Muslim-Buddhist Relations Caught Between

8
Muslim-Buddhist Relations Caught between

Nalanda and Pattani
Imtiyaz Yusuf
Introduction
The two main historical obstructions blocking Buddhist-Muslim

understanding and dialogue and vice-versa are the supposed
destruction of the Buddhist University of Nalanda in 1202 CE and on-
going century-long Buddhist persecution of the Patani Muslims by
the Siamese (now Thailand) annexation of kingdom of Patani since
1909. To the list are also to be added the destruction of the Bamiyan
Buddha statues by the Taliban in Afghanistan; the persecution and
expulsion of the native Rohingya Muslims in Buddhist Myanmar and
victimisation of the Sri Lankan Muslims by the Sinhalese-Buddhist
nationalist in Sri Lanka. All these events do not augur well for the
future of Muslim-Buddhist relations in contemporary and future Asia.
This chapter is a critical study of the Nalanda and Pattani episodes in

relations as they affect Muslim-Buddhist relations and understanding.
Both of these episodes have over the centuries become reified and
established parts of Muslim and Buddhist consciousness arouse
much emotionalism leading to prejudice and bias towards each other.
This is largely due to non-critical acceptance of legends about
Nalanda and Pattani. They need urgent addressing in order to build
bridge between Muslims and Buddhists for better present and future.
Religion and Conflict: Issues between Islam and Buddhism
Presenting this research after 25 years of passing since the one held in
1987 on same topic published as Ethnic Conflict in Buddhist Societies:
158 Yusuf
Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma (1988) by K.M. de Silva, Pensri Duke,
Ellen S. Goldberg and Nathan Katz (eds) which I read as a student at
Temple University, Philadelphia, USA and the events since then such
as Taliban’s destruction of the Bamiyan Buddha statues in March
2001; the 2013 bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya—the Mecca of Buddhists on
which 57 Muslim member-countries body of the Organisation of
Islamic Cooperation observed complete silence, yet is vocal about the
Rohingaya, southern Thailand and Sri Lanka does not augur well for
the future of Muslim-Buddhist relations in Asia, will have important
consequences for the future socio-cultural dimension of the ASEAN
group of nations.
In my view, Islam-Buddhism relations since 1988 have not moved

forward because of lack on the part of both sides of not being and not
willing to detach from the Nalanda and Pattani syndromes/
attachments; mutual ignorance, suspicion which are blockages
toward building constructive Muslim-Buddhist understanding and to
these are now added the rise of 969 movement in Myanmar and Bodu
Bala Sena (BBS) movement in Sri Lanka.
The post-1945 era of nation-state system has seen tussle between

different sub-nationalisms (Lawrence 1995). The Organisation of
Islamic Conference countries has been witnessing the contest for
power between the secular and religious nationalists which erupted
in full in the 1979 revolution in Iran and recent Arab Spring (2010-12)
(Ayoob 2007; Dabashi 2012).
Similarly, secular India has seen the rise of Hindu nationalism in

form of Hindutva movement which has now gained political power
through the ballot box. The Modi government and the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP) are effective political wings of the Hindu
nationalist Rashtriya Swayam Sevak (RSS) movement (Sharma 2006;
Vajpeyi October 2014; Frank & Miglani May 2014; Dharkar 31
December 2014). The early phase of the Modi government in India is
Muslim-Buddhist Relations between Nalanda and Pattani 159
undertaking official attempts to nationalise Hinduism as the main

religion of India and is engaging in othering of the minorities.1
On the religious front, the modern age saw the rise of religious
fundamentalism and also religious nationalism leading to terrorism
(Juergensmeyer 1994, 2003; Almond 2003; Marty & Appleby 1994; Stern
2009).
Mark Juergensmeyer distinguishes between religious nationalists and

religious fundamentalists. Religious nationalists are tech savvy; have
empirical outlook in relation to organisational management at
political and social level; share common opposition to Western
secular nationalism and call for revival of their native religions in the
public sphere. They are socio-religious activists. While religious
fundamentalists embrace intolerant, self-righteous, narrow dogmatic
religious literalism, are anti-modernist and are motivated by religious
beliefs rather than social or global concerns (Juergensmeyer 1993: 85-
92). Both may overlap.
There is a popular notion that Buddhism is an epitome of religion of

peace and Islam represents violent religion, this fallacy has been
proved by reality which illustrates that no religion is free from the
stain of violence. All religions have engaged in violence even bloody
ones justifying their violent actions by means of their religious
teachings (Ferguson 1978; Schmidt-Leukel 2004; Smith & Coward
2004). This confirms with an ancient African religious teaching that
the human being is essentially quarrelsome (Sproul 2013: 47).
1 The Modi government has undertaking projects at rewriting textbooks,

saffronising academic institutions, promoting Sanskrit, banning non-
veg food at its technology institutes such as the famous IIITs, and
declaring the Gita a ‘national scripture.’ The Christians have come
under attack, see Minu Ittyipe et.al. (29 December 2014); Basu 1993;
Sharma 2006.
160 Yusuf
The present tensions and violent conflicts between Muslims and

Buddhists in Myanmar, Sri Lanka and the century-old conflict in
southern Thailand have caught world attention. It is raising questions
about the relation between Buddhism and violence and also about the
history and nature of Islam-Buddhism relations and understanding
over centuries which started with the beginning of Islam and have
both positive and negative features during the pre-colonial days.
Unfortunately, relations and attempts at mutual learning between
Muslims and Buddhists went into decline since the decline of the age
of Islam and the rise of the colonial West (Esposito 1999). Since the
colonial era until today, Muslims and Buddhists have coexisted as
separate religious-socio-cultural communities with an ethnic
accentuations taking on religious colourings. This era is also marked
by mutual ignorance about the deep teachings while superficial
understandings thrives causing conflicts and violence whose roots lie
more in the area of political-economy than religion.
The contemporary state of intra- and inter-religious relations peaceful

or violent in relation to state, politics and international relations as
illustrated in different nation-states around the world concern more
with power relations between the states and their citizens and the
different political ideologies they adhere to such as secularism, semi-
secularism, communism or that of religious state all of which are
contextual and have changed over time and history since their origin,
spread and getting domesticated in different geographic, political
and cultural locales (Habermas 2006; Stepan 2000; Ratzinger &
Habermas 2007; Taylor 2007). Thus it is erroneous to think that every
religion adheres to one general doctrine about religion, politics and
war for all of them interpret their religious doctrine in different local
contexts. Just as all politics is local, so are all religions (Ratzinger &
Habermas 2007; Taylor 2007). All founders of religions stand above
the inter-religious conflicts and violence we witness today which are
mostly rooted in ethno-religious nationalisms. Manipulation of
religion by clerics, politicians and the media results in transforming
rational human beings into sheep (Yusuf 24 July 2013).
The recent bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya’s Mahabodhi Temple and the
ongoing Muslim-Buddhist crisis in Sri Lanka and Myanmar tell us
that the messages of the Buddha and Muhammad are lost on the
world today even among their own followers.
The recent forming of politico-religious alliance between Buddhist

religious nationalists of Sri Lanka and Myanmar, both of whom have
engaged in anti-Muslim engagement in their countries and the
worldwide Muslim uninformed belief that Muslim minorities are
persecuted in Buddhist majority countries will only further intensify
Muslim-Buddhist animosity, which is largely a clash of ignorance
needing mutual enlightenment (Bastians 28 September 2014). Such
mutual animosity needs urgent attention of Buddhist and Muslim
religious and social leaders, and the academia.
The ongoing violent ethno-religious conflicts in Myanmar and Sri

