I-KUAN TAO

Bosco, Joseph. (2016). The sacred in urban political protests in Hong Kong.
International Sociology. 31. 10.1177/0268580916645767.

_citation Duara_superscribing-symbols KUANdi

Superscribing Symbols: The Myth of Guandi, Chinese God of War

Author(s): Prasenjit Duara
Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Nov., 1988), pp. 778-795
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2057852
Accessed: 17/12/2010 08:12

Superscrierea simbolurilor: Mitul lui Guandi, Dumnezeul chinez al r�zboiului

Autor (i): Prasenjit Duara
Sursa: Jurnalul de studii asiatice, vol. 47, No. 4 (Nov., 1988), pp. 778-795
Publicat de: Asocia?ia pentru Studii Asiatice
URL stabil: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2057852
Accesat: 17/12/2010 08:12
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Suprascrierea simbolurilor:
Mitul lui Guandi, C-hinese
zeul razboiului
PRASENJIT DUARA
STUDIILE ISTORICE PRIVIND MOD DE MODIFICARE A MITURILOR SI a simbolurilor au
inceput abia de curand
s� apar�. Acestea tind s� accentueze natura stratificat� ?i stratificat� a
miturilor,
fiecare strat reflect�nd preocup�rile unei epoci sau a unui anumit grup. Marina
Warner
(1982) a ar�tat modul �n care imaginea lui Joan of Arc a fost interpretat� �n mod
diferit
Nazi?tii, na?ionali?tii ?i feministele, printre multe altele, ?i Jacques Le Goff
(1980)
a demonstrat imaginile ecleziastice ?i populare ale Sf�ntului Marcellus din Paris
au venit s� se asemene cu cel�lalt, dar �n cele din urm� au r�mas �ntotdeauna �n
afar�. Lui James Watson
Studiul stimulativ (1985) al lui Tian Hou, sau �mp�r�teasa cerului, sus?ine c�
exterior caracterul simbolic unitar al zei?ei Tian Hou ascunse importante
diferen?e �n ceea ce credeau diferite grupuri sociale despre ea. Pionierat a?a cum
sunt,
aceste lucr�ri sunt doar �nceputul eforturilor de a cerceta rela?ia extrem de
complex�
�ntre schimbarea �n domeniul simbolic ?i schimbarea istoric� �ntre grupurile
sociale ?i
institu?ii.
Sper s� progres�m �n?elegerea acestei rela?ii cu un pas �nainte suger�nd
c� complexitatea sa nu se afl� at�t de mult �n natura radical� discontinu� a
mituri, ci �n faptul c� miturile sunt simultan continue ?i discontinue. eu
explora?i aceast� rela?ie examin�nd mitul lui Guandi printr-un concept pe care eu
numi?i "suprascrip?ia simbolurilor". Guandi (RD 162-220), cunoscut� ini?ial ca
Guan Yu, �nainte de a primi titlul imperial di �n 1615, a fost eroul apoteos
din perioada celor Trei Regate. Aceast� perioad�, care a urmat declinului
statul imperial Han (209), a fost romanticat �n istoria Chinei
ca o epoc� a r�zboinicilor eroici ?i a strategilor artistici care au dominat
b�t�liile printre ei
cele trei state succesoare care se lupt� pentru putere imperial�. De atunci, mitul
lui Guandi
a devenit din ce �n ce mai popular �ntr-o varietate de media-literatur�, teatru,
oficial ?i
cultele populare ?i tradi?iile societ�?ilor secrete.
Lua?i �n considerare dou� episoade din via?a mitului Guandi, care sunt separate de
mai multe
dec�t o mie de ani. Una dintre primele povestiri minunate despre Guan Yu este
derivat�
de la un templu stele de 820 A.D. ridicate atunci c�nd templul Yuquan �n jude?ul
Dangyang
Prasenjit Duara este profesor asistent de istorie la Universitatea George Mason.
Acest articol reprezint� o dezvoltare substan?ial� a unui studiu scurt al mitului
Guandi
se g�se?te �n Duara 1988. Se refer�, de asemenea, la probleme conceptuale privind
natura imperial�
hegemonie care r�m�n inchise �n carte; ca atare, completeaz� cartea. Autorul
dore?te s�-i mul?umeasc� lui Arjun Appadurai, Andrew Char, Juliette Gregory,
Deborah Kaplan, Renato
Rosaldo, Roy Rosenzweig ?i James Watson pentru comentariile lor.
Jurnalul de studii asiatice 47, nr. 4 (noiembrie 1988): 778-795.
? 1988 de c�tre Asocia?ia pentru studii asiatice, Inc.
778
MITUL GUANDI, DUMNEZEUL CHINEZ DE R�ZBOI 779
�n modern Hubei a fost reconstruit�. Aici, �n vecin�tatea muntelui Yuquan, Guan
Yu a fost decapitat �n timpul luptei lungi pe care a luptat �mpotriva du?manilor
st�p�nului s�u,
Liu Bei.
�ntr-o noapte, c�nd a fost ad�nc c�lug�rul budist Zhi Yi (AD 538-97)
medita?ia sub un copac mare de pe munte, t�cerea a fost brusc umplut� de a
vocea �nfloritoare: "�ntoarce-mi capul." C�nd c�lug�rul privi �n sus, v�zu fantoma
apari?ia unei figuri pe care a recunoscut-o drept Guan Yu, spiritul mun?
ilor ....................

n.A schimbat a urmat �ntre cele dou� �n care c�lug�rul a reamintit lui Guan Yu
c�pitanii victime ale victimelor lui Guan Yu. Ad�nc impresionat de logica
karmicului, spiritul lui Guan Yu a c�utat instruirea �n credin?a budist� de la ei,
a construit o m�n�stire pentru el ?i a �nceput s� p�zeasc� muntele. Mai t�rziu,
muncitorii au construit un templu la Guan Yu unde au oferit sacrificii la �nceputul
noului sezon (Inoue 1941, nr.148, Harada 1955: 30) .1 �n 1914, pre?edintele
Republicii Yuan Shikai a ordonat crearea un templu al eroilor militari consacra?i
lui Guandi, Yuefei ?i a dou�zeci ?i patru de eroi mai mici. Interiorul templului
principal din Beijing, cu st�lpii de lemn magnific ?i bogat decorat, a fost
impresionant �n simplitatea impun�toare a aranjamentelor sale ceremoniale. Nu
exista imagini. Eroii canoniza?i au fost reprezenta?i numai prin comprimatele lor
de duhuri. �n Ianuarie 1915, comandantul general Yin Chang ?i comandantul diviziei
ModelArmy au luat ofi?erii ?i solda?ii lor �n templu pentru a-?i lua militarii.
Ulterior, ei ?i-au plecat capul �n timp ce depunau un ?ir de tablete de lemn care
purtau numele de onoare ale celor care luptaser� pentru na?iunea lor (Johnston
1921: 88). Aceste dou� viziuni ale lui Guandi, reflect�nd nevoile diferitelor
grupuri sociale, natura discontinu� a mitului. Primul, viziunea unui cleric nervos
care se �nv�rte de atacurile unui confucian renascentist asupra credin?ei budiste
ca str�in� ?i corupt� �ncearc� s� stabileasc� unul dintre marii eroi ai culturii
chineze ca un urma? ?i protector devotat. Aceasta din urm�, viziunea armatei
republicane, �ncearc� s� creeze noi concepte de loialitate fa?� de statul na?iunii.
IsGuandi protectorul credin?ei budiste sau un zeu chinez al r�zboiului? Indiferent
dac� le vorbim ca concep?ii despre lumea spiritului sau ca �ntrup�ri ale
intereselor lumii, cele dou� viziuni par s� aib� foarte pu?in �n comun. Dar un mit
poate fi �ntr-adev�r at�t de discontinuu radical? �n cazul �n care un mit
reprezint� sensuri radicale discontinue, dac� simbolurile sale sunt urm�rite de
anumite grupuri numai pentru propriile lor scopuri, cum poate continua s� d�ruiasc�
legitimitatea at�t de r�sp�ndit� �n cultur�? La o examinare mai atent�, cele dou�
viziuni ale aceleia?i figuri au cel pu?in dou� caracteristici comune: apoteozizarea
unui erou ?i rolul s�u de gardian. Aceast� comunitate nu este aproape accidental�
sau nesemnificativ�. Aceasta d� mitul puterea sa legitimativ� ?i d� grupurilor
istorice un sentiment de identitate pe m�sur� ce sufer� schimb�ri. Ceea ce avem
este o vedere a mitului ?i a simbolurilor sale culturale, ca fiind simultan
continuu ?i discontinuu. Pentru a fi sigur, miezul continuu al mitului nu este
static ?i este �nsu?i susceptibil de a se schimba. Unele elemente ale mitului pot
fi f�cute. Dar, spre deosebire de multe alte forme de schimbare social�, schimbarea
mitic� ?i simbolic� are tendin?a de a "suprascrie" povestea miracolului original cu
c�teva detalii din versiunea din secolul al XIV-lea con?inut� �n Sanguozhi yanyi de
Luo Guanzhong (1961, cap. 77: 709-10). De?i exist� diferen?e �ntre contul de
stele ?i unul de c�tre Luo cu privire la perioada ?i identitatea c�lug�rului,
�mprumuturile mele de la laterversiune nu afecteaz� mesajul central al povestirii
din stele. Diferen?ele dintre cele dou� sunt discutate de Harada (1955: 30). 780
PRASENJIT DUARA nu este radical discontinuu; mai degrab�, schimbarea �n acest
domeniu are loc �ntr-un mod care sus?ine ?i este sus?inut de un context istoric
dens. �n acest fel, simbolurile culturale sunt capabile s� acorde continuitate la
un anumit nivel la schimbarea grupurilor sociale ?i a intereselor, chiar dac�
simbolurile �nsele sufer� transform�ri. Aceast� modalitate specific� de
simbolicvolu?ie este cea pe care o numesc superscrip?ia simbolurilor. Dup� Walter
Burkert (1979: 23), putem defini mitul ca fiind un tradi?ional, cu referin?�
secundar�, par?ial� la ceva de importan?� colectiv�.2 Procesul �n care diferite
grupuri istorice scriu sau descriu prin alte practici culturale, versiunea proprie
a unei povestiri sau mituri existente �ncorporeaz� interesele lor sau stabile?te
"charte sociale" �n sensul folosit de Malinowski. �n acest proces, versiunile
existente nu sunt complet ?terse. Mai degrab�, imaginile ?i secven?ele comune celor
mai multe versiuni ale mitului sunt p�strate, dar prin ad�ugarea sau
"redescoperirea" unor noi elemente sau prin acordarea unor elemente existente o
anumit� �nclina?ie, noua interpretare este pus� �n practic�. Chiar dac� noua
interpretare ar trebui s� devin� dominant�, versiunile anterioare nu dispar, ci vin
�n schimb �ntr-o nou� rela?ie cu ea, deoarece propriile statuturi ?i roluri din
interiorul care ar putea fi numite "arena interpretativ�" a mitului vin s� fie
negociate ?i redefinite. prezen?a unei arene plin� de via?�, �n care versiunile
rivale se deruleaz�, se negocieaz� ?i se concureaz� pentru pozi?ie. �n acest
proces, unele dintre semnifica?iile derivate de la ..................
mitul se pierde �n mod desigur, �ns�, prin �ns�?i natura sa, superscrip?ia nu
noteaz� alte versiuni; cel mult se dore?te reconfigurarea arenei, �ncerc�nd astfel
s�-?i stabileasc� propria dominare fa?� de ceilal?i. �n acest sens, este diferit de
cele mai multe otherarenas de contestare, �n cazul �n care victoria este absolut�
sau poten?ial absolut�. Obliterarea interpret�rilor rivale ale unui mit se �nv�rte
�n mod automat, deoarece o suprascrip?ie depinde de rezonan?ele simbolice din aren�
pentru eficacitatea sa. La fel ca un cuv�nt �n poezie, puterea lui din multe
asocia?ii semi-ascunse, un mit �n orice moment reprezint� palimpsest de sensuri
stratificate din care versiunea suprascriptibil� atrage for?a. Mitul Guandi �n
istorie Ceea ce este cel mai frapant cu privire la varietatea uimitoare de
interpret�ri ale Guandimyth este c� povestea original� este una foarte simpl�.
Biografia lui Guan Yu apare �n Sanguozhi (Istoria celor trei regate), scris� de
Chen Shou despre ?aizeci de ani dup� moartea lui Guan Yu (Chen 1973, 36: 939-42).
Chen Shou se refer� la locul de na?tere al lui Guan Yu din Xiezhou, Shanxi, ?i
numerele sale diferite. El scrie despre prietenia ?i devotamentul lui Guan Yu cu
Liu Bei din casa regal� a Hanului ulterior. �mpreun� cu m�celarulZhang Fei, cei doi
prieteni au luat celebrul "jur�m�nt �n piersicul de pomi" legat de protec?ia
celuilalt p�n� la moarte. Tot mai t�rziu, Guan Yu a devenit general ?i agungor al
unei provincii. Chiar dac� a fost ispitit de du?manul st�p�nului s�u, CaoCao, cu un
marquisat, Guan Yu a r�mas credincios �n jur�m�ntul lui. �n 220 de ani, el a fost
capturat de c�tre inamic ?i a fost ucis. Centerele referin?e ale lui Shou la Guandi
nu sunt complet complementare. Exist� referin?e la vanitatea lui, la excesul de
�ncredere ?i la ignoran?a cu privire la aspectele strategiei (Yang1981: 68). Cu
toate acestea, aceste fapte rareori par a fi afectat viitoarea carier� a lui
Guandimyth. De-a lungul secolelor, aceast� poveste de baz� a fost elaborat� ?i
utilizarea lui Guan Yu, elemente constitutive ale unui mit care confer� acestui
sentiment de semnifica?ie a colectivit�?ilor, sunt simbolurile sale, care pot fi
incluse �n anumite imagini, evenimente sau eventsequences. aceste elemente. MITUL
GUANDI, DUMNEZEUL CHINEZ� AL R�ZBOIULUI, a crescut dincolo de m�sur� �n
povestirea ?i drama. �n afar� de binecunoscutul s�u ca zeu al loialit�?ii, el
devine zeul bog�?iei, zeul literaturii, zeul protector al templelor, zeul patron al
actorilor, societ�?ile secrete ?i multe altele. Cel mai vechi templu dedicat lui
Guan Yu este Templul Yuquan din DangyangCounty din Hubei, unde se spune c� a fost
ucis. Acest templu a fost �nfiin?at �n anul 713 ?i a fost ata?at la m�n�stirea
budist� de pe muntele Yuquan. �n urm�torii dou� sute de ani, anumite povestiri
minunate au devenit asociate cu templul GuanYu din Yuquan ?i atunci c�nd politicile
anti-budiste ale Tangului t�rziu au disp�rut, rolul s�u de protector chinez al
templelor budiste (�n locul devasilor indieni) sa r�sp�ndit rapid imperiul (Inoue
1941, nr.148). Astfel, budismul a devenit sinic. �n prezent, �n Taiwan, �n ciuda
statutului s�u �n�l?at, Guandi continuesto p�ze?te templele budiste ca un zeu al u?
ii (Weller 1987: 164). Apel�nd la varianta ar�tat� �nfrumuse?at� a celei mai vechi
povestiri minune, continuarea clerului budist sus?ine c� Guandi r�m�ne un protector
hot�r�t ?i devotat al credin?ei (Johnston1921: 61). Se poate face o pauz� pentru a
lua �n considerare direc?ia adev�rat� a procesului de acultura?ie: dac� budi?tii �l
convertesc pe Guan Yu, sau chiar �i transform� �ntr-un mod mai autentic �n chinez�?
stabilit� de secolul al IX-lea (Inoue 1941, nr.148). Nu trebuie s� lu�m mult timp
pentru templele taoiste, de asemenea, s�-l adopt�m drept zeul lor protector; ?i �n
timpul c�ntecului (960-1279), revendicarea taoist� asupra lui Guan Yu a fost
suprascris� �n calitatea sa de protector. �n Xiezhou din Shanxi, unde sa n�scut
Guan Yu, exist� o faimoas� numit� Salt Lake. �n templu Song a fost creat un templu
Daoist lui Guan Yu la SaltLake. Potrivit mitului fondator, un lac de templu al
legendarului �mp�rat Galben a fost construit ini?ial. Cu toate acestea, cur�nd dup�
aceea, un demon care sa dovedit a fi Chi You, lider al triburilor Miao �nvins de
�mp�ratul Galben, a �nceput s�-?i �nt�reasc� zona. Maestrul Daoist Zhang a fost
instruit de curtea imperial� s� g�seasc� o cale de a pune cap�t acestei profan�ri a
onoarei imperiale. Maestrul a invocat asisten?a lui Guan Yu, care a trimis solda?ii
din umbra (yin) s� lupte ?i s�-i �nving� pe voi. Templul a fost �ntemeiat pentru a
mul?umi lui Guan Yu ?i a comemora evenimentul (Inoue 1941, nr.2: 248; Johnston
1921: 56). Inee Ichii (1941, nr.2: 250) consider� c� �ndumnezeirea lui Guan Yu ca
zeoist� comunicate prin elaborarea acestei povestiri �n piesele din perioada Yuan
(1279-1368). Desigur, mitul fondator al lui Guan Yutemple de la Salt Lake are toate
ingredientele unui mit legiuitor taoist: atrage un element poten?ial semnificativ
�n povestea lui Gu ..............

un Yu - locul s�u de na?tere - ?i se combin� cu geografia sacr� ?i istoria antic� a

