothers represent different socioeconomic statuses. The study uses cross-
sectional survey to assess parents’ food choice motives. Alongside, Russell et al. (2014) use a
5-point Likert scale to determine children’s likes and dislikes of 176 food and beverage
items. Russell et al. (2014) also use a statistical technique called exploratory principal
component analysis. The method identifies a pattern between food choice motives and
preferences. Thus, the analysis makes a connection between two random variables.
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The study focuses on inconsistent food consumption behavior. Russell et al. (2014)
suggested food intake by hospital programs, outreach initiatives, etc. which include fruits,
vegetables, and water (Russell et al., 2014). Children’s food intake from health organization
recommendations is less than expected (Russell et al., 2014). The consumption of other food
items shows higher significance. But, the study depicts an imbalance between healthy and
processed foods which both presume health consequences (Russell et al., 2014). Russell et al.
(2014) conclude that health, nutrition, and taste motivate parent food choices. Other factors,
like price or ethics, are less important in parent food choices (Russell et al., 2014). But, the
results of Russell et al. (2014) study show that parents with lower education levels and
socioeconomic status adopt unhealthy eating practices. Hardcastle et al. (2015) examine
Tanja et al. (2015) study on the relationship between eating competence and food choices.
Tanja et al. (2015) surveyed adolescents to find that greater eating competence associates
with “greater meal frequency, a higher intake of fruits and vegetables, and more health-
Russell et al. (2014) isolated parent motivations and health patterns of children’s food
preferences with success of the exploratory principal component analysis. Natural and ethical
concerns motivate parents to buy certain foods (Russell et al., 2014). Thus, children have
healthier patterns of food preferences. Hardcastle et al. (2015) and other researchers explain
the phenomena as a modelling influence. Children show higher fruit and vegetable intake
when parents eat the food. Parents choose food with conscious effort on how people and
businesses make and provide food. In contrast, parents who support a child’s food preference
show unhealthy patterns of food preferences. Russell et al. (2014) report on direct and
8
indirect contact with health interventions. Food choice involves family, friends, doctors, and
other health professionals (Russell et al., 2014). Other indirect influences on food choice
include advertisements, media, books, etc. (Hardcastle et al., 2015). Family relationships
have significant effect on food choice. Parents create a set of values that best suit individual
Parents take into account mental, emotional, and physical processes. Some parents
consider other factors as inessential motivators in food choice. The factors include price,
political concerns, and advertising (Russell et al., 2014). Yet, some parent choices align with
what their children want when shopping for food. Thus, some children are less likely to enjoy
and consume fresh food. Children miss opportunities to try new or unfamiliar food, which
includes vegetables, fruits, and cereals (Russell et al., 2014). Thus, parents can hinder
children’s exposure to new foods. The trajectory of a food habit depends on the selection of
preferable and familiar food. In what ways do children sway parents support for nutritious
food? How do children know there are other food options if they do not choose fresh food to
eat? How do parents provide food options or serve what they want their child to eat? How
preferences. Parents find value in fulfilling individual and collective needs of the family. Yet,
the consumption of healthy food is important to adults. Parents’ food choice motives and
children’s food preferences hold powerful weight. The social value of nutrition may create
social pressure in food choice. Parents share responsibility in the socialization of children’s
eating habits. Parents face a variety of concerns to meet their child’s food preference
9
expectations and maintain good health. Thus, parents build common ideas on food for
children and youths before they make independent food choices as an adult.
In this section, I argue that people navigate the process of food choice with
psychological approaches. I focus on memory, mores, values, and cognition. Memory is the
mental act of remembering and dismissing experiences (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001).
David Sutton (2001) examines the intersection of food and memory in anthropology. Sutton
(2001) did ethnographic field work on the Greek island of Kalymnos and describes food and
First, Sutton (2001) explains daily food shopping, preparation, and implicit
consumption as a single unit for ritual and routine. The food acts shape a way people live and
establish opportunities for people to come together (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001). People
anticipate, refer to, and reflect upon daily events and celebrations (Hoffmann, 2006). More
so, people associate memory in a particular time frame and reflect memory in food choice.
Food sharing prods at the edifice of memory in the food decision-making process (Hoffmann,
2006; Sutton, 2001). Personal tastes and feelings recollect with familiar food practices.
For the Kalymnians, personal and group identity is reputable with food, but stories
determine past, present, and future exchanges (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001). Hoffmann
(2006) reiterates that gifts and counter-gifts of food do not create memory. Sutton (2001) also
recognized the underdeveloped area of study on taste and smell with food (Hoffmann, 2006).
Thus, Sutton (2010) further examines the intersection between synesthesia and the notion of
(Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2010). Thus, the sensation of flavor is an indicator of a food
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choice. The implicit connotation may convey food preference. But, a food decision does not
only depend on biological and chemical reactions to food consumption (Melis, 2017). The
actual taste of food is a separate individual factor to assist people in food decisions.
Sutton’s (2001, 2010) research illustrates the psychological response of food choice.
The response to an eaten food sets the foundation of a habitual feeling when a person decides
what to eat in daily food practices or is expected to eat on a special occasion. Thus, a
person’s food preference surfaces depending on the type of experience. Food choice
implements positive, neutral, or negative feelings from the past. The body’s reaction to a
familiar taste or sight create other reactions (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2010). Thus, people
are receptive to making confident food choices when the outcome is distinct and anticipated.
Sutton’s (2001) fourth theme distinguishes the recollection of food during meals, also
referred to as “whole events” (Hoffmann, 2006). Sutton (2001) associates the cognitive
structure of memory with the way people eat and recall food from a social activity. His final
point on food and memory refers to recipes. People lose food traditions and recipes through
oral transmission, like ways to prepare and cook cuisines (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001).
People acknowledge food traditions by sharing information. Family members and local peers
function as a benefit to social eating, which Sutton (2001) explains when people eat together
at meal times and special events. The condition of lost food practices restricts potential food
choice. Hence, new food decisions may arise through memory. How does oral transmission
generations? What happens to individual identity? How does one create new food choices out
of attention and knowledge on food choice while individual people shop for prepared food.
Miller et al. (2015) study the relationship between food labels and food choice. The research
monitors eye movements of adults in the United States to assess attention on nutritional
information of food labels (Hardcastle et al., 2015; Miller et al., 2015). American consumers
demand more “ready-to-eat” meals and other economic alternatives that are often packaged,
processed, and proportioned (Counihan, 2002; Nestle et al., 1998). Typically, the processed
foods comprise of sugars, fat, and sodium, which are lethal to long-term health (Armelagos,
2010; Counihan, 2002; Nestle et al., 1998). Consumers navigate food decisions with select
information provided to customers, like food labels. Thus, food and nutrition are
health. Miller et al. (2015) find more people are likely to consume a healthy diet if they pay
close attention food labels (Hardcastle et al., 2015). The intent to engage with food items
suggests nutrition is important to the consumer. But, the research method does not observe
what consumers look at nor does it test for competency of food labels.
The study on food labels in relation to dietary intake is innovative. The method is the
first to prove the use of food labels in relation to diet quality (Miller et al., 2015). Thus,
further research on the study may investigate the design of food labels for consumer
comprehension. This notion refers back to the people’s food motivations on food quality
(Russell et al., 2014). People base their food choices off of quality and ingredients that
benefit health.
beneficial in the analysis of food choice. How do people define quality in food choice?
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People subject language or word terminology to different meanings, associations, and
nutritional data of a food label is a negative barrier on food choice. How does product design
and advertisement enthrall a customer? The knowledge of what people can and cannot
consume is explicable. Yet, the lack of pedagogy explaining the use and effects of artificial
and preservative ingredients is inexcusable. How do people put into effect outside knowledge
in food decisions?
This section draws on Moffat & Finnis (2010) who discuss food and culture in a
culture in place and space. Moffat & Finnis (2010) examine dietary diversity issues and food
transitions in a rural village in Nepal. The purpose is to understand the impact of rural to
urban environments on the diversity of diets. The main case of the study examines dietary
intake and health of children. The location is in the metropolis area of Nepal in Kathmandu.
The children’s parents work at a carpet factory and experience effects of economic
marginalization. Workers move from their rural communities to find economic opportunities
in urban economies. The analytical approach of the study aims to understand a variety of
The study used Dietary Diversity Scores (DDS) to determine chronic undernutrition.
Moffat & Finnis (2010) focus on how dietary transitions contribute to insufficient nutrient
intake. Moffat & Finnis (2010) acknowledge a gap in research methods and encourage
studies to use more qualitative methods to empower local voices. Also, qualitative research
needs forethought on food values, preferences, other cases of dietary transition, and health
13
implications of food regimes. The research exemplifies that culture is a global occurrence
with groups of people who emphasize more attention or intentional action with their belief
system and values. People have easy access to “prepared, preprocessed foods” not commonly
available in rural areas or villages of Kathmandu (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The movement of
unfamiliar food practices from a Western food culture to another delocalizes food customs
and traditions. People interact with Western ideas on food which impose other cultural
beliefs in eastern cultures, like those in the country of Nepal. Thus, the research on dietary
intake within a food environment (Moffat & Finnis, 2010) demonstrate outside factors that
More so, Moffat & Finnis (2010) identify characteristics of food delocalization in the
economic effects between food choice and food intake. Subsistence farming drives small,
local economies in Nepal (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). Nepalese people living in a rural village
rely less on farmers when people decide or need to move to urban economies for a job in
order to support daily needs, like food (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). People’s ability to buy,
choose, and consume food from farmers, who cultivated and provided food, change in
relation to other demands of local economies with higher status or power. Thus, Moffat and
Finnis (2010) emphasize a clear rapid change in human habitat. The notion of how people
adapt to shifts in Nepal and in their cultural standards influence people to maintain, adapt, or
The geographical location is important in this research because the study attempts to
understand the perception and experience of Nepalese cities. Moffat and Finnis (2010)
no healthcare facilities within the vicinity (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). Other studies use similar
14
analyses strategies of dietary transitions and nutritional shifts, but the results of Moffat and
Finnis’ (2010) research emphasize the displacement of food choice and cultural norms.
Moffat and Finnis (2010) discover self-motivated interests and outside forces mediate
consumer values.
The main concern of Moffat and Finnis (2010) derives from more recent analyses on
diet and nutrition. Similar to Nestle et al. (1998) remark on Western diet, developing
developing and underdeveloped countries (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). This type of dietary
transition is characterized by high levels of fat, sugar, and processed, prepackaged foods
(Counihan, 2002; Moffat & Finnis, 2010; Nestle et al., 1998;). Thus, packaged foods
contribute to the high and rising obesity rates already present in North America, United
Kingdom, and Europe (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The prosperous economic and industrial
development during post-World War II reconstruction increased obesity because diet and
physical activity changed (Popkin, 1998; Ulijaszek, 2006). Thus, social, economic, and
technological changes alter patterns of lifestyle on a global and local scale (Ulijaszek, 2006).
Globalized dietary practices cause less famine because there is accessible food. Yet, the type
and quality of food alters food practices and jeopardizes longevity. The intersectionality
between food, health, and lifestyle in terms of food choice is necessary to consider in form of
preventative health.