Lanka have attracted attention and sympathy among both local and
global communities of Muslims and Buddhists. Though presented as
clashes of religion by most international media, these are in reality
local conflicts between the Indo-Aryan Rohingya and the Mongoloid
Burmans in Myanmar and in the case of Sri Lanka it is a conflict
between the Sinhalese-Buddhists and Tamil/Sinhala-speaking Muslim
minority community. In post-colonial Sri Lanka, the Muslim political
leaders there adopted Islam as an ethnic identity marker to
distinguish themselves from Tamil Hindu/Christians and Sinhalese-
Buddhists. While this ethnic identity brought economic and political
benefits to them in the past it is now backfiring on Sri Lankan
Muslims as Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalists rise and seek dominance
in the post-civil war era (Yusuf 1 September 2014). Sri Lanka is in
what Professor Stanley Tambiah called as the age of ‘Buddhism
Betrayed’ (Tambiah 1992; 1997).
Myanmar is witnessing the rise of Burman nationalism in the political

conflict between the Burmans—the Buddhist majority the Rohingya and
162 Yusuf
other ethnic groups. There Buddhism and Islam are evoked to mobilise
people viz-a-viz on both sides, the anti-Muslim 969 movement is calling
for putting curbs on Muslims citizens of Myanmar. A Thai journalist
calls such use of Buddhism for nationalist purpose as being sheer racism
not Buddhism (Ekachai 5 September 2012; Kristof 28 May 2014; Beech
1 July 2013).
Thailand’s deep South has been subject to ethno-religious conflict

which is now 105 years old; this basically ethno-political conflict has
remerged in 2004 as ethno-religious and has resulted in more than
6,000 plus deaths (Pitsuwan 1985; Che Man 1990; McCargo 2008;
Yusuf & Schmidt 2006; Yusuf 2009: 43-54; Yusuf 2014: 922-31;
Jerryson 2011).
Human beings live by myths or narratives, they help human to deal

with predicament. In the past, religious myths about creation or
origination of the world helped human passage through various
stages of life (Smart 1996a; Sproul 2013). Contemporary Southeast
Asian Buddhist and Muslim nationalist-religious mythologised
notions of Nalanda and Pattani as ‘imagined religious communities’
(Thapar 1999: 60-88) have become stumbling blocks in Buddhist-
Muslim relations.
Islam and Buddhism Contacts
Islam’s two famous personalities, Rumi and Muhammad Iqbal have

lauded the religious message of the Buddha. Rumi, in his poem
‚Kulliyat-e Shams-e Tabrizi # 302,‛ quoted above sees spiritual
equality between the holy sites of Mecca and Bodh Gaya.
On truth’s path, wise is mad, insane is wise.

In love’s way, self and other are the same.
Having drunk the wine, my love, of being one with you,
I find the way to Mecca and Bodhgaya are the same.
Rumi, Kulliyat-e Shams-e Tabrizi 302 (Rumi 14 January 2015)
While Muhammad Iqbal, in his poem ‚Bang-e-Dara‛ also above, calls the
teaching of the Buddha as a message of truth and humanism that was
lost on Indian Brahmins while it flourishes today outside India.
Nanak
The nation could not care less about Gautama’s message—
It did not know the price of its unique pearl!
Poor wretches! They never heard the voice of truth:

A tree does not know how sweet its fruit is.
What he revealed was the secret of existence,

But India was proud of its fancies;
It was not an assembly‐hall to be lit up by the lamp of truth;

The rain of mercy fell, but the land was barren.
Alas, for the Shudra India is a house of sorrow,

This land is blind to the sufferings of man.
The Brahmin is still drunk with the wine of pride,

In the assembly‐halls of foreigners burns Gautama’s lamp.
But, ages later, the house of idols was lit up again–

Azar’s house was lit up by Abraham!
Again from the Punjab the call of monotheism arose:

A perfect man roused India from slumber.
Muhammad Iqbal - Bang-e-Dara 143
Islam-Buddhism: Religious Themes

This chapter approaches the topic of Muslim-Buddhist relations from
a Muslim’s perspective of history of religion with the objective:
1. to understand the place of Buddhism in our shared common
religious history.
164 Yusuf
2. it employs Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s reference to ‘unity among the

religions’ i.e. humankind shares a singular religious history (Smith
1990: 4).
This is done without:

1. imposing the finality of Muhammad’s prophetic position on the
Buddhist
2. or imposing the Buddhahood of Siddhartha on the Muslims; for
both positions are unacceptable at the institutionalised levels of
Islam and Buddhism
3. it view’s Buddhism as a non-theistic tradition in terms of:
- the history of relations between Islam and Buddhism
- issues in Muslim-Buddhist dialogue
- the current state of relations between them
Muslims and Buddhists have coexisted in different parts of the world,

their exchange has been largely political, military and economic,
instead of doctrinal, and only a few scholars have studied the
relations between the two traditions in any detail.
Islam and Buddhism are seen as belonging to two different and

historically unrelated cosmological worldviews which met along the
path of history and commerce between Arab, Iran, Central Asia,
India, Southeast Asia and China.
The main difference between Islam and Buddhism lies in their being
theistic and non-theistic religions. Thus Muslims should not seek the
presence of a creator God or a single holy scripture in Buddhism.
And Buddhists should not search for the concepts of Nirvana,
dependent origination and rebirth in Islam. It is a futile exercise from
a dialogical perspective. The two religions need to be understood on
their own terms without Islamising Buddhism or Buddhising Islam.
Since there are no prophets in Asian religions and no Buddhas in Islam,

can the Buddha be considered as a prophet and Muhammad as an
enlightened founder of a religion for the purpose of building dialogue?
This is thinking the unthinkable. Answer – Yes and No.
For the Buddhists, the Buddha is more than a prophet and for
Muslims Muhammad is the last prophet.
Since both of them are a part of human religious history, it is possible

to proceed on Muslim-Buddhist dialogue by viewing them as
founders of religions. But with the caution not to include one into
another and vice-versa for that would eclipse their original positions.
There is significant difference between Islamic concept of monotheism

and that of the other members’ monotheistic tradition viz., Judaism,
Christianity and the latter ones like Baha’i etc.
The Qur’anic view of human liberation or salvation lies in belief in

imageless, non-personal, monotheist God as Ultimate Reality,
complemented by good actions and deeds and belief in all prophets
who come to humanity over many aeons–कल्प Kalpa Sanskrit in
different places speaking different languages. And Muslims are not
discriminate between them and the prophet Muhammad who is the
last of the prophet.
And indeed, within every community have We raised up an

apostle [entrusted with this message]: ‚Worship God, and shun
the powers of evil!‛ And among those [past generations] were
people whom God graced with His guidance, just as there was
among them [many a one] who inevitably fell prey to grievous
error: go, then, about the earth and behold what happened in the
end to those who gave the lie to the truth! (Qur’an 16:36)
And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with
a message] in his own people's tongue, so that he might make
[the truth] clear unto them; but God lets go astray him that wills
[to go astray], and guides him that wills [to be guided] for He
alone is almighty, truly wise. (Qur’an 14:4)
166 Yusuf
O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a

female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know
each other (not that ye may despise (each other). Verily the most
honored of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most
righteous of you. And Allah has full knowledge and is well
acquainted (with all things). (Qur’an 49:13)
In Islam, salvation or liberation lies in belief in Ultimate Reality called

Allah-God and in amal al-salah—good actions practicing the ethics of
rahmah—compassion; ihsan—benevolence; ‘adl—justice and hikmah-
wisdom for building equality, justice and freedom.
In this sense, Islam and Buddhism share the objectives of liberating

human being from all forms of exploitations and injustices. And their
rapid spread and coexistence in Asia is linked to their roles as
competitors as universal religions with the messages of compassion,
mercy, equality and justice appealing to all ethnic groups across
geographic regions with their vast trading networks.
The main difference between them lies around the question of the
relationship between religion and violence, the fact is that the
prophet Muhammad lived in the hostile and warring environment of
Arabia where war and violence were normal features of life during
his life time which he reduced to the minimum while India at the
time of the Buddha was witnessing violence in form of religio-social
exploitation and not physical wars.
In the west, confrontation between Islam and Christianity led to

bitter wars, Buddhism discouraged militarism more than either
Islam or Christianity, yet the confrontation was no less profound,
not because of their difference, but because of their similarities.
(Omvedt 2003: 175)
Hence, the contemporary prevalent view found among the Buddhists

that Islam is a violent religion, is largely due to the influence of
misinformation about the historical relations between Islam and
Buddhism, non-critical acceptance of Islamophobic information

spreading through the media and Buddhist and Muslim ethno-
religious nationalist conflicts in their respective majority countries.
There is an urgent to build bridges of understanding between the
Muslims and Buddhists before the relations between these two large
religious communities go awry to their own peril.
Buddha and Muhammad: In History of Religion and Founders of

Religious Traditions
Buddhism and Islam hold that human beings have always engaged
in search for meaning.
- Hence, there were Buddhas and prophets before historical Buddha
and Muhammad.
- Qur’an mentions 25 prophets, including Muhammad and others
from the Arab Semitic tradition and institution of prophethood as a
universal phenomenon:
Ghafir (The Forgiver)

