Chiodren

Children in Crisis
This volume brings together ethnographers conducting research on chil-

dren living in crisis situations in both developing and developed regions,
taking a cross-cultural approach that spans different cities in the global
North and South to provide insight and analyses into the lifeworlds of their
young, at-risk inhabitants. Looking at the lived experiences of poverty,
drastic inequality, displacement, ecological degradation and war in coun-
tries including Haiti, Argentina and Palestine, the book shows how children
both respond to and are shaped by their circumstances. Going beyond con-
ventional images of children subjected to starvation, hunger, and disease to
build an integrated analysis of what it means to be a child in crisis in the
21st century, the book makes a significant contribution to the nascent field
of study concerned with development and childhood. With children now at
the forefront of debates on human rights and poverty reduction, there is no
better time for scholars, policymakers and the general public to understand
the complex social, economic and political dynamics that characterize chil-
dren’s present predicaments and future life chances.
Manata Hashemi is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Georgetown University School

of Foreign Service in Doha, Qatar. She is also a Research Associate at the
Center for Ethnographic Research at the University of California at Berke-
ley, where she earned a Ph.D. in sociology.
Martín Sánchez-Jankowski is Professor of Sociology and Director of the Insti-

tute for the Study of Societal Issues at the University of California, Berkeley.
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Children in Crisis
Ethnographic Studies
in International Contexts
Edited by Manata Hashemi and

Martín Sánchez-Jankowski
NEW YORK LONDON

First published 2013
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Children in crisis : ethnographic studies in international contexts /
edited by Manata Hashemi and Martín Sánchez-Jankowski.
pages cm. — (Routledge advances in sociology ; 105)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Children—Social conditions—Research. 2. Child welfare—
Research. I. Hashemi, Manata. II. Sánchez-Jankowski, Martín, 1945–
HQ767.85.C484 2013
305.23—dc23
2012048567
ISBN: 978-0-415-81806-3 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-0-203-38776-4 (ebk)
Typeset in Sabon
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SFI label applies to the text stock
Contents
Preface ix
Introduction: Children in Crisis 1

MANATA HASHEMI AND MARTÍN SÁNCHEZ-JANKOWSKI
1 Street Children, AIDS Orphans, and Unprotected Minors:

What You Read Is Not What You See 9
LEWIS APTEKAR
2 Longitudinal Repeated Ethnography: Theoretical

Implications for a Cultural, Social Class and Gendered
Understanding of Children on the Streets in Kenya 25
PHILIP L. KILBRIDE
3 Refugees in the Middle East: Identity Politics

among Sahrawi, Palestinian, and Afghan Youth 42
DAWN CHATTY
4 No Balm in Gilead: Childhood, Suffering, and Survival in Haiti 61

J. CHRISTOPHER KOVATS-BERNAT
5 Children at Toxic Risk 82

JAVIER AUYERO
6 (Im)permeable Boundaries: Why Integration into Affluent

White-Majority Schools for Low-Income
Minority Students is Elusive 100
PRUDENCE L. CARTER
Contributors 123
Index 127
This page intentionally left blank
Preface
Children are the youngest and most vulnerable citizens of our world,
and some children live in such hardship that we can say their everyday
lives constitute a crisis situation. The Center for Ethnographic Research
at the University of California, Berkeley, hosted a conference in Octo-
ber, 2009, in order to better understand what life was actually like for
these children and what factors produced the predicaments they found
themselves in. The organizers brought together scholars from the fields
of sociology and anthropology who had been conducting fi eld research
on children in crisis in different parts of the world. The conference lasted
two days and those in attendance benefited from a wealth of informa-
tion. The organizers and presenters share a commitment to make this
information available to a wider audience with the hope that if the gen-
eral public and experts were more aware of the stark situation faced by
these children, efforts to improve their lives and life-chances would be
more possible. This book is the product of that conference; we hope that
the research presented in it will lead to policies and programs designed
to ease the burdens of children throughout the world who fi nd them-
selves in crisis situations.
We would like to thank the many people who were involved in organizing
and hosting the conference as well as those who assisted in the production
of this book. First, Corey Abramson, Phillip Fucella, and Alisa Szatrowski
were responsible for planning and managing the conference, as well as
for coordinating the substantive comments for the authors to revise their
papers. Eva Seto and Christine Trost helped in coordinating the logistics for
the conference. Deborah Lustig and Hope Richardson provided important
substantive and editorial comments for the authors to complete their fi nal
revisions, and Christine Trost, Deborah Lustig and Eva Seto managed the
fi nal details for a completed manuscript to be submitted to the publisher.
Finally, we would like to thank Max Novick of Routledge for his interest in
the project and being so helpful in getting it to publication.
Much has been written about the difficulties that children face, but little
is known about their everyday lives. Because all the chapters in this volume
x Preface
consist of ethnographic research that focuses on the micro conditions,
behaviors, and factors that affect children, this book provides much more
vivid understandings regarding this aspect of the human condition.
Berkeley, California
Manata Hashemi
Doha, Qatar
Introduction
Children in Crisis
Manata Hashemi and
Perhaps at no other time in history have children been so high-profile as