Chinei; cu acest context, identific� curtea imperial� ca patron al tao?tilor care
au �nvins cu succes spiritul lui Guan Yu pentru a restabili onoarea imperial�.
Inoue, de asemenea, asociaz� rolul lui Guan Yu ca zeu al bog�?iei, cu patronajul
s�u de c�tre tao?i, care sunt faimo?i pentru preocuparea lor cu alchimia. Este bine
cunoscut faptul c� r�sp�ndirea �nchin�rii lui Guan Yu ca zeitate popular� dincolo
de limitele religiei sectare a fost comunicat� romanele vernaculare ?i piese de
teatru ale tranzi?iei Song-Yuan, �n special Sanguozhi pinghua ?i povestea Sanguozhi
yanyi ("Povestea celor trei regate") de Luo Guanzhong. �n aceste imagini,
sl�biciunile muritoare ale lui Guan Yu v�zute �n Indicele lui Chen Shou dispare
f�r� prea mult� urm� ?i, f�r� �ndoial�, datorit� faptului c� imaginea divin� a lui
Guan Yu a fost hr�nit� �n con?tiin?a popular� (Yang 1981; Huang 1968: 12-14). Dar
aceste media populare reflect�, de asemenea, evolu?iile sociale largi, de la
C�ntarea care a promovat r�sp�ndirea lui Guan Yu ca o divinitate printre comercian?
i, grupuri profesionale, comunit�?i rurale ?i societ�?i secrete. Huang Huajie leag�
popularitatea cresc�nd� a lui Guan Yu �n Ming (1368- 1644) ?i Qing (1644-1911) fa?�
de marile schimb�ri socio-economice ale epocii, care, desigur, au permis
populariz�rii mass-mediei populare. �ntruc�t economia rural� a devenit din ce �n ce
mai comercial�, comunit�?ile autohtone de origine rus� au tendin?a de a se
dezintegra. �n locul lor, a?ez�rile au ajuns s� fie compuse din grupuri de rude
ne�nrudite, comercian?i pentru care tovar�?ul devenise un mod de via?�, ?i popoare
marginale f�r� o comunitate, cum ar fi vagabonzi ?i bandi?i. Nici unul dintre
aceste grupuri noi nu a reu?it s� foloseasc� obliga?iuni ale comunit�?ii kinshipor
sau s� ?in� �mpreun� a?ez�rile. Ca un simbol al loialit�?ii ?i tutelei, imaginea
lui Guan Yu a inspirat o etic� a �ncrederii ?i a camaraderiei de a ?ine �mpreun� "o
societate a str�inilor" (Huang 1968: 100, 122, 227-29). Astfel, anumite elemente
ale mitului, a dezvoltat p�n� acum materiale comune pentru diverse grupuri; dar
fiecare grup, de asemenea, suprascrie imaginea lui Guan Yuto care se potrive?te cu
circumstan?ele sale specifice. Pentru comunit�?ile rurale, imaginea unui protestat
de �ncredere a templelor a dat na?tere �n mod natural protec?iei comunit�?ilor ?i,
eventual, celor celor vindec�tori ?i furnizorilor. Li Jinghan, �n studiul s�u masiv
al lui DingCounty, a scris c� oamenii din comunit�?ile rurale l-au �nchinat lui
Guan Yu s� "caute avere ?i s� evite dezastrul" (1933: 432). Pentru comercian?i,
care se ocup� acum de regiuni �ndep�rtate, necunoscute ?i neprotejate, Guan Yu a
inspirat mai �nt�i �ncrederea ?i loialitatea (pentru a contracta) ?i, treptat, a
adus �ns�?i sursa bog�?iei. �ntorc�ndu-se din nou la un exemplu din jude?ul Ding,
atunci c�nd comercian?ii au fost �ntreba?i de ce i-au �nchinat lui Guan Yu, ei au
r�spuns c� au f�cut-o, deoarece Guarr Yu nu era altul dec�t Caishen, zeul bog�?iei
(Huang 1968: 229). societ�?ile secrete, jur�m�ntul de loialitate pe care GuanYu la
sus?inut a c�?tigat o importan?� de neegalat. Toate riturile ?i ceremoniile dintre
Triaj, de exemplu, inclusiv cele petrecute la ini?ierea recru?ilor ?i pedepsirea
tr�d�torilor, au avut loc �naintea altarelor lui Guan Yu ?i a fondatorilor societ�?
ii secrete (Yang 1967: 64). Ca ?i budi?tii ?i Superscrip?iile daoiste,
interpret�rile nonsectare ale lui Guan Yu nu erau construc?ii aleatorii. Ei au
construit nu numai elemente originale ale mitului, ci ?i unul pe altul. Astfel,
miezul comun a fost el �nsu?i un fenomen care evolueaz�; elemente care nu au fost
g�site �n nici o interpretare, cum ar fi sl�biciunile muritoare ale lui Guan Yu �n
descrierea original� a lui Chen Shou, au c�zut �n mod natural. Dar, �n mod obi?
nuit, un accent special de interpretare nu a eliminat alte versiuni. �ntr-adev�r,
le-a atras aten?ia: prestigiul zeului �nsu?i a rezultat din ce �n ce mai mult din
dovezile urm�ririi sale spirituale de at�tea grupuri pentru o perioad� at�t de
lung�, deoarece o superscrip?ie depinde de rezonan?ele simbolice ale imaginii �n
cultur�. vorbit doar de grupurile sociale f�r� mijloacele instrumentale de a-?i
imit� imaginea asupra altora. Ce s-ar �nt�mpla cu arena interpretativ� atunci c�nd
un grup aparte puternic, cum ar fi statul imperial, a c�utat s� domine simbolul
Guan Yu cu toat� greutatea aparatului s�u politic? Mitul Guandi ?i lucrarea
Imperiului de StatValerie Hansen despre canonizarea c�nt�rilor de zeit�?i a
stabilit apropierea dintre d�ruirea oficial� a unui titlu pe o divinitate ?i
�nflorirea acestuia ca cult apopular. Recunoa?terea nesistematic� p�n� acum a
zeit�?ilor locale de c�tre statul care a fost standardizat� �n C�nt ca titluri a
fost acordat�, iar zeii au fost aduse �n registrul local al sacrificiilor. Func?
ionarii, elitele ?i oamenii obi?nui?i au crezut c� aceste titluri au �mbun�t�?it de
fapt puterile divine ale zeit�?ilor, iar grupurile locale adesea l-au eliberat ?i
s-au sinucis cu oficialii pentru a ob?ine recunoa?terea pentru zei
gods ................ (Hansen1987: cap.3). Implicarea statului imperial cu cultul
Guandi a reflectat acest proces; recunoa?terea oficial� a fost �ncurajat� de
popularitatea cultului, care la r�ndul s�u a r�sp�ndit �n continuare faima zeului.
Dar mai important, eforturile statului au r�mas �n modul de superscriere. Statul nu
a putut ?i, �n majoritatea cazurilor, nu a c�utat nici m�car s� ?terg� versiunile
locale ale zeilor; mai degrab�, a �ncercat s�-?i descopere puterea simbolic�
chiar ?i atunci c�nd ?i-a stabilit domina?ia asupra lor. A?a c� vedem statul
imperial din C�ntare, pe care �l purt�m pe Guan Yu cu titluri succesive mai mari ?i
mai glorioase. �n timpul tranzi?iei de la nord spre Songul de Sud, el se ridic� de
la statutul unui zeu cu un titlu ducal (gong) la unul cu un principiu domnesc
(wang), reflect�nd probabil necesitatea c�ntecului de asisten?� divin� pentru a se
descurca �mpotriva presiunii cresc�nde a atacurilor la nord (Inoue 1941, nr.2:
245). Sub Mongolii (1279-1368), el �l �nlocuie?te pe Jiang Taigong ca pe un ofi?er
de r�zboi (Ruhlmann 1960: 174), iar p�n� �n 1615 i se atribuie titlul imperial ?i
este declarat Guandi, suporterul cerului ?i protector al imperiului (Inoue1941 ,
este clar c� toate dinastiile de la C�ntare p�n� la Qing au c�utat s� suprascrizeze
imaginile lui Guandi ?i, astfel, s�-?i potriveasc� simbolismul pentru scopurile
sale, dar �n mod deliberat sau nu, aceste dinastii anterioare au promovat, de fapt,
�nchinarea lui Guandi �n diferitele sale aspecte ?i a �ncurajat diferitele
interpret�ri. Acest lucru a fost cazul chiar ?i �n timpul Mingului, bine cunoscut
pentru tendin?ele absolutiste. Ming la venerat pe Guandi ca pe zeul r�zboiului �n
templul Baima de la Beijing, care a devenit templul oficial cel mai �nalt Guandi.
Templele oficiale ale lui Guandiwere au fost, de asemenea, stabilite la site-urile
de lupt�, �n special �n timpul r�zboaielor coreene din Ming t�rziu (Inoue 1941,
nr.2: 259). Ming a f�cut, de asemenea, contribu?ii substan?iale la Guandishrina din
jude?ul Dangyang la numai c�?iva kilometri est de templul budist original. Templul
original de pe muntele Yuquan, responsabil cu cultul lui Guandi ca zeu al
templelor, a fost supus unei revigor�ri sub mongoli , care a favorizat buddhismul.
Prin patronajul acestui site, statul Ming a atras puterea povestilor minune
asociate cu templul ?i zona - site-ul presupus de martyrdom al lui Guandi - chiar ?
i atunci c�nd la onorat �n stilul oficial. Mai mult, �n timp ce era scris� o
superscrip?ie oficial�, guvernul Ming continua s� promoveze ?i alte aspecte ale
cultului. De exemplu, a patronat un alt templu din zona Beijingului, numit
Yuecheng, unde Guan Yu a fost venerat ca un zeu al bog�?iei, un cult care sa
r�sp�ndit rapid �n aceast� perioad�. �ntr-adev�r, a devenit at�t de important c�
atunci c�nd a primit imperialul �n 1615, Guan Yu din acest templu a fost atribuit
(Huang 1968: 138-41, Inoue 1941, nr.2: 249, 253, 257) . Av�nd �n vedere preocuparea
statului chinezesc imperial cu stabilirea unui monopolist al canalelor de
comunicare cu lumea spiritului, nu este deloc surprinz�tor c� ar dori s� controleze
mitul �nfloritor Guandi. Dar statul Ming a c�utat s�-?i asigure controlul, nu prin
eliminarea mitului acelor simboluri care nu au sus?inut direct versiunea proprie a
lui Guandi ca un r�zboinic loial autorit�?ii statului; ea a c�utat, mai degrab�,
s�-?i asume diferitele aspecte ale lui Guan Yu �n cadrul patronajului imperial ?i
astfel s� fie patronul patronilor. �n acest fel, eforturile sale au contribuit la
numeroasele imagini ale lui Guandi g�site �n imagina?ia popular� p�n� �n secolul al
XX-lea: un herowho a fost un protector ?i, de asemenea, un furnizor ?i un r�zboinic
care era loial pentru constituirea autorit�?ii, dar ?i pentru jur�m�ntul s�u.
Superscrierea Qing a mitului Guandi a fost distinctiv par?ial pentru c� era mai
sistematic� ?i par?ial pentru c� a fost orchestrat� cu schimb�ri institu?ionale.3
Exist� controverse cu privire la data la care a fost conferit titlul imperial. Cu
toate acestea, putem fi destul de siguri c� a avut loc �n ultima perioad� Ming
(Inoue 1941, nr.149). Dup� cum au f�cut predecesorii lor, Qing a promovat Guandi la
statute tot mai �nalte �n cultul oficial. �n 1853, �n timpul r�zvr�tirii Taiping,
�nchinarea sa a fost ridicat� la acela?i nivel �n sacrificiile oficiale (sidian) ca
?i cea a lui Confucius (Qingshi 1961, juan85: 1070). Punctul �nalt al procesului de
superscrip?ie a fost compilarea hishagiografiei, Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji (o
colec?ie complet� a scrierilor ?i ilustra?iilor referitoare la faptele sfinte din
Guandi, abreviat� ca GSTQ), ceea ce a reprezentat un efort masiv pentru
confucianizarea lui Guandi. Aceast� compila?ie a fost
publicat� prima dat� �n 1693 ?i reeditat� de patru ori �n Qing. Au existat
elemente �n povestea vie?ii lui Guandi, care ar fi putut fi v�zut� �n mod dubios de
ortodoxia confucian�. Nu numai c� era foarte pu?in cunoscut despre trecutul lui ?i
despre via?a lui timpurie, dar romantismul vernacular al celor Trei Regate ?i-a
jucat, de asemenea, �nregistrarea sa ca pe un legiuitor - un om �n?el�tor de drept,
pentru a fi sigur, cine a ucis o exploatativ� magie .....................