And indeed, [O Muhammad], We have sent forth apostles
before your time; some of them We have mentioned to thee, and
some of them We have not mentioned to thee. (Qur’an 40: 78; cf.
4: 164)
And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with
a message+ in people’s own tongue . . . . (Qur’an 14: 4)
The Qur’anic concept of risalah or prophethood offers an analogue

with the Buddhist concept of ‘Buddha’ in certain ways. Buddhas
appear in different epochs to teach the path to nirvana and Buddhist
sources mention that 27 Buddhas have appeared over a period of
5,000 years.
While some Buddhists are open to such a view to see compatibility

between the roles of the prophets and the Buddhas, others opine that
since Muhammad appeared chronologically after the Buddha, he
168 Yusuf
would have not known about the sage status of the Buddha who had
passed centuries before.
In other words, the message of the Buddha was perfect and complete
in itself require no future confirmations. On the other hand while
some Muslims are open to the view that Buddha as one among the
unnamed prophets of the Qur’an others who take an exclusivist view
of Islam, view the Buddha as a false religious figure. But it is
interesting to note that the early Muslims viewed the Buddhists as ahl
al-Kitab—the people of Book similar to the Sabians mentioned in the
Qur’an. Historical evidences suggest that early Muslims extended the
Qur’anic category of ahl al-Kitab (people of the book or revealed
religion) to include the Hindus and the Buddhists.2
Muhammad and the Buddha sought answers to age-old questions

about the human predicament: What does it mean to be human? Why
is there anguish and suffering?
The messages of the Buddha and Muhammad are the messages of

Truth i.e. Sunyata–Void/Emptiness as based in the doctrine of
Dhamma–about universal order/natural law and liberation through
nirvana–enlightenment. They also are messages of liberation from
Dukkha–suffering and Zulm–injustice. The Buddha prompted by
witnessing the four sights of an old man, a sick man, a corpse and a
monk representing suffering and possibility of attaining liberation
that made him leave the life in the palace and Muhammad’s
witnessing the practice of female infanticide, existence of slavery and
hedonism and his retreats to the meditation and contemplation
2 The term Ahl al-Kitab or ‘the People of the Book’, is a Qur’anic term and
Prophet Muhammad’s reference to the followers of Christianity and
Judaism as religions that possess divine books of revelation (Torah,
Psalter, Gospel) which gives them a privileged position above followers
of other religions in Arabia. See Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. ‘Ahl al-Kitab’.
For a more circumspect attitude on the question see Muhammad Hifz al-
Rahman Sewharwi 1964.
seeking an answer to these existential questions and obtaining of

Nibbana—Enlightenment teaching of impermanence and that salvation
lies in good action and Muhammad’s reception of Qur’anic wahy
(revelation) instructing that roots of injustice rooted in kufr—
(ingratitude to and denial of the existence of One Unseen God) and
shirk (attributing divinity to other than God) liberated him from the
suffering, makes both of the models of liberation.
In the case of Islam, it is Allah/God as the Absolute, non-personal

being where salvation is based on belief in Allah/God as mono-theos as
revealed to Muhammad accompanied with performing good deeds
and good conduct. The Muslim mystic, Frithjof Schuon describes
Buddha’s Nirvana as a super-rational unveiling of mercy about how
to deal with the problem of suffering (Schuon 1993: 10-11). In
Buddhism the Absolute is of ‘a cosmic and anonymous character<
Niravanic Grace’ projected through the Buddhas.
In theist Islam, the divine ‘is cosmic manifestation as Ontological

cause and anthropomorphic personification’ (Schuon 1993: 21).
Understanding this will help build cooperation between the two
religions. The monotheistic concept of God in Islam though expressed
in anthropomorphic language for the sake of human comprehension
is essentially impersonal. It is different from the personalised
Christian conception of God where in spite of its monotheistic
content God is both a person and Godhead (Maguire 2014).
Islam and Buddhism are essentially messages of liberation in spite of

their metaphysical variance.
The Nalanda Episode: Did Islam Cause the End of Buddhism in

India?
Every Buddhist unquestioningly believes that Muslims caused the

decline of Buddhism in India. This general unhistorical Buddhist
acceptance of the myth of the Muslim destruction of the Buddhist
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University of Nalanda in India in 1193 by the Turkic Muslim warrior

Bakhtiyar Khilji is now a set part of Buddhist memory. Such a view
lacks historical critical dimension, taken as given and true, it does not
ask basic questions of what the relationship between kings and
religions and their institutions in pre-modern India; why were
religious sites desecrated, when, by whom and for what purpose in
terms of religion and politics. Absence of asking such critical
questions in understanding the past events results in modern and
post-modern clash of civilisations rooted in uneducated bias and
violent conflicts between religions based on hearsay instead of
informed knowledge. Incidentally, absence of informed inquiry about
the Nalanda episode has led to the rise of Nalanda syndrome
rupturing Buddhist-Muslim relations and understanding for centuries
until today in which the Buddhists are biased against Islam reducing
its whole civilisational contribution to a single event. And Muslims
lacking historical-critical information and knowledge about the
Nalanda episode are ill-equipped to clear Buddhist misinformation
about Nalanda’s end at the hand of the Turkic Muslim invaders.
After reading the above mentioned rich tributes by Rumi and Iqbal to
the Buddha, it is hard to believe that Islam is the sole cause for the end
of Buddhism in India. Rumi and Iqbal wrote their appreciations of the
Buddha and his message in the thirteenth and the twentieth centuries
respectively. And in between their periods, there are numerous other
examples of Muslim appreciations of the Buddha and Buddhism
which unfortunately are unknown to both the contemporary Muslims
and Buddhists. The main reason for this is that after the age of
medieval Islam, Muslims abandoned the study of Buddhism from its
own sources. They started to depend on Orientalist interpretation of
Islam as Europeans discovered and interpreted Buddhism in their
ways. One consequence of this is seen in Muslim viewing Buddhism as
being nihilistic religion—a common notion found in Western
understanding of Buddhism which essentially a fallacy (Lopez 1995;
Lopez & McCracken 2014; Allen 2002).
Again, few contemporary Buddhists have studied Islam or even

appreciated Muhammad, the reason cited is that Islam emerged later
than Buddhism, thus it is of no interest to the Buddhists except in its
socio-political aspects.3
Ibn al-Nadim (d. 385/995), the author of al-Firhist, remarked that the
Buddhists are the most generous of all the inhabitants of the earth
and of all the religionists. This is because their prophet Budhasf
(Bodhisattva) has taught them that the greatest sin which should never
be thought of or committed is the utterance of ‘No’ (Ibn al-Nadim 1971:
407; Yusuf 1955: 28).
The early Abbasid caliphs who ruled Baghdad for five centuries
(132–656/750–1258) let the Buddhist Barmak family supervise the
Buddhist monastery of Naw Bahar near Balkh in addition to other
Iranian monasteries; the Samanid dynasty which ruled Persia during
the third and fourth/ninth and tenth centuries, modelled the
madrasahs in eastern Iran devoted to Islamic learning after the
Buddhist schools; the pondoks or pasenterens—the Muslim religious
schools of Southeast Asia are shaped along the Buddhist temple
schools that existed in the region prior to the arrival of Muslims.
The celebrated historian and Qur’anic exegete, Abu Ja‘far

Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (d. 923), mentions that Buddhist idols
were brought from Kabul to Baghdad in the third/ninth century. And
that the Buddha idols were sold in a Buddhist temple next to the
Makh mosque in the market of the city of Bukhara in present
Uzbekistan (Foltz 2010: 100).
The Muslims who first brought Islam to Indonesia and then to

Malaysia and southern Thailand during the sixth–nineth/twelfth–
fifteenth centuries were largely Sufi mystics. In religious terms, this
3 Among few such works are: Sivaraksa and Muzaffar (1999); Buddhadasa
and Swearer (1991); Ikeda and Tehranian (2003).
172 Yusuf
led to a meeting between the Hindu view of moksha (liberation)

through the Hindu notion of monism, the Buddhist notion of
Dhamma (Truth) through the realisation sunyata (emptiness) and the
Islamic concept of fana’ (the passing away of one’s identity by its
merging into the Universal Being) as expounded in the monotheistic
pantheism of the Sufis. Gradually there emerged a syncretic culture,
particularly in Java and other parts of Southeast Asia, giving rise to a
version of Islam that was mystical, fluid and soft, one that nurtured a
spiritualism peculiar to the region (Gordon 2001; Shih 2002: 114).
Classical Muslim scholar of comparative religion, ‘Abd al-Karim al-

