TITLE: ASSESSING THE BENEFITS AND CHALLENGES ASSOCIATED

MIGRATION FROM THE NORTH TO THE SOUTH IN GHANA: A CASE STUDY OF

THE MIGRANTS IN NIMA
1.0 Introduction
Formerly postulations on migration were more about poverty of places rather than people. This

was symptomatic of thinking at the time which saw poverty reduction to be synonymous with

national development and GDP growth. Development was posed as a problem of structural

transformation of the rural backward sector into the urban modern sector (Lewis 1954). Probably

the most important theoretical starting point for migration theories is built on this idea: the Harris-

Todaro Model (Todaro 1969, Harris and Todaro 1970).

In this, a prospective migrant weighs the difference between the expected earnings from formal

sector urban employment (possibly after an initial period of informal sector employment), and the

expected earnings in the village (Barber et al, 2004). While the general validity of the model has

been affirmed empirically, its two-sector characterization simplifies patterns of migration (it

ignores rural-rural migration, and return to rural areas, for example, and as a result under-

emphasizes migration by the poorest) and misses how labour markets connect to product or output

markets.

Very recent migration literature has emphasized family strategies as crucial elements in migration

decisions (Stark, 1991). The family is conceptualized as a coalition vis-à vis the rest of the world,

and family members share costs and rewards of migration. Migration is seen as a form of income

and asset diversification by families, with families investing in migrants, migrants in families, and

both expecting returns from that. Adolescent children are probably part of this, especially in poor

communities where a long period of childhood is unaffordable, but the literature on family

migration strategies generally makes no recognition of children.

Economic models using this line of theory have been of two types (de la Brière et al. 1997). One

type focuses on implicit insurance contracts between the migrant and the household left behind to

cope with household risk, and shows the role of remittances as a form of portfolio diversification.

A second type builds on literature around bequest motives, and sees remittances as investments in

household assets that the migrant will later inherit, supported by analyses of different remittance

behaviours between men and women (caused by gender-differentiated inheritance rules). Using

households rather than places as the unit of analysis is appropriate for a number of reasons. First,

it sits more comfortably with sociological and anthropological analysis. Second, it takes better

account of the fact that much, if not most, migration is “circular”, with continued interactions with

areas of origins rather than a one-way and one-off move (Joll & Reeves, 2005).

This takes the analysis out of the (implicit) emphasis on “transition” in the rural–urban models of

Harris and Todaro. Third, a focus on households should, in principle, make it easier to incorporate

findings from the dominant kind of poverty analysis, with its focus on households. However, the

“new economics of migration” remains grounded in a functionalistic and individualistic

framework. Migration is seen primarily in terms of contractual arrangements within the household,

and as solutions to market failures, such as the absence of access to insurance or investment in

education. Deshingkar &Grimm (2004) posit that, there is little attention to the “non-economic”

factors that drive such decisions that help, for example, to differentiate migration for women, men,

girls and boys.

A great amount of literature emphasizes the role of social and other institutions in migration,

sometimes seen as being consistent with traditional values and other times as “unravelling the

social fabric”. While the new economics emphasizes the role of family for analyzing migration-
poverty linkages, it fails to sufficiently emphasize that these linkages are mediated by cultural

factors, values, and so on (Chant and Redcliffe 1992; Wright 1995).

1.1 Statement of Problem

It is argued more often by scholars such as Newland & Patrick (2004), that research on linkages

between migration and poverty can, and should, start with knowledge about poverty itself: what it

is, what causes it, what reduces it, poor people’s agency as well as constraints, and so on. Poverty

research offers several established understandings on the natures, structures and processes driving

poverty, and these should be central to how the issues are framed in migration research and policy.

It is also argued that context-dependency rather than generalized conclusions are the main way

forward. This could help develop migration research that is more strongly poor-centric, and

consequently, move migration debates and policies toward issues more favourable and relevant to

the poor.