ci un r�uf�c�tor (Roberts 1976: 7). Au existat ?i alte ambiguit�?i cu privire la

loialitatea fa?� de autoritatea constituit�: exist� un episod �n care el �i permite
lui Cao Cao, arca?ul domnitorului pe care la servit, s� scape pentru ca Cao Cao s�
poat� continua s� amenin?e statul. Mai mult dec�t at�t, r�sp�ndirea �nchin�rii sale
ca zeu al bog�?iei ?i ca zeu patron al diverselor interese sec?ionale nu a fost,
probabil, deosebit de conving�toare fa?� de modul confucian de a privi eroii ei.
Ocazia compil�rii din 1693 a fost dat� de presupusa descoperire a genealogiei lui
Guandi printre unele c�r�mizi �ntr-un pu? �n locul lui de na?tere din Xiezhou. Din
cauza originilor sale obscure, unul dintre proiecte a fost s�-l �nr�d�cineze cu
fermitate ca un respectabil practician de pietate filial�. A patra prefa?� a
textului �ncepe cu o exegez� literar� complementaritatea valorilor loialit�?ii ?i
evlaviei filial�. Autorul scrie: "Iti relocalizez pietatea filial� c� devine
loialitate. De asemenea, se spune: dac� c�uta?i loiali sonsseek la poarta fiului
filial" (GSTQ, 4 intro). Dup� �nregistrarea evenimentelor din via?a lui Guandi,
care �i dezv�luie clar loialitatea, autorul se pl�nge c�, p�n� la descoperirea
genealogiei, nu exista o modalitate real� de a verifica originea lui Guandi sau
dac� el era �ntr-adev�r filial�. Descoperirea genealogiei dezv�luie cum �n?elege
Guandideeply marile principii ale Analelor de prim�var� ?i de toamn� ... fine?ea
sa, care st� �n rai, trebuie �n mod necesar s� poat� uita bun�voin?a ?i gra?ia
str�mo?ilor s�i. El �?i aminte?te aceste virtu?i ca s� le transmit� genera?iilor
mai t�rzii. Astfel, inima sa de filialitate pur� este mai mare dec�t loialitatea ?i
neprih�nirea, care sunt doar o singur� via?� (GSTQ 4th intro.) �n 1725, trei
genera?ii ale str�mo?ilor s�i au fost decernate rangului ducal sacrificii i-au fost
comandate de dou� ori pe an pe tot parcursul templului Guandi oficial �n imperiu
(Daqing lichao shilu [17251 1937, juan 31: 3a). Alte pasaje vorbesc despre
st�p�nirea clasicilor confuciani: "Oamenii au curaj ?i nu au ?tiut despre cuno?tin?
ele sale despre principiul 1. Guandiliked s� citeasc� Analele de prim�var� ?i de
toamn� C�nd la c�lare, un singur m�ner liber va ?ine �ntotdeauna un volum "(GSTQ 2d
intro.). �ntr-adev�r, lucrarea atribuie loialitatea sa �n?elegerii �n?elesului
subtil al Annalelor. Spre deosebire de Sima Qian, care reprezint� idealul ?tiin?
ific, Guandi este reprezentat idealul activistului, �n?eleptul confucian care
"protejeaz� principiile ?i perfec?ioneaz� exercitarea puterii" (shoujing daquan;
GSTQ, intro 3d). �n cele din urm�, divinitatea sa este legat� de m�re?ia
imperiului: "Divinitatea lui Guandi [ling] st� �n rai. Sacrific� pentru el �n
templere ?inut� pe un plan �nalt pentru a-?i manifesta demnitatea minunat�. a
lungul perioadei lungi de pace �n imperiu, �n care merit� s� protejeze statul ?i s�
ad�posteasc� poporul. neobservate �n societate dac� nu ar fi �nso?ite ?i de
schimb�ri institu?ionale. Aceste schimb�ri, puse �n aplicare �n 1725, au fost o
pies� cu o organizare administrativ� masiv� realizat� de �mp�ratul Yongzheng pentru
a spori puterea statului imperial. temple pentru a Guandi inevery capitala jude?,
cel mai bine dotat a fost selectat ca templul oficial Guandi (adesea cunoscut sub
numele de Wumiao, sau templul culturii militare) de c�tre autorit�?ile locale, un
unde ar fi trebuit s� se fac� �n mod regulat sacrificii lui Guandi ?i str�mo?ilor
s�i. Aceste temple au fost apoi aduse sub comanda celui mai �nalt templu Guandi de
salvare oficial�, templul Baima din capital� (Daqing lichao shilu [17251 1937, juan
31: 3a). Aceast� structur� a fost modelat� pe ierarhia templelor confuciene
(Wenmiao sau Templeof Cultur� civil�), prin care statul imperial �ncorporeaz�
literaturii �ntr-un sistem oficial de reveren?� sanc?ionat oficial. A?a cum a
subliniat Stephan Feuchtwang (1977: 584), templele oficiale ale ora?elor erau
pentru uzul oficial exclusiv; acestea erau locuri �n care popula?ia oficial� ?i
neoficial� s-ar putea amesteca. �n timp ce �n timpul �nchin�rii oficiale a lui
Confucius, templele Guandi frecventau confuciantemples (care adesea includeau o
imagine a zeului literar, Wen Chang), frecventate de membrii grupului, de negustori
?i de al?ii, (Feuchtwang1977: 585). �ntr-adev�r, Feuchtwang observ� c� �n Taiwan ?i
�n sud-estul Chinei "comercian?ii de a-?i transforma averea �n statut ?i de a se
muta �n clasa literei ar contribui la construirea templelor oficiale ... Un exemplu
al acestei �ntreprinderi de �mbun�t�?ire a fe?ei - chiar mai bun� dec�t cl�direa a
templelor c�tre Kwan-ti [Guandil ?i Ma-tsu [Tian Houl, care erau populare �n toate
clasele popula?iei, au construit temple dedicate lui Confucius ?i Kuan-ti, numi?i
adesea Wen-wu miao ?i adesea �ntemeiat� �n leg�tur� cu �nfiin?area unei institu?ii
de �nv�?�m�nt privat "(1977: 584). Imaginea lui Guandi a dezvoltat o asociere
distinct� cu cultura confucian� ?i imperial�, ?i prin ierarhie a temei oficiale c�
ortodoxia ?i-a comunicat imaginea suprascriptibil�. Suprascrip?ia imperial� a lui
Guandi nu a r�mas, bine�n?eles, o cre?tere a popularit�?ii sale �n alte roluri, mai
ales ca un zeu al bog�?iei sau ca protector al comunit�?ilor locale. superiorii
imperiali - elitele - at�t de gentri?�, c�t ?i de nongentrie - pentru a-?i ar�ta
loialitatea fa?� de imaginea oficial� ?i astfel schimb�rile au reu?it s� schimbe
considerabil aria interpretativ� a mitului Guandi. Mitul acum a fost dominat de
imagini oficiale, �n timp ce alte imagini au fost obligate s� se reorienteze ?i s�
redefine statutul lor �n raport cu ele. Pentru a ilustra punctul meu de vedere, m�
voi referi la dovezi din partea societ�?ii locale China �n nordul Qing ?i �n
republica. Mitul Guandi �n cultura popular� Multe din materialele pentru
argumentele din aceast� sec?iune sunt preluate din �nregistr�rile etnografice ?i
epigrafice din c�mpia din China de Nord a secolului al XIX-lea ?i al XX-lea.4
Guandi a fost probabil cel mai popular zeu venerate �n satele lui4 Cele mai
importante dintre acestea sunt anchetele rurale japoneze �n ?ase volume, cunoscute
sub numele de ChugokunJson kankJ chJsa, desf�?urate �ntre 1940 ?i 1942 ?i publicate
pentru prima dat� �n 1952. Aici vor fi denumite CN urmate de num�rul volumului.
Alte surse includ sondajele savantului japonez Yamamoto Bin, care a colectat
folclate ?i legende din �ntreaga regiune NorthChina �n anii 1930 ?i 1940, g�site �n
Chigoku no minkan denshJ (1976). Vezi, de asemenea, Li 1933 ?i Gamble 1968. 786
PRASENJIT DUARANorth China. Numeroasele temple ?i stelaje create pentru el �n
satele chestionate sunt m�rturii elocvente despre acest fapt. De?i popularitatea
lui Guandi nu poate fi atribuit� exclusiv patronajului imperial, imaginea lui
Guandi g�sit� �n sate reflect� statutul ridicat pe care la ocupat ca urmare a
onoarelor imperiale. �n afar� de Guandi, zeul p�m�ntesc, Tudi (divinitatea tutelar�
a satelor), a fost probabil cel mai des �nt�lnit zeu din satele chineze nordice
(Smith 1899: 140). Dar Tudi era v�zut �n mod diferit de Guandi. Urm�torul schimb a
fost �nregistrat �n jude?ul Shunyi, Hebei: Q: Care este diferen?a dintre templul
Tudi ?i templul Guandi? A: Tudi este preocupat de un singur sat, dar Guandi este
preocupat nu numai de sat, ci ?i de afacerile �ntreaga na?iune.Q: Nu outsideri
[waicunrenj �nchinare la templul Tudi? A: Ei nu. Chiar dac� ei nu fac nimic, vor
veni din ea. Q: Ce zici de Guandi? O: Oamenii pot veni de oriunde. Oricine poate
vizita un templu Guandi oriunde. (CN, 1: 213) �n satul Wu's Shop din apropiere de
Beijing, un informator a fost �ntrebat: Q: Ce este mai bun, templul Tudi sau
templul Guandi A: Templul Guandi este superior. Tudi se ocup� de afacerile acestui
sat. Dar Guandi este o fiin?� minunat� ?i nu se ocup� doar de treburile acestui
sat. Heis nu este doar un zeu al acestui sat. (CN, 5: 431) Cei doi zei au
reprezentat simboluri distinct contrastante. Tudi a fost v�zut ca un subordonat
care se ocupa �n mod unic de afacerile unui anumit sat, �n vreme ce Guandiwas era
v�zut� ca o mare fiin?�, simbolic� a na?iunii ?i demn� de a fi venerat� de oricine.
Cultele religioase bazate pe comunitate din Qing t�rziu, cum ar fi cele din
Guandi ?i Tudi, au fost legate indirect de cultul de stat ?i de religia oficial� ?i
au format o parte important� a infrastructurii �ntinse a otomodiei populare.
Tutelarydeities precum Tudi ?i Chenghuang (zeul ora?ului) au fost asimilate �n
religia oficial� �n modul birocratic. Dup� cum se ?tie bine, Tudi a simbolizat
p�m�ntul ca o entitate discret�, dar a fost v�zut ca un subaltern al lui
Chenghuang, care a fost responsabil fa?� de o zeitate mai �nalt�. Cu alte cuvinte,
ace?ti dumnezei erau birocra?i celesti cu jurisdic?ii distincte parohiale. Guandi,
pe de alt� parte, pare s� fi purtat o rela?ie cu ordinea birocratic� similar� cu
aceea a �mp�ratului, cu care a venit s� �mpart� titlul di. El a dep�?it o anumit�
identitate teritorial� ?i a simbolizat rela?ia satului cu exteriorul - cu o
categorie mai larg� ca statul, imperiul ?i cultura na?ional�. Guandi nu era
singurul dumnezeu care simboliza aceste identit�?i mai largi; el a �mp�rt�?it acest
statut cu Tian Hou, sau �mp�r�teasa cerului, �n preajerile de coast� de sud-est.
Dar �n restul Chinei, nu cunosc nici un zeu care a fost mai identificat ca fiind
reprezentant al culturii chineze dec�t Guandi. Iar aceast� identificare a lui
Guandi cu ordinele mai extinse ale civiliza?iei chineze a atras o elit� ascendent�
mobil� la interpretarea oficial� a lui Guandi ?i ia permis s� fie instalat� cu
succes �n societatea rural�. Stelajele dedicate lui Guandi �n multe sate prin
perioada Qing arat� c�
..................
toate interpret�rile posibile ale lui Guandi - ca un zeu al bog�?iei, ca protector
al templelor, ca erou loial fa?� de jur�m�ntul lui - cel pe care l-am g�sit cel mai
adesea era acela care la investit cu virtu?i confuciene ?i loialitate pentru a
stabili autoritatea. MITUL GUANDI, DUMNEZEUL CHINEZ DE R�ZBOI Au existat cinci
stelae dedicate lui Guandi �n satul Ditch Water din LichengCounty, Shandong.
Textele stelajurilor au fost uneori redactate de c�tre de?in�torii de diplome din
scaunul jude?ean ?i, uneori, de c�tre de?in�torii de grad inferior din sat.
Altestelae nu men?ioneaz� niciun titlu de gentry ?i pur ?i simplu a �nregistrat un
text scurt cu numele conduc�torilor satului ?i al contribuabililor. Cea mai
timpurie, datat� �n perioada Kangxi, �ncepe: se spune c� �n timpuri str�vechi s-au
f�cut sacrificii ?i s-au construit temple pentru cei care au adus meritul (gongul)
dinastiei, care au fost virtuo?i �n mijlocul poporului, care au glorificat
onoarea ?i integritate [mingjie) ... �ntr-un timp c�nd deasupra ?i dedesubt au fost
confundate ?i principiile corecte (gangji) s-au dezintegrat, a ap�rut o persoan�
special� care a fost loial� ?i a ac?ionat �n mod adecvat pentru a-?i p�stra via?a
(erjie buju yiming bugou4. El a f�cut pe slujitorii r�i ?i pe fiii t�lharilor s� ?
tie pozi?ia lor. El a primit o mare responsabilitate de a vedea c� nu au confundat
neprih�nirea (dayi) ?i c� au creat o tulburare ... El [Guandi] nu a acceptat nici
un fiu de la banditul Cao Cao ?i a r�mas loial �n casa lui Han. Acest lucru nu
merit� dinastia! El a eliminat pericolul turbionelor galbene ?i a executat solda?ii
dezordona?i ... Nu este aceasta o virtute pentru oameni! A c�utat o mie de frate
pentru fratele s�u. �n cele din urm�, el a murit deathof un martir [shashen cheng
ren). Nu este aceasta s� aduc� slav� la onoare ?i integritate? (CN, 4: 390) De?i
valorile ortodoxiei confuciene sunt scrise peste tot �n acest text, nic�ieri nu
exist� nici o demonstra?ie explicit� a loialit�?ii fa?� de dinastia Qing. �ntr-
adev�r, �n m�sura �n care este vorba despre o stea veche Qing, referirile la
loialismul lui Han ar putea fi chiar concepute ca o declara?ie de opozi?ie fa?� de
manchetul str�in. Dar la �nceputul secolului al XIX-lea, efectele superscrip?iei
Qing sunt peste tot evidente. Un text compus dintr-un titular de grad inferior al
satului din 1819 ?i purt�nd numele conduc�torilor satului cite?te astfel: Un
capitol din Cartea istoriei spune: Exist� momente c�nd un om bun se teme c� nu sunt
suficiente zile ?i c�nd un om r�u este de asemenea team� c� nu exist� suficiente
zile ". Astfel ?tim calea evlavioas� (shendao) stabile?te �nv�?�turi religioase
pentru a aduce fericirea omului bun ?i pentru a face r�u omului r�u. Acum, domnul
Guansheng din Shanxi dispre?uie?te cele nou� rele cu severitate sever�. La a
cincisprezecea zi a celei de-a noua luni din 1813, White Lotus a invadat incinta
capitalei, iar curtea imperiala a fost pusa in pericol. �n foarte pu?in timp,
binecuv�ntarea armatelor, cu str�lucirea puterilor sale divine, ia �mpins pe
WhiteLotus. El le-a f�cut s� se supun� legii ?i s�-i execute pe fiecare dintre
ei ... Liderii satului nostru ?i al?ii ?i-au salvat posesiunile umile ?i au adunat
ni?te bani pentru a construi un nou templu ?i o nou� imagine (CN, 4: 391 ) Apari?ia
presupus� a lui Guandi din partea for?elor imperiale �n timpul r�zvr�tirii
WhiteLotus din 1813 a fost ceva pe care �mp�ratul Jiaqing l-a publicat (Naquin
1976: 338-39), iar d�ruirea Qing a unui titlu pe Guandi dup� ce a avut loc �n 1815
a fost f�r� �ndoial� legat� de rolul s�u �n revolt� (Inoue 1941, nr.2: 266). Poate
c� promovarea imaginii imperiale a lui Guandi �n societatea local� a fost legat� de
acest eveniment; �n orice caz, stelajele din aceast� ?i alte sate din timpul
domniei lui Jiaqing (1796-1820) sunt pline de trimiteri la onorurile Qing din
Guandi (CN, 4: 391; CN, 1: 192; CN, 6: 151-52). Guandi ar fi trebuit, de fapt, s�
�nsemne pentru ?�ranii obi?nui?i, Qingstate-ul a reu?it s� suprascrie imaginea lui
Guandi p�n� la sate - o realizare remarcabil� pentru un stat premodern �ntr-o vast�
societate agrar�. Ea ar putea ajunge �n inimile acestei societ�?i deoarece a reu?it
s� creeze un sistem simbolic care s� g�zduiasc� aspira?iile elit�i rurale. Cultul
Guandi a exemplificat aceast� cazare perfect. Conducerea local� �n societatea
rural� a fost dezv�luit� de patronajul de elit� al zeit�?ilor populare ?i de
gestionarea ceremoniilor templului. Prin patronajul imaginii multi-vocale a lui
Guandi - �n cl�direa, repararea ?i gestionarea templelor - de exemplu - aceste
elite au reu?it s� articuleze aspira?iile lor de conducere �n societate ?i, �n
acela?i timp, s� se identifice cu un set de simboluri care au fost prestigioase ?i
pan-chineze �n domeniu (Duara 1988: capitolul 5). Imaginea confucian� a lui Guandi
perpetuat� de elitele statale ?i rurale ca ap�r�torul imperiului ?i institu?iile
sale nu au �nlocuit celelalte imagini ale lui. Este clar c� nici elitele, nici
statul nu au putut s� potriveasc� pe deplin simbolul popular al mitului Guandi.
Nici superscria lor nu ar fi fost

.............. au fost eficiente dac� au avut. Colec?ia de folcloruri Yamamoto Bin

