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doi:10.1017/S0272263112000022
Niclas Abrahamsson
Stockholm University
This study is part of the research program High-Level Second Language Use, funded by
the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation (grant no. M2005-0459). The author wishes
to thank all the 770-something persons who initially volunteered, and in particular the 220
who were eventually selected as participants for the study. Thanks also go to research
assistants Linda Martins and Heléne Norstedt for doing an impeccable job with the data
collection, and Heléne also with the VOT analyses. I’m deeply grateful to my colleagues
Professor Kenneth Hyltenstam and Associate Professor Emanuel Bylund for their feed-
back on an earlier draft of the manuscript, and also to Lamont Antieau, who checked and
corrected my English writing in no time at all.
Address correspondence to: Niclas Abrahamsson, Centre for Research on Bilingualism,
Stockholm University, SE 106 91 Stockholm, Sweden; e-mail: niclas.abrahamsson@biling.su.se.
and nativelike UA, or (c) the relationship between AO and the very
process leading to a learner’s UA. What these approaches have in
common is that, in one way or another, they focus on the learners’ AO
in relation to their UA of the L2—that is, the different levels of profi-
ciency that are eventually reached by learners as a result of their starting
to learn the language at different ages.
similar degrees in early L2 learners but not in late L2 learners. More specifi-
cally, it is predicted that the GJT and VOT measures will correlate positively
for early learners only, not for late learners.
METHOD
Participants
Independent variable M SD M SD t p
AGE (years) 34.4 7.5 46.7 7.0 −11.9 < .0001
LOR (years) 26.2 6.2 23.4 6.2 3.26 = .0013
L1 USE (%) 25.0 18.2 28.1 18.7 −1.18 = .24, ns
Note. AGE = chronological age; LOR = length of residence; L1 USE = L1 use.
2003a; Long, 1990), the test items consisted of sentences that were
quite long and complex. Given the fact that the participants in the pre-
sent study had been living in the L2 environment for at least 15 years
(see 5 years in Johnson & Newport, 1989) and for 25 years on average,
it was decided that demanding test items would more accurately gauge
the participants’ L2 proficiency than items of the kind used in earlier
studies (such as *Mary will goes to Europe next year, *When Sam will fix
his car?; examples from Johnson & Newport, 1989), and ceiling effects
would thus be avoided, even among the NS controls. Additionally, the
use of a test with a high degree of difficulty and cognitive load even for
NSs serves as a better means to distinguish between native and near-
native intuitions and between near-native and clearly nonnative intui-
tions as well as between different degrees of near-nativeness, and this
test can therefore be seen as a guarantee against conclusions based
on underanalyzed data (see Abrahamsson & Hyltenstam, 2008, 2009;
McDonald, 2006).
The stimulus sentences were recorded in an anechoic chamber by a
female NS of Stockholm Swedish. The sentences were played through
KOSS TX/PRO earphones in random order for all participants. Once a
given sentence was presented, the test taker was granted a maximum of
10 s to indicate whether he or she perceived the sentence as grammati-
cally correct or incorrect. Responses were submitted by pressing a
green YES or a red NO button at any point during or after the sentence
presentation. The next sentence was loaded and presented once one of
the response buttons was pressed. If no response was submitted before
time expired, a new sentence was presented; these cases were analyzed
as incorrect responses. The test was designed and run in E-Prime v1.0
(Schneider, Eschman, & Zuccolotto, 2002a, 2002b) and took 15–20
minutes to complete.
RESULTS
The results of the GJT and VOT test for the NSs, the early L2 learners
(AO 1–15), and the late L2 learners (AO 16–30) are presented in Table 2.
The NS mean score on the GJT was 66 (out of 80), and 53 and 45 for
the early and late learners, respectively. A one-way ANOVA showed
that there were statistically significant differences between the groups,
F(2, 220) = 82.68, p < .0001, and post hoc tests confirmed that the differ-
ences between adjacent groups—that is, between the NSs and the early
L2 learners and between the early and late L2 learners—were statistically
significant, t = 7.33 and 7.81, respectively, p < .01 (using the Bonferroni
correction to adjust for multiple comparisons). The effect size of the NS
and early L2 group difference was very large (Cohen’s d = 1.65), whereas
the effect size of the difference between the two L2 groups was large
(d = −1.10). The mean crossover points on the VOT perception test were
+8.81 ms for the NS group, −2.40 ms for the early L2 group, and −9.72 ms
for the late L2 group. Again, an ANOVA test revealed statistically signif-
icant differences between groups, F(2, 215) = 32.97, p < .0001, and post
hoc tests revealed statistically significant differences between the
NSs and early L2 learners, t = 4.56, and between the two L2 groups, 5.09,
p < .01 (with Bonferroni correction). Effect sizes of these differences
were large (d = 1.09) and medium (d = −0.73), respectively.