Conclusion
choices. The process of decision-making accounts for many factors. The environment and
context of culture in that atmosphere motivates food choices. People exchange knowledge
15
and beliefs on food in social circles. Family, friends, and community members influence how
people think about food. The theory section seeks the actual thought process and act of
Theory
In the theory chapter, I develop the sociocultural lens on how people choose the food
they eat. I use theoretical perspectives and models of food choice to support my original
hypothesis on how dietary habits and attitudes on food develop from learned, social
behaviors. The study illustrates food choice decisions in two frames. First, the study uses the
how people make sense of the world and display certain behaviors as a result of it. I apply the
cultural model theory (Garro, 2000) to bridge a gap between cognition and culture. The
cultural model theory helps observe psychological and cultural perspectives to interpret the
Second, the cultural model theory funnels into a micro lens of the cultural schema
theory (Garro, 2000). People structure a personal way of thinking by self-creating and
combining perspectives from other individuals who share similar ideas within a social
network or community. The cultural schema explains a person’s paradigm or world view
depending on the space where cultural and social interactions coexist. Then, the study
connects the concepts by implementing ideologies from the constructionist social definition
perspective (Garro, 2000) and food choice process model (Bisogni et al., 2002; Furst et al.,
1996; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). The cultural model theory separates similar ideas from the
constructionist perspective and food choice process model. The macro scope of the cultural
model theory organizes the application of the other related theories and models related to
food choice. The factors of each model and theory pin point the layers of food choice and its
The study uses empirical evidence to answer food choice decisions. The cultural
model theory is not always reliable depending on how a researcher applies the perspective.
The cultural model theory can overgeneralize or downplay values and norms surrounding
ideologies of identity and cultural beliefs. Thus, I design an integrated theoretical framework
to explain and challenge the phenomenon of food choice. The cultural model theory is
applicable in the comprehension of how social and cultural values reflect food choice
behaviors and attitudes. Also, the cultural model theory is useful to explain ideologies of
individual and cultural knowledge on food. The theoretical structure demonstrates different
applications of food choice throughout the study. The facet of theoretical applications is
critical in representing similarities and differences among people, communities, and society
at large.
models are relevant in foods studies and social sciences. Geert Hofstede, a Dutch social
understandings. Hofstede created a clear way to study and think of cultural differences
around 1980 (Minkov, 2011). In particular, the cultural model theory derives from his four-
cultural dimensions’ model on national identity (Minkov, 2011). Edward T. Hall, Levi
Strauss, and Fon Trompennars developed the concept of culture and the proposed theory of
18
cultural categories in sociology and anthropology (Singh, 2011). The study concentrates on
Hofstede’s understanding of how people measure and operationalize culture (Garro, 2000).
The cultural model theory looks at a facet of food choice with the social,
psychological, and cultural perspective in mind. Consumers express ideas, opinions, and past
experiences on food whereas others suggest their thoughts on food decisions through
behaviors to acquire and consume (Furst et al., 1996; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). The cultural
model theory separates and categorizes individual experiences of consumers. But, the theory
does not provide explicit grounds to determine if a culture or community share collective
ideas (Garro, 2000). A person’s ability to decide what to eat as a group is not of question.
The theory explicates how a person decides what to eat regardless of social and cultural
Food choice does not succeed in the same way of food acquisition and consumption.
Food choice is detailed-focus and strategic in the selection and elimination of food options.
The cultural model theory explains how people shape, form, and direct individual
experiences when present knowledge is taken into account. Furst et al. (1996) shows that the
food choice process model is representative of a set of facts in the process of making a single
decision. The model is a constructionist view revealing a personal belief system. Individuals
identify attitudes on food by internalizing and negotiating its value to them (the consumer) on
a personal level. Then, a person classifies their belief and preference on a food in a social
context where people form and revise food choice (Bisogni et al., 2002; Sobal & Bisogni,
2009). People adjust food choice strategies and routines depending on the environment they
acquire food (Bisogni et al., 2002; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). Parts of the constructionist social
19
definition perspective interact with social, psychological, and cultural counterparts in a
dynamic manner. The theory connects food choice with decisions of repeatable and
demonstrates that individuals of a culture share different opinions on dietary eating habits.
People eat food some with more similar or different experiences than others.
The food choice process is categorized into three types of factors that determine food
decisions: 1) life course, 2) influences, and 3) personal system (Furst et al., 1996). The
relationship is a direct line of path in generating an attitude towards a food decision. The
personal roles and the social, cultural, and physical environments a person has been and is
exposed to are supporting effects of a life course decision on food choice (Furst et al., 1996).
People may or may not be aware of what control they have over what they eat, in which they
can choose what to buy and consume at any point in time. The act of food choice is explicit
in nature. But, food choice is also implicit in the minded assumptions or beliefs of a group of
A person’s life course progresses into a set of influences, which include: ideals,
personal factors, resources, social framework, and food context (Furst et al., 1996). As a
consequence of influences, the associating factors inform and shape people’s personal
systems that include “conscious value negotiations and consciously operationalized strategies
that may occur in a food-related choice situation” (Furst et al., 1996, p. 250). The food choice
process model attributes to the cultural model theory. Food choice is a mindful process that
self-informs and formulates mental options for an individual to situate themselves in and
decide from. Primarily, the food choice process model demonstrates people’s food choice
behavior in terms of course events and experiences (Bisogni et al., 2002; Furst et al., 1996).
20
These life transitions, turning points, and other circumstances reflect external influences that
Cultural schemas are a pattern of thought and behavior that align with the nature of
individual and cultural knowledge (Garro, 2000). Thus, a person’s behavior changes as they
gain knowledge. The construct of schemas within the theory itself converge on a wide variety
information and mediate mental processing to learn and formulate a perception (“innate
mental structures”) and organize related pieces of knowledge (Garro, 2000, p. 284). The
process of analyzing acquired information is a form of categorization and mental coding. The
experiences which mark and shape a person’s set of values, outlook on life, and how they
from an experience based on the practice of personal values and response to situations and
events.
The widely shared nature of knowledge and community does not impose assumptions
“strongly connected cognitive elements (Strauss & Quinn, 1997)” (Garro, 2000, p. 285). The
collection of cognitive elements are individual memories that work together to process
information (Garro, 2000). Schemas are learned from “human mediated experiences (Strauss
& Quinn, 1997)” (Garro, 2000, p. 285). These experiences are not subjective to all being the
opposition with competing food options and changing factors in social relationships and the
environment. Specifically, conflicting priorities, like nutritional and ethical concerns (Russell
et al., 2014), introduce an interplay between personal and cultural values in food choice.
There are important social dimensions that mediate food choice decisions by the nature of
interpersonal relationships, social roles, and social meaning (Furst et al., 1996). External
forces within society influence cultural knowledge, like popular culture and government
(macro interaction) or family and religion (micro interactions). This form of collective
information or informative knowledge allows people to adhere to social and cultural norms,
rules, and laws within a community. For instance, consumers from another city, state,
country, or continent may rely on local, cultural knowledge to know where to eat. Consumers
may attempt to understand what is available and suitable in food costs, as well as knowing
I analyze patterns on how consumers perceive, value, and motivate themselves to eat
particular foods with a focus on assumptions, concerns, and judgements in relation to health,
family, and lifestyle. Various perspectives on food choice help examine human actions and
describe the complexity of decision making. Sobal & Bisogni (2009) suggest research to
analyze decision making from one perspective. Food choice decisions may be categorized
under the control of institutions and environments constraining consumer decisions. Thus,
external forces influence social and cultural values found in the physical and political
infrastructure of a community (Garro, 2000; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). However, the social
Bisogni, 2009).
Bisogni, 2009). The process of food choice calls for plausible explanations, with agency and
structure, in order to look at both micro and macro perspectives (Garro, 2000; Sobal &
Bisogni, 2009). Individual and cultural knowledge accounts for the relationships, morals,
emotions, and memories that consider to be important parts of food practices and food choice
from these experiences, the cultural model theory creates new ways to understand common
demonstrate the issue of how much people can learn from one another and use as much
knowledge to address the nature and organization of cultural knowledge (Garro, 2000).
Consequently, all food choice decisions eventually become part of a consensus if options
continue to increase in complexity. Food choice decisions situate within personal and
Culture has an abstract presence through the liability of people who create, reinforce,
and center a collective belief system. I offer an interpretation of various models and theories
that demonstrate their relevance to understand how people determine food consumption
behavior. Food choice is cultural to a similar extent which it is social depending on the
context it is seen in. This means that from a cultural or social perspective, the cultural model
23
theory is a transformative and an adaptive theory to clearly and meaningfully explain the
analyzing social and cultural interactions. Individuals examine their food choices from
collective experiences (Garro, 2000). People internally and externally negotiate food
consumption from social and cultural contexts which provide symbolic meaning to them in
the future (Garro, 2000). People experience the decision process and its outcome to varying
degrees. The extent in which food choice interests are taken into consideration is relatively
present in the construct of both personal food choice decisions, psychological schemas, and
social interactions.
The food choice process model examines decisions individuals make on their own.
The model illustrates comparative decision-making actions that are applicable in food choice,
but in any situation that informs an experiential outcome. People take into consideration the
food they consume in a variety of settings associated with social, cultural, psychological, and
environmental situations. Theorists and researchers understand and have proven external
forces that influence food choice. The cultural, personal, and social factors that present
themselves in during food acquisition is dependent on food behaviors. Food behaviors start
as a simple act, but based on the literature review, food choices are difficult when there are
abundant food options. Personal values, accessible resources, and the direction or goal an
individual seeks in their life course mediates food choice. Conscious food behavior and
reflection in food decisions help understand the influence of social norms in association with
eating patterns.
24
The cultural schema theory is significant in its distinction for people to present
opinions based on constructive processes (Garro, 2000). The variation of values, experiences,
and other beliefs construe psychological and even social networks that create an ever-
accounts mentally assign indicative adherences to the preferential ideology one believes in
(Garro, 2000). The assumption that social interactions connect people over the consequence
miscommunicated beliefs. Personal experiences are apparent in building cultural schema, and
in theory, it may be found impressionable upon the completion of the ethnographic record at
Mental interactions with food is powerful. The theory highlights important facets that
are rarely seen or understood every day. Cultural schemas help distinguish what is cultural,
social, and psychological from various perspectives that can be conjoined and separated
(Furst et al., 1996; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). The product of our food choice decisions provide
a glimpse into the food choice process model. The interrelated concepts inform people on
their own experiences when they are consciously and subconsciously aware of in a food
environment and community (Garro, 2000). Thus, different interpretations on people’s food
choice behaviors contribute to situational contexts. Food is symbolic, and economically tied
to higher institutions where they are part of distinct, strong, and complex belief systems.
25
Conclusion
Some people may impede a different or similar understanding of cultural, social, and
understand and use previous research and other applications of concepts in new realms of
academia. There are other circumstances where many studies use other prevalent theories.
disciplines. This research strives to engage food choice behavior through deductive reasoning
and facts. The empirical world demonstrates the schema of this particular research on food
behavior. Therefore, how people make a food choice decision is significant as society
progresses and changes ways in which people interact to subsist. The next chapter transitions
from the roots of the empirical world and into inductive reasoning through anthropological
methods.