Shahrastani’ (479–548/1086–1153), who is credited for writing the first
history of religion in world literature in the section on Ara’ al-Hind
(The Views of the Indians) in his magnum opus, Kitab al-Milal wa ’l-
Nihal (Book of Religious and Philosophical Sects), pays high regard
for Buddhism and its spirituality (Sharpe 2009: 11). He identifies the
Buddha with the Qur’anic figure of al-Khidr as a seeker of
enlightenment (al-Shahrastani: 1910: 1275; Lawrence 1976: 113-14;
Qur’an 18:64).
Rashid al-Din (1247-1318) who was attached to the Il-khanid court in

Persia wrote a detailed introduction to Buddhism in his monumental
work Jami al-tawarikh—Compendium of Chronicles, based on Buddhist
sources. His aim was to make Buddhism accessible to Muslims
(Elverskog 2010: 149-62; Canby 1993: 299-310).
Recently, the late Professor Muhammad Hamidullah (2002) is of the

view that the Buddha is one among the prophets. He refers to the
mention of the fig tree in of the Qur’an (see 95: 1). This, according to
several old and new commentators of the Qur’an, ‚may refer to the
Bode tree of the revelation of Buddha; and his birth place Kapila-
Vastu is supposed to have given the name of the prophet Dhu ’l-Kifl.‛
He concludes that since the Buddha attained nirvana (enlightenment)
under a wild fig tree (ficus religiosa)—and as that fig tree does not
figure prominently in the life of any of the prophets mentioned in the

Qur’an—hence the Qur’anic verse refers to Gautama Buddha.4
In light of above Muslim evidences, there is a need to address the

issue of one Turkic Muslim warrior’s destruction of the University of
Nalanda as an example of Islam’s hostility towards Buddhism and
being the main cause for Buddhism’s decline in India using historical
critical method.
In pre-modern Indian and Asian history there was close relationship

between religion and politics. It was normal pattern on the part of the
rajas or kings to build temples and religious institutions as symbols of
authority. It was also normal to desecrate such institutions of their
political opponents whom they conquered and in turn built temples
and mosques irrespective whether the king was a Hindu/Buddhist or a
Muslim as symbols of their new authority. The Nalanda episode falls
into similar pattern of relationship between religion and politics in pre-
modern India. The Turkic invaders of India from 1192 onwards
adopted similar pattern of desecration and re-construction of temples
during their rule of India. This issue has an essential political-economic
dimension rather than only religious. If the Turkic Muslim invaders
had engaged in all-out campaign of destroying Hinduism and
Buddhism in India, then no temples and other religious symbols and
practice of these religions would have survived in India until today.
India remains a majority Hindu-Buddhist-Jain country until today. It is
wrong to read the Muslim phase of Indian history as being motivated
4 Hamidullah 1974: 54 & 160f; See also Scott (1995: 141–55). An Egyptian
mid-twentieth century scholar, Hamid Abd al-Qadir (1957), published a
work in which he takes the position that the Prophet Dhu ’l-Kifl
(meaning ‘the one from Kifl’) mentioned in the Qur’an (21: 85 and 38: 48),
refers to Buddha. Although most scholars identify Dhu ’l-Kifl with the
Jewish Prophet Ezekil, Abd al-Qadir believes that ‘Kifk’ is the
Arabicised form of Kapil, the abbreviation of Kapilvastu (the site where
Buddha grew up). See also Berzin (June 1996). For a more circumspect
attitude on the question see Sewharwi (1964: 229–33).
174 Yusuf
by essentialised, ‘theology of iconoclasm’ (Eaton 9-22 December 2000)

for today India exemplifies a composite culture made up of Hindu-
Buddhist-Jain and Islamic traditions.
Historical evidence tells that the Nalanda University was first

destroyed by the Huns under Mihirakula during the reign of
Skandagupta (455–67 AD). It was next destroyed by the Gaudas in
the early seventh century and restored by the Hindu king
Harshavardhana (606–48 AD).
Turkic Muslim warrior Bakhtiyar Khilji who was a part of the

Ghaznavid Turkic invasion of India destroyed the Nalanda
University in 1193. This event has been eulogised by the Persian
historian Minhaj-i-Siraj, in his chronicle the Tabaqat-I-Nasiri, which
has been used by the opponents of Islam to charge the Muslims for
being solely responsible for the end of Buddhism in India. It is
interesting to note that Indian language sources do not label the
Turkic invaders as ‘Muslims’ but as ‘Turuska’ i.e. Turks and as
‘mleccha’—impure, non-Sanskrit-speaking people who fell outside of
the caste hierarchy (Dutt 1962: 357-58). Romila Thapar cites it as a
sociological category, for in ancient India one was loyal to social
order (Thapar 1999: 78). The Indian applied mleccha identity not only
to the Turuskas or Turkic Muslims but to all outsiders, previously the
Bactrian and Parthian rulers were also called mleccha.
In a chapter titled, ‚The Tyranny of Labels,‛ Thapar highlights how

the current reified, monolithic and static meaning of labels, ‘Hindu’
and ‘Muslim’ did not exist in pre-colonial India. Rather these
monolithic labels originated in nineteenth century interpretations of
Indian history and its periodisation into Hindu, Muslim and British
eras. Such interpretation of history ignores or overlooks the
contiguous relations between northern and western India, and
Central Asia. Rather the Arabs, Turks, Afghans and others are
referred to Tajika, Yavana, Saka, Turuska and mleccha as they
competed over the lucrative Silk Route trade between China and
Byzantium (Thapar 2001: 1001).
Thapar goes on to say that the Turkic warriors from Central Asia
who were nomadic pastoralist invaded India not for religious but for
financial reasons. Mahmud of Ghazni needed money for his wars
and the Indian temples were rich, no doubt he was an iconoclast and
as Sunni Muslim he also fought other Muslim sects. The Turkic
victory over India was also the result of their new war technique of
horse-mounted archery which the elephant-centric armies of Hindus
could not match (Roy 2012: 160). In fact, while the Turk viewed their
campaign as jihad whose meaning had change from ‘to strive’ to
qital—‘fighting,’ while the Hindus viewed their war against the
Turks as dharmayuddha—just war, the effect of this violent persists
until today. The final destruction of last Nalanda University came at
the hands of the Tirthaka mendicants.5
While Thapar has addressed the issue of Islam as the cause for the
decline of Buddhism from the point of view of Indian history,
Marshall Hodgson, the doyen of Islamic studies, whose three-volume
magnum opus The Venture of Islam is a classic and an authoritative
source for the study of Islamic world or what he calls the ‘Islamicate’
remarks that it is a misunderstanding to hold that Islam wiped out
Buddhism by means of conversion and persecution. Hodgson
comments:
Probably Buddhism did not yield to Islam so much by direct

conversion as by a more insidious route: the sources of
recruitment to the relatively unaristocratic Buddhism—for
instance, villagers coming to the cities and adopting a new
allegiance to accord to their new status—turned now rather to
Islam than to an out-dated Buddhism. The record of the
massacre of one monastery in Bengal, combined with the
inherited Christian conception of Muslims as the devotees of the
sword has yielded the widely repeated statement that the
Muslims violently ‘destroyed’ Buddhism in India. Muslims were
5 Tirthakas –Hindu Worshippers of Ishvara (Shiva) who had strained

relations with the Buddhists. See Taher (1994: M31).
176 Yusuf
not friendly to it, but there is no evidence that they simply killed
off all the Buddhists, or even all the monks. It will take much
active revision before such assessments of the role of Islam,
based largely on unexamined preconceptions, are eliminated
even from educated mentalities. (1977: 557)
More recently Johan Elverskog has shown that the notion Muslims
destroyed the Nalanda University in 1202 and that Islam caused the
demise of Buddhism in India is an invented myth. For the Nalanda
University continued to function until the thirteenth century, the
Buddhist rulers continued to be in power after making deals with the
Muslims and the Dharma survived in India until the seventeenth
century. Thus there are various reasons for the decline of the Dharma
in India which are economic, political, environmental and religious.
The Dharma declined because of its own failings thus blaming
Muslims for it is simplistic and a cobbled story (Elverskog 2010: 2).
William Dalrymple, in his review of Charles Allen's The Buddha and