they are today. Children are now at the center of debates on human rights,
health, and poverty reduction. While the last century has seen the exten-
sion of a comparatively protected childhood for many of those living in
the global North, many more children still live in circumstances that can
only be described as perpetual crisis. From labor and displacement to HIV
infections and extreme violence, children in the global South have become
the new targets of some of the most resistant social ills facing our global
society. Marginalized children in the global North, while enjoying a higher
standard of living in absolute terms, suffer from extreme inequality and the
empty promise of attaining material success. Young people, too, have been
assigned complicated roles in the politics and societies of many countries,
where they are presented both as the future and as unruly subjects in need
of punishment. The recent revolutionary wave of demonstrations and pro-
tests in the Arab Middle East is the clearest example of this dual discourse.
What all of these children have in common is that they live lives character-
ized by great uncertainty. The potential for catastrophe lurks around the
nearest street corner or is dependent on the whims of those in power.
Despite their tenuous position within the larger power structures of
which they are a part, these children are developing unique coping mecha-
nisms of social and historical consequence. Their aspirations and strategies
of survival and advancement in crisis situations such as extreme poverty
and war are creating new spaces of agency capable of influencing formal
and informal power relations. This multifaceted status of children living in
the midst of uncertainty is what we will examine in this book.
The focus of this edited collection is on how children in crisis situa-
tions are shaped by and respond to the worlds they inhabit. The various
chapters draw heavily on ethnographic research to do this because, simply
stated, ethnography is the most valuable method for addressing questions
2 Manata Hashemi and Martín Sánchez-Jankowski
of how structure and agency operate in the everyday lives of individuals.
In situating the researcher on the ground, ethnographic approaches can
highlight how children’s agency operates in particular settings, and what
is clear from the research in this volume is there is no singular childhood
experience. Rather, children who occupy different positions in varying
cultural, social, physical, political, and economic environments develop
different understandings of their childhood. By living and working amidst
the everyday realities that children in crisis situations face, the authors
in this volume explore the ways in which environment shapes children’s
experience with crisis from the perspective of the children themselves,
that of the political and economic elite who formulate policies that impact
these children’s lives, and the adults with whom these children interact on
a daily basis.
Historically, there was a time when crisis and uncertainty were wide-
spread. Life was unpredictable, and destitution, illness, and death were
everyday occurrences for children even in developed Western societies. As
modernization ran its course, many of these factors shifted. The life course
became more predictable, morbidity and mortality declined, mobility
increased for large sectors of the world’s population, and the experience of
everyday violence became less pronounced in the Western world (see Fischer
2010). Childhood, especially, became formalized as a more concrete social
category. Young people were no longer seen as “little adults”, but as “chil-
dren” assigned with special protections, benefits, and restrictions (see, for
instance, Aries 1962; Eisenstadt 1956). This social distinction soon came to
be institutionalized as both a commonsense and scientific category. While
children in developed Western nations have benefited immensely from this
categorization, there are still large numbers of children in developing coun-
tries who have not. For example, there are children who have never left the
era of uncertainty and destitution, and there are children all over the world
for whom modernization did not provide even a briefly sheltered life. In
addition, in the global North, there are many children whose basic needs
are met but who are consigned to the lowest stratum of society at the same
time that they are indoctrinated with messages about social mobility and
meritocracy. The children who occupy the vulnerable spaces within child-
hood are the subject of this book.
There is a strong tendency among the general public to view these chil-
dren as marginal, as individuals occupying the cracks of the communities
in which they live. A prevailing claim is that these children pose dangers
to both themselves and their communities, as they threaten the stability on
which modern society is based. Yet, we fi nd that although children in crisis
face imminent dangers, they are central to the functioning of many fami-
lies and communities, for not only do many of them serve as the primary
and secondary breadwinners of their own households, they also provide
services such as housecleaning, dishwashing, and street cleaning that the
power elite often rely on for the proper functioning of their daily lives.
Introduction 3
Thus, rather than viewing these children’s structural locations as a societal
crisis, they are too often viewed as individual crises brought about by some
individual pathology or inadequacy.
How then should we understand the realities of children living in con-
ditions of perpetual crisis? To what extent are they proactive agents who
make their own choices and to what extent are they reactive agents who
simply respond to their surrounding circumstances? The authors of the