26
Chapter 4
Methods
In this chapter, the study details how I collected data to observe, discuss, and connect
perspectives with daily food and social behavior with ethnographic methods that encompass
Subjects Research Committee (HSRC) and received approval before conducting research. I
developed the use of the methodologies in the process of obtaining HSRC approval. I assured
that the protection and rights of the participants were appropriately met while meeting
research goals. I conducted the study during the winter season of December 2017 at the West
I chose the West Side Market as my designated field site because the landmark
sustained a reputation as a center to purchase food for decades. Thus, the site was feasible
and viable to complete data collection and answer the main research question on how
consumer experiences affect the level of engagement with place, space, and people when
acquiring food. The Market is a public space located on the outskirts of downtown Cleveland
at the northeast corner of Lorain Avenue and West 25th Street with accessible public transit,
available parking surrounding the Market area for car owners, and accommodating sidewalks
for pedestrians living in the Ohio City area (Admin of the West Side Market, 2018). (See
Appendix A, Figure 1). The Greater Cleveland Regional Transit Authority (RTA) Red Line
stands across the street from the West Side Market at the West 25 th Street along with bus
lines, including 22, 26, 45, 51, 79, and 81 (Ohio City Incorporated, 2016). (See Appendix A,
Figure 2). Bus and train routes, schedules, and fares are available online and at the stations.
27
The Market is a place of business and privately owned. Thus, it was imperative to
contact the Market Supervisor to explain the project and request permission to be on the
property to ask vendors and customers questions. I first referred to the West Side Market’s
official public website to contact the management office, but the available phone number
directed me to an automated voicemail of the Market’s days and times of operation. I met
with the Market Supervisor in person to introduce myself as a student from The College of
became my gate keeper because their occupational role and authority determined whether I
had access to speak with the community. The Market Supervisor granted official approval for
me to be on the property to speak with people and observe the space. After the first steps to
gain access to the field site, the Market Supervisor and I discussed the need for me, as a
researcher and student, to wear a badge identifying my association with The College of
Wooster.
The public market is open five days a week with Tuesdays and Thursdays off,
meaning my time to do fieldwork was limited. I visited the site for a span of two weeks on
Monday, Wednesday, and Friday from seven in the morning until two in the afternoon. I
created interview and photovoice questions with prepared statements, including all questions
that could be asked if conversation was to move in a particular direction or topic. The best
time to speak with vendors was at the early hour between seven and eight o’clock in the
morning. I was cautious of the amount of time participants wanted to put into question
responses or upon vendors’ availability for me to approach and request to ask questions. For
vendors, I perceived the length of their responses, the line of customers around us, and any
work they were doing at the stand while speaking with me (for example, preparing food or
28
organizing paperwork). Regarding customers, I observed whether or not they were engaged
themselves among the balcony seating, etc. I took into account social cues because people’s
American culture, influenced whether or not I spoke with vendors and customers.
Applied Methods
social interactions between vendors and consumers, the lay out of the market (See Appendix
A, Figure 3a-b), what products vendors provide at their stands, what consumers purchase,
and categorize food in terms of cost, quantity, and size. I asked consumers and vendors to
participate in this study by approaching them (verifying his or her role at the market) and
conversations cannot be replicated with the same participants, the prepared sets of questions
for the interviews and photovoice are available for other people to replicate, verify similar
findings, and continue to develop data analyses from the methods (See Appendix B-E).
➢ Interviews:
The chosen method and organization to approach the research question took time to
develop because the time constraint surrounding the research project was a constant factor in
determining how much qualitative data I could acquire and analyze. I completed informal
interviews with six individual sellers from a random sample of 96 vendors and three semi-
structured informal interviews with consumers. There was available space to interview
vendors and consumers at the stands and in close proximity. I spoke with vendors at an
appropriate time where I neither interfered nor disrupted their work, service, or invaded their
29
stand. The complete informal interview took no more than 10 minutes, and participants did
not have to answer anything they did not wish to share. (See Appendix F for Transcript of
Informal Interview Responses with Vendors) Six consumers were selected at random to
participate in the photovoice methodology, however, vendors did not participate. A brief,
semi-structured informal interview was prepared with a set of pre-determined questions that I
asked out of sequence. The interview served to detail consumer experience when acquiring
food and the level of engagement with place, space, and people. (See Appendix G-I for
included in both the informal and semi-structured informal interviews. The questions were
photovoice participants participated in the exercise without taking part in the semi-structured
informal interview or vice versa. All responses were handwritten because it was a risk to
audio record in a working space. Interviews and other conversations could have been
➢ Photovoice:
The photovoice methodology itself was innovated by Caroline Wang, Mary Ann
Burris, and colleagues to empower participants and engage in the research process by
controlling images used in the study (Amos, 2012; Given, 2011; Wang & Burris, 1997). I
selected this method because the technique helps visualize and comprehend community
needs, perceptions, expectations, assumptions, etc. Photovoice was not limited to voicing
consumer thoughts on critical issues. The consumer took a photo that best reflected their
response, concern, idea, etc. based on a given question stated. Furthermore, the consumer
was given the option to take one or two photos for each question if they found it difficult to
30
take a photo that best articulated their response to a question. In addition to the photo
photograph in further detail via email. The participant was asked to formulate a response to
each question they answered. Consumers were asked to write at least five sentences or more
to help process what the photograph meant to them. The data set is incomplete or could not
function on its own without the original interpretation of the individual who took the photo
(Given, 2011). When the participant finished taking photos, then he or she emailed the
following images they allowed the researcher to use in the study. In his or her email, the
consumer typed out the questions and their responses according to the question and number
on the Photovoice Response Questions sheet. The participant renamed the title of the photo
with the question number when he or she included the image as an attachment in the email.
photovoice responses. The consumer signed at the bottom of the consent form stating
whether the researcher had permission to use the participant’s photos for data analysis and/or
Nykiforuk, 2011). The goal for this project was to understand consumer attitudes and
perceptions on food at the West Side Market through visual storytelling. Participants were
given instructions, prompts, and contact information to support them in the photovoice
process. The participants were asked to submit their photos and responses within seven days
from the date they signed consent to use any verbal, written, or visual data provided.
Participants received a $5 gift card from Amazon (via email) after they completed and
31
submitted their photovoice responses. Compensation was used to encourage individuals to
complete the project and as an expression of gratitude for their participation. However, the
photovoice project was challenging when I did not receive responses from people who
committed to the project. The participants’ commitment to the photo task did not guarantee
the completion and submission of individual responses. The lack of participant responses did
not affect other data that was collected, although the photos and written responses were
projected to be a focal point of the project. Thus, involving as many customers as possible
The research question and methods fuse observable outcomes between vendors,
customers, food, and space. My methods were appropriate for answering the research
question on how people choose what to eat because it focused on understanding people’s
motivation to serve social and personal dietary needs. The methods aim to identify
supporting reasons and themes on food behavior. My approach was both comprehensive and
holistic. The research question alone guided my methods to actively engage with people’s
viewpoint (knowledge plus experience) on food choice not otherwise prevalent in other
methodologies. It was necessary for me to identify and eliminate any assumptions or biases
from my own food consumption behaviors and beliefs. Other common anthropological or
behavior, but I determined the methods for my project to show where people purchase food,
what they purchase, how much they purchase, and reason of purchase and consumption.
32
Limitations & Benefits
The limitations and benefits of the methodologies are considered throughout data
collection and analysis. The photovoice project is often used in an ongoing longitudinal study
(Given, 2011). I adapted the photovoice project to accommodate the time I had to collect data
at the West Side Market. The traditional approach to photovoice first directs researchers to
partner with people from the community to determine goals and objectives of the project
(Given, 2011). However, consumers come to the Market from international, national, state,
and local regions. Thus, it is difficult to form a group and requires more time to build rapport
and facilitate a collective conversation. Furthermore, photovoice groups often include minor
sessions to train participants with photo techniques to capture quality images. The photovoice
approach in this study allows participants to use their digital technology (i.e., cell phones,
Also, I did not want people to influence one another with personal opinions or
knowledge on food choice or the West Side Market in order to fit in with a community of
consumers and other societal norms. As a consequence, participants were only involved for
photo-taking and explaining their visual and verbal response to questions in one phase of the
Other limitations include: time commitment, flexibility and patience required of participants,
and overcoming challenges to visually capture abstract ideas (Amos, 2012). In hindsight,
communicating to a diverse audience, and balancing the research project goals with the needs
method uplifts individual voices and profoundly situate them into a familiar environment to
thoroughly think, learn, and challenge their everyday food ideologies and behaviors when
acquiring food. In addition, the method empowers, allows community members to showcase
their point of view, and think outside their personal lens on food and into perspectives of
other people, communities, and the world as a whole (Amos, 2012). With modern
used their cellular device. However, the study considered the possibility of an individual who
may not own or have access to a cell phone or internet access to email visual and written
responses. Overall, a key beneficiary of photovoice is the power to share research and
involve the community because personal involvement creates a sense of belonging (Amos,
2012). People’s lives and communities are affected every day in a way which determines
how people react to the intensity of uncontrollable factors. This includes the interjection of
processed food and the diminishment of natural food staples (Russell et al., 2014).
Ethical Considerations
Consumer and vendor participation involved no risks and can withdraw their data
from the study at any moment in time. Participant information is held confidential at all times
in respect to dignity, privacy, and interests. The researcher does not use participant
information for personal gain nor disclose any identifiable responses and actions to anyone.
This study uses fictitious names of no associated meaning to replace the participant’s name to
protect their identity. Aware of individual accounts, the researcher made consumer and
vendor stories unidentifiable without changing the meaning of collected data. I conserve the
audience of the research project to avoid improper use of account details respondents chose
34
to share with the researcher. Each participant signed an informed consent form to further
unfold.
Conclusion
The methods I chose offered participants a range of questions to choose from and
respond to in their own words. I considered the benefits, limitations, and ethical issues used
in the study because all factors effected my findings. Unexpected incidences may unfold at
any point in time during fieldwork. To fully embark on research, one has to understand the
ins and outs of the utilized methodologies and the population. A previous ethnographic
research method course exposed me to the facets of being aware of cultural and personal
biases throughout the process of research design. However, in and out of the field researchers
need to critically think about the logistics to further the process of research.
35
Chapter 5
Results
In this chapter, the following presentation of ethnographic data intends to answer the
central research question on how people choose the food they eat. I organized the following
raw data from participant observation, interviews, and photovoice into three conceptual
sections: 1.) Presence of Consumers & Vendors, 2.) Consumer & Vendor Perceptions of the
Public Market & Food, and 3.) Interaction with People & Food Practice. I report findings that
correlate to answer the sub-questions on people’s food choice behaviors and explanations to
lay out the representation of how people choose the food they eat:
➢ How do consumer experiences affect the level of engagement with place, space, and
I first introduce the customers from the semi-structured interviews and interject statements
and other responses from vendors, followed by visual and written expressions from the
photovoice participant.
Consumer experiences affect the level of engagement with place, space, and people
when acquiring food. Matthew, an enthusiastic customer, does not come to the West Side
Market often because he is not from the Cleveland area. However, Matthew visited because
he heard great experiences about the West Side Market and decided to come during holiday
travel. Matthew compared the Market to a similar experience back home, the Milwaukee
Public Market, and also to a public market in Hungary. Matthew goes there more often
36
because it is available and accessible by car. Matthew described his first impressions of the
public space in one word while looking out to the view of the West Side Market,
“INCREDIBLE!”