din China de Nord din anii 1930 ?i 1940 con?ine povesti despre Guan Yu, care sunt
pur ?i simplu pove?ti locale ?i nimic mai mult (1976: 73, 75, 118, 151). Apoi,
satenii obi?nui?i i s-au rugat pentru tot felul de bani, inclusiv ploaia ?i cei de
la puterile sale vindec�toare (CN, 5: 433). Acest lucru a fost cazul ?�ranilor din
�ntreaga regiune a Chinei de Nord, unde a continuat s� se prezinte �n aspectul s�u
generalizat ca furnizor ?i protector al comunit�?ilor (3:15; CN, 6: 84-85). De?i
aceast� caracterizare a lui Guandi nu este �n niciun caz incompatibil� cu
caracterizarea imperial� ?i confucian�, ea nu poate invoca simbolic statul ?i
cultura confucian� �n acela?i mod ca ?i �n ceea ce prive?te opiniile din stelae.
Totu?i, superscrip?ia imperial� nu a fost f�r� impact asupra culturii populare.
Occasional a fost asimilat �ntr-un fel de imagini stratificate sau imbricate de
Guandi �n con?tiin?a popular�. Guandi apare adesea �n c�r?i de moralitate extrem de
populare (shanshu), cer�nd oamenilor s� fac� fapte meritorii pentru a ob?ine
m�ntuirea. Aceste c�r?i reflect� o moralitate popular� care este o amalgam� a
convingerilor ortodoxe confuciene ?i heterodoxe. �n aceste c�r?i, �l vedem frecvent
pe Guandi �n modul s�u confucian: exist� aluzie la dragostea sa pentru Analele de
prim�var� ?i toamn� ?i la presupusele sale calit�?i de filialpiety ?i neprih�nire.
�n acela?i timp, totu?i, el �?i exprim� credin?a �n Buddhistnotes de r�zbunare ?i
alte credin?e. �ntr-un singur pasaj, Guandi se pronun?� chiar ?i despre
sincretismul religiei populare prin pronun?area c� budismul, daoismul ?i
confucianismul provin de la aceea?i surs� (Harada 1955: 37). �n urm�toarea stea din
satul Hou Lineage Camp din jude?ul Changli, Hebei, observ�m o instan?� unde
imaginea oficial� a lui Guandi a fost asimilat� cu vechile asocia?ii ale lui ca
surs� de prosperitate. Aceast� stea a fost �nfiin?at� �n 1864 c�nd templul c�tre
zeu al bog�?iei a fost reparat: o Stel� care comemoreaz� reconstruc?ia templului
caisen ?i crearea unei imagini a imaginii Sf�ntului suveran Guan este modelat� ?i
pictat� pentru a crea uimirea autorit�?ii sale divine. Aceasta va acorda importan?�
�nv�?�turilor sale ?i preferin?elor sale, care au fost �ntotdeauna acela?i. Satul
nostru de bannere Hou a avut �n vechime un templu pentru zeul bog�?iei. �ns�, a
devenit acoperit de bramble ?i fum. �n trecut, am avut �n mod repetat vizitat
templul, dar timp de trei ani randamentul p�m�ntului fusese foarte s�rac. Acum
Taisui (zeul stea care prezideaz� ciclul anual) este aliniat la soare. Ca atribut
de mul?umiri ne-am adunat pentru a discuta despre expansiunea templului. Atragem
astfel admira?ia noastr� fa?� de protec?ia lui Guandi de neprih�nirea Nyi) ?i
p�strarea institu?iilor imperiului. Vrem s� ardem t�m�ie ?i s�-i facem ofrande.
Mitul lui Ghandi, Dumnezeul chinez al r�zboiului Am �mpr�?tiat aurul lui Dannapati.
Am contribuit cu bani cu generozitate ?i am avut un dulgher capabil ca celebrul
Gongshu. Ne-am adunat artizani cu o pricepere deosebit�. Acum exist� dragoni care
danseaz� pe grinzi �n numere abundente. Fie ca averea ?i onoarea s� fie re�nnoite
ve?nic (fugui changchun) (CN, 5: 377). Aceast� stea, care purta numele
conduc�torilor satului ?i a doi de?in�tori de diplome, a fost ridicat� �n prezen?a
magistratului jude?ean. Demonstreaz� procesul actual al superscrip?iei imperiale �n
sat, imaginea oficial� a lui Guandi fiind scris� deasupra unui cult mai vechi al
zeului bog�?iei. Acest tip de superscrip?ie nu a fost probabil neobi?nuit �n anii
1860, c�nd ordinul imperial a fost revigorat pentru scurt timp dup� devastarea
revoltelor din mijlocul secolului XX. Dar nici reprezentan?ii statului, nici
s�tenii nu p�reau s� fie deosebi?i de rela?ia str�ns� �n textul dintre Guandi ?i
zeul bog�?iei, prin cola?ionarea "onoarei" ?i "bog�?iei". Coment�nd aceast� rela?ie
mai general, Basil Alexeiev scrie, "Un alt exemplu al acestei asocia?ii curioase ?i
aparent ilogice este cultul lui Kuan Ti [Guandi], numit �n mod obi?nuit de c�tre
scriitori despre China Dumnezeul r�zboiului, dar care este, de fapt, un Dumnezeu al
bog�?iei ?i apare �n multe icoane de uz casnic cu toate dot�rile a unui astfel de
zeu "(1928: 1). Superscrierea oficial� a lui Guandi �n stea, cu referin?a sa asupra
p�str�rii drepte a institu?iilor imperiale, nu a dus la nici o diminuare a asocia?
iei lui Guandi cu zeul bog�?iei ?i promisiunea prosperit�?ii. Pe de alt� parte, un
efort puternic de superscriere, cum ar fi din statul Qing ar putea reordona arta
interpretativ� a mitului ?i ar aduce interpret�ri alternative �ntr-o nou� rela?ie
cu el. Au existat situa?ii �n care imaginea lui Guandi ca bunuri de bog�?ie �n
r�ndul unor grupuri trebuia s� negocieze statutul s�u �n raport cu imaginea
oficial�. Am men?ionat c�, atunci c�nd comercian?ii din jude?ul Ding au fost
�ntreba?i de ce au venerat Guandi, ei au r�spuns c� au f�cut-o pentru c� era
Caishen, zeul bog�?iei. Interlocutorul sa �ntrebat cum ar putea fi acest lucru
.....................
c�nd Zengfu era considerat deja dumnezeul bog�?iei. Comercian?ii s-au gr�bit s�
r�spund� c� exist�, de fapt, dou� zeit�?i de bog�?ie, Guandi ?i Zengfu. �n timp ce
Zengfu era zeul civil al bog�?iei, Guandi a fost zeul militar al bog�?iei (Huang
1968: 229; vezi ?i Harada 1955: 35). Acest punct de vedere a fost aparent obi?nuit.
Alexeiev observ� (1928: 9) c� c�r?ile de c�r?i cainele Caishen ca zeul civil al
bog�?iei "�n timp ce fierari, t�ietori de orice natur� ?i toate meseriile manuale"
�l �nchin� lui Guandi ca zeul militar al bog�?iei. Diviziunea dintre templele
civile ?i cele militare a reprezentat o tr�s�tur� de baz� a cultului republican
imperial ?i timpuriu (Johnston 1921: 48, 85). Imaginea popular� nu a disp�rut, dar
a �nv�?at s� se adapteze imaginii oficiale de prestigiu. Uneori prestigiul ?i
preten?iile �nalte ale imaginii imperiale �i d�deau o putere prin care unitatea
imperial� putea s� subordoneze ?i chiar s� mobilizeze opiniile lui Guandi cauza sa.
Acesta a fost cazul �n timpul r�zvr�tirii din Taiping, la mijlocul secolului al
XIX-lea, c�nd Guandi a fost ridicat la acela?i statut ca ?i Confucius �n riturile
oficiale, ating�nd astfel statutul de protector al ecumenilor chinezi. Taipings, un
grup rebel creat de cre?tini, p�rea c� nu numai statul imperial, ci ?i fundamentele
sistemului confucian. Elitele politice conduse de gentri?�, care mobilizau
rezisten?a ?i �n cele din urm� au �nvins pe Taiping, au putut s� atrag� o societate
secret� antistatal� membri �n armatele lor locale. De?i stimulentele monetare au
fost f�r� �ndoial� importante �n atragerea societ�?ilor asociative, Huang Huajie
(1968: 230) consider� c� apelul la imaginea lui Guandi a fost mai important. Aceste
societ�?i au fost formate de subclas�rile r�sturnate ale "r�urilor ?i lacurilor"
(�n limba lui Wagter Magrgin), pentru care jur�m�ntul ?i moartea eroic� a PRASENJIT
DUARAGuandi au simbolizat for?at fr�?ia jur�m�nt� pe care au folosit-o pentru a-?i
modela o comunitate proprie. Pentru ei, jur�m�ntul simboliza loialitatea fa?� de
bresle, nu fa?� de statul care fusese inamicul lor. Cu toate acestea, �n condi?iile
�n care ar fi putut fi demonstrat c� civiliza?ia chinez� �ns�?i a fost atacat� de
Tat�l str�in, identificarea lui Guandi cu na?iunea ?i civiliza?ia chinez�, modelate
�n mare m�sur� de c�tre statul imperial ?i elitele, ar putea fi mobilizat� �n
ap�rarea ordinii imperiale . La urma urmei, Guandi nu a ap�rat casa lui Hanfrom
turbane galbene rebele? Renegocierea statutelor ar putea fi complex�. Cu toate c� o
versiune neoficial� se limiteaz� clar la imaginea oficial� a lui Guandi, ca ?i �n
urm�toarea descriere budist�, nu este deloc clar dac� caracteriz�rile neoficiale
sufer� �n mod necesar pierderi nete �n proces. �n 1894, ciuma bubonic� sa r�sp�ndit
mult peste sudul Chinei. Cu ajutorul unui planchet, Guandi sa dezv�luit unei
societ�?i budiste sau budiste din Canton, "Societatea pentru performan?a bunelor
fapte", ?i a exprimat opinii despre cauzele ciumei, precum ?i despre modalitatea de
ao elimina (Portengen 1898: 461- 8) .5 Guandi sa referit la numeroasele titluri
acordate de dynastia lui Qing, precum ?i �n diferitele sale birouri celeste. El a
dezv�luit c� a fost responsabil de Departamentul de Epidemii, unde supraveghea o
mie de fantome ?i func?ionari pentru a inspecta activit�?ile ?i moralul uman.
Guandi a dezv�luit c� cauza final� a plagii a fost decaden?a moral� a poporului,
care era dezonorant�, risipitoare ?i �n?el�toare. Oamenii trebuiau s� evite demonii
de cium� practic�nd pietatea filial�, loialitatea ?i onestitatea ?i prin a c�nta o
liturghie. �n plus, boga?ii urmau s�-?i demonstreze virtu?ile prin contribu?ii
caritabile. Ca semn c� �ndeplinesc cu adev�rat cerin?ele zeului r�zboiului,
gospod�riile au fost instruite s�-?i deseneze halberdul ?i s�-?i scrie cele zece
personaje ale numelui ?i titlului s�u. Semnul era atunci s� fie ata?at la intrarea
casei, care s� ?in� departe demonul de cium�. Guandi a consacrat apoi oamenii cu
privire la m�surile practice, cum ar fi arderea de amulete de purificare a apei �n
pu?uri infamilioase ?i amestecarea medicamentelor insecticide �n apa de b�ut. A
fost recunoscut faptul c� ciuma a fost r�sp�ndit� cu ap� din f�nt�ni ?i canale care
au fost otr�vite de ?obolani mor?i. Documentul aparent a reprezentat un mod
familiar de a valorifica autoritatea zeilor de a mobiliza popula?ia �n timpul unei
epidemii pentru a �ntreprinde at�t ritual, c�t ?i contram�suri practice. Francis
Hsu (1983: 11-24, 35-50) raporteaz� evolu?ii asem�n�toare �n Yunnan �n timpul
epidemiei de holer� din 1943. Hsu arat�, de asemenea, cum au fost considerate
cauzele epidemiei ca fiind �nr�d�cinate �n factorii socio-eticii. �n acest fel,
scopurile bun�st�rii sociale au devenit inseparabile de r�sp�ndirea ideilor
religioase. �n textul citat mai sus, mobilizarea social� este amestecat� cu
consolidarea credin?ei ?i practicii budiste. Acestea sunt dezv�luite �n preocuparea
cu r�zbunarea, cu capturarea liturgiilor ?i cu chemarea c�tre boga?i pentru a face
caritate

contribu?ii. Mai important, autoritatea acestor mesaje este atribuit� lui Guandi
- ?i este Guandi care se implic� foarte mult �n caracterizarea imperial� a lui.
Pasajul este plin de diferitele titluri ale lui Guandi ?i de propriile referiri la
onorurile lui Qing, pozi?ia lui oficial� �n birocra?ia celesteasc� ?i
confucianvirtualele fidelit�?ii ?i loialit�?ii filial�. Ceea ce avem aici este
reprezentarea imaginii oficiale a lui Guandi nu numai de a mobiliza popula?ia, ci ?
i de a sus?ine cerin?ele unei entit�?i altfel lipsite de putere din punct de vedere
politic - societatea budist� care a primit planchetul.5 Am reu?it doar s� g�sesc o
traducere francez� a text original. Multe mul?umiri lui CarolBenedict pentru
aducerea acestui text �n aten?ia mea. MITUL GUANDI, DUMNEZEUL CHINEZ DE R�ZBOI 791
Concluzii De?i imaginea lui Guandi �nsemna lucruri diferite pentru diferite
persoane, ceea ce �nsemna pentru o persoan� sa comunicat, �ntr-o oarecare m�sur�,
altora. Se ?tie cum au fost legate diferitele versiuni �ntr-un lan? semantic: un
r�zboinic loial fa?� de el �?i transfer� loialitatea autorit�?ii constituite; un
templu care protejeaz� eroii, comunit�?ile ?i statul este transformat �n metamonie
�ntr-un furnizor de s�n�tate ?i bog�?ie. Lan?ul semantic care constituie mitul
Guandi sa dezvoltat istoric, reflect�nd nevoile �n schimbare ale grupurilor de stat
?i sociale, pe m�sur� ce scria pe inscrip?iile simbolice anterioare. cei din
povestea original� care au servit imaginii unui grup anume, au sc�pat, dar puterea
conativ� - puterea de a impulsiona, inspira ?i motiva - orice interpretare unic�
derivat� din participarea sa la acest lan? semantic �n evolu?ie. Evolu?ia
simbolurilor de- semantic, caracterul lor continuu ?i discontinuu simultan, ne
permite s� vedem rela?ia schimb�rii simbolice cu schimbarea social�. Chiar ?i
atunci c�nd o agen?ie, cum ar fi statul centralizat Qing, dore?te s� domine
simbolul temeinic, chiar mecanismul superscrip?iei necesit� �n mod necesar
conservarea a cel pu?in a unora dintre celelalte voci care �nconjoar� simbolul. Un
simbol �?i izbute?te puterea de la rezonan?ele sale (?i uneori disonan?ele sale) �n
cultur�, din multitudinea de semnifica?ii adesea ascunse. Tocmai din cauza
scrierii, nu a ?tergerii, a inscrip?iilor anterioare, grupurile istorice pot fi
extinse pentru a extinde vechile frontiere ale sensului pentru a se adapta nevoilor
lor �n schimbare. Continuitatea oferit� de suprascriere permite ca noi coduri de
autoritate s� fie scrise �n timp ce legitimitatea vechiului este atras�. Astfel,
mass-media simbolic� se concentreaz� pe identit�?ile culturale ale intereselor
sociale �n schimbare, urm�rind scopuri sec?ionale, chiar dac� simbolurile se supun
transform�rilor. �n orice moment, aria interpretativ� a unui mit sus?ine un
cultural cultural care permite comunicarea ?i negocierea vederilor lumii. Lupta de
a supravie?ui �n aceast� aren� poate fi disperat� ?i, astfel, ?i efortul de a
domina, ca ?i Qing. Dar, de?i statul Qing a reu?it s� reordoneze arena
interpretativ� a mitului, hegemonia sa nu a fost niciodat� absolut�. �ntr-adev�r,
hegemonia �ntr-un domeniu suprascribed este rareori absolut�. Indiferent c�t de
intolerant a fost guvernul Qing s� se fi aflat, pe termen lung, capacitatea sa de
poli?ie a simbolurilor a fost limitat�. �n final, a trebuit s� fie satisf�cut de o
acceptare nominal� a versiunii oficiale de c�tre grupuri subaltern deosebit de
dese. Acesta a fost tocmai ceea ce f�cea solia superscrip?iei soliv: era o aren� �n
care grupuri subordonate, cum ar fi budi?tii plagumentului, au putut s� mobilizeze
imaginea hegemonic� �n beneficiul lor considerabil, dar, �n acela?i timp, at�t
grupurile dominante, c�t ?i cele subaltern, altele pentru scopurile lor.
Particip�nd la arena interpretativ� a mitului, imaginea Confoccian� putea avea
ocazional ?i ocazia de a-?i �mbun�t�?i autoritatea prin desf�?urarea scopurilor
nonhegemonice. O mare parte a puterii statului Qing la �n�l?imea sa a derivat din
capacitatea sa de a-?i prezenta autoritatea �n cultura popular�, �n special cu
tehnicile de superscriere. Superscrierea a permis statului imperial s� creeze o
imagine autoritar� a Guandi cu care ar putea identifica elitele rurale ?i pe care ?
�ranii ?i alte grupuri sociale ar putea s� le recunoasc� f�r� a renun?a la
dimensiunile lui Guandi care erau mai mult relevante pentru ei. Totu?i, ia �n
considerare ce sa �nt�mplat cu Chinesestate atunci c�nd a c�utat s� transforme
societatea �n timp ce submineaz� arena interpretativ� �n care a participat odat� -
cu alte cuvinte, atunci c�nd a �ncercat s� schimbe simultan societatea ?i cultura.
792 PRASENJIT DUARAThe secolul al XX-lea �n China a fost un moment �n care cultul
Guandi ?i, �ntr-adev�r, cele mai multe culte religioase au �nceput s� scad� (Duara
1988: cap.5). Originile acestui declin pot fi urm�rite p�n� la �nceputul secolului,
c�nd statul Qing ?i succesorii s�i republicani au lansat un curs de construc?ie
modern� a statului. Modernizatorii constructorilor de stat din nordul Chinei au
�ncercat s� confi?te templele
............
?i s� distrug� institu?iile religiei sate pentru a folosi resursele pentru a
construi ?coli ?i for?e de poli?ie moderne. �n calitate de modernizatori
ideologici, regimurile republicane au desf�?urat, de asemenea, ?i alte campanii
�mpotriva religiei populare ?i a "supersti?iei", elimin�nd din neaten?ie terenul
pentru comuni?ti �n acest proces. Desigur, aceste regimuri probabil au avut cuno?
tin?e despre consecin?ele importante pe care le-ar avea ac?iunile lor. Desigur,
superscrierea mitului Guandi nu a fost abandonat�. Statul republican a continuat
s�-l onoreze ?i chiar se spune c� leg�turile de loialitate dintre poli?ia
Guomindangsecret au fost scrise pe superscrip?iile anterioare ale mitului Guandi de
c�tre membrii societ�?ilor secrete. Dar, �n asaltarea unor astfel de institu?ii
comunitare ca temple ?i asocia?ii religioase, au fost bazele cultului Guandi,
regimurile de modernizare distrug bazele institu?ionale ale superscrip?iei
miticului ?i au atacat cele mai importante mijloace prin care at�t statul c�t ?i
elita au reu?it s�-?i reafirme continuu alian?a ?i concep?ia despre ordinea
social�. Ei au eliminat temele men?inerii autorit�?ii statului �n via?a local�
�ntr-un moment �n care acest stat a fost ingineria unor schimb�ri importante �n
societatea rural�. Singura modalitate prin care un regim de modernizare ar putea
lansa un atac simultan asupra aranjamentelor sociale ?i domeniul culturii a fost
prin construirea unor organiza?ii puternice �n societatea local�. Niciunul dintre
regimurile republicane nu a reu?it niciodat� s� construiasc� astfel de organiza?ii.
Lipsind aceste funda?ii, guvernul trebuia s� sus?in� cel pu?in, dac� nu s�-?i
consolideze, autoritatea �n domeniul cultural pentru a se angaja �n ac?iuni
sociale. Cu toate acestea, prin atacarea institu?iilor religioase, aceste regimuri
submineaz� principiile de comunicare a autorit�?ii lor �n societatea chinez�.
Recordul sumbru al republicanregimes �n zonele rurale are o leg�tur� bun� cu
incapacitatea lor de a crea o alternativ� viabil� la mitul Guandi, care s�
serveasc� drept un cadru simbolic de identificare ?i comunicare �ntre stat ?i ?
�r�ne?ti. GlosarBaimaCaishenCao CaoChen ShouChi YouDangyangdayidiDingerjie buju
yiming bugou -X 8 - Fugui changchunganggangji Algong mitul Guandi, DUMNEZEU CHINESE
R�ZBOIULUI 793Guan Yu rW 1J JGuandi Q IGuandi shengji tuzhi quanji qg vJiang
Taigong 5klingLiu Beimingjieqiufu mianhuoSanguozhiSanguozhi Pinghua ea, tSanguozhi
yanyishashen chengrenshendaoshoujing Daquan La N4sidianTudi Itwaicunrenwang
IWenmiaoWumiaoXiezhouyiYuecheng AYuquanZengfuZhang FeiZhi YiList de
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populare ?i schimbare social� �n SongPeriodul de Sud (1127-1275)". Ph.D. dis.,
Universitatea din Pennsylvania.HARADA MASAMI. 1955. "Kan'u shinko no nisan no y6so
ni tsuite" [Cu privire la c�teva elemente din credin?a Guan Yu]. Toho shuikyJ 8,
nr. 9.Hsu, FRANCIS L. K. 1983. Exorc?ionarea factorilor de dificultate: magie, ?
tiin?� ?i cultur�. Westport, Conn .: Greenwood Press.HUANG HuAJIE. 1968. Guangongde
renage yu shenge [Caracterul uman ?i divin al Domnului Guan]. Taibei: Taiwan
Shangwu Yinshuguan.INOUE ICHII. 1941. "Kan'u shibyo no yurai narabi ni hensen"
[Originile ?i dezvoltarea templelor Guan Yu]. Shirin 26, nr. 1, 2.JOHNSTON, R.F.
1921. "Cultul eroilor militari din China". Noua China Review3, nr. 2. GOFF,
JACQUES. 1980. "Cultura ?i folclorul ecleziastic �n Evul Mediu: Sf�ntul Marcellus
de la Paris ?i Dragonul". �n timp, munc� ?i cultur� �n MiddleAges, ed. Jacques Le
Goff. Trans. de Arthur Goldhammer. Chicago: Universitatea din Chicago Press.LI
JINGHAN. 1933. Dingxian shehui gaikuang diaocha [Investigarea condi?iilor sociale
�n jude?ul Ding]. Beijing: Zhonghua Pingmin Jiaoyu Zujinhui.Lu JUNSHEN, ed. 1876.
Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji [O colec?ie complet� a scrierilor ?i ilustra?iilor cu
privire la the
................. ?i s� distrug� institu?iile religiei sate pentru a folosi
resursele pentru a construi ?coli ?i for?e de poli?ie moderne. �n calitate de
modernizatori ideologici, regimurile republicane au desf�?urat, de asemenea, ?i
alte campanii �mpotriva religiei populare ?i a "supersti?iei", elimin�nd din
neaten?ie terenul pentru comuni?ti �n acest proces. Desigur, aceste regimuri
probabil au avut cuno?tin?e despre consecin?ele importante pe care le-ar avea ac?
iunile lor. Desigur, superscrierea mitului Guandi nu a fost abandonat�. Statul
republican a continuat s�-l onoreze ?i chiar se spune c� leg�turile de loialitate
dintre poli?ia Guomindangsecret au fost scrise pe superscrip?iile anterioare ale
mitului Guandi de c�tre membrii societ�?ilor secrete. Dar, �n asaltarea unor astfel
de institu?ii comunitare ca temple ?i asocia?ii religioase, au fost bazele cultului
Guandi, regimurile de modernizare distrug bazele institu?ionale ale superscrip?iei
miticului ?i au atacat cele mai importante mijloace prin care at�t statul c�t ?i
elita au reu?it s�-?i reafirme continuu alian?a ?i concep?ia despre ordinea
social�. Ei au eliminat temele men?inerii autorit�?ii statului �n via?a local�
�ntr-un moment �n care acest stat a fost ingineria unor schimb�ri importante �n
societatea rural�. Singura modalitate prin care un regim de modernizare ar putea
lansa un atac simultan asupra aranjamentelor sociale ?i domeniul culturii a fost
prin construirea unor organiza?ii puternice �n societatea local�. Niciunul dintre
regimurile republicane nu a reu?it niciodat� s� construiasc� astfel de organiza?ii.
Lipsind aceste funda?ii, guvernul trebuia s� sus?in� cel pu?in, dac� nu s�-?i
consolideze, autoritatea �n domeniul cultural pentru a se angaja �n ac?iuni
sociale. Cu toate acestea, prin atacarea institu?iilor religioase, aceste regimuri
submineaz� principiile de comunicare a autorit�?ii lor �n societatea chinez�.
Recordul sumbru al republicanregimes �n zonele rurale are o leg�tur� bun� cu
incapacitatea lor de a crea o alternativ� viabil� la mitul Guandi, care s�
serveasc� drept un cadru simbolic de identificare ?i comunicare �ntre stat ?i ?
�r�ne?ti. GlosarBaimaCaishenCao CaoChen ShouChi YouDangyangdayidiDingerjie buju
yiming bugou -X 8 - Fugui changchunganggangji Algong mitul Guandi, DUMNEZEU CHINESE
R�ZBOIULUI 793Guan Yu rW 1J JGuandi Q IGuandi shengji tuzhi quanji qg vJiang
Taigong 5klingLiu Beimingjieqiufu mianhuoSanguozhiSanguozhi Pinghua ea, tSanguozhi
yanyishashen chengrenshendaoshoujing Daquan La N4sidianTudi Itwaicunrenwang
IWenmiaoWumiaoXiezhouyiYuecheng AYuquanZengfuZhang FeiZhi YiList de
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scrierilor ?i ilustra?iilor cu privire la faptele sfinte ale lui Guandi) Lucr�ri
CitedALEXEIEV, BASIL M. 1928. Zeii chinezi ai bog�?iei. Londra: ?coala de Studii
Orientale ?i Societatea Chinez�.BURKERT, WALTER. 1979. Structura ?i istoria �n
mitologia ?i ritualul grec. Berkeley ?i Los Angeles: Universitatea din California
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University Press.FEUCHTWANG, STEPHAN. 1977. "Templul ?colii ?i Dumnezeul ora?ului".
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ni tsuite" [Cu privire la c�teva elemente din credin?a Guan Yu]. Toho shuikyJ 8,
nr. 9.Hsu, FRANCIS L. K. 1983. Exorc?ionarea factorilor de dificultate: magie, ?
tiin?� ?i cultur�. Westport, Conn .: Greenwood Press.HUANG HuAJIE. 1968. Guangongde
renage yu shenge [Caracterul uman ?i divin al Domnului Guan]. Taibei: Taiwan
Shangwu Yinshuguan.INOUE ICHII. 1941. "Kan'u shibyo no yurai narabi ni hensen"
[Originile ?i dezvoltarea templelor Guan Yu]. Shirin 26, nr. 1, 2.JOHNSTON, R.F.
1921. "Cultul eroilor militari din China". Noua China Review3, nr. 2. GOFF,
JACQUES. 1980. "Cultura ?i folclorul ecleziastic �n Evul Mediu: Sf�ntul Marcellus
de la Paris ?i Dragonul". �n timp, munc� ?i cultur� �n MiddleAges, ed. Jacques Le
Goff. Trans. de Arthur Goldhammer. Chicago: Universitatea din Chicago Press.LI
JINGHAN. 1933. Dingxian shehui gaikuang diaocha [Investigarea condi?iilor sociale
�n jude?ul Ding]. Beijing: Zhonghua Pingmin Jiaoyu Zujinhui.Lu JUNSHEN, ed. 1876.
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privire la