chapters in this volume take a cross-cultural ethnographic approach to pro-
vide insight and analyses into the lifeworlds of young, at-risk inhabitants of
the global North and South. As they will show, many of these children cope
by taking up a position on a street corner or by placing themselves at the
mercy of gang leaders or overly zealous kin eager for contributions to the
household economy. Many others succumb to early illnesses and physical
disabilities due to lack of nourishment and improper care, ignored by the
societal elite. Others become pawns in national politics that ultimately fail
to meet their needs, or strive for success on an uneven playing field. What
all of these children have in common is an overwhelming desire to survive
from one day to the next while moving forward to forge a full life. Many
of course will lose this struggle, and unfortunately their hopes and dreams
will be taken up by the next generation of children. What is most apparent
in the chapters of this book is that although political, geographic, and cul-
tural boundaries separate these children from one another, their common
attributes help us to understand what it means to be a child in crisis in the
twenty-fi rst century.
CHILDREN AND THE STREET
I would rather give up and die than cry and live this life of misery. But
see? I live.
—Street girl, Port-au-Prince, Haiti (Kovats-Bernat, this volume)
When we think of children in crisis, often the fi rst images that cross our
minds are the hungry squints, the disheveled clothes, and the dirty out-
stretched hands of the street child. Called by different names—huelapegas
(gluesniffers) in Nicaragua, pivetes (little criminals) in Rio de Janeiro, sali-
gomas (dirty kids) in Rwanda—these children have become immortalized
in our collective imagination as the symbol of poverty, hunger, and violence
par excellence. Their childhoods carry an exotic appeal. In urban centers
throughout the global South, street children have become fi xtures of daily
life; their visible struggles to live, work, love elicit an intriguing call to
activists for increased protection and aid projects. The street child, by vir-
tue of his presence in public space and his brutal existence, is thought to
fall outside of what is considered familiar and safe. After all, those children
who sleep in outdoor markets, who engage in survival sex, and who obtain
work with street gangs fi nd themselves in atypical and dangerous situations
that risk harming themselves and/or others. Their existence, then, becomes
a concern of the broader society in which they live, and in some cases serves
as a desperate call for action (Glauser 2006).
There is no denying that many street children suffer huge losses in human
capital, physical security, and livelihood as a result of being associated
with the street. However, despite increases in social programming directed
toward street children, the children themselves have neither decreased in
number nor disappeared (Glauser 2006). The difficulties these children face
encourage action and make it easier to fulfill the urge to help, but at the
cost of a more reflective analysis of their daily lives. These street children
represent a challenge, not just to the policies and logistics associated with
providing aid, but also to our commonsense assumptions about what is
and what is not a meaningful existence. Can living, working, or playing
in public spaces be much more than unfortunate occurrences in their life
experiences? Might the street experience provide these children with the
knowledge necessary to create an effective strategy for socio-economic
mobility in the face of extreme structural disadvantages?
As Lewis Aptekar demonstrates in his chapter, the vast majority of street
children in the global South have created coping strategies that allow them
to function at least as well as their poor counterparts who are not visible
as children of the street. From fi nding work in the informal labor market,
which provides them with enough income to clothe and feed themselves, to
forming close friendships with their peers, these children have found inno-
vative ways to carve a niche for themselves and make incremental socioeco-
nomic gains. Street children are often forced to live with limited economic
means by becoming independent at a far earlier stage in the lifecourse than
their societies deem normal.
A cursory glance at street children’s disheveled clothes or their tendency
to sleep in open spaces only supports public images of them as deviant nui-
sances destined for a life of failure. As a matter of course, many of these
children are able to save enough money to become members of the working
class as adults. While their association with the street often does not end,
many ultimately manage to close that chapter of their life which was fi lled
with risk, uncertainty, and imminent danger. Philip Kilbride’s chapter uses
the life history of a street youth in Nairobi to provide a vivid image of this
reality. Wamzee, who Kilbride details in his chapter, used to collect paper
garbage to sell to middlemen for recycling. Because of his large size, he was
able to collect paper in bulk while sleeping outdoors with other street boys.
He made enough profits to afford cigarettes and regular bus fares to visit
his girlfriend. Now, at age 30, Wamzee is still visible on the streets, but he
has enough money to rent a home in an urban slum and to employ a new
generation of street children to collect garbage for him. Thus, Wamzee,
who is still poor, has become a middleman, an occupational status that
supports a marriage, a home, and a relatively stable fi nancial future.
Introduction 5
LESS VISIBLE CHILDHOODS
There are problems in school, the treatment is not equal. At home, my