Frank, his brother, and great niece and nephew are from Cleveland and still reside in
the area and drive to the Market on an irregular schedule. Frank comes to the West Side
Market once a month as a special treat. He is fond of the Market because it reminds him of
the few years he spent in Italy during seminary years of study. In particular, Frank studied in
Rome and has been a priest since returning to the United States years ago. However, Frank
continued to explain that breakfast in Italy was not the same in the United States, in which he
would have never thought to eat Nutella in the morning. He stated, “…the experience
influenced what I would eat anywhere because of the additives in packaged food.” As he
looked at his niece who was eating Nutella and strawberries with her brother, he laughed
while stating “My niece says she would love to eat Nutella for breakfast.” He ended his
Marcs, Aldi, and Acme Farm Market. He prefers to purchase groceries among those three
locations, but looks for specials, other deals, and the freshest meats, fruits, and vegetables at
the time he goes to acquire food. Frank usually explores food options and often makes a
decision depending on what is needed. For instance, he was at the Market buying Christmas
gifts.
Leonard shopped for he and his “lady-friend,” Sheila, when he sat next to me on the balcony
while holding his camera and smart phone. He recently came back from a 10-day trip in Paris
37
with Sheila. During his youth he ate liver and onions (particularly goose liver) from Giant
Eagle and enjoyed the flavors. Leonard ate it in France with pâté to summarize that the food
However, Leonard came to the market to find a similar food, he found a liver pâté at a
German meat stand. He showed me the meats in a clear plastic bag where distinct colors,
textures, and aromatic ingredients were noticeably different. I could see the fine natural herbs
and vegetables. Leonard tasted a sample of veal with herbs and pork with onion at the stand
before buying both. With consideration of the food seller, I spoke with a vendor with dual
title as chef and food educator who built the foundation of her food service through social
networks. Linda is a charismatic cheese vendor and explained in her mission the necessity to
educate people and encourage them to try new foods when potential customers come to the
stand. She did not refer to her customers regarding financial gains, but as an opportunity to
have individuals taste, try, and sample an assortment of cheeses that come from all over the
world. Linda reiterated how more connections are created when you learn as you go. As
Linda ended her thought, she posed her viewpoint, “I’m like a cheerleader for my customers.
Esmerelda who sat alone in the middle of the balcony area with a green juice smoothie in her
right hand and her phone in the left. She is from Puerto Rico and came to Cleveland to visit
her family after Hurricane Maria caused severe damage and devastation across the land.
varies in food type and quality… I feel there is double the food here.” The selection of food
and the variety at the Market is distinguishable. Esmerelda explained it as a place where she
can buy groceries and something to eat at the same time. However, the supermarket or fresh
mart is preferable with organic food to purchase groceries. Specifically, Esmerelda looks for
gluten-free and organic food while keeping processed food to a minimum, although she
stressed it is difficult. Esmerelda usually shops for food alone because she lives by herself,
Matthew prefers to shop at markets because he looks for variety and quality too.
Matthew emphasized his accessibility to get the staple foods he needs, in addition to
preferable food quality and freshness. He “loves” the variety at the Market and credits the
cultural diversity.
Frank grew up near the East Side Market in Cleveland and proposed the feeling that
“…although it was not as big as the West Side Market, I could walk through when it was
convenient.” He continued to enhance his past experience by depicting the “…green grocer
next door [to the East Side Market], which was seasonal, but made grocery shopping even
more convenient.” Frank usually goes to the West Side Market on his own. He likes the
variety of food and the people who continue to work at the West Side Market, however, there
are many vendors retiring. He thinks “…the new shops are okay.” Overall, the place is
genuine to him in the sense that the Market fosters old ways of shopping with new ideas and
people who work with energy and commitment. He expressed, “In general, it is a good place
to spend money. I really like the Smokehouse, fish, and vegetables.” In further response to
what he likes about the Market, “I am generally influenced by looking for specific items
39
whenever I am [here].” In contrary, he dislikes the parking because it “…all depends on
chance.” However, he states the market will redo the parking lot soon.
Customers come and go at the West Side Market, but vendors and their food services
remain relatively constant. For instance, a woman named Nicoletta, in diary services,
describes the Market as the “greatest, old-world, food-mega capital.” The vendor perceives
her role as an ambassador to Cleveland because we [the vendors] entertain people and tell
them about our items. Similar to Linda, Nicoletta explains her vendor role from the point of
satisfaction, Linda thinks her impact on consumer behaviors derives from a transparent
approach between selling food items and where the cheeses come from—all of the ins and
outs—including country of origin, tasting profile, and how the 200 cheeses are made.
Food choice influences everyday living or lifestyle. Matthew paused to think about
how [he], as the consumer, influences food service establishments versus the food
distribution system that is controlled by farmers and food companies as part of a larger food
“As a customer we are asking for and buying local. Accessibility can be difficult. I
love the concept of how we can get food in various ways but it is multifaceted and
delicate, especially when it comes to take food home [from a market] because it is
fresh.”
“Customers simply encourage what is sold. For instance, I like to buy for my niece
and nephew. I don’t need a lot. I have had good and bad experiences with fresh
ingredients like spices, fruits, and vegetables, but knowing what you’re getting makes
a big difference. When I bring the kids here they get to see fresh cuts of a pig that
they would never see and recognize at a fast food restaurant. The look in their eyes is
priceless because it registers in their mind.”
40
He continues to explain that his understanding on food distribution comes from his friend
who sells and distributes to all stores in Northeast Ohio. Frank detailed his friendship with
Samuel who constantly distributes fruits and vegetables from Erie to Toledo by train and
truck, to and from his store. Frank shared that the produce mainly comes from Mexico and
other areas in South America. He then stated, “It’s average food when compared to some of
the specialties here at the Market, but you get a taste of both worlds.”
An employee of a vendor who sells coffee described the West Side Market in terms
of opportunity with good people. She views the West Side Market as a place where people
from all over come experience and engage in conversation while moving product interactions
because, at the same time, the Market is a grand family with long-lasting friendships. From
Linda’s vending experience, she highlights multiple ways social networks effect the service
her and the employees provide. A couple who are aspiring actors recently moved from
Cleveland to New York and came to the Market every week with five dollars in their pocket.
The couple came to the cheese stand every time and went through half of the cheese
selections. The couple requested a small amount sufficient for taste and only bought a small
amount for home. In other instances, Linda’s connection with other chefs brings them to her
stand when they are changing menus. Her role as a vendor is illustrated in how she creates a
cheese sampling for the chefs, meanwhile, observes people’s expressions when trying
something new.
From farmland, to grocery stores, and cooked meals on a table, Leonard discussed a
cooking class Sheila and he took with a professional chef in France. The three met at an
outdoor market when the chef, asked, “What are we making today?” The chef shared some
ideas and the group picked ingredients right from the market and directly marched to the
41
kitchen to cook. After the food was cooked into a delectable meal, the chef, Leonard and
Sheila, and other group pairings set-up a dining table. The complex duo pairings ate, talked,
and cleaned up the dinner table as a collective group, including the chef.
Leonard’s wife passed away nine years ago and he began to learn and cook
afterwards. In time, Leonard regularly cut-out and saved recipes from the newspaper or
morning journal and started to add his own twist to the recipes. He stated that his new-found
interest gradually became a hobby. Later on, Leonard entered recipes and new inventions
into contests. For instance, strawberry and raspberry jam with cinnamon was a “delicious
success.” Leonard proudly advertised the jam’s festive appeal as a suitable spread for the
holiday season. Even more so, he additionally purchases 8 ounce jars, cooks a large batch of
jam and creates homemade gifts for family. He explained the modification of the jam recipe
because the jam was originally supposed to be rhubarb, but the plant is not in season during
the winter. In addition, Leonard reminisced on how he made zucchini bread with walnuts and
blueberries. The recipe won blue ribbons in a county food fair and festival. The local
areas like Cleveland. Linda rejoiced in her answer to explain where all the heart and
“Family-owned places. That meat stand [points] has been there for over 100 years. A
few stands down, the daughter now owns her mother’s stand. There’s a picture of her
[the daughter] sleeping underneath the counter while her mom worked. There are
many families here who have owned their stands from past generations.”
Marcus responded to the significance of the West Side Market question while
handing me a pecan cookie from a vendor nearby. As a seller and employee of a meat
vendor, he serves approximately 100 customers per day/employee during regular business
42
days (Monday and Wednesday), however, the weekend peaks to 300 customers per employee
during the weekend. The West Side Market is a place he describes as cultural and instills
“warm fuzzies”—a comfortable and happy feeling that is accompanied with laughter.
“People come into this culture where [this] business is team and family oriented,
meaning we also take care of our customers like family. On the other hand, the
Market is always busy on Friday and Saturday mornings. It was busy a long time ago
too. This year there are two vendors retiring who worked here for 60 years. There will
be a big party for them.”
In addition, Marcus encapsulates the West Side Market and themselves as vendors and
individual people who are a friendly bunch, approachable, and open to any and all questions
and conversation. Vendors engage in conversation with both customers and vendors equally.
One vendor discussed with me what they notice about customer purchasing behavior, in
which Linda responded: Satisfaction. Linda personally seeks to “read” people because
“…looking beyond the picture…” of who’s in front of her leads to more content. For
instance, she can narrow 200 cheeses down to 12 based on texture, taste and pairing of food.
She expressed moments where customers might say “I don’t know.” However, Linda uses
her understanding of cheese to recommend customers to other booths around the Market. Her
knowledge on cheese extends to other vendor services because her food back ground taught
her that every cheese has some sort of pairing. Linda’s interaction with her customers also
stems from excitement when people visually and verbally reveal “aha moments” on their
face.
A total of ten photovoice participants were asked to participate in the project. The
photovoice participants referred to the photovoice prompt and set of instructions after they
43
signed the consent form. Only one photovoice participant submitted a complete set of photos
and brief responses to the list of questions. Lynn stood at a seafood stand with her head titled
sideways when I approached her. Lynn clutched the orange purse strap near the top of her
shoulder while looking at the row of silver fish in front of her. One of the photovoice
questions asked Lynn, “What might be a major concern for someone who might not have
proper access to a grocery store, market, convenient store, etc.?” (See below). Lynn originally
expressed her concern about what she eats and questioned what constitutes as a food if there
are many preservatives and other additives [we] people do not know what they are, what they
are for, yet alone know how to pronounce. She further articulated in written text, “Lack of
fresh vegetables and fruit. Lack of fresh meat. Lack of food which is preservative-free,
pesticide/herbicide-free, non-GMO.”
Photo Credit: Photovoice Participant, Lynn; Photovoice Image Response #15 at the West
Side Market in 2017
44
In addition, Lynn continued to explain one thing she has not eaten that she saw at the market
(See below). She sympathized, “I have not eaten seafood from the market, because I have an
allergy to it. However, it is still fun for me to see all of the colorful and fascinating seafood.
They all look so fresh. I enjoy seeing other people who do love the seafood get excited over
these.”
Photo Credit: Photovoice Participant, Lynn; Photovoice Image Response #12 at the West
Side Market in 2017
In response to “How do you decide if a food item is worth buying?” (See Appendix J,
Figure 1). Lynn “…decides if a food item is worth buying according to whether or not it is
organic and fresh. Price is very important in my decision in buying food. How delicious a
food item looks affects whether or not I buy it.” In Photovoice Response Question #9 (See
45
Appendix J, Figure 2), she describes a past or current food trend that directly or indirectly
affected her lifestyle. Lynn “…would read about organic vegetables aiding those with health
issues by cutting out preservatives and pesticides. There was an improvement in my health
after going organic, so this directly affected my lifestyle by converting me to buy organic
foods. West Side Market has the largest selection and best prices of organic vegetables.”