The paper focuses on migration by the poorest and on internal migration. Studying migration with

insights from poverty-research broadens the current research and policy focus, both in terms of the

types of migration, and types of migrants studied. Much of the migration of the poorest particularly

in Africa and for that matter Ghana is not seriously recognised, and nor are major categories of the

poorest migrants (Anafi et al, 2005). It is often asserted that the poorest do not want to or cannot

migrate, or migrate only in exceptional circumstances and crises. Empirical research has tended to

apply limited definitions of migration (such as into high-income countries), or be based on sources

of information that tend to describe better-off or skilled migration more than others, thus omitting

the many other types of migration that the poorest do undertake. Moreover, migration tends to be

defined as an adult activity, thus underplaying how migration affects the migrants and their origin

(Anafi et al, 2005).

Such neglect of the poor has existed in other areas of development research. For example, there

was a long-standing view that the poor were unbankable, and did not want, or were unable to use,

financial services (Yaqub, 1998). Empirical research has shown, first, that much of the financial

activity of the poor was unrecognized, occurring informally with traders and landowners, rather

than through the types of financial intermediaries that got the most research, such as formal

banking systems. Second, perspectives that included the poor needed to draw insights from the

complexity of poor people’s lives; this led to better theorization of how financial sectors in

developing countries worked, and not the other way around.

In addition to fill the gap mentioned above this study therefore focuses on examining the benefits

derived from the teaming migrants at the South, identify challenges faced by the migrants and also

to examine coping strategies adopted by the teaming migrants at the Southern parts of Ghana to

survive the challenges. Specifically, Nima a town in Accra is taking as a place of case study due

to the tendency of the town to host most migrants from the North.

1.2 Reseearch Objectives

The main objective of the study is to examine the relevance of migrating from Northern parts of

Ghaan to the South, Specific objectives however include;

1. To examine the benefits derived from the teaming migrants at the South
2. To identify challenges faced by the migrants
3. To examine coping strategies adopted by the teaming migrants at the South to survive the
challenges

1.3 Research Questions

Based on the research objectives above the following specific research questions are raised;

 Which factors influnces the population to move from the North to the South of Ghana
 In which ways does the country benefits from the migrants at the South
  Which methods are adopted by the migrants and how do the city provide assistance to the
migrants to survive the challenges at the South.

1.4 Hypothesis
Migration of people from the Northern to the Southern of Ghana reduces unemployment rates and
increase wages in North.

1.5 Relevance of the Study

The paper intends to explore the linkage between migration in Ghana taking hue from the North-

South drift and how such a periodic occurence helps to reduce poverty. The paper also provides

insights into strategies and practices adopted by the traped migrants at the south in copying with

the challenges they face at the South. Against this backdrop this study intends to provide

informatioin and add to knowlege and literature. Such an information is meant to guide the state

institutions and authority to finding solutions to the challenges faced by the trafficked migrants.

1.6 Literature Review

1.6.1 Introduction

This review briefly examines poverty reduction and development impacts of migration, it focuses

on poor men and women who migrate through regular channels within their countries of origin.The

paper looks at the relationship between migration and poverty reduction and development,

including the possible impact on the MDGs. It outlines the way in which migrants make a

contribution to development and poverty reduction through their financial remittances (money sent

to their home communities), social and political influence and ‘diaspora activities’ – such as

technology transfer, tourism and charitable activities.The paper then goes on to look at the kind of

issues that should be reflected in the development and implementation of poverty reduction and

managed migration policies to ensure poor people and developing countries benefit.
1.6.2 Factors that Influence People to Migrate

A lot people migrate over varying distances for different periods of time. Poor people, in particular,

usually move within their own country. Sometimes they move to neighbouring countries and of

course some men and women move thousands of miles to distant lands. The time period over

which people move can be days, weeks and months; be adapted to meet seasonal or family needs;

or be long-term or permanent (levitt, 2006). The reasons for migration and the benefits and risks

involved vary greatly between localities, countries and regions and from migrant to migrant.

Although migration is often viewed as ‘voluntary’ or ‘forced’, the distinction can be artificial as

people do not always feel they have a choice about migrating.