mother comes and tells us “your grades are bad, get up and go work in
the kitchen.” Then when my parents see the [school report] certificate,
they beat us and burn our hands.
—Female Palestinian refugee, Jordan (Chatty, this volume)
Whereas the street captures the urgency, danger, and brutality of the life for
the children who grow up there, the hidden recesses inside homes, neighbor-
hoods, and communities reveal the quiet torments of those children whom
we hear comparatively less about. They are not as visible as street children,
and their lives are often deemed by society to be relatively sheltered from the
violent realities associated with street life. However, a domiciled childhood
in many regions of the global South does not guarantee a life without peril. In
such situations, there are children who are domestic slaves, tortured in their
homes, subjected to toxic chemicals and slum conditions, and/or refugee
camps associated with prolonged forced migration. In essence, these children
experience lives of quiet desperation, made worse by the fact that their strug-
gles regularly go unseen and unheard by their own societies. They are not
visible in the street, they do not infringe upon public spaces in urban centers
of today’s mega-cities, and so they are often left undefined and forgotten.
How can we make sense of these children’s lives? More importantly, how
do the children themselves reflect upon their own predicaments? Because of
their age, these children frequently face much greater difficulties in choos-
ing their own paths and securing the resources they need to plan for pro-
ductive futures. Gender discrimination and poverty only exacerbate the
inevitable difficulties these children face, and yet we find that amidst great
uncertainty, these children still envision a way out for themselves.
Dawn Chatty’s study of Sahrawi, Palestinian, and Afghan refugee youth
provides a glimpse of what it is like to be such a child in today’s Middle
East. While these children often struggle without connections, without a
strong sense of belonging to a nation-state, and with limited socioeconomic
opportunities, they have nevertheless been able to build a transnational life
centered on education and employment. Despite the marginality, political
chaos, and adversity they face on a daily basis—from enduring violence in
their schools and homes, living in refugee camps offering minimal services,
and facing ethnic discrimination in their adopted countries—these youth
have retained both a sense of opportunity and optimism. By taking on
work in the informal economy, going to school to secure human capital,
and being aware of and responsive to the dire circumstances in which they
fi nd themselves, these children’s everyday practices demonstrate a profound
resilience that often goes unnoticed by their societies—societies, it should
be noted, in which the silent sufferings of youth have become normalized
parts of daily life.
To be sure, the anguish experienced by children of war, poverty, displace-
ment, addiction, and starvation are not simply indicators of a childhood of
a different order, but are also a testament to the larger political, social, and
cultural forces of the societies that give shape to that childhood. Do uncon-
ventional rearing practices such as giving children away as domestic slaves
or leaving children to their own devices on the street represent a way that
society at large, local communities, neighborhoods, and families tolerate
the intolerable?
Christopher Kovats-Bernat’s chapter suggests that such atypical prac-
tices in Haiti are better seen as viable and often necessary means by which
these children have an opportunity to experience a better life than the one
in which they grew up. It is not the value accorded to the child that is cen-
tral to these decisions, but rather who is doing the valuation. As Kovats-
Bernat argues, the worth of a child is in a constant state of flux depending
on who—the weak Haitian state, the money-hungry gang leader, or the
poor mother struggling to feed her children—is taking stock. Whatever
struggles these children face, we cannot come to a full understanding of
their suffering without situating their childhood crisis in the local contexts
that give rise to it.
CHILDHOODS IN CONTEXT
Luisa, Karina’s eleven-year-old daughter, is lead poisoned. “I told the