Lynn refers back to preservatives, pesticides/herbicides, and GMOs, “…all of which are
unhealthy for the human body...,” when responding to “What is the impact of technological
advancement in relation to food?” (See Appendix J, Figure 3) She criticized, “Long travel
distances minimize the freshness of food, put local farmers out of business, and pollute the
Lynn is optimistic about how food purchasing might change in the future. (See
Appendix J, Figure 4). Her remark on “…purchasing food in the future will hopefully change
to being more from local farmers at all stores and restaurants. Local food increases the
freshness, because the travel-distance and time-to-market is lessened. Increasing the market
for local farming allows farming to be lucrative, which encourages farming as a livelihood.
Using local food reduces greenhouse gases associated with long-distance transportation of
food.” In response to “What is the difference between food purchasing at a public market
versus a grocery store?” (See Appendix J, Figure 5). Lynn comments on how “…the public
market is a much more fun and social atmosphere. The interior is beautiful at the public
market versus the ugly unimaginative interior of a grocery store. There are more choices of
foods. The food is more fresh. The food is a much lower price than typical grocery stores.
Buying the local food helps local farmers.” In addition to the physical attributes of the
Market, Lynn observed what was around her while at the West Side Market. (See Appendix
46
J, Figure 6). She described the social and physical environment, in which “…the social
atmosphere is very fun, because it is filled with people and most seem to be in good moods.
The social atmosphere is interesting and appealing to me, because it is multicultural. People
from many various cultures that I may not see all at once in other venues of the city. The
physical environment is attractive due to beautiful architecture and many colorful foods
nicely displayed.”
In Photovoice Response Question #3 (See Appendix J, Figure 7), Lynn states, “The
space promotes good health, because it is a very clean facility and the food is fresh. There is
a large quantity and large variety of food choices. There are more vegetables than I have ever
seen at any other store. There are many organic vegetables. The meats and breads are
homemade and fresh with very few preservatives and pesticides. There are very few
processed foods of any kind.” She goes on to classify this space of the West Side Market as a
multicultural social experience.” (See Appendix J, Figure 8). Lynn further discusses her
enjoyment at the West Side Market in Photovoice Question Response #7 (See Appendix J,
Figure 9) based on “…the pretty architecture and attractive interior design…” In addition,
she enjoys “…socializing with the sellers and other shopper…, the large variety of foods as
well as the unique and unusual foods…, how fresh the food is and the large selection of
organic vegetables. The inexpensive prices are enjoyable and necessary for me. All of these
She reiterates food items that are prominent in her daily consumption: “Organic
vegetables are prominent in my daily consumption.” (See Appendix J, Figure 10). Lynn can
only acquire a few types of organic vegetables at typical grocery stores and they are
47
expensive. There are many more types of organic vegetables at West Side Market than at a
typical grocery store, and even more than at Whole foods or Earthfare. The organic
vegetables at West Side Market are substantially less expensive than any other store.” When
expressing how people connect through food in Photovoice Question Response #4 (See
below), Lynn states that “…shoppers at the Market seemed to talk more freely with one
another than at other typical food stores. I hear people discussing unique food items. I hear
discussion about how best to store and cook the food. I hear people sharing views about the
free samples. The sellers at the Market are more conversational than employees at typical
food stores.”
memories, if any?” Lynn refers to fresh vegetables. “We used fresh vegetables from local
outdoor markets throughout the countryside to make homemade soup often. Homemade soup
reminds me of happy childhood memories with my family.” While at the Market, Lynn
discovered a type of food advertisement that caught her attention. (See below). “The food
itself is a nicely arranged, attractive, and colorful advertisement which catches my attention. I
like the attractive homemade signs which describe details about each food item.”
Lynn engages with the senses and explicates her answers in a resolute manner. Her
hopes, concerns, and personal knowledge on food is present in thorough, written and visual
49
detail. The photovoice methodology is the vehicle that sets the epitome for engaged
Conclusion
I interviewed vendors and customers at the West Side Market. I randomly sampled
customers and vendors from the following food categories: dairy, bakery, fruits and
vegetables, meats and poultry, specialty, prepared foods, and spices, nuts, and oils. All of the
participants described the West Side Market, food experiences, and interactions in their own
words. The idea and act of food choice raise questions referring to consumer experiences,
social relationships, critical social and cultural issues, and the influence of food choice in
everyday life. The original hypothesis proposes that dietary habits are shaped by learned,
social behaviors. My findings report on food choice interactions and attitudes at the West
Side Market.
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Chapter 6
The purpose of this chapter is to analyze and discuss the results of food choice with
consumers and vendors at the West Side Market. This study established a framework to
prove if dietary habits develop from learned, social behaviors. Thus, in this chapter, I draw
upon my literature review on social (Hardcastle et al., 2015; Russell et al., 2014),
psychological (Hardcastle et al., 2015; Hoffmann, 2006; Holtzman, 2006; Miller et al., 2015;
Sutton, 2001, 2010), and cultural processes (Moffat & Finnis, 2010) and theory chapter
(Bisogni et al., 2002; Furst et al., 1996; Garro, 2000; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009) to explain how
people decide what to eat. I analyze my results through various theoretical lenses. The study
uses Hofstede’s (Garro, 2000) cultural model theory to explain how the mind functions
within a set of cultural values. The study uses the food choice process model (Garro, 2000) in
relation to the cultural model theory. The ideologies expand on personal experiences that
shape and form decisions during food acquisition. The cultural schema theory (Garro, 2000)
elaborates on the direction of individual thought and behavior by the nature of cultural
knowledge. The social constructionist theory (Bisogni et al., 2002; Furst et al., 1996; Sobal &
Bisogni, 2009) compliments the other theories and models to engage with collective
experiences. This includes social and cultural encounters with and amongst other individuals.
Thus, the study explores food choice by analyzing consumers’ attitudes and vendor
motivations through a sociocultural lens. First, I describe the field experience to provide an
outside view on the description of the community culture. Then, I organize the analysis into
themes, including place, family, education, time, memory, and nostalgia. I explain new
51
understandings after I consider the results from the data collection in further detail in the
conclusion.
I argue that the field experience is necessary to further consider in this study. As such,
in this section, I describe the environment at the West Side Market from an objective point of
view and demonstrate various interactions with people and the surrounding vendor booths.
The consumption of food is not only a daily occurrence, but omnipresent. We must
acknowledge various impressions of an environment on food choice and how people respond
sight, taste, hearing, and touch—into the process of deciding what to eat.
“The West Side Market is a beautiful museum filled with healthy fresh inexpensive
food. There is beautiful architecture, rich history, attractive and interesting exhibits of
food, and a multicultural social experience. This is in direct contrast to a typical
grocery store where the architecture is not interesting, the foods are not healthy or as
fresh, and most people are in bad moods.”
music, ongoing conversations, screeching carts, and the simple yet loud sound of a classic,
un-customized telephone ring present the milieu of the West Side Market. A woman in a
wheelchair situates herself at the corner sidewalk in front of the outdoor market building.
Wrapped in a black coat, she rings a bell as the man next to her holds and discloses a “Feed
the Hungry” sign. Distant voices pervade the air near the truck unloading dock. Before I
knew it the man with the sign held the glass metal door open for me to enter the “outside”
vending area, but I put the change I had at the time into the carrier next to the woman. The
man tips his Santa hat and I reciprocate with “Thank you!”
52
Consumers have the option to go straight or turn right, so I chose the longest
pathway: Right. The produce vendors were behind their stands organizing fruits, like grapes,
apples, pineapple, raspberries, blueberries, and lemons. Some vendors also had vegetables,
like celery, potatoes, carrots, lettuce, and green beans. Customer’s heads move back and forth
as they stare at the produce. Vendors and customers make eye contact and exchange “Hello”
and “How are you today?” Four people scatter the pathway at different stands. Two people
stand next to each other in front of the stand while talking to one of the vendors. The other
two stand on their own; specifically, the woman visually inspects a row of pineapples and
spiky tropical fruits next to it as the man hand selects sweet potatoes a few stands aside.
Multiple sets of glass metal doors interject between a couple of stand groupings that lead
outside. I take a few steps across the alley way open another set of glass metal doors into the
“inside” market. The red brick floors are wet, the air cold, and the view above me opens up
to dim lighting. Looking left and right, I follow the opening pathways to where a few vendors
are quickly unpacking meat from tall metal carts and then out of the box coolers. I walk the
continuous pathways that equivocally creates square-shape boxes around a cluster of vending
stands every few feet. I eventually find a side exit that leads to the main street when I look
out the glass metal doors, and then a staircase to my left. A sign directs people to the
bathrooms with an arrow pointing down and an arrow pointing up to the balcony area and
office management.
The Market activity increases around nine o’clock every Monday and Wednesday
morning and even earlier on Friday’s. Few customers walk around beforehand, either in
pairings or groups of two. People dressed in suits walk towards multiple exits holding a cup
of coffee. A female figure and child walk around the market passing both a younger and
53
older couple. Two men watch a vendor prep their food display with intricate pastries and
chocolate desserts (See Appendix K, Figure 1). The stand, among a few others, are festive
and decorated with Christmas lights and candy canes. My observation was interrupted by
meat vendors shouting at one another from each side of the market. I continue to observe as
they begin to walk towards one another and begin singing and laughing. The tones of both of
the men are vivid, but the Market’s cathedral ceiling diffuses any word I could potentially
hear. I refocus my attention on the two individuals as they return to their stands. I walk past
the two meat stands to pass another meat vendor and one following it. I continue to walk
around to realize a majority, if not all, meat vending stands concentrate in the middle of the
market setting.
behavior before, during, and after food acquisition. People examine, hold, and talk about
food within a set of parameters. The vendors create opportunities for consumers to observe,
engage, and contemplate a purchase and point of consumption with the available food at the
stands. This is a mobile environment where consumers gauge their wants and needs. People
experience the process of food choice at various locations where human activity and
viewpoints interact.
“When people are at the Market, it is as if people are travelling the world. In an open
and friendly place like the West Side Market, we get a lot of people who taste food
from various ethnic backgrounds. Customers get the chance to taste and talk with
people who create an experience from their own personal history more often than not
and that includes their stories, heritage, and overall passion for food.”
Market is a public icon that has an important seat in serving a diverse community.
Esmerelda, Leonard, Frank, Lynn, and Matthew travelled across town, the United States, and
around the world to be at the West Side Market. The scene within the Market is conveyed as
positive and exceptional. The manner of how people describe the Market creates symbolic
meaning. Nicoletta described the place as the “greatest, old-world, food-mega capital.” When
we closely look at the individual pairing of words, the vendor’s perception of the Market
emulates social status; for it is seen to be well-known and above average to any other place
that provides a food service. Also, “food-mega capital” might associate with the literal size of
the Market or a figurative statement to express its popularity. The cultural schema theory
explains “innate mental structures” (Garro, 2000, p. 284) that measure, process, and organize
Consumers constructed a pattern of thought into one word to communicate the perception
(Garro, 2000). The Market is a food destination and a homestead for specialized and every-
The Market is a food symbol for the atmosphere, architecture, and family-oriented
space.
“Family-owned places. That meat stand [points] has been there for over 100 years. A
few stands down, the daughter now owns her mother’s stand. There’s a picture of her
[the daughter] sleeping underneath the counter while her mom worked. There are
many families here who have owned their stands from past generations.”