the Sahibs remarks,
What is perhaps especially valuable about The Buddha and the

Sahibs is Allen's gentle reminder of exactly how and why
Buddhism died out in the land of its birth. Every child in India
knows that when the Muslims first came to India that they
desecrated temples and smashed idols. But what is conveniently
forgotten is that during the Hindu revival at the end of the first
millennium AD, many Hindu rulers had behaved in a similar
fashion to the Buddhists.
It was because of this persecution, several centuries before the

arrival of Islam that the philosophy of the Buddha, once a
serious rival to Hinduism, virtually disappeared from India:
Harsha Deva, a single Kashmiri raja, for example boasted that he
had destroyed no less than 4,000 Buddhist shrines. Another raja,
Sasanka of Bengal, went to Bodh Gaya, sacked the monastery
and cut down the tree of wisdom under which the Buddha had
received enlightenment.
According to Buddhist tradition, Sasanka's "body produced

sores and his flesh quickly rotted off and after a short while he
died.‛ At a time when Islamaphobia is becoming endemic in
both India and the west, and when a far-right Hindu
government is doing its best to terrorise India's Muslim minority,
the story of how an earlier phase of militant Hinduism violently
rooted out Indian Buddhism is an important and worrying
precedent, and one that needs very badly to be told, and
remembered. (Dalrymple 28 September 2002)
K. T. S. Sarao cites moral and ethical degeneracy, Brahmin animosity,

sectarianism along with Perso-Turkic attacks and rise of Sufism
among the reasons behind the decline of Buddhism (2012).
In eyes of Gail Omvedt, a well-known scholar of Dalit movement in

India, the flourishing of the idea that among the Buddhists that Islam
dealt the final blow to Buddhism in India is a product of
Hindutva/neo-Vedanta ideological trap into which even Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar, the leader of the Dalit converts to Buddhism
and distinguished historians of India like A. L. Basham fell a prey
(Omvedt 2003: 175).
Giovanni Verardi in Hardships and Downfall of Buddhism in India cites

the hostile policy of the Guptas towards the Buddhist Dharma; the
destruction of Nagarjunakonda;6 the emergence of a married monks;
the doctrinal debates between the Buddhists and the Brahmans
6 Nagarjunakonda, located on the banks of the river Krishna not far from
Hyderabad was an important center for Buddhist learning.
Nagarjunakonda was one of the main Buddhist centers of India from
second century B.C until the third century A.D. It is believed that
Buddhist scholar and founder of Mahayana Buddhism, Nagarjuna, the
proponent of the philosophy of sunyata (void) founded the University
here.
178 Yusuf
shaped by the theist Pasupatas 7 and Bhagavatas 8 ; the political

divisions between the Brahmanic kingdoms of the Deccan and the
territories controlled by the Buddhists (Magadha, Bengal and upper
Orissa); the coming of the Turkic Muslim invaders leading the
orthodox Hindus to realise that,
<they would have never been able to defeat the invaders and
that the welding between Muslims and Buddhists, already
successfully tested in eighth century Sind, was resurfacing in the
Gangetic India of the twelfth century, they accepted Muslim rule
in exchange for the extirpation of Buddhism and the repression
of the social sectors in revolt. Contrary to what is usually
believed, the great monasteries of Gangetic India, from Sarnath
to Vikramasila, from Odantapuri to Nalanda, were not
destroyed by the Muslims, but appropriated and transformed by
the Brahmans with only the occasional intervention of the
Muslim forces<.(Verardi 2011)
The pastoralist Turkic invaders entered India for looting its wealth
and the Mughal era since the reign of Akbar onwards is full of
evidences, whereby ‚Mughal rulers treated temples lying within
their sovereign territory as state property; accordingly they
undertook to protect both the physical structures and their Brahmin
functionaries<by appropriating Hindu religious institutions to serve
imperial ends—a process involving complex overlapping of political
and religious codes of power—the Mughals became deeply
implicated in institutionalised Indian religions, in dramatic contrast
to their British successors, who professed a hands-off policy in this
regard‛ (Eaton 2000).
7 Early Hindu sect that worshiped Shiva as the supreme deity.

8 Bhāgavata (Sanskrit: ’One Devoted to Bhagavat *Lord+’), member of the
earliest Hindu sect of which there is any record, representing the
beginnings of theistic, devotional worship and of modern
Vaiṣṇavism (worship of the Lord Vishnu); the term is commonly used
today to refer to a Vaiṣṇava or devotee of Vishnu, available at
<http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/63898/Bhagavata>.
In regard to the Ghaznavid invasion of India of which the destruction

of the Nalanda is a part, the Mughal courtier Abul Fazl, the chief
minister of emperor Akbar rebuked it as being unrepresentative of
Islam, as an act of bigots who viewed India as a country of
unbelievers and engaged in ‚the wreck of honour and the shedding
of blood and the plunder of the virtuous‛ (Allami 1977-78: 377).
Unfortunately, both the Buddhist and Muslim scholarship are

unaware of the historical dimensions of Muslim-Hindu-Buddhist
relations in pre-modern India. Such information is lost on today’s
religious nationalists who entice the religious functionaries and the
laity to engage in conflict and violence in the name of their religions.
Just as the Buddhists are largely uninformed and not ready to give
up the Nalanda syndrome—the prejudiced view that Islam caused
the end of Buddhism in India in spite of the above mentioned
contrary historical critical researches, the Muslims are historically
ignorant or poor in knowledge about the multi-cultural dimension of
Muslim history or are tutored in an invented version of the Muslim
past along puritan black and white coloured and literalist lines.
One another interesting theory regarding the cause behind the

decline of Buddhism in India not discussed here is put forth by
former Thai Buddhist monk, Mettanando Bhikkhu is that it lies in the
institutionalised Buddhism’s treatment of women and nuns and
reducing them to an inferior status viz-a-viz the male monks
(Mettanando 2006).
Islam and Buddhism in Southeast Asia Today: The Pattani Factor
Southeast Asia is the only part of the world today where Islam and
Buddhism coexist in direct religious, cultural and political contact.
Thus while the rest of the Muslim world may ignore Buddhism,
Muslims of Southeast Asia cannot afford to do so where Muslims and
Buddhists coexist in large numbers viz., 42 percent and 40 percent
180 Yusuf
respectively. Theravada Buddhism is the main religion of mainland

Southeast Asia except Vietnam which is Mahayana Buddhist. Islam is
the main religion of maritime Southeast Asia.
In the 900 years history of Islam-Buddhism’s coexistence in Southeast

Asia though early Islam was syncretic in terms of culture and not
theology (still continues to be so in some quarters) both of these
world religions have acquired ethnic identities. As far as I know there
is no Southeast Asian Muslim scholar of Buddhism and vice-versa.
Rather, Muslim-Buddhist understanding of Islam and Buddhism
today unlike in the past is taking place via Conscientia Orientalis—
knowledge as shaped by Orientalist consciousness rather than Asian
consciousness. Majority of Muslim writers on Buddhism since the
modern age have learned Buddhism from the Western sources and
have adopted and applied Western definitions such as nihilism,
polytheism, etc. in understanding Buddhism rather studying
Buddhism from its own sources and its own teachers. Such state of
knowledge ends up in dialogue of ignorance. While some
contemporary Muslim scholars have applied monotheistic religious
definitions which are related to pre-Islamic Arabian polytheist
religion in understanding Buddhism thereby classifying the
Buddhists as polytheist, a religious category which does not apply to
them (Hosein 2001; Yahya 2005).
In the case of Southeast Asia where Muslims and Buddhists share

common languages there is also lack of knowledge about shared
religious language/terms such as agama/sasana—religion; puasa–fast;
hari raya—day of celebration and even shared personal names due to
the mixing of Sanskrit, Pali, local Indo-Malay languages and their
dialects, Persian, Arabic, etc.
Buddhism was established Southeast Asia between seventh and

eleventh centuries, Islam got established between twelfth and
fifteenth centuries and Christianity arrived in the fifteenth century.
Southeast Asian population of 568,300,000 million is made up of 240

million Muslims (approx.) and 150-90 million Buddhists (approx.) i.e.
total of 42 percent Muslims and 40 percent Buddhists respectively.
Christians are about 10 percent approximately. Southeast Asian
Muslims make up 25 percent of the total world Muslim population of
1.6 billion. While the Southeast Asian Buddhists make up 38 percent
of the world Buddhist population of 350 million (See Buddhanet.net).
Majority of the Southeast Asian Muslims belong to the Sunni sect and
follow the Shafii school of Muslim jurisprudence. Three Southeast
Asian countries viz., Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei have Muslim
majority populations with Buddhist minorities. Thailand, Philippines,
Singapore, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam are Buddhist
majorities with Muslim minorities.
Islam is the official religion of Malaysia and Brunei. And it is one of

the officially recognised religions of Indonesia, Thailand and the
Philippines. Southeast Asian Muslims are made of many ethnic
groups speaking different ethnic languages such as Bahasa Indonesia,
Malay, Javanese, Maranao, Maguindanao, Tausug, Thai, Chinese,
Burmese, etc. Both the Muslim and Buddhist countries of Southeast
Asia are facing the challenges of evolving into civil societies in
respect to their multi-religious and multi-ethnic compositions.
Southeast Asian countries are semi-secular states which have not yet
become nations. Ancient kingdoms in the regions were made up of
Rajas and Sultans, e.g. the Hindu-Buddhist mandala kingdoms of
Southeast Asia viz., Bagan, Ayutthaya, Champa, Angkor, Srivijaya
and Majapahit. Muslim Kerajaan polities in the Indo-Malay world
ruled by Sultans.
All Southeast Asian political cultures are religion-based, there is no

secular discourse in Southeast Asia:
 Buddhist political culture in Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia–
kings and leaders seek to be models of Cakkavatin or
dhammaraja;
182 Yusuf
 Muslim political culture in Malaysia–sultans are custodians of