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R�ZBOIULUI 795WELLER, ROBERT P. 1987. Unit�?i ?i diversit�?i �n religia chinez�.
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both
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Superscribing Symbols:
The Myth of Guandi, C-hinese
God of War
PRASENJIT DUARA
H ISTORICAL STUDIES OF HOW MYTHS and symbols change have only recently begun
to emerge. They tend to stress the layered and historically stratified nature of
myths,
each stratum reflecting the concerns of an epoch or a particular group. Marina
Warner
(1982) has shown how the image of Joan of Arc has been differently interpreted by
Nazis, nationalists, and feminists, among many others, and Jacques Le Goff (1980)
has demonstrated how ecclesiastical and popular images of Saint Marcellus of Paris
came to resemble each other but ultimately always remained apart. James Watson's
stimulating study (1985) of Tian Hou, or the empress of heaven, argues that the
outwardly unitary symbolic character of the goddess Tian Hou concealed important
differences in what various social groups believed about her. Pioneering as they
are,
these works are only the start of efforts to probe the enormously complex
relationship
between change in the symbolic realm and historical change among social groups and
institutions.
I hope to advance our understanding of this relationship a step further by
suggesting
that its complexity lies not so much in the radically discontinuous nature of
myths but in the fact that myths are simultaneously continuous and discontinuous. I
explore this relationship by examining the myth of Guandi through a concept that I
call the "superscription of symbols." Guandi (A.D. 162-220), known originally as
Guan Yu before he received the imperial title di in 1615, was the apotheosized hero
of the period of the Three Kingdoms. This period, which followed the decline of the
imperial Han state (209 B.C.-A.D. 220), has been romanticized in Chinese history
as an era of heroic warriors and artful strategists who dominated the battles among
the three successor states contending for imperial power. Since then, the myth of
Guandi
has become increasingly popular in a variety of media-literature, drama, official
and
popular cults, and the lore of secret societies.
Consider two episodes in the life of the Guandi myth that are separated by more
than a thousand years. One of the earliest miracle stories about Guan Yu is derived
from a temple stele of 820 A.D. erected when the Yuquan temple in Dangyang County
Prasenjit Duara is Assistant Professor of History at George Mason University.
This article represents a substantial development of a short study of the Guandi
myth to
be found in Duara 1988. It also addresses conceptual problems regarding the nature
of imperial
hegemony that remain inchoate in the book; as such, it complements the book. The
author
wishes to thank Arjun Appadurai, Andrew Char, Juliette Gregory, Deborah Kaplan,
Renato
Rosaldo, Roy Rosenzweig, and James Watson for their comments.
The Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (November 1988):778-795.
? 1988 by the Association for Asian Studies, Inc.
778
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 779
in modern Hubei was reconstructed. Here, in the vicinity of Yuquan mountain, Guan
Yu was decapitated during the long battle he fought against the enemies of his
lord,
Liu Bei.
One still night, when the Buddhist monk Zhi Yi (A.D. 538-97) was deep in
meditation under a great tree on the mountain, the silence was suddenly filled by a
booming voice: "Return me my head." When the monk looked up he saw the ghostly
apparition of a figure whom he recognized as Guan Yu, the spirit of the mountain.
An exchange followed between the two in which the monk reminded Guan Yu of the
severed heads of Guan Yu's own victims. Deeply impressed by the logic of karmic
retribution, the spirit of Guan Yu sought instruction in the Buddhist faith from
the
monk, built a monastery for him, and began to guard the mountain. Later the
mountain
people built a temple to Guan Yu where they offered sacrifices at the beginning of
each new season (Inoue 1941, no. 1:48; Harada 1955:30).1
In 1914 the president of the Republic, Yuan Shikai, ordered the creation of a
temple
of military heroes devoted to Guandi, Yuefei, and twenty-four lesser heroes. The
interior
of the main temple in Beijing, with its magnificent timber pillars and richly
decorated
roof, was impressive in the stately simplicity of its ceremonial arrangements.
There
were no images. The canonized heroes were represented by their spirit tablets only.
In
January 1915 Commissioned General Yin Chang and the commander of the Model
Army Division took their officers and soldiers to the temple to take their military
oaths. They subsequently bowed their heads as they filed past a row of wooden
tablets
bearing the honored names of those who had fought for their nation (Johnston
1921:88).
These two visions of Guandi, reflecting the needs of different social groups a
thousand years apart, reveal the discontinuous nature of myth. The first, the
vision
of a nervous clergy reeling from attacks by a renascent Confucian establishment on
the
Buddhist faith as foreign and corrupt, seeks to establish one of the great heroes
of
Chinese culture as a devout follower and protector. The latter, the vision of the
fledgling
Republican military, seeks to forge new concepts of loyalty to the nation-state. Is
Guandi the protector of the Buddhist faith or a Chinese god of war? Whether we
speak
of them as conceptions of the spirit world or as the embodiment of this-worldly
interests,
the two visions seem to have very little in common.
But can a myth actually be so radically discontinuous? Do the symbolic materials
in a myth exercise absolutely no constraints on what may be inscribed upon them?
Indeed, if a myth represents radically discontinuous meanings, if its symbols are
pursued
by particular groups only for their own particular purposes, how can it continue
to impart legitimacy so widely across the culture? On closer examination the two
visions
of the same figure have at least two common features: the apotheosization of a hero
and his role as guardian. This commonality is hardly accidental or insignificant.
It is
what gives the myth its legitimating power and gives historical groups a sense of
identity as they undergo changes.
What we have is a view of myth and its cultural symbols as simultaneously
continuous
and discontinuous. To be sure, the continuous core of the myth is not static
and is itself susceptible to change. Some elements of the myth may and do become
lost. But unlike many other forms of social change, mythic and symbolic change tend
'I have taken the liberty of "superscribing" the original miracle story with a few
details
from the fourteenth-century version of it contained in the Sanguozhi yanyi by Luo
Guanzhong
(1961, chap. 77:709-10). Although there are differences between the stele account
and the
one by Luo regarding the period and the identity of the monk, my borrowings from
the later
version do not affect the core message of the story in the stele. The differences
between the
two are discussed by Harada (1955:30).
780 PRASENJIT DUARA
not to be radically discontinuous; rather, change in this domain takes place in a
way
that sustains and is sustained by a dense historical context. In this way cultural
symbols
are able to lend continuity at one level to changing social groups and interests
even
as the symbols themselves undergo transformations. This particular modality of
symbolic
evolution is one I call the superscription of symbols.
Following Walter Burkert (1979:23), we may define myth as a traditional tale
with secondary, partial reference to something of collective importance.2 The
process
whereby different historical groups write or depict through other cultural
practices
their own version of an existing story or myth incorporates their interests or
establishes
their "social charters" in the sense used by Malinowski. In this process, extant
versions
are not totally wiped out. Rather, images and sequences common to most versions of
the myth are preserved, but by adding or "rediscovering" new elements or by giving
existing elements a particular slant, the new interpretation is lodged in place.
Even if
the new interpretation should become dominant, previous versions do not disappear
but instead come into a new relationship with it, as their own statuses and roles
within
what might be called the "interpretive arena" of the myth come to be negotiated and
redefined.
Superscription thus implies the presence of a lively arena where rival versions
jostle,
negotiate, and compete for position. In this process some of the meanings derived
from the myth understandably get lost, but by its very nature superscription does
not
erase other versions; at most it seeks to reconfigure the arena, attempting thus to
establish its own dominance over the others. In this respect it is unlike most
other
arenas of contestation, where victory is absolute or potentially absolute. The
obliteration
of rival interpretations of a myth is self-defeating because a superscription
depends on
the symbolic resonances in the arena for its effectiveness. Just as a word in
poetry
draws its power from its many half-hidden associations, a myth at any one time
represents
a palimpsest of layered meanings from which the superscribed version draws
its strength.
The Guandi Myth in History
What is most striking about the amazing variety of interpretations of the Guandi
myth is that the original story is a very simple one. Guan Yu's biography appears
in
the Sanguozhi (History of the three kingdoms), written by Chen Shou about sixty
years
after Guan Yu's death (Chen 1973, 36:939-42). Chen Shou refers to Guan Yu's place
of birth in Xiezhou, Shanxi, and his various names. He writes of Guan Yu's
friendship
and devotion to Liu Bei of the royal house of the later Han. Together with the
butcher
Zhang Fei, the two friends took the famous "Oath in the Peach Orchard" binding
them to protect one another until death. Still later Guan Yu became a general and a
governor of a province. Even though he was tempted by the enemy of his lord, Cao
Cao, with a marquisate, Guan Yu remained faithful to his oath. In 220 A.D. he was
captured by the enemy and put to death.
Chen Shou's brief references to Guandi are not entirely complimentary. There are
references to his vanity, overconfidence, and ignorance on matters of strategy
(Yang
1981:68). Yet these facts scarcely seem to have affected the future career of the
Guandi
myth. Over the centuries this basic story has been elaborated and Guan Yu's
achieve2In
my usage, the constitutive elements of a myth that impart this sense of collective
significance are its symbols, which may be embodied in particular images, events,
or eventsequences.
I will be mostly concerned with these elements.
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 781
ments magnified beyond measure in storytelling and drama. Apart from his wellknown
role as the god of loyalty, he becomes the god of wealth, the god of literature,
the protector god of temples, and the patron god of actors, secret societies, and
many
others.
The earliest temple dedicated to Guan Yu is the Yuquan temple in Dangyang
County in Hubei, where he is said to have been killed. This temple was established
in 713 A.D. and was attached to the Buddhist monastery on Yuquan mountain. Over
the next two hundred years certain miracle stories became associated with the Guan
Yu of Yuquan temple, and when the anti-Buddhist policies of the late Tang abated,
his role as the Chinese protector of Buddhist temples (in place of the Indian
devas)
spread rapidly throughout the empire (Inoue 1941, no. 1:48). Thus did Buddhism
also become sinicized. To this day in Taiwan, despite his exalted status, Guandi
continues
to guard Buddhist temples as a door god (Weller 1987:164). Appealing to a
rather embellished version of the earliest miracle story, the Buddhist clergy
continues
to claim that Guandi remains a steadfast and devout protector of the faith
(Johnston
1921:61). One may pause to consider the true direction of the acculturation
process:
did the Buddhists convert Guan Yu, or did he in fact make them a little more
authentically
Chinese?
Guan Yu's career as a protector god of monasteries and temples, launched by the
Buddhists, became well established by the ninth century (Inoue 1941, no. 1:48). It
did not take long for Daoist temples also to adopt him as their protector god; and
during the Song (960-1279) the Daoist claim on Guan Yu was superscribed on his
image as a protector. In Xiezhou in Shanxi, where Guan Yu was born, there is a
famous
lake called Salt Lake. In the Song a Daoist temple was established to Guan Yu at
Salt
Lake. According to the founding myth, a temple to the legendary Yellow Emperor had
originally been built by the lake. However, soon afterward a demon who turned out
to be Chi You, leader of the Miao tribes defeated by the Yellow Emperor, began to
menace the area. The Daoist Master Zhang was instructed by the imperial court to
find a way to put an end to this desecration of imperial honor. The Master invoked
the assistance of Guan Yu, who dispatched shadow (yin) soldiers to fight and
vanquish
Chi You. The temple was founded in order to thank Guan Yu and commemorate the
event (Inoue 1941, no. 2:248; Johnston 1921:56).
Inoue Ichii (1941, no. 2:250) believes that Guan Yu's deification as a Daoist god
is specifically communicated through the elaboration of this story in the plays of
the
succeeding Yuan period (1279-1368). Certainly the founding myth of the Guan Yu
temple at Salt Lake has all the ingredients of a Daoist legitimating myth: it draws
on
a potentially significant element in the story of Guan Yu-his birthplace-and
combines
it with the sacred geography and ancient history of China; with this as background,
it identifies the imperial court as the patron of the Daoists who have successfully
invoked the spirit of Guan Yu to restore the imperial honor. Inoue also
associates Guan Yu's role as the god of wealth with his patronage by the Daoists,
who
were famous for their preoccupation with alchemy.
It is well known that the spread of the worship of Guan Yu as a folk deity beyond
the confines of sectarian religion was communicated in the vernacular novels and
plays
of the Song-Yuan transition, particularly the Sanguozhi pinghua (The story of the
three
kingdoms) and the later Sanguozhi yanyi (The romance of the three kingdoms) by Luo
Guanzhong.
In these depictions the mortal weaknesses of Guan Yu seen in Chen Shou's
account disappear without much trace, and it is undoubtedly because of them that
the divine image of Guan Yu has been nourished in popular consciousness (Yang 1981;
Huang 1968:12-14). But these popular media also reflect broad social developments
782 PRASENJIT DUARA
underway since the Song that promoted the spread of Guan Yu as a deity among
merchants, professional groups, rural communities, and secret societies.
Huang Huajie links Guan Yu's growing popularity in the Ming (1368-1644) and
the Qing (1644-1911) to the great socioeconomic changes of the era, which of course
also enabled the popular media to spread. As the rural economy became increasingly
commercialized, self-sufficient kin-based communities tended to disintegrate. In
their
place, settlements came to be composed of unrelated kin groups, merchants for whom
sojourning had become a way of life, and marginal peoples without a community, such
as vagrants and bandits. None of these new groups was able to use bonds of kinship
or community to hold the settlements together. As a symbol of loyalty and
guardianship,
the image of Guan Yu inspired an ethic of trust and camaraderie to hold together
"a society of strangers" (Huang 1968:100, 122, 227-29).
Thus certain elements in the myth as it had developed so far furnished common
material for various groups; but each group also superscribed the image of Guan Yu
to suit its own peculiar circumstances. For rural communities, the image of a
trustworthy
protector of temples yielded naturally to that of protector of communities, and
eventually to those of healer and provider. Li Jinghan, in his massive survey of
Ding
County, wrote that the common rural folk worshiped Guan Yu to "seek fortune and
avoid disaster" (1933:432). For merchants, trading now in distant, unknown, and
unprotected regions, Guan Yu first inspired trust and loyalty (to contract) and
gradually
became the very source of wealth. Turning again to an example from Ding County,
when merchants were asked why they worshiped Guan Yu, they replied that they did
because Guarr Yu was none other than Caishen, the god of wealth (Huang 1968:229).
For the rootless bandits and rebels of secret societies, the oath of loyalty that
Guan
Yu upheld gained an unparalleled salience. All rites and ceremonies among the
Triads,
for instance, including those performed at the initiation of recruits and the
punishment
of traitors, took place before the altars of Guan Yu and the founders of the secret
society
(Yang 1967:64).
Like the Buddhist and Daoist superscriptions, the nonsectarian interpretations of
Guan Yu were not random constructions. They built not only on original elements of
the myth, but also on one another. Thus the common core was itself an evolving
phenomenon; elements not found in any interpretation, such as the mortal weaknesses
of Guan Yu in the original description by Chen Shou, naturally fell away. But
typically,
a particular interpretive focus did not expunge other versions. Indeed, it drew its
strength from them: the prestige of the god itself derived increasingly from the
evidence
of its spiritual pursuit by so many groups over such a long time, because a
superscription
depends on the symbolic resonances of the image in the culture.
So far we have spoken only of social groups without the instrumental means to
impose their image on others. What would happen to the interpretive arena when a
particularly powerful group, such as the imperial state, sought to dominate the
symbolism
of Guan Yu with all the weight of its political apparatus?
The Guandi Myth and the Imperial State
Valerie Hansen's work on the Song canonization of deities has established the close
relationship between the official bestowal of a title on a deity and its flowering
as a
popular cult. The heretofore unsystematic recognition of local deities by the state
became standardized in the Song as titles were granted and the gods were brought
into the local register of sacrifices. Officials, elites, and commoners all
believed that
these titles actually enhanced the divine powers of the deities, and local groups
often
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 783
lobbied and colluded with officials to gain recognition for locally important gods
(Hansen
1987:chap. 3). The imperial state's involvement with the Guandi cult reflected
this process; official recognition was encouraged by the popularity of the cult,
which
in turn further spread the fame of the god. But more important, the efforts of the
state remained within the mode of superscription. The state could not, and in most
cases did not even seek to, erase local versions of the gods; rather, it sought to
draw
on their symbolic power even while it established its dominance over them.
Thus we see the imperial state from the Song on lavishing Guan Yu with successively
higher and more glorious titles. During the transition from the northern to
the southern Song he rises from the status of a god with a ducal title (gong) to
one
with a princely one (wang), reflecting perhaps the Song need for divine assistance
to
defend itself against the increasing pressure of attacks from the north (Inoue
1941,
no. 2:245). Under the Mongols (1279-1368) he replaces Jiang Taigong as the official
god of war (Ruhlmann 1960:174), and by 1615 he is awarded the imperial title di and
declared to be Guandi, the supporter of heaven and protector of the empire (Inoue
1941, no. 1:49).3 It is clear that all dynasties from the Song until the Qing
sought
to superscribe the images of Guandi and thus to appropriate his symbolism for their
own ends, yet deliberately or not these earlier dynasties actually promoted the
worship
of Guandi in his different aspects and encouraged the different interpretations.
This was the case even during the Ming, well known for its absolutist tendencies.
The Ming worshiped Guandi as the god of war in the Baima temple in Beijing, which
later became the highest-ranking official temple to Guandi. Official temples to
Guandi
were also established at battle sites, especially during the Korean wars in the
late Ming
(Inoue 1941, no. 2:259). The Ming also made substantial contributions to the Guandi
shrine in Dangyang County only a few miles east of the original Buddhist temple.
The original temple on Yuquan mountain, responsible for the cult of Guandi as a
protector god of temples, had itself undergone a revival under the Mongols, who
favored
Buddhism. Through its patronage of this site, the Ming state drew on the power of
the miracle stories associated with the temple and area-the alleged site of
Guandi's
martyrdom-even as it honored him in the official style. Moreover, while it was
writing
its official superscription, the Ming government was continuing to promote other
aspects
of the cult. For instance, it patronized another temple in the Beijing area, called
Yuecheng, where Guan Yu was worshiped as a god of wealth, a cult that spread
rapidly
during this period. Indeed, it became so important that when he received the
imperial
rank in 1615, it was to the Guan Yu of this particular temple that it was bestowed
(Huang 1968:138-41; Inoue 1941, no. 2:249, 253, 257).
Given the preoccupation of the imperial Chinese state with establishing a monopoly
over the channels of communication with the spirit world, it is hardly surprising
that
it would wish to control the flourishing Guandi myth. But the Ming state sought to
secure its control not by ridding the myth of those symbols that did not directly
support
its own version of Guandi as a warrior loyal to state authority; it sought, rather,
to
bring Guan Yu's various aspects within the ambit of imperial patronage and thus
became the patron of patrons. In this way, its efforts contributed to the many
images
of Guandi found in the popular imagination down to the twentieth century: a hero
who was a protector and also a provider, and a warrior who was loyal to constituted
authority but also to his oath.
The Qing superscription of the Guandi myth was distinctive partly because it
was more systematic and partly because it was orchestrated with institutional
changes.
3There is some controversy about the date when the imperial title was actually
conferred.
However, we can be fairly certain that it took place in the late Ming (Inoue 1941,
no. 1:49).
784 PRASENJIT DUARA
As their predecessors had done, the Qing promoted Guandi to ever-higher statuses in
the official cult. By 1853, during the Taiping rebellion, his worship was raised to
the
same level in the official sacrifices (sidian) as that of Confucius (Qingshi 1961,
juan
85:1070). The high point of the superscription process was the compilation of his
hagiography, the Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji (A complete collection of the writings
and
illustrations concerning the holy deeds of Guandi [abbreviated as GSTQ}), which
represented
a massive effort to Confucianize Guandi. This compilation was published first
in 1693 and reedited four times in the Qing.
There were elements in the story of Guandi's life that might have been viewed
dubiously by the Confucian orthodoxy. Not only was very little known of his
background
and early life, but the vernacular Romance of the Three Kingdoms had also played
up his record as an outlaw-a righteous outlaw, to be sure, who killed an
exploitative
magistrate, but an outlaw nonetheless (Roberts 1976:7). There were other
ambiguities
with respect to his loyalty to constituted authority: there is an episode where he
permits
Cao Cao, the archenemy of the prince he served, to escape so that Cao Cao was able
to continue to menace the state. Moreover, the spread of his worship as the god of
wealth and as a patron god of various sectional interests was probably not
particularly
congenial to the Confucian mode of regarding its heroes.
The occasion of the 1693 compilation was provided by the alleged discovery of
Guandi's genealogy among some bricks in a well in his birthplace in Xiezhou.
Because
of his obscure origins, one of the projects was to root him firmly as a respectable
practitioner of filial piety. The fourth preface to the text begins with a literary
exegesis
on the complementarity of the values of loyalty and filial piety. The author
writes, "It
is by relocating filial piety that one gets loyalty. It is also said: if you seek
loyal sons
seek them at the gate of the filial son" (GSTQ, 4th intro.). After recording the
events
of Guandi's life that clearly reveal his loyalty, the author laments that until the
discovery
of the genealogy, there was no real way of verifying Guandi's parentage or whether
he
had really been filial. The discovery of the genealogy reveals how Guandi
deeply understands the great principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals ... his
fine
spirit, which resides in heaven, must necessarily be able to forget the benevolence
and
grace of his ancestors. He recalls these virtues to transmit them to later
generations.
Thus his heart of pure filiality is greater than loyalty and righteousness, which
are
of but one lifetime.
(GSTQ 4th intro.)
In 1725 three generations of his ancestors were awarded the ducal rank, and
sacrifices
were ordered to be performed to them twice a year throughout all the official
temples
to Guandi in the empire (Daqing lichao shilu [17251 1937, juan 31:3a).
Other passages speak of his mastery of the Confucian classics: "People have always
spoken of his courage and have not known of his knowledge of 1i [principle]. Guandi
liked to read the Spring and Autumn Annals. When on horseback, his one free hand
would always hold a volume" (GSTQ 2d intro.). Indeed, the work attributes his
loyalty
to his having understood the subtle meaning of the Annals. In contrast to Sima
Qian,
who represents the scholarly ideal, Guandi is depicted as representing the activist
ideal,
the Confucian sage who "protects the principles and perfects the exercise of power"
(shoujing daquan; GSTQ, 3d intro.). Finally, his divinity is linked to the
greatness of
the empire: "Guandi's divinity [ling] resides in heaven. Sacrifices to him in the
temple
are held on an elevated plane in order to manifest his awesome dignity. He has
silently
assisted in the well-being and long peace in the empire. Herein lies his merit of
protecting the state and harboring the people. Is this not great? (GSTQ 4th intro).

MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 785

No matter how thoroughgoing it was, such a literate superscription might have
gone unnoticed in society if it were not also accompanied by institutional changes.
These changes, implemented in 1725, were of a piece with the massive administrative
reorganization undertaken by the Yongzheng emperor to enhance the power of the
imperial state. Of all the Daoist, Buddhist, and nonsectarian temples to Guandi in
every county capital, the most well endowed was selected as the official Guandi
temple
(often known as Wumiao, or Temple of Military Culture) by the local authorities,
and
here sacrifices were to be conducted regularly to Guandi and his ancestors. These
temples were then brought under the command of the highest Guandi temple of
official
worship, the Baima temple in the capital (Daqing lichao shilu [17251 1937, juan
31:3a).
This structure was modeled on the hierarchy of Confucian temples (Wenmiao, or
Temple
of Civil Culture) through which the imperial state had incorporated the literati
into
an officially sanctioned empirewide system of reverence.
As Stephan Feuchtwang has pointed out (1977:584), official temples in cities were
rarely for exclusive official use; they were places where the official and
nonofficial populace
could mix. Whereas it was principally the gentry that frequented the Confucian
temples (which often included an image of the literary god, Wen Chang) during the
official worship of Confucius, the Guandi temples were frequented by members of the
gentry, merchants, and others, with commoners outnumbering the gentry (Feuchtwang
1977:585). Indeed, Feuchtwang notes that in Taiwan and southeastern China
"merchants
desirous of converting their wealth into status and moving into the literati class
would contribute to the building of official temples.... An example of this face-
improving
enterprise-an even better one than the building of temples to Kwan-ti
[Guandil and Ma-tsu [Tian Houl, who were popular in all classes of the
populationwas
the building of temples dedicated to both Confucius and Kuan-ti, often called
Wen-wu miao and often founded in conjunction with the establishment of a private
school" (1977:584). The image of Guandi had developed a distinct association with
Confucian and imperial culture, and it was through the hierarchy of official
temples
that the orthodoxy communicated its superscribed image.
The imperial superscription of Guandi did not, of course, stay the growth of his
popularity in his other roles, particularly as a god of wealth or as a protector of
local
communities. Nonetheless the institutional changes accompanying the imperial
superscription
enabled elites-both gentry and nongentry-to demonstrate their allegiance
to the official image, and thus the changes succeeded in considerably reshaping
the interpretive arena of the Guandi myth. The myth now came to be dominated by
official images while other images were compelled to reorient and redefine their
status
in relation to them. To illustrate my point I will turn to evidence from local
society
in North China in the Qing and the Republic.
The Guandi Myth in Popular Culture
Many of the materials for the arguments in this section are taken from ethnographic
and epigraphic records from the North China plain of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries.4 Guandi was probably the most popular god worshiped in the villages of
4The most important of these are the six-volume Japanese rural surveys known as
Chugoku
nJson kankJ chJsa, conducted between 1940 and 1942 and first published in 1952.
Here they
will be referred to as CN followed by the volume number. Other sources include the
surveys
of the Japanese scholar Yamamoto Bin, who collected folktales and legends from all
over North
China during the 1930s and 1940s, found in his Chigoku no minkan denshJ (1976). See
also
Li 1933 and Gamble 1968.
786 PRASENJIT DUARA
North China. The numerous temples and stelae set up for him in the villages
surveyed
are eloquent testimony to that fact. Although the popularity of Guandi can hardly
be
attributed solely to imperial patronage, the image of Guandi found in the villages
does
indeed reflect the elevated status he occupied as a result of imperial honorings.
Apart
from Guandi, the earth god, Tudi (tutelary deity of villages), was perhaps the most
commonly found god in North Chinese villages (Smith 1899:140). But Tudi was viewed
very differently from Guandi. The following exchange was recorded in Shunyi County,
Hebei:
Q: What is the difference between the Tudi temple and the Guandi temple?
A: Tudi is concerned with only one village, but Guandi is concerned not merely with
one village but also with the affairs of the entire nation.
Q: Do outsiders [waicunrenj worship at the Tudi temple?
A: They do not. Even if they do nothing will come of it.
Q: What about Guandi?
A: People can come from anywhere. Anyone may visit a Guandi temple anywhere.
(CN, 1:213)
In Wu's Shop village near Beijing an informant was asked:
Q: Which is superior, the Tudi temple or the Guandi temple?
A: The Guandi temple is superior. Tudi looks after the affairs of only this
village.
But Guandi is a great being and does not handle the affairs of this village only.
He
is not merely a god of this village.
(CN, 5:431)
The two gods represented distinctly contrasting symbols. Tudi was seen as a
subordinate
god uniquely in charge of the affairs of a particular village, whereas Guandi
was seen as a great being, symbolic of the nation and worthy of being worshiped by
everybody. Community-based religious cults in late Qing China, such as those to
Guandi and Tudi, were indirectly linked to the state cult and official religion and
formed an important part of the sprawling infrastructure of popular othodoxy.
Tutelary
deities such as Tudi and Chenghuang (the city god) had been assimilated into the
official religion in the bureaucratic mode. As is well known, Tudi symbolized the
village as a discrete entity, but he was seen as an underling of Chenghuang, who in
turn was responsible to a higher deity. In other words, these gods were celestial
bureaucrats
with distinctly parochial jurisdictions. Guandi, on the other hand, appears
to have borne a relationship to the bureaucratic order similar to that of the
emperor,
with whom he came to share the title di. He transcended a particular territorial
identity
and symbolized the relationship of the village with the outside-with wider
categories
such as the state, empire, and national culture.
Guandi was not the only god who symbolized these wider identities; he shared
this status with Tian Hou, or the empress of heaven, in the southeastern coastal
provinces. But in the rest of China, I know of no god who was more identified as a
representative of Chinese culture than Guandi. And it is this identification of
Guandi
with the more extensive orders of Chinese civilization that attracted an upwardly
mobile
rural elite to the official interpretation of Guandi and enabled it to be
successfully
installed in rural society. The stelae dedicated to Guandi in many villages through
the Qing period show that of all the possible interpretations of Guandi-as a god of
wealth, as a protector of temples, as a hero loyal to his vow-the one found most
frequently was the one that invested him with Confucian virtues and loyalty to
established
authority.
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 787
There were five stelae dedicated to Guandi in Cold Water Ditch village in Licheng
County, Shandong. The texts of the stelae were sometimes drafted by degree holders
from the county seat and sometimes by lower-degree holders from the village. Other
stelae mentioned no gentry titles at all and simply recorded a brief text with the
names
of the village leaders and contributors. The earliest, dated in the Kangxi period,
begins:
It is said that in ancient times sacrifices were made and temples were built to
honor those who have brought merit [gong) to the dynasty, who have been virtuous
among the people, who have glorified honor and integrity [mingjie).... At a time
when above and below were confused and the proper principles [gangji) had
disintegrated,
there arose a special person who was loyal and acted appropriately to his
status [erjie buju yiming bugou4. He caused evil ministers and sons of robbers to
know
their position. He was granted the heavy responsibility of seeing that they did not
confound righteousness [dayi) and create disorder....
He [Guandi) did not accept a fief from the bandit Cao Cao and remained loyal
to the house of Han. Is this not merit to the dynasty! He eliminated the danger of
the Yellow Turbans and executed the disorderly soldiers.... Is this not virtue for
the
people! He searched a thousand 1i for his [sworn] brother. Finally, he died the
death
of a martyr [shashen cheng ren). Is this not to bring glory to honor and integrity?
(CN, 4:390)
Although the values of Confucian orthodoxy are written everywhere in this text,
nowhere is there any explicit demonstration of allegiance to the Qing dynasty.
Indeed,
inasmuch as this is an early Qing stele, the references to Han loyalism might even
be
construed as a statement of opposition to the alien Manchus. But by the beginning
of the nineteenth century, the effects of Qing superscription are everywhere
evident.
A text composed by a lower-degree holder of the village in 1819 and bearing the
names
of village leaders reads thus:
A chapter in the Book of History says: "There are times when a good man is afraid
that there are not enough days; and when an evil man is also afraid that there are
not enough days." Thus we know the godly way [shendao) establishes religious
teachings
in order to bring happiness to the good man and harm to the evil man.
Now, the lord Guansheng of Shanxi despises the nine evils with extreme severity.
On the fifteenth day of the ninth month of 1813, the White Lotus invaded the
precincts
of the capital and the imperial court was put in danger. In very little time, the
blessed
god of the armies, with the brilliance of his divine powers, pushed back the White
Lotus. He caused them to submit to the law and executed every single one of
them....
The leaders of our village and others have saved their humble possessions and
put together some money to build a new temple and a new image.
(CN, 4:391)
The alleged appearance of Guandi on the side of the imperial forces during the
White
Lotus rebellion of 1813 was something the Jiaqing emperor had himself publicized
(Naquin 1976:338-39), and the Qing bestowal of a title on Guandi following the
rebellion in 1815 was doubtless related to his role in the rebellion (Inoue 1941,
no.
2:266). It may well be that the promotion of the imperial image of Guandi in local
society was connected with this event; at any rate, the stelae in this and other
villages
from the Jiaqing reign (1796-1820) are replete with references to Qing honorings of
Guandi (CN, 4:391; CN, 1:192; CN, 6:151-52).
Whatever Guandi may have actually meant to the ordinary peasants, the Qing
state had managed to superscribe the image of Guandi all the way down to the
villages-a
remarkable achievement for a premodern state in a vast agrarian society. It
788 PRASENJIT DUARA
could reach into the bowels of this society because it was able to forge a symbolic
system that accommodated the aspirations of the rural elite. The Guandi cult
exemplified
this accommodation perfectly. Local leadership in rural society was often
expressed by elite patronage of popular deities and the management of temple
ceremonies.
By their patronage of the multi-vocal image of Guandi-in the building,
repair, and management of temples, for example-these elites were able to articulate
their leadership aspirations in society and at the same time identify themselves
with
a set of symbols that was prestigious and Pan-Chinese in scope (Duara 1988:esp.
chap.
5).
The Confucian image of Guandi perpetuated by the state and rural elites as a
protector of the empire and its institutions did not replace the other images of
him.
It is clear that neither the elites nor the state could fully appropriate the
popular
symbolism of the Guandi myth. Nor would their superscription have been effective
if they had. Yamamoto Bin's collection of folktales from North China in the 1930s
and 1940s contains stories about Guan Yu that are simply local tales and nothing
more
(1976:73, 75, 118, 151). Then too, ordinary villagers prayed to him for all kinds
of
benefits including rain and those from his healing powers (CN, 5:433). This seems
to have been the case for peasants all over North China, where he continued to be
worshiped in his generalized aspect as a provider and protector of communities (Li
1933:432; CN, 3:55; CN, 6:84-85). Although this characterization of Guandi is
not in the least incompatible with the imperial and Confucian characterization, it
does
not invoke the state and Confucian culture symbolically in the same manner as the
depictions in the stelae do.
Yet the imperial superscription was not without impact on folk culture.
Occasionally
it was assimilated into a kind of layered or imbricated imagery of Guandi in
the popular consciousness. Guandi often appears in extremely popular morality books
(shanshu), urging people to perform meritorious deeds to attain salvation. These
books
reflect a folk morality that is an amalgam of orthodox Confucian and heterodox
beliefs.
In these books we frequently see Guandi in his Confucian mode: there are allusions
to his fondness for the Spring and Autumn Annals and to his alleged qualities of
filial
piety and righteousness. At the same time, however, he expresses his faith in
Buddhist
notions of retribution and other beliefs. In one passage Guandi even espouses the
syncretism of popular religion by pronouncing that Buddhism, Daoism, and
Confucianism
all emanate from the same source (Harada 1955:37).
In the following stele from Hou Lineage Camp village in Changli County, Hebei,
we observe an instance where the official image of Guandi was assimilated with
older
associations of him as the source of prosperity. This stele was emplaced in 1864
when
the temple to the god of wealth was repaired:
A Stele Commemorating the Reconstruction of the Caishen Temple and the Creation of
an Image
of the Saintly Sovereign Guan
His image is molded and painted to create awe of his divine authority. It will
thereby attach importance to his teachings and his favors, which have always been
the same.
Our village of the Hou banners has of old had a temple to the god of wealth.
Alas, it had become covered with brambles and smoke. In the past we had repeatedly
improved the temple, but for three years the yield of the land had been very poor.
Now Taisui [the star god presiding over the yearly cycle) is aligned to the sun. As
a
tribute of thanks we gathered to discuss the expansion of the temple. In this way
we
enhance our admiration of Guandi's protection of righteousness Nyi) and his
preservation
of the institutions of the empire [gang). We wish to burn incense and make
offerings to him.
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 789
We scattered the gold of Dannapati. We contributed money generously and
brought a carpenter as capable as the famous Gongshu. We gathered artisans who
were brilliantly skillful. There are now dragons dancing on the beams in abundant
numbers. May wealth and honor be eternally renewed (fugui changchun).
(CN, 5:377)
This stele, which bore the names of the village leaders and two degree holders,
was erected in the presence of the county magistrate himself. It demonstrates the
actual
process of imperial superscription in the village as the official image of Guandi
is
written over an older cult of the god of wealth. This kind of superscription was
probably
not uncommon in the 1860s when the imperial order was briefly reinvigorated after
the devastation of the midcentury rebellions. But neither the state representative
nor
the villagers seemed to be particularly put out by the close relationship in the
text
between Guandi and the god of wealth, by the collocation of "honor" and "wealth."
Commenting on this relationship more generally, Basil Alexeiev writes, "Another
instance
of this curious and apparently illogical association is the cult of Kuan Ti
[Guandi}, commonly called by writers on China the God of War, but who is, in fact,
a Wealth God and appears in many household icons with all the paraphernalia of such
a god" (1928:1). The official superscription of Guandi in the stele, with its
references
to his righteous preservation of imperial institutions, did not result in any
diminution
of Guandi's association with the god of wealth and the promise of prosperity.
On the other hand, a powerful superscription effort such as that of the Qing state
could reorder the interpretive arena of the myth and bring alternative
interpretations
into a new relationship to it. There were situations when the image of Guandi as
the
god of wealth among some groups had to negotiate its status in relation to the
official
image. We have mentioned that when merchants in Ding County were asked why they
worshiped Guandi they replied that they did because he was Caishen, the god of
wealth.
Their interlocutor wondered how this could be when Zengfu was already considered
the god of wealth. The traders hastened to answer that there were actually two gods
of wealth, Guandi and Zengfu. Whereas Zengfu was the civilian god of wealth, Guandi
was the military god of wealth (Huang 1968:229; see also Harada 1955:35). This
point of view was apparently common. Alexeiev observes (1928:9) that booksellers
honor Caishen as the civilian god of wealth "while blacksmiths, cutters of every
kind,
and all manual trades" worship Guandi as the military god of wealth. The division
between civil and military temples was a basic feature of the imperial and early
Republican
state cult (Johnston 1921:48, 85). The popular image had not gone away,
but it had learned to accommodate itself to the prestigious official image.
Sometimes the prestige and lofty claims of the imperial image gave it a power by
which the imperial establishment was able to subordinate and even mobilize
oppositionalist
images of Guandi to its cause. This was the case during the Taiping rebellion
in the middle of the nineteenth century, when Guandi was elevated to the same
status
as Confucius in the official rites, thus attaining full stature as the protector of
the
Chinese ecumene. The Taipings, a Christian-inspired rebel group, had appeared to
threaten not merely the imperial state but also the very foundations of the
Confucian
system.
Rural elites led by the gentry, which mobilized the resistance and ultimately
defeated
the Taipings, were able to draw antistate secret society members into their local
armies. Although monetary inducements were doubtless important in attracting the
secret societies, Huang Huajie (1968:230) believes that the appeal to the image of
Guandi was more significant. These societies were formed by the uprooted underclass
elements of "the rivers and lakes" (in the language of the Wagter Magrgin) for whom