Frank comes to the West Side Market once a month as part of routine with his brother and
great niece and nephew. The family tradition is an expectation among the children, a special
occasion for the brothers to spend time together, and a time to shop for fresh fruits and
55
vegetables (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001). Matthew’s experience back home at the
Milwaukee Public Market is a strong example of a consumer experience that affects the level
of engagement with place, space, and people when acquiring food. He is able to access both
Markets by car, but the ramification of his food choice behavior stems from familiar and
regular food experiences he speaks highly of and references. Matthew’s perception of public
markets is transnational when he speaks of public open-air markets in the United States and
Europe.
Matthew’s attitude toward food does not parallel with social relationships, but with
dietary pattern, multiplicity, and personal interest in exploring food scenes associated with
encompass the food choice process model. As Furst et al. (1996) emphasized, food choice
decisions are a trajectory of life course, influences, and personal system in unison. The
social, cultural, and physical environment a person has been exposed to drive life course and
food decisions, or essentially a lifestyle (Furst et al., 1996). In this case, the cultural model
theory dismisses the influence of other cultures in Matthew’s personal attitudes. But, he
developed a purpose to socialize where he is and engage with other customers and vendors
out of curiosity. A key component of this at the West Side Market is a safe and secured space
in which people feel comfortable and trusting in the customer service (conversation and
action of purchase) and quality of product (consumption and consumer satisfaction). The
West Side Market is a valuable location and influential variable that determines what food
people can choose. Visual ideas and actions stimulate the process of food choice, but not a
sole determinant of a food choice decision. The Market is a strategic design and concept
56
depicted as a showcase for food and cultural diversity. There are many possibilities to
interact with components of culture—language, food, stories, values, and social norms.
Lynn elaborates the connection with food and place, in which “shoppers at the market
talk more freely than at other typical food stores.” The photovoice participant heard
discussion on unique food items and how best to store and cook particular food. Lynn
reinforces Sobal and Bisogni’s (2009) explanation of food choice as formative actions where
people “acquire, store, prepare, serve, and eat.” However, in order to acquire food people
first have to inquire. The idea or connection to ask someone for information on a food is a
transitional step in a larger process of food choice. Based on the information received, the
consumer continues or stops the process of a food decision. Yet, external variables, like
affordability, can influence whether or not the consumer purchases a food item. Thus, the
interest of food is peaked by interest. The food choice model explicates this initial action as a
“showcase, diverse in language, ethnic, family and team oriented, a business affair, variety of
people, a lot of people, fast-paced, and immigrant communities” by vendors. There are
standards and beliefs that people, like vendors, upkeep within in one place of location.
Standards include safety, customer expectations, quality food and service, maintaining a
pertinent among different customers because knowledge about the Market varies between
visiting and regular customers. The physical place embodies a common ground where people
are the central focal point and food is the purpose of being present at this particular place at
57
the West Side Market. Food is a component of culture, expressed by people in terms of the
language one verbally speaks, relating to a locale and population subgroup, the physical
number of people present at the Market, and the building itself serving as a multicultural and
The presence of consumers and vendors at the Market weigh no more or less than one
another, meaning both roles are significant in food acquisition. As Bisogni et al. (2002) and
Sobal & Bisogni (2009) highlight the food choice model incorporates food choice values
from a personal system that distinguishes the pros and cons of food prior to selection,
essentially food encounters are considerable as a whole within the dynamic environment. The
perception of how people value food is present in both consumer and vendor roles. However,
the representation of place or environment is found around history, tradition, and a belief
system. The West Side Market is a space that embodies all three.
The factors propagate a food culture from the vendors who sell various foods and
maintain food options and knowledge by consumers who come to buy, eat, share, and gift
food, like Frank and Leonard. Vendors display knowledge of what each stand sells and this is
supported when vendors speak with the customers to recommend pairings with the products
they initiate interest in. The vendors facilitate consumers in the process of making a food
choice decision. The nature of the Market is different from the nature of food bought at
grocery stores, supermarkets, and other food locations because people carry out an action
where as the Market experience is a series of small actions by other consumers who buy
food. The space allows for intentional interaction between customers and vendors.
“Our old-tag-line was “Try something new!” Instead, an educated consumer is your
best customer. It’s important to look at things sideways…”
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-Linda, Cheese Vendor at the West Side Market
The act of tasting and consuming a new food is an educational experience. People discover
and categorize what they like and do not like when they try something new. The opportunity
to taste a food before buying the item is a natural phenomenon at the Market. Taste tests are
information on the food item while people taste food and discuss anything else that comes to
mind. Most vendors share a sample of food with customers, which builds rapport and trust.
Vendors encourage consumers to communicate their thoughts and feelings in order for the
seller to effectively serve and find the right item and price.
Food labels on grocery and packaged products are present to be “the voice” of a company or
producer who is not around. Store food products are brand focus rather than customer focus.
Thus, store brands have to catch the attention of customers when they scan shelves or look
for particular food items. Customers in-store are on a mission to go in and out of the store
with what they need. Some consumers at the West Side Market take their time looking at the
window displays in the main building. Vendors on the other hand encourage customers to
buy what they like, buy for special occasions, and explore food options. Linda previously
mentioned in exploration we learn not only what [we] like, but find ideas that may inspire
Leonard is a key example in understanding how someone decides what they eat
through self-motivation and investigation. Foremost, we see a dynamic role between family
and friends. Leonard decided to learn how to cook after his wife passed. There is reliance on
other individuals to provide food to eat. The dependence on a spouse, family member, or
59
food service jeopardizes a person’s knowledge. People engage less in learning how to
prepare, cook, and store food. Food choice becomes limited based on personal skills and
People go out of a comfort zone when loss, hardship and other challenges arise. For
Leonard, learning to cook became a need to sustain a familiar lifestyle. The decision to cook
and learn is part of the food choice process, which gradually shapes food habits when
practiced regularly. In addition, we see food choices can result from a hobby. Leonard
exemplifies his passion and hunger to learn because he persistently finds, saves, and attempts
to cook recipes from paper sources, like the newspaper or morning journal. Although not a
cook book, public recipes are considered to be good and acceptable in food choice decisions.
The number of shared recipes in any form of text contribute to local cultural knowledge.
Leonard also demonstrates the notion of cultural knowledge through his recipe submissions
in local food fairs with prized winnings and unique tastes of strawberry and raspberry jam
with cinnamon. The activity also speaks to the nuance of tradition and generational
knowledge because the fair has been around since the nineteenth century.
The success of Leonard’s food choice findings and hobby continues in form of
(homemade) gift giving. His act of preparing food transitions into the form of sharing with
friends and family. The personal touch of food provision emulates food education in the care
and acknowledgement of quality. Leonard and his social group attain knowledge of the
ingredient content and have free will to then make it on their own, however, this is also
behavior which Hardcastle et al. (2015) includes as a social and environmental influence on
60
food choice. Therefore, cooking directly correlates and predicts food choice, but not
People have the opportunity to share their ideas, findings, and own recipes in turn
with implementing their own dietary eating habits with other people. The idea of food
where, what, how, and why individuals can partake in one another’s food choices. There are
social pressures to buy healthier options with nutritional value (Russell et al., 2014), but the
connotation of “healthy” means fresh, diverse, unprocessed, and natural. Food behaviors do
change when people acquire knowledge on the foods they eat, but in contrary to Russell’s
remark on attitudes that remain consistent, prove differently. The constructionist social
definition theory frames individuals’ collective experiences when new ideas, knowledge, and
even images shake the psychological schema on food and subject it to another way of
thinking, which is a critical addition to the condition of memory and how unfamiliar foods
The premise of space encapsulates various learning experiences between vendors and
consumers. The social interaction reinforces opportunity for people to learn. Linda’s cultural
knowledge on the history and practice of preparing, presenting, and eating cheese goes
beyond this particular food group. She facilitates food choice decisions when consumers are
unaware, unsure, or misunderstand the food itself and how to coordinate it properly for
meals, special occasions, and the equivalence of a sensational experience where various
flavors and conversation mix and match a gracious experience. However, Linda’s
consumers to also try other foods. The decision to do so is then solely upon the customer.
61
Frank simultaneously agrees in thought with Linda, in which customers do have the
final say in what they eat, but also with how consumers encourage demand for a food item.
His motivation to bring his niece and nephew to the Market is comparable to Russell et al.
(2014) discussion on the relationship between parents’ food choice motives and children’s
food preferences. However, the role of the parent, includes any guardian of a child, family
members, or close social ties of the sort. Frank is the great uncle to the children and
purposefully directs their attention to fruits, vegetables, and food they both have never seen
or heard of, like the fresh cuts of a pig. Frank embodies a social role that encourages
exploration to try new food and observe the unfamiliar (Russell et al. 2014). The children’s
exposure to a diverse food group at the West Side Market influences the potential food
choices they can make when they are older and independent. More so, the children may
recollect the food they shopped for and tasted during the time spent with family at the West
Side Market (Hoffmann, 2006; Sutton, 2001). Food choice does not only happen in the
Comparably, Frank and Linda share a motivation to excite members of their social
group through direct-indirect and formal-informal approaches. They aim for the priceless
“aha moments” on people’s faces—a nonverbal cue—to allow opportunity for people to
build connections, like the greater process of how food is made and transported, and come to
consumers are both main concerns, as to why the vendor and consumer role are
of lifestyle, in terms of food, stems from a person’s attention to understand what they need in
62
similar consequence as to what they want. More importantly, it is how a person goes about
“Fresh vegetables evoke memories for me. We used fresh vegetables from local
outdoor markets throughout the countryside to make homemade soup often. We did
so often. Homemade soup reminds me of happy childhood memories with my
family.”
-Lynn, Photovoice Participant at the West Side Market [Lynn italicizes the word
‘We’ to refer to her family]
Past social experiences from Lynn’s youth conclude the impact of food choice early
on in life. Lynn classifies her food choice with “fresh vegetables” and “local outdoor
markets.” This account is the epitome of a constructionist view (Bisogni et al., 2002; Sobal &
Bisogni, 2009) whose personal system reveals the value of food choice in past and present
routine (Sutton, 2001). In Lynn’s photovoice responses, she exemplifies the nutritional value
in her diet buy purchasing fruits and vegetables and cautious of food with potential
pesticides. Lynn’s experience within a family unit supports Sutton’s (2001) findings with the
Kalymnians, in which past exchanges deserve notice on present and future food practices
(Hoffmann, 2006).