Islam;
 Catholic values inspire social and political development in the
Philippines and East Timor;
 Indonesia operates on the ideology of Pancasila–in which belief
in God is the first principle.
The two main Theravada Buddhist countries in Southeast Asia, viz.,

Myanmar and Thailand are currently witnessing ongoing ethno-
religious conflicts which are basically political but are perceived as
being religious. The conflict in Thailand is between the Siamese
Buddhists and Malay Muslims and that in Myanmar in between the
Burman Buddhist and the Rohingya Muslims of the Arakan State
whom the political state refers to as Bengalis. While the conflict in Sri
Lanka is one between the majority Sinhalese-Buddhists and Tamil/
Arab/Indian/Sinhalese Muslims who are economically better off than
the Sinhalese. In these cases, we are witnessing the rise of trans-
national Buddhist fundamentalism led by Buddhist non-violent
extremist groups such as the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) in Sri Lanka and
the 969 movement in Myanmar led by Ashin Wirathu who have
formed an anti-Muslim alliance (Ohnmar 1 October 2014).
The Pattani Unrest and the State of Muslim-Buddhist Relation in

Thailand
The century-old conflict in southern Thailand which began with the

Siamese annexation of the formerly Malay sultanate of Negara Patani
in 1909 has re-emerged viciously since 2004 with no end in sight has
become a critical factor in shaping Muslim-Buddhist relations in
Southeast Asia. More than 6,000 people have died since 2004 and the
state of Muslim-Buddhist relations in deep southern Thailand is at
their lowest. It is estimated that 30 percent of Buddhists and 10
percent of Malay Muslims may have migrated out of the deep South.
Insurgents have attacked Buddhist temples and monks and also
Malay Muslims suspected of being state informants.
The political saga of the Pattani conflict begins with 1906 Siamese
annexation of the independent Malay Muslim kingdom of Patani
which now named as Pattani in Thai and English schools. The
annexation was further strengthened in 1909 by an Anglo-Siamese
treaty that drew a border between Pattani and the Malay states of
Kedah, Kelantan, Perak and Perlis. As per the terms of the treaty the
British recognised Siam’s sovereignty over Pattani while giving up its
territorial claim over Kelantan and recognised British control over the
other Malay states of Kedah, Perak and Perlis.
After 1909, Siam embarked on a centralisation policy, which led to

the imposition of Thai administrative officials in the three deep
southern Malay provinces.
According to the centralisation policy, the former Negara Patani state

was divided into three provinces—Narathiwat, Pattani and Yala—
which now make up the three Malay Muslim majority provinces of
the Thailand’s deep South. This period also saw the beginning of the
Pattani separatist movement which was initially a royalist movement
led by Tengku Mahmud Mahyuddin, a prominent Pattani leader and
the son of the last raja of Pattani.
The era of World War II (1939–45) witnessed the beginning of the

Pattani nationalist movement. Led by Haji Sulong, it was put down
by the central Thai authorities. The first person to bring Malay
Muslim nationalist ideas to Southern Thailand was the Islamic cleric
Haji Sulong, who was a reformist and political activist educated in
Mecca. Upon returning to Pattani in 1930, he engaged in the reform
of the Malay Muslim community and represented its interests to the
government by seeking political autonomy within a federal system.
In 1947, Haji Sulong made seven demands to the central government,
focusing on political freedom for the Malays and the preservation of
their language, recognition and enforcement of Muslim law. Since his
184 Yusuf
mysterious death in 1954, Haji Sulong has become a symbol of

resistance to the Thai state.
During the 1970s, the resistance evolved into a nationalist irredentism,

and has become a form of ethno-religious nationalism with a strong
emphasis on Malay Muslim ethnic and religious identity. The
separatist movement in Southern Thailand seeks to sever the Malay
region from the rest of the country, although official autonomy is an
acceptable option. Over the last 50 years, numerous political groups
and movements formed to support this cause, but the present
insurgency is largely faceless. No single group has come out in recent
years to claim leadership. The insurgents have blended into the local
population and the unrest goes unabated.
The essentially political Pattani conflict has become a major obstacle

in building peaceful relations between Muslims and Buddhists in
southern Thailand, while the rest of Thai Muslim community
remains unaffected by it (Yusuf 2009). Islam in Thailand is a diverse
tradition; it operates in three configurations defined by history and
location:
1) the ethnic Malay-speaking Islam is practiced in the provinces of
Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat of the deep South;
2) the integrated ethnically Malay but Thai-speaking Islam is
practiced in the province of upper South; and
3) the multi-ethnic Thai-speaking integrated Islam of central
Thailand provinces of Bangkok and Ayudhya and also that of
North and northeast Thailand; this group comprises Muslims of
Persian, Malay, Cham, Indonesian, Indian, Bengali, Pathan and
Chinese ethnic backgrounds.
The first type of Islam has been historically resistant to integration

within Thai polity while the second and third types have been
integrative. The former uses Malay language as the means of social
and religious communication while the latter use Thai for both social
and religious purposes.
The insurgency movement in southern Thailand is based on the

ideology of Malay Muslim nationalism which seeks the separation of
Pattani from Thailand. The majority there are in favour of autonomy
option.
In recent decades, scholars and analysts have presented the southern

Thailand conflict from angles and disciplinary perspectives, most
recently terrorism and security. Yet, some of them have missed on the
essentially political nature of the Pattani unrest and how it has
affected Buddhist-Muslim relations in Thailand’s deep South at the
levels of ethnic, cultural and religious relations. Over a period of a
century, the Pattani factor has acquired a reified status in history
Muslim-Buddhist relations in Thailand, this process evolved over a
period of time through following historical phases.
The Post-Anglo-Siamese Treaty Phase

Evidenced in the writings of Barbara Whittingham-Jones, a British
journalist known for her compelling article ‚Malaya Betrayed‛ which
appeared in World Review, May 1946 during the Malayan Union
controversy. The article caused a sensation throughout Malaya. In
September 1947, she was the first British correspondent to visit
Pattani, from where she reported about the political oppression of the
700,000 Malays in the Kingdom of Siam (Whittingham-Jones 30
October 1947: 8).
Barbara offered an elitist perspective of the Pattani factor from

viewpoints of Tengku Mahmud Mahyiddin, the youngest son of the
last Raja of Patani and the then religious cum political leader Haji
Sulong, who has become the symbol of Pattani rebellion. This is now
part of the Pattani narrative.
On the other hand, the Thai historian Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, in

her book, Thai-Malay Relations: Traditional Intra-regional Relations from
the Seventeenth to the Early Twentieth Centuries offers an alternative
186 Yusuf
perspective which challenges the common narrative that Siamese

control over Pattani was strong-armed and advantageous only to the
Siamese overlords. She shows how the tributary system benefitted
both the Malay and Thai ruling elites; curbed local rivalry between
the Malay tributary states of Kedah, Terengganu and Kelantan and
was consonant the Hindu-Buddhist and Islamic political and
religious teachings underlying competing power centres throughout
Southeast Asia, each with its divine or meritorious monarch and as
being representative of all such relations in the region. All taking
place amidst British and Siamese competing for control on the
peninsula (Suwannathat-Pian 1989). This alternate view has received
less attention.
While an unknown author by the name of Ibrahim Syukri History of

the Malay Kingdom of Patani originally written in Arab-script Malay
and published in the early-1950s in Pasir Putih, across the frontier in
Kelantan gives a Malay perspective of Siamese colonisation of Pattani.
Syukri comments, ‚The sovereignty of the Malay rulers of Patani was
abolished through trickery by the Siamese kingdom in 1902 [and] its
Patani Malay subjects were changed to citizens of the state of Siam-
Thai‛ (1985).
The Military Era