In many situations, where employment or agricultural possibilities are declining or there is conflict

or persecution, their leaving is clearly not a ‘choice’ but is due to destruction of the economic,

political and social infrastructure required for survival. Even in the most difficult circumstances

according to Moses et al (2002) some people will make the decision to move and others will decide

to stay. The lack of access to rights that men and women may experience when they migrate can

determine whether migration is a positive or negative experience for those involved. Migrants

often have difficulty accessing their rights and entitlements, compared with people who are not

migrants.The impact of this may be particularly severe for female migrants. As a result of being

both female and foreign, migrant women can face discrimination and limited access to formal

employment, social security and health programmes (Nyberg Sorensen, 2004).

Internal migration, however, to Ratha (2005) is sometimes a first step in building up the resources

needed to migrate across international borders. The most common form of international migration

for poor men and women – known as South-South migration (the short-distance movements into
a neighbouring country or to a country within their own region). In Africa, migration has long been

an important way for people to survive and improve their lives and it takes place mainly within

the continent and without formal permission. Regional migration across South Asia is also

widespread, with movements from Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan to northern states of India.

Similarly, there is increasing movement within specific regions of East Asia (Ratha, 2005). At the

international level there are around 200 million migrants who have lived in a country other than

where they were born for more than 12 months. Around half of these international migrants are

women.

Poverty, conflict and bad governance lead some poor people to feel that they have no option other

than to leave and search for a better life elsewhere. Media reports, for example, showing people

leaving from Africa and risking their lives crossing the Mediterranean to destinations such as Italy

and Malta, and via the Canary Islands to Spain, are a graphic illustration of this. Somalis that make

the dangerous journey across the Gulf of Aden in smugglers’ boats to Yemen is another

(Hildebrandt, 2004). In the future, as the recent Stern Review on The Economics of Climate

Change pointed out, changes in the climate may contribute to changes in migration patterns.

DFID’s programmes focus on reducing poverty in developing countries. They support partner

countries’ commitment to promote good governance, fight corruption and uphold human rights.

They provide social assistance, humanitarian assistance, health and education services, skills

training and livelihood opportunities which can mean that vulnerable people have the opportunity

to remain in the country in which they are living rather than feel ‘forced’ to leave.

Again, majority of migrants are forced to move because of internal conflicts which displaces most

affected people. By 2006, global populations of internally displaced people (IDPs) were estimated
at 24 million in at least 50 countries. Over half – 13 million – were in Africa (Black et al, 2005).

Some people who leave their homes to escape violence move initially to a country of asylum within

their region, mostly across the nearest border. They may subsequently move from this first location

to seek better protection as well as opportunities to rebuild their lives. This secondary movement

often involves a mix of reasons for moving and can make it difficult to clearly distinguish between

asylum seekers and economic migrants. DFID provides about £40 million a year to a range of

organizations including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to give

support to refugees and IDPs. People smuggling and human trafficking are a growing part of the

migration picture (Bhabha, 2005).

The majority of trafficked people according to Chekezie & Thakrar (2005) are women and girls

and the trafficking of people occurs both within and between countries. Trafficked victims can be

sexually exploited but can also be forced to work off a bond or pay off a debt through other illegal

forms of labour – male forced agricultural labour is often an example of this. If the trafficking of

people is to be prevented, its root causes – such as poverty, discrimination against women and girls

and inequality – need to be addressed. Where people are smuggled or trafficked internationally,

their irregular status makes them vulnerable to exploitation in the destination country.

Governments of developed and developing countries should ensure that migration policy

acknowledges and aims to combat these irregular movements.

1.6.3 Benefits Derived from Migration

Eventhough there is limited availability of data for developing countries, poor people according to

the IOM (2003), often choose to migrate as a way of improving their lives. The differences in

demand for labour, and economic inequality between local areas, countries and regions mean that
poor men and women often move elsewhere to take advantage of job opportunities and better

wages. The inclusion of poor men and women in global and internal labour markets can make a

significant contribution to reducing poverty. For many poor families in the poorest countries, the

migration of one or more members is an important way of earning a living. For example, one recent

study found 50-80% of rural African households had at least one migrant member working in

another part of the country in which they lived (World Bank, 2005).