Gift-giving is a consideration in food choice. Sutton (2001) render gifts of food and
counter-gifts do not create memory (Hoffmann, 2006). However, Leonard’s intention of gift-
giving contrasts with Sutton’s (2001) idea on the creation of memory with food. Leonard’s
action to think about a gift in terms of food, to make a handmade food item, package it, and
gift it to another person reveals other components of an individual food experience. Leonard
provides recipe information with the gift of food which highlights how he, as a consumer and
member of his inner social group of friends and family, influence knowledge on cooking
63
food (Furst et al., 1996; Garro, 2000). The practice of cooking is routine for Leonard
(Bisogni et al., 2002; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009) and his strategy to provide gifts around the
holiday create a personalized experience for the gift recipient. Leonard did not discuss the
reaction of people receiving the gift. But, he reveals aspects of a constructionist view when
he interacts with other people’s food choice because the recipient accepts his gift. However,
Leonard shows the personal impact of gift-giving on him. He balances food choice values
between cooking with quality ingredients and sharing his recipes of quality ingredients
during special occasions and other celebrations, like Christmas (Bisogni et al., 2002; Russel
et al., 2014; Sobal & Bisogni, 2009). The commitment of giving a gift of food is a repeatable
food behavior that is prominent during common celebrations in societal culture. In retrospect,
the idea of gift-giving is transferrable to the loss transaction of food choice in terms of
Time is precedent in the preservation of food traditions among groups of people, like
family or food heritage from an ethnic background. Leonard instills opportunity for his
personal recipes to be presented in public at food festivals or through the preparation of food-
giving as a gift. Although the behavior is through an American lens, the food act is a familiar
representation between people and businesses who create an identity for people to learn, buy,
choose, and consume (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The transmission of personal and cultural
knowledge of food is distinct when a dietary habit is new, desirable, detrimental, or awaken
“I come here [to the West Side Market] once a month as a special treat. It reminds me
of the few years I spent in Italy during my seminary years of study. I studied in Rome
and have been a pastor since then. Breakfast in Italy was not the same in the U.S. I
would have never thought to eat Nutella in the morning, but the experience influenced
64
what I would eat anywhere because of the additives in packaged food. My niece says
she would love to eat Nutella for breakfast. [Laughs and stares at his great niece and
nephew] The world today is not what it used to be.”
The romanticization of the West Side Market is a common theme among vendors and
consumers. Frank’s remembrance of his time spent in Italy encourages his food choice
decisions. The Italian way of eating breakfast was an uncommon experience for Frank in
comparison to the United States. Both industrialized countries incorporate processed and
packaged food sales in stores, like Nutella (Moffat & Finnis, 2010). The idea of eating
chocolate, let alone any dessert containing sugar, is not part of his dietary habit to this day.
Yet, Frank did not curb his dietary habit to fit those of another culture or for a cultural
experience. His food choice decision to not eat a processed product derives from his personal
belief to not consume unnatural ingredients in food. Frank remembered the moment while his
great niece ate Nutella and strawberries. The dietary and health implications of processed
food is a concern for Frank (Russell et al., 2014). He refers to the use of additives in
packaged food to determine sufficient nutrient intake (Moffat & Finnis, 2010; Russell et al.,
2014).
The cultural mode theory frames Frank’s American and Italian food choice
experiences. Frank separates different the “Nutella-eating” experiences and categorizes them
into groups, like the food choice process model (Furst et al., 1996; Garro, 2000). More so, the
three factors of food decisions: 1.) life course, 2.) influences, and 3.) personal system—
reflect Frank’s livelihood in Italy and the United States. Frank encountered influences of
another food culture which depicts how he handled a daily event, like breakfast (Furst et al.,
1996; Hoffmann, 2006). This is a food moment that distinguishes Sutton’s (2001) theme of
65
“whole events” which distinguishes the recollection of food during meals (Furst et al., 1996;
Hoffmann, 2006). Frank’s reason to allow his great niece to eat Nutella is not certain. But,
his other responses on food choice support his value of people, especially youths, to explore
food options that are apart from their daily food habits. Frank’s reaction to the sight of
Nutella created a psychological response due to a memory and experience he had elsewhere
(Hoffmann 2006; Sutton, 2001, 2010). Frank and his family show confidence in their food
Conclusion
model theory provides insight of the sociocultural lens between food choice, the mind, social
relationships, and engagement with the environment. The food choice process model, cultural
schema theory, and constructionist social definition theory help frame the key themes this
study identifies from consumer and vendor responses in the ethnographic methods.
Photovoice did not portray all of the visual and written perceptions of consumer food choice.
conversations with consumers. Both techniques prove significance in the study. The
consumer and vendor narratives on food choice demonstrates the impact of food choice
approachable persona allows customers to visually and nonverbally interpret social cues or
whether they wish to commence verbal interaction. Consumer decisions are important
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because people ascribe an attitude throughout the food choice process. The key forces of
food choice include affordability, quality and nutrition, and diversity based on consumer and
vendor stories. The West Side Market suits those set of values, needs, and expectations in
I presented attitudes on how people choose the food they eat through consumer
experiences and vendor motivations. Consumer attitudes show that people subsume a set of
expectations that mirror personal values when shopping for food. I find that consumers value
fresh, affordable, and accessible food before, during, and after acquisition and consumption.
More so, consumers’ expectations on what they are going to eat reflect in their attitudes on
how they are going to get food and where they acquire it. Thus, in the case of this research,
people come to the West Side Market for fresh quality food and a social experience. Some
consumers look for special food items at the Market, in which they engage in personal
narratives on their present relationships and past memories during food choice. For vendors,
their motivations stem from values on family which honor their memory, a lifetime of work,
or a legacy of food traditions. Other vendors find purpose and gratitude in serving consumers
from all backgrounds and ages through their passion of food. This study demonstrates how
different roles, like consumers or vendors, reinforce dietary patterns and perceptions,
especially when eating and learning about new food. Thus, people effect dietary habits and
shape ideas on food. Consumers and vendors engage with food options, senses, people,
space, history, and diversity at a location like the West Side Market.
standard U.S. grocery store. The central research question might remain the same (How do
people choose the food they eat?), the location could reveal different information on how the
environment may or may not have a significant role in food choice. How might consumer
attitudes differ or share similarities between a grocery store and a food market? What are
68
cashier motivations and their impact on consumer behaviors? A subsequent study apart from
the West Side Market may focus on consumers who do not have the freedom to purchase
quality, affordable, and accessible food. How do values on food change in different food
environments? For example, a future study might consider how people choose what to eat in
a food desert. How are consumers threatened by the infrastructure of inequality and poverty?
How do consumers who have limited food options and access make use of available food,
what resources are present, the effect of food items, and local knowledge to maintain food
traditions and make necessary changes in a community. The way consumers choose food in a
metropolitan area does not necessarily equate to another region and city where the quality
and affordability of food is not feasible. Fresh, quality, variety, health-friendly ideas of food
encourage people to purchase a food. But, people choose what to eat by the degree of their
awareness in a food environment, when they are with people, and what is available. Food
choice is an observation and reflection of a self-practice in life with the remembrance of past
experiences and the perception of new ones. We learn about people and their lifestyle
practices as they share memories and personal stories. Personal narratives provide a gateway
for people to communicate similar and different ideas. People have the power to voice their
needs and ideas when people choose to listen to them with intent. We need the public to
listen to local voices everywhere. We nourish humanity with the food we eat, the knowledge
Appendix A, Figure 1 (Below): Google Map of Downtown Cleveland and the West Side
Market; See Google Maps in References
70
Appendix A, Figure 2 (Below): Ohio City Transportation Routes; See Ohio City Incorporated
in References
71
Appendix A, Figure 3a (Below): Map of Market Vendor Stands; See Admin of West Side
Market in References
72
Appendix A, Figure 3b (Below): Food Groupings at the West Side Market; See Admin of the
West Side Market in References
73
Appendix B: Informal Interview Questions with Vendors
Goal: To understand vendor motivations through personal experiences and own perceptions
Special Note: Asterisks indicate that the question will definitely be asked.
2. *How did you become a vendor at the West Side Market, and when?
a. How, if at all, has your perception of the service you are providing changed
b. Do you wish to see anything change, further develop, or remain the same at
the market?
a. *What does the food you sell mean to you? What do you think it means to
your customers?
4. *How would you describe your role at the market? Please specify your role and why.
5. *Where do you source your food and/or ingredients from and how do you look for
suppliers?
c. *Since the West Side Market is not a seasonal market, what does the origin of
food, in terms of where food comes from, have to do with supply chain
transparency?
b. *What day is the busiest for you and at what time? Please explain why.
a. In what way might a customer feel encourage to purchase a food product from
you?
8. *How do you think people perceive food when shopping at a grocery store?
a. How do you think people perceive food when shopping at a public market?
grocery store versus a market setting? (e.g. famers market, public market, etc.)
10. *In what way do social networks affect the service you provide?
12. *In what ways can consumers buy all or a majority of his or her groceries at a public
market versus a grocery store or general convenient store? Please explain how it
consumption, etc.?
15. *What is significant about public markets in metropolitan areas like Cleveland?
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Appendix C: Semi-Structured Informal Interview Questions with Consumers
Goal: To understand consumer experience when acquiring food and level of engagement
Special Note: Asterisks indicate that the question will definitely be asked.
a. Are you a regular customer? If so, do you shop for groceries or purchase
specialty food?
4. *Please describe your impressions when you first came to the market?
5. *As part of a larger food system, explain how you (the consumer) influence food
Goal: To examine consumer attitudes at the West Side Market to visually understand values
1. Observe what is around you. Describe the social and physical environment.
5. Can you capture food items that are prominent in your daily consumption? Either
7. What is something you enjoy about food shopping at the West Side Market?
9. Describe a past or current food trend that directly or indirectly effected your lifestyle.
12. Explain one thing you have not eaten that you see at the market.
14. What is the difference between food purchasing at a public market versus a grocery
store?
15. What might be a major concern for someone who might not have proper access to a
What is Photovoice?
• Photovoice is a public health research technique used in various ways to document
and reflect reality through community-based participation.
Project Goal: To understand consumer attitudes and perceptions on food at the West Side
Market through visual storytelling
Photo Prompt
• Your photos are meant to tell its intended story even when you are not around to
answer.
• When taking pictures, please keep this question in mind:
o How do I choose what I eat?
Instructions
• Use the camera function on your cellular or digital device to respond to the list of
questions provided on the separate document provided to you.
• Photos must be taken at Cleveland’s West Side Market.
• Take photos that best reflect your thoughts, feelings, reactions, etc. to the questions
being asked. Remember, you do not have to respond to any questions you do not want
to answer.
o The photos are not directed to be artsy, edited, or biased in its presentation.
• You are given the option to take one or two photos for each question if it is difficult
to take a photo that best articulates your response to a question.
• All pictures must be original and appropriate.
• Please do not:
o Take any pictures of people. The project is not meant to disturb others at the
market or make them uncomfortable.
o Take any pictures of prohibited actions or substances.
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Appendix E (Continued): Photovoice Project Prompts & Instructions
Writing Prompt
• This step is to help process and detail your visual storytelling experience through
written message.
• When writing, please keep this question in mind:
o What do these photographs mean to you?
Instructions
• Discuss photographs and reflect on your experience in a way where your story can
continue to be told as you intended.
• Please write at least five sentences or more.
• Do not overthink it. Please write down any word and sentence your photo inspires
you to think and hope to convey.
Instructions
• Please attach photos in an email.
• Rename the title of the photo with the question number when you include the image
as an attachment in the email.
• Type out the questions and your responses according to the question number on the
sheet provided.
• You submit photos and responses to the following email address:
photovoice17@gmail.com.
• You receive a confirmation email along with a $5 Amazon gift card when you
complete and submit the photos and typed responses.
Thank you!
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Appendix F: Transcript of Informal Interview Responses with Vendors
i. “Iconic.”
ii. “Eclectic.”
iv. “Undervalue – People come from everywhere and are mind blown.
v. “Mind-bending.”
i. “Greatest.”
ii. “Old-world.”
i. “Unique atmosphere.”
ii. “Character.”
iii. “Unknown.”