Wan Kadir Che Man focuses on the roots of separatism in southern
Thailand, as being rooted in ‚incorporation of the Patani state into
the expanding Thai kingdom‛ it amounts to colonisation of Malay
Muslims by the Thai Buddhist state. Resulting in the rise of separatist
movement led by Malay political and religious elites and is inspired
by Malay Muslim nationalism (1990).
Two articles in Ethnic Conflict in Buddhist Societies: Sri Lanka, Thailand

and Burma (de Silva et.al. (eds) 1988) by two Thai-Muslim scholars,
viz. Chaiwat Satha-Anand and Surin Pitsuwan written in the age of
Islamic revivalism, stress on the religious/sacral dimension of the
Pattani episode.
Chaiwat Satha-Anand talks about the need for the Thai state to
understand Muslim (not Malay) religious sensitivity or it could lead
to terrorism (de Silva et.al. 1988: 35, 39).
Surin Pitsuwan, views the southern Thailand conflict as clash

between Buddhist lotus and Muslim crescent symbolised and
reflected in the architectural structures of the state-sponsored built
central mosques of Pattani and Yala and also other factors that fringe
on Muslim religious sensitivities such as the national anthem,
Buddhist festivals etc. He remarks, ‚Until the crescent is left alone
and no effort made to replace it with the lotus, it is difficult to foresee
harmony and security in the deep south‛ (de Silva 1988: 199).
Surin Pitsuwan in his, Islam and Malay Nationalism: A Case study of

Malay-Muslims of Southern Thailand, remarks that the Malay Muslims of
southern Thailand view national integration as entailing their own
cultural disintegration for, according to them, Thai Buddhism and
Malay Islam belong to two different cosmological orientations
(Pitsuwan 1985: 8, 12). ‚They do not want to be integrated into the
Thai state. They do not want to lose their religious and cultural
autonomy. If the Thai state is the manifestation of the Buddhist
cosmology, the Malay-Muslim do not want to be a part of it‛
(Pitsuwan 1985: 13). The largely ethnic orientations of the two
communities of the Thai Buddhists and the Malay Muslims have
been described as ‘closed systems’ (Tugby & Tugby 1989: 73).
The Thaksin Era and the Revival of Pattani Insurgency

After a lull during 1990s when Thailand entered the democratic era,
the Pattani unrest emerged in 2004 with a vengeance and continues
until today. The present phase of the unrest has changed the
configuration of this historic episode. Beginning as an elitist protest
followed by the rise of Pattani Muslim nationalist movements, it has
now taken a stronger ethno-religious character marked by fatal
attacks on Buddhist monks and shootings in the mosques. At present,
188 Yusuf
the Buddhist-Muslim relations in the deep South Thailand are at their

lowest and full of distrust.
The present Malay militant youth known as juwae—warriors make

the backbone of insurgency in the South, they are inspired by a
radicalised version of Malay Shafii Islam rather than the Salafism or
Wahhabism of many other global jihadi outfits. Their agenda is
driven as much by ethnic, local and political concerns as much as
religious. Most weapons used by insurgents are acquired through
theft or after battles with government forces or local village defense
volunteers. Materials for bomb-making are generally acquired
commercially or through theft. Mosques and madrassas controlled by
or supportive of insurgents tend to be self-supporting (Yusuf 2014).
The two 2004 incidents of Krue Se on 28 April 2004 and Tak Bai 25
October 2004 which turned deadly are now etched in the minds of
the Malay Muslims of the South which will take long time to heal.
After the Krue Se incident a 34-page book in Jawi/Malay language

titled, Berjihad di Pattani was found on the body of a dead militant.
The book published in Kelantan, Malaysia uses the teachings of the
Qur’an urging Jihad to separate Pattani, extermination of people of
different religious faiths, even one’s parents if they leak information
to the government.9 Chapter one of the book talks of ‘jihad warriors’
to engage in a religious war against ‘those outside the religion’ for the
revival of the Pattani state. Chapter three talks of killing all
opponents even it be one’s parents and to sacrifice one’s life in order
to go to heaven to be with Allah. It concludes by suggesting the
formation of a constitutional state of Pattani based on Sunni Shafii
school of law.10 The reference to Shafii Islam refers to the traditional
Islam of the Pattani Malays distinguishing it from the Wahhabi-
9 English translation of Berjihad di Pattani in Gunaratna et.al. (2005: 137);

See also ‚Countering Distortions‛ in Bangkok Post (10 June 2004: 11).
10 ‚Koran Rewrite Upsets PM‛ in Bangkok Post (6 June 2004: 1).
inspired Islam which is a later arrival in southern Thailand. The

Berjihad text reads as follows:
From Allah we come and to Him we shall return.

Every soul will taste death <
The pen (writer) will also die, but the writing shall continue to
survive. Carried over by religious preachers (Da’wah), they shall
inherit words and take over the leadership. I name them as Wira
Shuhada (martyrdom fighters). Imam Shaheed, the Radiance of
Jihad. The Wira Shuhada will rise in Pattani with the radiance of
Jihad Fi-Sabilillah (Struggle in the Path of Allah). Wira Shuhada
will come to the children of the land (Pattani) who are in state of
ignorance and obsessed with material wealth and power.
(Berjihad di Pattani: 119)
The dead at the Krue Se mosque were treated by their relatives as

martyrs (shuhada), whose corpses were buried unwashed following
the Prophet Muhammad’s practice regarding the burial ritual of his
companions who had died in the battles with the Meccans.
Incidentally, the 2004 Krue Se mosque event took place on the same
date as that of ‘Dusun Nyur’ rebellion of 26-28 April 1948, which was
the first major uprising against Bangkok after Pattani was annexed by
Siam. Satha-Anand comments that the new feature involving
violence taking place involving mosques and temples in the deep
South of Thailand, ‚<cut into the cultural ties that bind together
peoples of differences in a political community. Once broken, these
ties will be difficult to mend‛ (Chaiwat 1948 & 2004, 2006: 34).
Michael Jerryson’s book, Buddhist Fury: Religion and Violence in

Southern Thailand offers the first-ever study and analysis of the
Buddhist dimension to the conflict. The title of Jerryson’s book has
put off many Thai Buddhists who see it as incorrect viz-a-viz view of
their religion as non-violent and peaceful. Jerryson draws attention to
190 Yusuf
the close connection between the Thai state and Thai Buddhism and
its implications for the Thai Buddhists who reside in the deep South
as monks and citizens. Jerryson’s research, based on his residence in
Buddhist temples and among the monks of southern Thailand, brings
to light the contest between Thai Buddhist hegemony and the Malay
Muslims: ‚it subjugates, silences, and alienates the Malay Muslim
minority, their history and their identity‛ (Jerryson 2011: 5). The book
brings to light the role of Buddhist monks and soldier monks in the
ethno-religious conflict in relation to warfare (127-42).
Jerryson discusses the Thai Buddhist perspective which views the

southern Thailand insurgency as an attack on the religious identity of
Thailand as a Buddhist majority state. This brings out the clash
between the two types of religious nationalism in the country—Thai
Buddhist and Malay Muslim. Jerryson shows that while Thailand has
been successful in assimilating and integrating different ethnic
groups such as the Chinese, the Issan and even the hill-tribes; it has
not been successful with regard to the Malay Muslims of the deep
South whom it has alienated by not recognising their distinct
historical-political narrative and distinct ethnic, linguistic and
cultural identity. This failure has deepened the division and mistrust
and deterioration of social relations between the Thai Buddhists and
the Malay Muslims.
Since the end of the Thaksin regime and ensuing period of political
instability in Thailand there have been several attempts at holding
peace talks between the Thai state and the Pattani nationalists.
After the 2006 military coup, the then-interim Prime Minister General
Surayud Chulanont recognised the need for dialogue with the
separatists. The Thai government also favoured the role played by
the former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in
contacting the separatist leaders for peace talks with Thai officials.
Since then Malaysia is playing the role of facilitator in resolving the
Pattani conflict. In his first visit to the South after taking office,
General Surayud offered an apology to the southerners for the