A more detailed representation of the age function is given in Figure 2,
in which (a) GJT scores and (b) VOT crossover points (in ms) have
Table 2. GJT mean scores and VOT mean crossover points (ms) of
NSs, L2 speakers AO 1–15, and L2 speakers AO 16–30
Participant group
Figure 2. GJT scores and VOT crossover points plotted against AO.
Independent
Learner group variable r p r p
AO 1–30 n = 200/195i AO −.60 < .001 −.47 < .001
LOR .26 < .001 .14 = .051, ns
L1 USE −.26 < .001 −.21 < .01
AGE −.38 < .001 −.35 < .001
AO 1–15 n = 101/100i AO −.58 < .001 −.51 < .001
LOR .27 < .01 .25 < .0125
L1 USE −.28 < .01 −.31 < .01
AGE −.14 = .163, ns −.12 = .234, ns
AO 16–30 n = 99/95i AO −.05 = .623, ns −.17 = .1, ns
LOR .04 = .694, ns −.19 = .065, ns
L1 USE −.22 = .029, ns −.07 = .5, ns
AGE .01 = .922, ns −.27 < .01
i Five participants (one in the AO 1–15 group and four in the AO 15–30 group) were removed from the
AO 1.00 – – –
AGE .75 1.00 – –
LOR −.25 .41 1.00 –
L1 USE .05 .03 −.03 1.00
Table 5. First-order partial correlations of AO and other independent variables (LOR, L1 USE, AGE) with GJT-VOT
results
The last data set to be presented has the potential of shedding some
light on the question of whether L2 speakers with different AOs have
approached the task of learning the new language via fundamentally
different learning mechanisms or cognitive processes. It was predicted
that, irrespective of the level of UA, the early learners would show evi-
dence that their morphosyntactic and phonetic intuition had developed
together (simultaneously) as an interdependent whole, although this
would not necessarily be the case for late learners whose grammatical
and phonetic skills could have developed independently of each other.
This means that the GJT and VOT measures should be expected to cor-
relate in the AO 1–15 group, but not in the AO 16–30 group.
Figure 3 presents the correlations between GJT and VOT results. In
Figure 3a, all participants, including the NS group, are represented. It is
possible to see that, in general, results on the GJT and the VOT do seem
to correlate (r = .48, p < .001). However, unless a test-wiseness effect was
involved, these two distinct measures should not be expected to corre-
late in NSs. That is, for a NS, who, by definition, has attained nativelike
proficiency, a high result on a test of grammatical intuition should not
imply a highly positive crossover point on the VOT continuum for stop
consonants, nor should a negative VOT crossover point be expected to
be associated with low grammatical intuition. In other words, as soon
as two given linguistic features of the L1 have fully developed and
crossed the finishing line, it is no longer possible to predict that results
from tests of these features will correlate—at least as long as there is no
causal relationship between them, which, of course, is not the case with
the morphosyntactic structures of the present GJT and the voicing con-
trast investigated with the VOT test. Only via snapshots of ongoing L1
or L2 acquisition, or through the observation of learner systems that
have stabilized somewhere along the interlanguage continuum, should
such a relation be present; once native proficiency has been reached,
any variation in grammatical and phonetic abilities should be random.
Therefore, for the NSs high scores on the GJT and positive VOT cross-
overs would be expected—with little individual variation—but not nec-
essarily a correlation between the two measures. As can be seen in
Figure 3b, this is (in principle) what was found: Even though the total
variation was somewhat greater than expected (e.g., no NSs were ac-
tually expected to locate the mean crossover point on the negative side
of the VOT continuum), the plots are still gathered in the top-right cor-
ner of the figure, and no correlation between GJT and VOT was found
(r = −.06, p = .80).
Turning next to Figure 3c, it is possible to see that the late-learner
plots are to be found at the bottom-left corner, indicating relatively low
GJT scores and relatively negative VOT crossover points, as presented
in previous sections. As expected, there was no correlation between the
two measures (r = −.09, p = .39), possibly indicating that the learning of
grammatical aspects at a certain level does not automatically imply
learning of phonetic aspects at the same or even a similar level. On the
contrary, as the scatter plot shows, those late learners with the most
nativelike (i.e., positive) VOT crossover points also had low GJT scores
(close to chance level), whereas those with the highest GJT scores (at
around 55 to 57) also had negative VOTs.