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d. Specialty Vendor (#2):
i. “Friendly.”
iii. “Comfortable.”
e. Produce Vendor:
i. “Fast-paced.”
iii. “Ethnic.”
i. “European markets.”
ii. “Important.”
iii. “Showcase.”
v. “Privilege.”
g. Meat Vendor:
i. “Cultural.”
ii. “Delicious.”
iii. “Laughter.”
i. “Sparkly.”
encourage them to try new foods when someone comes to the stand. Tasting,
trying, sampling. More connections are created when you learn as you go. I’m
my customers.”
“To grow and have more customers. To greet familiar faces or have repeat
customers. To eventually grow outside of the West Side Market. I could not
away... I had her move up here awhile back, but she was hesitant to move
e. Produce Vendor:
“I am not a vendor, but I care about what people like, what they get,
g. Meat Vendor:
happy.”
3. “How did you become a vendor at the West Side Market, and when?”
“I was or still am a chef. Back then I shopped down here regularly, and still
do, but along the way I built networks. I’ve been here for 10 ½ years. At first
“My mom had the stand and did bookwork so I worked my way into the role.
food stand from Euclid [Avenue]. I thought it was an opportunity to grow with
small steps.”
d. Produce Vendor:
“I have been here for 49 years. There was opportunity to have my own stand.”
84
e. Meat Vendor:
“I moved into Ohio City not too long ago and got this job through a friend.
I’ve been working here for six months.” [*Sean (Co-worker): “I worked
outside for two years and now I’ve been working inside for one year. It takes a
long time to move in. There’s more of a “slower pace” inside than outside.”]
4. “How would you describe your role at the market? Please specify your role and why.”
“Depends on the day. I’m ordering products for the stand usually. I’d say a
mix between an expediter, educator, seller, chef, and local citizen. I help
people find what they are looking for. Along with the taste tests, I let
customers know about other local restaurants that buy from us.”
“We are ambassadors to Cleveland as we entertain people and tell them about
expectations.”
“As a seller, I operate as a tour guide. People usually ask: “What do you
recommend?” “Where can I find this item?” “Where are the restrooms?”
“My role is bilateral. Some days I’m up front working with customers and
some days not too much. It all depends. [*Frank (Co-worker): “With this
“We are supporting the community with quality products and consistent
are unique and defining. We need it. People rarely find [our] cuisine around
d. Produce Vendor:
e. Meat Vendor:
“Well, we follow protocol so I would say our safety standards, quality meats,
“Family-owned places. That meat stand [points] has been there for over 100
years. A few stands down, the daughter now owns her mother’s stand. There’s
a picture of her [the daughter] sleeping underneath the counter while her mom
worked. There are many families here who have owned their stands from past
generations.”
b. Meat Vendor:
“Family. People come into this culture where business is team and family
oriented, meaning we also take care of our customers like family. On the other
hand, the Market is always busy on Friday and Saturday mornings. It was
busy a long time ago too. This year there are two vendors retiring who worked
“People from all over come and move product interactions, meanwhile, it’s a
a. Produce Vendor:
“Simply talk.”
b. Meat Vendor:
“We like to show our customers that it’s all about having fun at the West Side.
questions/conversation/all of it.”
87
c. Specialty Vendor (#4):
“Similar to how we are talking right now. Sometimes people will just bring up
casual conversation or have a question about the market while I make their
order.”
8. “In what way do social networks affect the service you provide?”
“There was a couple who recently moved to New York. They are aspiring
actors, but they would come every week with five dollars and went through
half of the cheeses. I have chefs who come to the stand when changing their
menus. I’ll create a cheese sampling for them, and it emphasizes my love to
see people’s expressions when trying something new, especially with kids. [In
the distance she sees a family at a neighboring meat stand] You should see
their expression when they see a cow’s tongue and foot. [Smiles] They might
think it’s scary or weird, but learning where and what foods they eat come
important.”
“I’m not ready yet with social media. I had an interview with the West Side
9. “Where do you source your food and/or ingredients from and how do you look for
suppliers?”
a. Produce Vendor:
“Our old tag-line was “Try something new!” Instead, “An educated consumer
is your best customer.” It’s important to look at things sideways. I’d describe
problem.” [Laughs]
“Well when people are at the market, it is as if people are travelling the world.
In an open and friendly place like the West Side Market, we get a lot of
people who taste food from various ethnic backgrounds. Customers get the
chance to taste and talk with people [vendors] who create an experience from
their own personal history more often than not and that includes their stories,
11. “What does the food you sell mean to you? What do you think it means to your
customers?”
service is friendly and outgoing. It’s as if the stand and its essentials speak for
itself.”
89
b. Specialty Vendor (#2):
siblings where home cooking always involved family. It’s a coming home
12. “On average, how many customers do you have during the day?”
“Depends on the day. It’s been slow on Mondays, but I’m still new to the area
b. Meat Vendor:
“That’s a good question. Now that you ask….” [Looks to his co-worker who
then looked to another co-worker] [*Elizabeth (Co-worker): “At least 100 per
worker/per day during regular business days, but on the weekend it can reach
“Satisfaction. Many customers ask any and all questions. Regarding myself,
well I more or less try to read people because looking beyond the picture of
who’s in front of me leads to more content. I can narrow 200 cheeses down to
12 cheeses based on the texture, taste, and pairing of food. In those moments
too, customers might say “I don’t know,” but every cheese in this case has
moments.””
14. “How, if at all, has your perception of the service you are providing changed since
a. Produce Vendor:
“The “outside” stands did not have windows when I first started. Each stand
had heat generators during the winter, sitting next to us. It was more open.”
15. “Do you recognize a change in presence or visibility at the market when people
“There was an electrical fire here four years ago so many of us were not able
to open our stands. It was difficult to not serve our customers and at the same
time income was lost. Luckily no one got hurt during that time. However, big
events happening in the area, like downtown or Ohio City, can make it
difficult for customers. We were on “lockdown” during the Cav’s win, RNC,
16. “How do you think people perceive food when shopping at a grocery store?”
“People usually go to the grocery store for a product found almost anywhere,
but the market is more homemade and more selective. I feel that people pay a
a. Meat Vendor:
18. “In what ways can consumers buy all or a majority of his or her groceries at a public
market versus a grocery store or general convenient store? Please explain how it
“People are able to buy all of their groceries from the market, but buy what
you need. You don’t need a big wad of cash. Vendors will help guide you
with what you need, what you want to do with the foods, make suggestions
and again suggest pairings with other foods. As vendors we support one
another and there is zero to no competition. There are other stores, like Aldi,
which is affordable.”
19. “What misconceptions do you think people have on purchasing foods from a grocery
store versus a market setting? (e.g. farmers market, public market, etc.)”
“Probably that grocery stores carry “everyday items” and that markets are
produce-oriented. There are other specialty products that can be bought at the
20. “What concerns do you have when it comes to the food industry, including
consumption, etc.?
are a major priority. Food safety, especially in the summer, can become a
problem fast because warmer temperatures can easily effect food quality, in
terms of it being safe to cook and eat with; this includes issues with bacteria
Goal: To understand consumer experience when acquiring food and level of engagement
Answer: “I am from out of the country. Puerto Rico. I am actually here [in Ohio] to
visit family for two months. The recent storm caused a lot of damage.”
Answer: “I look for gluten-free, organic, and keep process food to a minimum, but it
is difficult.”
Answer: “I usually go shopping for food by myself. I live alone so I can go whenever
or when I can.”
5. Question: Please describe your impressions when you first came to the market?
Answer: “It [the market] is big and varies in food type and quality. I feel there is
Answer: “I like the selection of food and the variety. It is a place where I can buy
Goal: To understand consumer experience when acquiring food and level of engagement
Answer: “Milwaukee.”
2. Question: What form of transportation did you use to get to the market?
Answer: “Car.”
Answer: “I shop at markets because I look for variety and quality. I am able to get the
[Laughs]”
Answer: “I don’t come to [this] market often because it is my first time here. I heard
great experiences about the West Side Market so I decided to come here during
holiday travel. We have a similar market though, Milwaukee Public Market, and I go
5. Question: Please describe your impressions when you first came to the market?
Answer: “There’s not much to dislike. I love the variety and credit the cultural
diversity.”
95
7. Question: As part of a larger food system, explain how you (the consumer) influence
food service establishments versus the food distribution system that is controlled by
Answer: “As a customer we are asking for and buying local. Accessibility can be
difficult. I love the concept of how we can get food in various ways but it is
multifaceted and delicate, especially when it comes time to take food home [from a
Goal: To understand consumer experience when acquiring food and level of engagement
Answer: “Yes, my family and I are from Cleveland and still reside in the area.”
2. Question: What form of transportation did you use to get to the market?
Answer: “Drive.”
Answer: “I live near Marcs, Aldi, and Acme Farm Market so I go there. I look for
specials, like deals, and the freshest meats and fruits and vegetables at time. I usually
4. Question: How often do you come to the West Side Market? Why?
Answer: “I come here once a month as a special treat. It reminds me of the few years
I spent in Italy during my seminary years of study. I studied in Rome and have been a
pastor since then. Breakfast in Italy was not the same in the U.S. I would have never
thought to eat Nutella in the morning, but the experience influenced what I would eat
anywhere because of the additives in packaged food. My niece says she would love to
eat Nutella for breakfast. [Laughs and stares at his niece and nephew] The world
5. Question: Are you a regular customer? If so, do you shop for groceries or purchase
specialty food?
7. Question: Please describe your impressions when you first came to the market?
Answer: “I grew up in Cleveland near the East Side Market. Although it was not as
big as the West Side Market, I could walk through when it was convenient. There was
also a green grocer next door, which was seasonal, but made grocery shopping even
more convenient.”
Answer: “I like the variety and the original people who started here. There are many
vendors retiring. The new shops are okay. However, the place is genuine. I am here
buying Christmas gifts today. In general, it is a good place to spend money. I really
like the Smokehouse. Also, I like the fish and vegetables. I am generally influenced
by looking for specific items whenever I am here. I dislike the parking because it all
depends on chance. Pretty soon [they] the Market will redo the parking lot.”
9. Question: As part of a larger food system, explain how you (the consumer) influence
food service establishments versus the food distribution system controlled by farmers
Answer: “Customers simply encourage what is sold. For instance, I like to buy for my
niece and nephew. I don’t need a lot. I have had good and bad experiences with fresh
ingredients like spices, fruits, and vegetables but knowing what you’re getting makes
a big difference. When I bring the kids here they get to see fresh cuts of a pig that
they would never see and recognize at a fast food restaurant. The look in their eyes is
*Samuel is constantly distributing fruits and vegetables from Erie to Toledo by train
and truck to and from his store. The produce mainly come from Mexico and other
areas in South America. It’s average food when compared to some of the specialties
Appendix J, Figure 1: Photovoice Image Response #11 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Close up picture of many veggies…of FRESH PRETTY VEGGIES”
Appendix J, Figure 2: Photovoice Image Response #9 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Picture saying, ‘ORGANIC’”
Appendix J, Figure 3: Photovoice Image Response #10 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Picture of TRUCK”
Appendix J, Figure 4: Photovoice Image Response #13 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Picture of SIGN SAYING ‘LOCAL’”
Appendix J, Figure 10: Photovoice Image Response #5 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Need picture with more variety of FRESH vegetables”
Appendix J, Figure 11: Photovoice Image Response #6 not included. Photovoice Participant
wrote: “Close up picture of carrots and potatoes…”
103
Appendix K: Engaging the Senses
Appendix K, Figure 1 (Below): Personal Photo via Researcher; Consumers examined the
stand at the West Side Market in 2017
104
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