doctor about the fever and the coughing,” Karina says, “and the doc-
tor told me that is because lead slowly consumes you.”
—Shantytown resident, Argentina (Auyero, this volume)
The lives of children in crisis do not unfold neatly. Rather, they often
develop in dilapidated slums, shantytowns, refugee camps, and housing
projects marked by pollution, open-air waste disposal, contaminated water,
and toxic emissions that have serious effects on children’s health and future
abilities. Besides dealing with violence, crime, drugs, and poverty, these
children must manage a life marked by noxious physical environments that
only serve to reproduce cycles of destitution and inequality.
The ways in which children and their families navigate these toxic
landscapes are not at all straightforward. As Javier Auyero’s chapter
shows, in the Argentinean shantytown of “Flammable,” children par-
ticipate in local food and empowerment projects sponsored by compa-
nies responsible for local toxic waste emissions that have been implicated
in the lead poisoning of community members. When asked about their
experiences living in the shantytown, the children were quick to point
out the “garbage” and “fi lth” that contaminate their health and day-
to-day lives that are associated with the pollution emanating from the
Introduction 7
chemical plant immediately adjacent to their community. In contrast,
families and the companies themselves tend to displace the blame for any
health problems onto the most destitute shanty-dwellers, who they claim
either let their children bathe in polluted waters or who actively bring
lead into the shantytown because they go out and “scavenge.” Thus,
Auyero’s chapter highlights the importance of local context in creating
and sustaining durable inequalities.
However, simply changing the context—placing at-risk children in bet-
ter neighborhoods or in better schools—may be a necessary fi rst step, but it
is not sufficient for making their lives better or eliminating their suffering.
Whether in the global South or North, ingrained cultural, political, and
social inequalities influence how these children will manage their new envi-
ronments and how institutional gatekeepers will perceive and respond to
such children. Therefore, the results of changing contexts may not always
be what we would expect.
Drawing on the experiences of poor minority students in the United
States who participated in a metropolitan voluntary desegregation pro-
gram, Prudence Carter’s chapter suggests that these programs do not nec-
essarily lead to greater empowerment and academic success among at-risk
students. Rather, students and school officials reinforce social boundar-
ies that impede the academic success of poor minority students. While it
may appear that desegregated schools offer greater academic and future
socioeconomic gains relative to minority-dominant ones, there is counter-
evidence to suggest that students from minority-dominant schools may be
able to obtain higher aspirations, a stronger sense of self, and higher levels
of educational achievement than their peers in affluent schools because less
affluent schools with mostly minority students provide a more affirming
environment for the students. Consequently, what becomes clear is that
mere access to better resources cannot guarantee good returns. Institu-
tional contexts and the socio-cultural processes that perpetuate inequities
matter a great deal.
Given the diversity in crisis that children throughout the world experi-
ence, what can we make of their lives? The world media, whose hunger for
sensationalism appears to be insatiable, have given children experiencing
extended crisis symbolic identities ranging from pitiful subjects to precur-
sors of crime and political radicalism. Given the cursory interaction they
inevitably have with these children, it is not surprising, but it does build
myths with little factual content. This volume seeks to challenge these
myths by revealing the complexity that permeates these individuals’ every-
day lives. In so doing, it not only describes their awareness of the structural
injustices that threaten their immediate existence and shatter their future
dreams, it also highlights the remarkable human resilience they demon-
strate in the face of innumerable obstacles created by political-economic
ineptness and upheaval.
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Children in Crisis

This volume brings together ethnographers conducting research on chil-

Manata Hashemi is a Postdoctoral Fellow at Georgetown University School

Martín Sánchez-Jankowski is Professor of Sociology and Director of the Insti-

For a list of full titles in this series, please visit www.routledge.com

76 Ethnographic Research in the 83 Life Course Perspectives on

77 Routledge Companion to 84 Innovation in Socio-Cultural

79 Cultural Capital, Identity, and 87 The Culture of Enterprise in

81 Healthy Aging in Sociocultural 89 The Challenges of Being a

96 The Transformative Capacity 104 Applying Ibn Khaldūn

Edited by Manata Hashemi and

NEW YORK LONDON

Introduction: Children in Crisis 1

1 Street Children, AIDS Orphans, and Unprotected Minors:

2 Longitudinal Repeated Ethnography: Theoretical

3 Refugees in the Middle East: Identity Politics

4 No Balm in Gilead: Childhood, Suffering, and Survival in Haiti 61

5 Children at Toxic Risk 82

6 (Im)permeable Boundaries: Why Integration into Affluent

Perhaps at no other time in history have children been so high-proﬁle as

CHILDREN AND THE STREET

LESS VISIBLE CHILDHOODS

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