Finally, in Figure 3d, the early learners have been extracted and
plotted separately. As expected, there was a positive (medium strong)
correlation between GJT scores and VOT crossover points (r = .44,
p < .001), which possibly indicates that grammatical and phonetic intu-
itions have developed simultaneously. The problem is, however, that
AO, which proved to have the strongest effect among the independent
variables on both GJT and VOT, is probably having an indirect effect on
208 Niclas Abrahamsson
this pattern as well; that is, it is not possible to be certain that the cor-
relation between GJT and VOT is not just an artifact of the strong corre-
lations between GJT and AO, and VOT and AO, respectively. In fact, a
partial correlation between GJT and VOT with the effect of AO removed
resulted in a much weaker correlation, r = .21, p = .04. Using the cor-
rected α (p = .0125), this result is not statistically significant; it is only
significant if the original α level (p = .05) is used. It should be noted,
however, that despite the low correlation coefficient and low (or no)
statistical significance, the AO 1–15 group was the only one among the
three participant groups to exhibit any kind of relationship between
GJT and VOT. At best, this may be an indication that different parts of
the L2 develop with different rates and even by different means in early
and late learners—at least, there is nothing in these data that would
speak against such an interpretation.
DISCUSSION
which nativelike results on both tests were obtained. This means that
no completely nativelike behaviors were observed in this study among
L2 learners who began their L2 acquisition after the age of 13—or after
puberty, in Lenneberg’s (1967) words. More than half of the learners
beyond this AO exhibited nonnativelike results on both the GJT and the
VOT test, whereas, obviously, the remaining late learners were native-
like on one of the measures. Furthermore, more than half of the partici-
pants who had begun their acquisition of Swedish between ages 1 and 6
exhibited nativelike results on both the grammatical and phonetic tests.
In principle, the rest of the early-childhood learners (i.e., AO 1–6) were
nativelike on at least one of the tests, and only two individuals in this
AO range were nonnativelike on both tests. These results suggest that
nativelikeness in both morphosyntactic and phonetic intuition is highly
probable if L2 acquisition starts in early childhood (AO ≤ 6), relatively
rare if it starts in later childhood (AO 7–13), and highly unlikely (or even
impossible) if first L2 exposure occurs after puberty (AO > 13). Con-
versely, the data also show that nonnativelike intuition of both morpho-
syntactic and phonetic features is highly improbable if L2 acquisition
begins during early childhood, relatively rare if it starts in later child-
hood, but quite common if it starts in the early teens or in adulthood.
The results are also in absolute agreement with our previous studies
and argumentation on AO and nativelike L2 UA, and they confirm the
absolute need for studies aimed at investigating the CPH through
the identification of nativelike late learners to employ several measures
(at least more than one), preferably representing several (and again, at
least more than one) linguistic levels (for discussion, see Abrahamsson &
Hyltenstam, 2009; Hyltenstam & Abrahamsson, 2003a, 2003b).
Finally, in hypothesis 3, it was predicted that the results on the GJT
and the VOT test would positively correlate with each other for early
learners only, but not for late learners (nor for NSs). Before discussing
the results, it is necessary to briefly recapitulate the theoretical motiva-
tion for the hypothesis. Behind the prediction lies the assumption that
grammatical and phonetic intuitions should develop more or less simul-
taneously and to a similar degree if the language has been acquired
automatically, incidentally, and implicitly as an interdependent or inter-
connected whole, but not if it was learned consciously, intentionally,
and explicitly as independent, separate parts of a whole. This, in turn,
would potentially suggest that early and late L2 learners use fundamen-
tally different systems: Although children automatically acquire the
morphosyntactic and phonetic-phonological system “from mere expo-
sure” (Lenneberg, 1967, p. 176) through innate, domain-specific mecha-
nisms (Bley-Vroman, 1989; DeKeyser, 2000) and by using mostly
procedural memory resources (Paradis, 2009), adults have lost most of
these abilities and instead must learn the L2 consciously, through for-
mal instruction, and via their domain-general cognitive system, using
210 Niclas Abrahamsson
NOTES
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214 Niclas Abrahamsson
APPENDIX
*Med tanke på att den högkonjunktur landet gick mot var mycket tydlig man förstår
[förstår man] kapitalägarnas uppfattning gällande ekonomiska skyddstullar.
“Given that the economic upturn the country was approaching was
very obvious, one understands the capitalists’ position regarding pro-
tectionist tolls.”
*De mest rutinerade kroppsbyggarna såg till att sina [deras] benmuskler utveck-
lades i samma takt som övriga muskler.
“The most experienced body builders made certain that their leg mus-
cles developed at the same rate as their other muscles.”
“The ship rammed a rowboat that the helmsman hadn’t noticed on his
radar, which had catastrophic consequences.”
*Skjulen som varit skymda av den höga stenmuren och därför inte existerat i folks
medvetande blev nu helt blottlagd [blottlagda].
“The sheds that had been hidden by the high stone wall, and therefore
nonexistent in people’s consciousness, were now suddenly entirely
exposed.”