previous Thaksin government’s mishandling of the crisis through the
use of excessive force and the resulting thousands of deaths. He also
announced amnesty to anyone who would withdraw from the
insurgent movement. Surayud sought to reconnect with older
generations of separatists of Patani United Liberation Organisation
(PULO) and Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), hoping that they
would take on a mediating role between the government and the new
generation of younger insurgents who are now even more devoted to
their nationalist cause and radically more violent in their approach
using Islam as political motiver for the insurgency. Attempts to
negotiate peace with the insurgents continued during the following
Abhishit Vejjajiva and also the Yingluck Shinawatra governments,
Thaksin Shinawatra, played behind the scene role during the
premiership of his sister Yingluck Shinawatra but not much was
achieved. The present Thai Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha
continues to the effort to build peace in Pattani by seeking
cooperation with Malaysia and also seeking to include all insurgent
groups to the talks unlike previous attempts which were largely
selective (Chongkittavom 8 December 2014).
As time marches into the future with no political end to the century-
old Pattani episode, the future of Buddhist-Muslim relations
especially in the Thailand’s deep South remains precarious and full
of growing mistrust.
Brief Comment on the 2001 Destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas
Apart from the Nalanda and Pattani episodes, another important

historical event which has become a new stumbling block in Muslim-
Buddhist relations is the 2001 Taliban destruction of the 1,400 years
old Bamiyan Buddha statues in Afghanistan in spite of appeals from
Muslim countries and prominent Muslim scholars from around the
world (Morgan 2012: 19-20). It is interesting to note that which were
192 Yusuf
left untouched through the whole era of Afghanistan’s conversion to

Islam and were reported about by Babur the founder of the Mughal
empire; the famous Muslim bibliographer al-Nadim in his Kitāb al-
Fihrist–a tenth Arabic compendium of knowledge possessed by the
Muslim learned; by al-Biruni, the Muslim scholar of Hindu world;
The twelfth century Seljuq author, Muhammad b. Mahmud b.
Ahmad-i Tusi in his Aja’ib al-makhluqat (Wonders of Creation)
treading a fine line between Islamic prohibition on image-making
and that man-made wonders does not see the Bamiyan Buddhas as
being, ‚incompatible with Islam, but rather that in some ineffable
way they are attuned to God’s design in the world‛ (Morgan 2012:
103-16). In Tusi, we have a Muslim scholar who makes an aesthetical
bridge between both Islamic prohibition of image-making and
historical Buddha’s appeal that he was a teacher and should not be
worshipped or deified.
Monks, live with yourself as your island, yourself as your refuge,

with nothing else as your refuge. Live with the Dhamma as your
island, the Dhamma as your refuge, with nothing else as your
refuge. (Dīghanikāya, Cakkavatti Sutta: The Wheel-turning Emperor:
D iii 58)
The destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas after centuries of Islamic

presence in Afghanistan was the result of blending of two Wahhabi
Salafism and Pashtun Talibanism. It is an irony that the Muslims
treated the Bamiyan Buddhas in a double manner, they preserved
them and also famously destroyed them, with the latter doing
irreparable damage to Islam relations with Buddhism.
Conclusion
‚There will be no peace among the nations without peace among

religions.‛ Hans Kung
The issues of Nalanda and Pattani affecting Buddhist-Muslim

relations need to be approached, analysed and understood
historically and critically and not disinformation using theology/

doctrine, ethnography or terrorism perspectives. It leads to
misunderstanding, breeds conflict, obstructing coexistence as multi-
cultural citizens in modern states. Same is true about the Bamiyan
Buddha episode.
The rise of Asia and amidst existence of mutual ignorance between

contemporary Muslims and Buddhists there is an urgent need for
initiation of Muslim-Buddhist understanding and dialogue. It is time
to move away from Buddhist-Muslim dialogue of ignorance by
building Muslim-Buddhist understanding and dialogue which helps
transcend local, regional and international tensions between these
two majority ASEAN religious communities. The ASEAN Muslims
who have been living along with the Buddhists for centuries need to
take this initiative on their own and not wait for lead from their
Middle Eastern religious co-brothers for the latter have no historical
or religious experience of engaging with Buddhism at religious,
social, cultural and even political levels. It is only a tourist attraction
for them. Otherwise, the ASEAN Muslims will soon face the rise of
Islamophobia with an Asian face from Yangon to Tokyo or may be it
is already here. Engagement in ASEAN Muslim-Buddhist dialogue
will contribute to building peace and resolving Buddhist-Muslim
ethno-religious conflicts. It will aid in the construction of the ASEAN
Socio-Cultural Community (see Asean 2014) which is an integral part of
the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) (Yusuf 2014). Or both the
communities will continue existing in the dialogue of
misunderstanding and mutual ignorance which is detrimental to
their own survival.
Today, no religion is an island and dialogue not exclusivism is the

way to the present and future interconnected, interlinked virtual
world. For the teachings of compassion, mercy and love lie at the
heart of all religions.
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8

Muslim-Buddhist Relations Caught between

The two main historical obstructions blocking Buddhist-Muslim

This chapter is a critical study of the Nalanda and Pattani episodes in

Religion and Conflict: Issues between Islam and Buddhism

In my view, Islam-Buddhism relations since 1988 have not moved

The post-1945 era of nation-state system has seen tussle between

Similarly, secular India has seen the rise of Hindu nationalism in

undertaking official attempts to nationalise Hinduism as the main

Mark Juergensmeyer distinguishes between religious nationalists and

There is a popular notion that Buddhism is an epitome of religion of

1 The Modi government has undertaking projects at rewriting textbooks,

The present tensions and violent conflicts between Muslims and

The contemporary state of intra- and inter-religious relations peaceful

The recent forming of politico-religious alliance between Buddhist

The ongoing violent ethno-religious conflicts in Myanmar and Sri

Myanmar is witnessing the rise of Burman nationalism in the political

Thailand’s deep South has been subject to ethno-religious conflict

Human beings live by myths or narratives, they help human to deal

Islam and Buddhism Contacts

Islam’s two famous personalities, Rumi and Muhammad Iqbal have

On truth’s path, wise is mad, insane is wise.

Poor wretches! They never heard the voice of truth:

What he revealed was the secret of existence,

It was not an assembly‐hall to be lit up by the lamp of truth;

Alas, for the Shudra India is a house of sorrow,

The Brahmin is still drunk with the wine of pride,

But, ages later, the house of idols was lit up again–

Again from the Punjab the call of monotheism arose:

Islam-Buddhism: Religious Themes

2. it employs Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s reference to ‘unity among the

This is done without:

Muslims and Buddhists have coexisted in different parts of the world,

Islam and Buddhism are seen as belonging to two different and

Since there are no prophets in Asian religions and no Buddhas in Islam,

This is thinking the unthinkable. Answer – Yes and No.

Since both of them are a part of human religious history, it is possible

There is significant difference between Islamic concept of monotheism

The Qur’anic view of human liberation or salvation lies in belief in

And indeed, within every community have We raised up an

O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a

In Islam, salvation or liberation lies in belief in Ultimate Reality called

In this sense, Islam and Buddhism share the objectives of liberating

In the west, confrontation between Islam and Christianity led to

Hence, the contemporary prevalent view found among the Buddhists

Buddhism, non-critical acceptance of Islamophobic information

Buddha and Muhammad: In History of Religion and Founders of

Ghafir (The Forgiver)

The Qur’anic concept of risalah or prophethood offers an analogue

While some Buddhists are open to such a view to see compatibility

Muhammad and the Buddha sought answers to age-old questions

The messages of the Buddha and Muhammad are the messages of

seeking an answer to these existential questions and obtaining of

In the case of Islam, it is Allah/God as the Absolute, non-personal

In theist Islam, the divine ‘is cosmic manifestation as Ontological

Islam and Buddhism are essentially messages of liberation in spite of

The Nalanda Episode: Did Islam Cause the End of Buddhism in

Every Buddhist unquestioningly believes that Muslims caused the

University of Nalanda in India in 1193 by the Turkic Muslim warrior

Again, few contemporary Buddhists have studied Islam or even

The celebrated historian and Qur’anic exegete, Abu Ja‘far

The Muslims who first brought Islam to Indonesia and then to

led to a meeting between the Hindu view of moksha (liberation)

Classical Muslim scholar of comparative religion, ‘Abd al-Karim al-