To the House of Commons (2004), the relationship between migration and poverty is complex and

dependent on the specific circumstances in which migration takes place. Migration can both cause

and be caused by poverty. Poverty can be alleviated as well as exacerbated by migration. In Kerala,

India, for example, migration to the Gulf States has caused wages to rise, reduced unemployment,

and improved the economic situation of those left behind. In other situations, migration does not

lead to economic or social improvement (DFID, 1997; 2000; OECD, 2006). Research on the

impact of labour migration in tribal Western India found that for poorer migrants ‘many years of

migration have not led to any long-term increase in assets or any reduction in poverty’. However,

the study also noted that migration offered poor migrants ‘a short-term means to service debt and

avoid the more extreme forms of dependency and bondage’.

Similarly, migration can increase or decrease inequality but unbalance migration does not lead to

higher inequality. It is often the better-off members of a community who first migrate as they have

the resources to support migration (O’ Neil, 2004; Ozden & Schiff, 2005). This first phase of

migration, including remittances, can reinforce existing inequalities – but over time, with the

spread of information beyond the original migrants’ families and the build-up of social networks,

lower-income individuals get the opportunity to migrate. As migration becomes widespread, the
receipt of remittances, skills gained, and opening up of new opportunities begins to benefit poorer

households. In Burkina Faso, for example, wealthier households are able to migrate to Europe and

while this can lead to increased inequality, migration by middle-income households to Cote

d’Ivoire may be more successful, depending on the social networks migrants have and the amount

of remittances sent back (Whitehead, 2005).

Migration can benefit poor people and developing countries. For individuals and their families,

migration can increase income, lead to new skills, improve social status, build assets and improve

quality of life. For communities and developing countries, emigration can relieve labour market

and political pressures, result in increased trade and direct investment from abroad, lead to positive

diaspora activity such as remittances, promote social and political change and lead to the eventual

return by successful

1.7 Profile of the study areas

1.7.1 Geographical Location
Nima is place is situated in Accra-Tema, Greater Accra, Ghana, its geographical coordinates are

5° 35' 0" North, 0° 12' 0" West and its original name (with diacritics) is Nima. To the West of

Nima is the Ayawaso East District whiles the East of Nima falls within the Ayawaso West District

of Accra

1.7.2 Origin
Nima, was born in the 1930s, the Odoi Kwaos, had acquired the land from the Osu royals for the

purpose of farming. Nima as a settlement was founded by Malam Amadu Futa in the 1930s, who

got the nod from the Odoi Kwao family to commence a settlement for strangers. The Odoi Kwaos

acquired the land through a customary procedure but had to fight a legal tussle with Malam Amadu
Futa on their side against the Osus. Malam Futa’s dream at the time was to establish an Islamic

settlement. It was perhaps his dream which informed his naming of the area ‘Ni’ima’, which in

Arabic means blessing. The name, Nima was however challenged by one of the litigants during

the controversy over the ownership of the suburb. For him, Nima derived from the Ga language,

Niiman, to mean, the chief’s town.

Nima land originally belonged to Osu and Labadi, not Accra, and was first acquired for cattle

rearing in the 1920s. The identity of the original lessee is disputed, but according to the Fulani

chief of Nima (in 1986) its name is derived from a Fulfulde word [neɣema] which means 'fertile

land'.

1.7.3 Housing and Population

Housing within the Greater Accra Metropolitan Assembly (GAMA) can be grouped into 3 broad

categories: the low income, middle income and high income areas. The low income housing zones

may be divided into indigenous and non-indigenous (dominantly migrant) areas. The low-income

indigenous housing areas comprise Osu, Jamestown, Adedenkpo, Chorkor, La, Teshie and

Nungua. The low-income non-indigenous housing areas include: Sukura, Kwashieman, Odorkor,

Bubiashie, Abeka, Nima, Maamobi and Chorkor. Altogether these areas accommodate about 58%

of Accra’s population. Most of the informal businesses are located in low-income areas with

which Nima is part and they are the first place of abode for any new job-seeking migrant. The

deduction here is that Nima as part of the non-indigenous means the residents of the town do not

necessarily belong to a particular clan or lineage group but rather mostly settlers from most several

parts of Ghana.

1.7.3 Housing Conditions

Almost all low-income areas are built up with little room for expansion. This is particularly so in
the indigenous areas like Nima of the inner city. Conditions are generally depressed with poor

supporting social and engineering infrastructure. Buildings are of poor quality material such as

mud, untreated timber and zinc roofing sheets for walling. The housing environment is

characterised by haphazard development, inadequate housing infrastructure, poor drainage,

erosion and high population concentrations qualifying them as slum areas. The neighbouring areas

of Nima, Mamobi and Accra New Town, outside the Ring Road to the north of the city centre, are

made up of very old houses dating as far back as the late 1800s and a few modern ones, mostly of

the compound house type. However, there are basic services such as water and electricity and

supplies are reliable. Nima, Mamobi and Accra New Town are predominantly Muslim areas and

they are popular with foreign immigrants, especially Nigerians.

1.7.4 Economic Activities

Most residents of Nima are traders, drivers of commercial vehicles or office workers. The main

roads are lined with shops (bookshops, fabric shops, shoe shops, forex bureaus, handicrafts) and

offices including banks. There are also markets: Nima, Mamobi and Malamata, on the New Town-

Circle road. Malamata is the largest and most popular market, where crop farmers and traders from

neighbouring villages come to sell their produce. Foodstuffs are therefore affordable and easy to

find. There are schools and colleges, including Makaranta or Koranic schools attended by the local

Muslim youth. Nima is divided into sub-areas, each of which carries the name of a city or state in

the United States (Alaska, Atlanta, Chicago). The areas are noisy and busy and have a lively

nightlife (computer games, cinemas, night clubs, etc). Security is guaranteed by local vigilante

groups, sometimes referred to as neighbourhood watchdog committees. There is some petty theft.

Parking is inadequate and traffic is heavy especially on the Nima Highway and New Town-Circle

Road.
1.8 Research methodology
This study will use data from two sources, namely secondary and primary data sources. The

primary data refers to data to be gathered by the researcher from the study area. These data will be

obtained using two different sets of research instruments, they include; questionnaire, interview

guide and camera. The questionnaire will be designed (open-ended and close-ended) to capture

both quantifiable responses and perceptions of the respondents. That is both qualitative and

quantitative data will be obtained using the questionnaire. This will provide no limit to respondents

to some multiple choice questions in order to be able to perform statistical analysis of the data

gathered and also give room to respondents to indicate their perceptions and opinions about the

benefits of migration and its challenges in Nima.

With respect to sample population and size as well as technique used in administering the

questionnaire, the study will strictly be conducted in Nima a suburb of Accra. The target population

will comprise of the residents of major communities in the Nima District. In all 150 sample size

questionnaire will be administered to the migrants and household heads. A quota of 25

questionnaires each will surveyed at the various communities to avoid biases since the various

communities have similar population characteristics. Simple random technique will be used to

administer the questionnaires to the inhabitants which and residents of the district. Individuals at

age 18 and above will be considered for the survey because the need attached to information

received from respondents who have some level of experiences and also are able to give an account

of the social problems and environmental condition faced by the individuals living in the

community.

The interview will be conducted using a semi-structured interview guide for the different category

of informants. They will include household heads, trafficked migrants, store owners at Nima who
employ the services of ‘Kayayei’ and officials at the district office. The interview is meant to

examine the perception of the teaming migrants as to why they migrate and their expectations in

life. It is also meant to know about the social problems faced by the migrants and the strategies

they adopt to survive them.

Secondary data on the other hand will be obtained from sources such as Accra Metropolitan

District Assembly. The assembly will provide the study with data on the profile of the study area.

This will included characteristics of Nima as a town in Accra. Articles and journals will also be

consulted in writing-up the essay.

1.8.1 Data Analysis

Descriptive statistics presented in tables and figures will generated using the Students Package for

the Social Sciences (SPSS) software. Analyses of the patterns generated will be discussed using

some measures of central tendencies such as the average income of respondents from Nima. The

interviews however will be presented in a narrative form. There will also be discussion of the

proposition based on the findings of the study. The proposition will however be accepted or denied

based on the patterns obtained from the interviews and the questionnaire.
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