790 PRASENJIT DUARA

Guandi's oath and heroic death forcefully symbolized the sworn brotherhood that
they
used to fashion a community of their own. For them, the oath symbolized loyalty to
brotherhood, not to the state that had been their enemy. Yet under circumstances
when
it could be demonstrated that Chinese civilization itself was under attack by the
foreigninspired
Taipings, the identification of Guandi with the nation and Chinese civilization,
shaped to a great extent by the imperial state and the elites, could be mobilized
in defense of the imperial order. After all, had Guandi not defended the house of
Han
from the rebellious Yellow Turbans?
The renegotiation of statuses could be complex. Although a nonofficial version
might clearly defer to the official imagery of Guandi, as in the following Buddhist
depiction, it is not at all clear whether nonofficial characterizations necessarily
suffered
a net loss in the process. In 1894 the bubonic plague spread widely over southern
China. By means of a planchette, Guandi revealed himself to a Buddhist or
Buddhistic
society in Canton, the "Society for the Performance of Good Deeds," and expressed
his views on the causes of the plague as well as the way to eliminate it (Portengen
1898:461-8).5 Guandi referred to the many titles granted him by the Qing dynasty
as well as his varied celestial offices. He revealed that he was in charge of the
Department
of Epidemics, where he supervised a thousand ghosts and functionaries to inspect
human activities and morale. Guandi disclosed that the ultimate cause of the plague
was the moral decadence of the people, who were dishonorable, wasteful, and
deceitful.
People were to avoid the plague demons by practicing filial piety, loyalty, and
honesty
and by chanting a liturgy. In addition, the rich were to demonstrate their virtue
by
making charitable contributions. As a sign that they were truly complying with the
demands of the god of war, households were instructed to draw his halberd and
beneath
it write the ten characters of his name and title. The sign was then to be attached
to
the doorway of the house, which would keep away the plague demon. Guandi then
advised the people on practical measures such as burning water-purifying amulets in
family wells and mixing insecticidal drugs in the drinking water. It was widely
acknowledged
that the plague was being spread by water from wells and canals that had
been poisoned by dead rats.
The document apparently represented a familiar mode of harnessing the authority
of the gods to mobilize the population during an epidemic to undertake both ritual
and practical countermeasures. Francis Hsu (1983:11-24, 35-50) reports similar
developments
in Yunnan during the cholera epidemic of 1943. Hsu also shows how the
causes of the epidemic were thought to be rooted in socioethical factors. In this
way,
the goals of social welfare came to be inseparable from the spread of religious
ideas.
In the text cited above, social mobilization is mixed up with the consolidation of
Buddhist faith and practice. These are revealed in the concern with retribution,
the
chanting of liturgies, and the call to the rich to make charitable contributions.
But
more important, the authority of these messages is attributed to Guandi-and it is
a Guandi who very much partakes of the imperial characterization of him. The
passage
is replete with Guandi's various high-sounding titles and with his own references
to
Qing honorings of him, his official position in the celestial bureaucracy, and the
Confucian
virtues of filial piety and loyalty. What we have here is the deployment of the
official image of Guandi not only to mobilize the populace but also to shore up the
claims of an otherwise politically powerless entity-the Buddhist society that
received
the planchette.
5I have only been able to find a French translation of the original text. Many
thanks to Carol
Benedict for bringing this text to my attention.
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 791
Conclusion
Although the image of Guandi meant different things to different people, what
he meant to one person also communicated itself in some degree to others. We have
seen how the different versions were linked in a semantic chain: a warrior loyal to
his
oath has his loyalty transferred to constituted authority; a hero protecting
temples,
communities, and state is turned metonymically into a provider of health and
wealth.
The semantic chain constituting the Guandi myth developed historically, reflecting
the changing needs of state and social groups as they wrote on earlier symbolic
inscriptions.
Some elements, notably those in the original story that served the image
of no particular group, fell away, but the conative strength-the strength to impel,
inspire, and motivate-of any single interpretation derived from its participation
in
this evolving semantic chain.
The evolution of symbols along a semantic chain, their simultaneously continuous
and discontinuous character, enables us to see the relationship of symbolic change
to
social change. Even when an agency such as the centralizing Qing state seeks to
dominate
a symbol thoroughly, the very mechanism of superscription necessarily requires
the preservation of at least some of the other voices that surround the symbol. A
symbol
draws its power from its resonances (and sometimes its dissonances) in the culture,
from the multiplicity of its often half-hidden meanings. It is precisely because of
the
superscription over, not the erasure of, previous inscriptions that historical
groups are
able to expand old frontiers of meaning to accommodate their changing needs. The
continuity provided by superscription enables new codes of authority to be written
even while the legitimacy of the old is drawn upon. Thus symbolic media focus the
cultural identities of changing social interests pursuing sectional ends, even as
the
symbols themselves undergo transformations.
At any one point in time, the interpretive arena of a myth sustains a cultural
universe that enables the communication and negotiation of worldviews. The struggle
to survive within this arena may be desperate, and so also the effort to dominate,
as
with the Qing. But although the Qing state was able to reorder the interpretive
arena
of the myth, its hegemony was never absolute. Indeed hegemony within a superscribed
domain is rarely absolute. No matter how intolerant the Qing government may have
appeared to be, over the long run its capacity to police symbols was restricted. In
the
end it had to be satisfied with a nominal acceptance of the official version by
particularly
defiant subaltern groups. This was precisely what made the arena of superscription
so
lively: it was an arena in which subordinate groups such as the Buddhists of the
plague
text were able to mobilize the hegemonic image to their own considerable benefit
but
also one where both dominant and subaltern groups could draw on each other's images
for their own purposes. By participating in the interpretive arena of the myth, the
Confucian imagery could even occasionally have its authority enhanced by its
deployment
for nonhegemonic ends.
Much of the strength of the Qing state at its height derived from its ability to
represent its authority in popular culture, particularly with the techniques of
superscription.
Superscription enabled the imperial state to create an authoritative image
of Guandi with which rural elites could identify and which peasants and other
social
groups could acknowledge without renouncing the dimensions of Guandi that were
more immediately relevant to them. However, consider what happened to the Chinese
state when it sought to transform society while undermining the interpretive arena
in
which it had once participated-in other words, when it attempted to change society
and culture simultaneously.
792 PRASENJIT DUARA
The twentieth century in China was a time when the Guandi cult and, indeed,
most other religious cults had begun to wane (Duara 1988:chap. 5). The origins of
this decline can be traced to the turn of the century, when the Qing state and its
republican successors launched on a course of modern state building. Modernizing
state builders in North China sought to confiscate temple properties and destroy
the
institutions of village religion in order to use the resources to build modern
schools
and police forces. As ideological modernizers the republican regimes also carried
out
several campaigns against popular religion and "superstition," inadvertently
clearing
the ground for the communists in the process. To be sure, these regimes probably
had
little knowledge of the momentous consequences their actions would have. Overtly,
superscription of the Guandi myth was not abandoned. The republican state continued
to honor him, and it is even said that the bonds of loyalty among the Guomindang
secret police were written on earlier superscriptions of the Guandi myth by members
of the secret societies.
But in assaulting such community institutions as temples and religious
associations,
which had been the foundations of the Guandi cult, the modernizing regimes
were destroying the institutional underpinnings of mythic superscription and
attacking
one of the most important means by which both state and elite had been able to
reaffirm
continuously their alliance and conception of the social order. They eliminated the
means of maintaining the authority of the state in local life at a time when this
very
state was engineering important changes in rural society.
The only way a modernizing regime could launch a simultaneous attack on social
arrangements and the domain of culture was by building strong organizational
foundations
in local society. None of the republican regimes was ever able to build such
strong organizations. Lacking these foundations, the government needed to sustain
at
least, if not to strengthen, its authority in the cultural realm in order to engage
social
issues. Yet by assaulting religious institutions these regimes undermined the very
means of communicating their authority in Chinese society. The bleak record of
republican
regimes in rural areas has a good deal to do with their inability to create a
viable alternative to the Guandi myth to serve as a symbolic framework of
identification
and communication between state and peasant.
Glossary
Baima
Caishen
Cao Cao
Chen Shou
Chi You
Dangyang
dayi
di
Ding
erjie buju yiming bugou -X 8 -
fugui changchun
gang
gangji Al
gong
MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 793
Guan Yu rW 1J J
Guandi Q I
Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji q g v
Jiang Taigong 5k
ling
Liu Bei
mingjie
qiufu mianhuo
Sanguozhi
Sanguozhi pinghua it, t
Sanguozhi yanyi
shashen chengren
shendao
shoujing daquan At N4
sidian
Tudi It
waicunren
wang I
Wenmiao
Wumiao
Xiezhou
yi
Yuecheng A
Yuquan
Zengfu
Zhang Fei
Zhi Yi
List of References
Abbreviations
CN Chigoku noson kanko chosa [Investigation of customs of Chinese villages)
GSTQ Guandi shengli tuzhi quanji [A complete collection of the writings and
illustrations
concerning the holy deeds of Guandi}
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794 PRASENJIT DUARA
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Superscribing Symbols: The Myth of Guandi, Chinese God of War Author(s): Prasenjit
Duara Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 47, No. 4 (Nov., 1988), pp. 778-
795 Published by: Association for Asian Studies Stable URL:
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Journal of Asian Studies. http://www.jstor.org Superscribing Symbols: The Myth of
Guandi, C-hinese God of War PRASENJIT DUARA H ISTORICAL STUDIES OF HOW MYTHS and
symbols change have only recently begun to emerge. They tend to stress the layered
and historically stratified nature of myths, each stratum reflecting the concerns
of an epoch or a particular group. Marina Warner (1982) has shown how the image of
Joan of Arc has been differently interpreted by Nazis, nationalists, and feminists,
among many others, and Jacques Le Goff (1980) has demonstrated how ecclesiastical
and popular images of Saint Marcellus of Paris came to resemble each other but
ultimately always remained apart. James Watson's stimulating study (1985) of Tian
Hou, or the empress of heaven, argues that the outwardly unitary symbolic character
of the goddess Tian Hou concealed important differences in what various social
groups believed about her. Pioneering as they are, these works are only the start
of efforts to probe the enormously complex relationship between change in the
symbolic realm and historical change among social groups and institutions. I hope
to advance our understanding of this relationship a step further by suggesting that
its complexity lies not so much in the radically discontinuous nature of myths but
in the fact that myths are simultaneously continuous and discontinuous. I explore
this relationship by examining the myth of Guandi through a concept that I call the
"superscription of symbols." Guandi (A.D. 162-220), known originally as Guan Yu
before he received the imperial title di in 1615, was the apotheosized hero of the
period of the Three Kingdoms. This period, which followed the decline of the
imperial Han state (209 B.C.-A.D. 220), has been romanticized in Chinese history as
an era of heroic warriors and artful strategists who dominated the battles among
the three successor states contending for imperial power. Since then, the myth of
Guandi has become increasingly popular in a variety of media-literature, drama,
official and popular cults, and the lore of secret societies. Consider two episodes
in the life of the Guandi myth that are separated by more than a thousand years.
One of the earliest miracle stories about Guan Yu is derived from a temple stele of
820 A.D. erected when the Yuquan temple in Dangyang County Prasenjit Duara is
Assistant Professor of History at George Mason University. This article represents
a substantial development of a short study of the Guandi myth to be found in Duara
1988. It also addresses conceptual problems regarding the nature of imperial
hegemony that remain inchoate in the book; as such, it complements the book. The
author wishes to thank Arjun Appadurai, Andrew Char, Juliette Gregory, Deborah
Kaplan, Renato Rosaldo, Roy Rosenzweig, and James Watson for their comments. The
Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (November 1988):778-795. ? 1988 by the
Association for Asian Studies, Inc. 778 MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 779 in
modern Hubei was reconstructed. Here, in the vicinity of Yuquan mountain, Guan Yu
was decapitated during the long battle he fought against the enemies of his lord,
Liu Bei. One still night, when the Buddhist monk Zhi Yi (A.D. 538-97) was deep in
meditation under a great tree on the mountain, the silence was suddenly filled by a
booming voice: "Return me my head." When the monk looked up he saw the ghostly
apparition of a figure whom he recognized as Guan Yu, the spirit of the mountain.
An exchange followed between the two in which the monk reminded Guan Yu of the
severed heads of Guan Yu's own victims. Deeply impressed by the logic of karmic
retribution, the spirit of Guan Yu sought instruction in the Buddhist faith from
the monk, built a monastery for him, and began to guard the mountain. Later the
mountain people built a temple to Guan Yu where they offered sacrifices at the
beginning of each new season (Inoue 1941, no. 1:48; Harada 1955:30).1 In 1914 the
president of the Republic, Yuan Shikai, ordered the creation of a temple of
military heroes devoted to Guandi, Yuefei, and twenty-four lesser heroes. The
interior of the main temple in Beijing, with its magnificent timber pillars and
richly decorated roof, was impressive in the stately simplicity of its ceremonial
arrangements. There were no images. The canonized heroes were represented by their
spirit tablets only. In January 1915 Commissioned General Yin Chang and the
commander of the Model Army Division took their officers and soldiers to the temple
to take their military oaths. They subsequently bowed their heads as they filed
past a row of wooden tablets bearing the honored names of those who had fought for
their nation (Johnston 1921:88). These two visions of Guandi, reflecting the needs
of different social groups a thousand years apart, reveal the discontinuous nature
of myth. The first, the vision of a nervous clergy reeling from attacks by a
renascent Confucian establishment on the Buddhist faith as foreign and corrupt,
seeks to establish one of the great heroes of Chinese culture as a devout follower
and protector. The latter, the vision of the fledgling Republican military, seeks
to forge new concepts of loyalty to the nation-state. Is Guandi the protector of
the Buddhist faith or a Chinese god of war? Whether we speak of them as conceptions
of the spirit world or as the embodiment of this-worldly interests, the two visions
seem to have very little in common. But can a myth actually be so radically
discontinuous? Do the symbolic materials in a myth exercise absolutely no
constraints on what may be inscribed upon them? Indeed, if a myth represents
radically discontinuous meanings, if its symbols are pursued by particular groups
only for their own particular purposes, how can it continue to impart legitimacy so
widely across the culture? On closer examination the two visions of the same figure
have at least two common features: the apotheosization of a hero and his role as
guardian. This commonality is hardly accidental or insignificant. It is what gives
the myth its legitimating power and gives historical groups a sense of identity as
they undergo changes. What we have is a view of myth and its cultural symbols as
simultaneously continuous and discontinuous. To be sure, the continuous core of the
myth is not static and is itself susceptible to change. Some elements of the myth
may and do become lost. But unlike many other forms of social change, mythic and
symbolic change tend 'I have taken the liberty of "superscribing" the original
miracle story with a few details from the fourteenth-century version of it
contained in the Sanguozhi yanyi by Luo Guanzhong (1961, chap. 77:709-10). Although
there are differences between the stele account and the one by Luo regarding the
period and the identity of the monk, my borrowings from the later version do not
affect the core message of the story in the stele. The differences between the two
are discussed by Harada (1955:30). 780 PRASENJIT DUARA not to be radically
discontinuous; rather, change in this domain takes place in a way that sustains and
is sustained by a dense historical context. In this way cultural symbols are able
to lend continuity at one level to changing social groups and interests even as the
symbols themselves undergo transformations. This particular modality of symbolic
evolution is one I call the superscription of symbols. Following Walter Burkert
(1979:23), we may define myth as a traditional tale with secondary, partial
reference to something of collective importance.2 The process whereby different
historical groups write or depict through other cultural practices their own
version of an existing story or myth incorporates their interests or establishes
their "social charters" in the sense used by Malinowski. In this process, extant
versions are not totally wiped out. Rather, images and sequences common to most
versions of the myth are preserved, but by adding or "rediscovering" new elements
or by giving existing elements a particular slant, the new interpretation is lodged
in place. Even if the new interpretation should become dominant, previous versions
do not disappear but instead come into a new relationship with it, as their own
statuses and roles within what might be called the "interpretive arena" of the myth
come to be negotiated and redefined. Superscription
thus implies the presence of a lively arena where rival versions jostle,
negotiate, and compete for position. In this process some of the meanings derived
from the myth understandably get lost, but by its very nature superscription does
not erase other versions; at most it seeks to reconfigure the arena, attempting
thus to establish its own dominance over the others. In this respect it is unlike
most other arenas of contestation, where victory is absolute or potentially
absolute. The obliteration of rival interpretations of a myth is self-defeating
because a superscription depends on the symbolic resonances in the arena for its
effectiveness. Just as a word in poetry draws its power from its many half-hidden
associations, a myth at any one time represents a palimpsest of layered meanings
from which the superscribed version draws its strength. The Guandi Myth in History
What is most striking about the amazing variety of interpretations of the Guandi
myth is that the original story is a very simple one. Guan Yu's biography appears
in the Sanguozhi (History of the three kingdoms), written by Chen Shou about sixty
years after Guan Yu's death (Chen 1973, 36:939-42). Chen Shou refers to Guan Yu's
place of birth in Xiezhou, Shanxi, and his various names. He writes of Guan Yu's
friendship and devotion to Liu Bei of the royal house of the later Han. Together
with the butcher Zhang Fei, the two friends took the famous "Oath in the Peach
Orchard" binding them to protect one another until death. Still later Guan Yu
became a general and a governor of a province. Even though he was tempted by the
enemy of his lord, Cao Cao, with a marquisate, Guan Yu remained faithful to his
oath. In 220 A.D. he was captured by the enemy and put to death. Chen Shou's brief
references to Guandi are not entirely complimentary. There are references to his
vanity, overconfidence, and ignorance on matters of strategy (Yang 1981:68). Yet
these facts scarcely seem to have affected the future career of the Guandi myth.
Over the centuries this basic story has been elaborated and Guan Yu's achieve2In my
usage, the constitutive elements of a myth that impart this sense of collective
significance are its symbols, which may be embodied in particular images, events,
or eventsequences. I will be mostly concerned with these elements. MYTH OF GUANDI,
CHINESE GOD OF WAR 781 ments magnified beyond measure in storytelling and drama.
Apart from his wellknown role as the god of loyalty, he becomes the god of wealth,
the god of literature, the protector god of temples, and the patron god of actors,
secret societies, and many others. The earliest temple dedicated to Guan Yu is the
Yuquan temple in Dangyang County in Hubei, where he is said to have been killed.
This temple was established in 713 A.D. and was attached to the Buddhist monastery
on Yuquan mountain. Over the next two hundred years certain miracle stories became
associated with the Guan Yu of Yuquan temple, and when the anti-Buddhist policies
of the late Tang abated, his role as the Chinese protector of Buddhist temples (in
place of the Indian devas) spread rapidly throughout the empire (Inoue 1941, no.
1:48). Thus did Buddhism also become sinicized. To this day in Taiwan, despite his
exalted status, Guandi continues to guard Buddhist temples as a door god (Weller
1987:164). Appealing to a rather embellished version of the earliest miracle story,
the Buddhist clergy continues to claim that Guandi remains a steadfast and devout
protector of the faith (Johnston 1921:61). One may pause to consider the true
direction of the acculturation process: did the Buddhists convert Guan Yu, or did
he in fact make them a little more authentically Chinese? Guan Yu's career as a
protector god of monasteries and temples, launched by the Buddhists, became well
established by the ninth century (Inoue 1941, no. 1:48). It did not take long for
Daoist temples also to adopt him as their protector god; and during the Song (960-
1279) the Daoist claim on Guan Yu was superscribed on his image as a protector. In
Xiezhou in Shanxi, where Guan Yu was born, there is a famous lake called Salt Lake.
In the Song a Daoist temple was established to Guan Yu at Salt Lake. According to
the founding myth, a temple to the legendary Yellow Emperor had originally been
built by the lake. However, soon afterward a demon who turned out to be Chi You,
leader of the Miao tribes defeated by the Yellow Emperor, began to menace the area.
The Daoist Master Zhang was instructed by the imperial court to find a way to put
an end to this desecration of imperial honor. The Master invoked the assistance of
Guan Yu, who dispatched shadow (yin) soldiers to fight and vanquish Chi You. The
temple was founded in order to thank Guan Yu and commemorate the event (Inoue 1941,
no. 2:248; Johnston 1921:56). Inoue Ichii (1941, no. 2:250) believes that Guan Yu's
deification as a Daoist god is specifically communicated through the elaboration of
this story in the plays of the succeeding Yuan period (1279-1368). Certainly the
founding myth of the Guan Yu temple at Salt Lake has all the ingredients of a
Daoist legitimating myth: it draws on a potentially significant element in the
story of Guan Yu-his birthplace-and combines it with the sacred geography and
ancient history of China; with this as background, it identifies the imperial court
as the patron of the Daoists who have successfully invoked the spirit of Guan Yu to
restore the imperial honor. Inoue also associates Guan Yu's role as the god of
wealth with his patronage by the Daoists, who were famous for their preoccupation
with alchemy. It is well known that the spread of the worship of Guan Yu as a folk
deity beyond the confines of sectarian religion was communicated in the vernacular
novels and plays of the Song-Yuan transition, particularly the Sanguozhi pinghua
(The story of the three kingdoms) and the later Sanguozhi yanyi (The romance of the
three kingdoms) by Luo Guanzhong. In these depictions the mortal weaknesses of Guan
Yu seen in Chen Shou's account disappear without much trace, and it is undoubtedly
because of them that the divine image of Guan Yu has been nourished in popular
consciousness (Yang 1981; Huang 1968:12-14). But these popular media also reflect
broad social developments 782 PRASENJIT DUARA underway since the Song that promoted
the spread of Guan Yu as a deity among merchants, professional groups, rural
communities, and secret societies. Huang Huajie links Guan Yu's growing popularity
in the Ming (1368-1644) and the Qing (1644-1911) to the great socioeconomic changes
of the era, which of course also enabled the popular media to spread. As the rural
economy became increasingly commercialized, self-sufficient kin-based communities
tended to disintegrate. In their place, settlements came to be composed of
unrelated kin groups, merchants for whom sojourning had become a way of life, and
marginal peoples without a community, such as vagrants and bandits. None of these
new groups was able to use bonds of kinship or community to hold the settlements
together. As a symbol of loyalty and guardianship, the image of Guan Yu inspired an
ethic of trust and camaraderie to hold together "a society of strangers" (Huang
1968:100, 122, 227-29). Thus certain elements in the myth as it had developed so
far furnished common material for various groups; but each group also superscribed
the image of Guan Yu to suit its own peculiar circumstances. For rural communities,
the image of a trustworthy protector of temples yielded naturally to that of
protector of communities, and eventually to those of healer and provider. Li
Jinghan, in his massive survey of Ding County, wrote that the common rural folk
worshiped Guan Yu to "seek fortune and avoid disaster" (1933:432). For merchants,
trading now in distant, unknown, and unprotected regions, Guan Yu first inspired
trust and loyalty (to contract) and gradually became the very source of wealth.
Turning again to an example from Ding County, when merchants were asked why they
worshiped Guan Yu, they replied that they did because Guarr Yu was none other than
Caishen, the god of wealth (Huang 1968:229). For the rootless bandits and rebels of
secret societies, the oath of loyalty that Guan Yu upheld gained an unparalleled
salience. All rites and ceremonies among the Triads, for instance, including those
performed at the initiation of recruits and the punishment of traitors, took place
before the altars of Guan Yu and the founders of the secret society (Yang 1967:64).
Like the Buddhist and Daoist superscriptions, the nonsectarian interpretations of
Guan Yu were not random constructions. They built not only on original elements of
the myth, but also on one another. Thus the common core was itself an evolving
phenomenon; elements not found in any interpretation, such as the mortal weaknesses
of Guan Yu in the original description by Chen Shou, naturally fell away. But
typically, a particular interpretive focus did not expunge other versions. Indeed,
it drew its strength from them: the prestige of the god itself derived increasingly
from the evidence of its spiritual pursuit by so many groups over such a long time,
because a superscription depends on the symbolic resonances of the image in the
culture. So far we have spoken only of social groups without the instrumental means
to impose their image on others. What would happen to the interpretive arena when a
particularly powerful group, such as the imperial state, sought to dominate the
symbolism of Guan Yu with all the weight of its political apparatus? The Guandi
Myth and the Imperial State Valerie Hansen's work on the Song canonization of
deities has established the close relationship between the official bestowal of a
title on a deity and its flowering as a popular cult. The heretofore unsystematic
recognition of local deities by the
state became standardized in the Song as titles were granted and the gods were
brought into the local register of sacrifices. Officials, elites, and commoners all
believed that these titles actually enhanced the divine powers of the deities, and
local groups often MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 783 lobbied and colluded with
officials to gain recognition for locally important gods (Hansen 1987:chap. 3). The
imperial state's involvement with the Guandi cult reflected this process; official
recognition was encouraged by the popularity of the cult, which in turn further
spread the fame of the god. But more important, the efforts of the state remained
within the mode of superscription. The state could not, and in most cases did not
even seek to, erase local versions of the gods; rather, it sought to draw on their
symbolic power even while it established its dominance over them. Thus we see the
imperial state from the Song on lavishing Guan Yu with successively higher and more
glorious titles. During the transition from the northern to the southern Song he
rises from the status of a god with a ducal title (gong) to one with a princely one
(wang), reflecting perhaps the Song need for divine assistance to defend itself
against the increasing pressure of attacks from the north (Inoue 1941, no. 2:245).
Under the Mongols (1279-1368) he replaces Jiang Taigong as the official god of war
(Ruhlmann 1960:174), and by 1615 he is awarded the imperial title di and declared
to be Guandi, the supporter of heaven and protector of the empire (Inoue 1941, no.
1:49).3 It is clear that all dynasties from the Song until the Qing sought to
superscribe the images of Guandi and thus to appropriate his symbolism for their
own ends, yet deliberately or not these earlier dynasties actually promoted the
worship of Guandi in his different aspects and encouraged the different
interpretations. This was the case even during the Ming, well known for its
absolutist tendencies. The Ming worshiped Guandi as the god of war in the Baima
temple in Beijing, which later became the highest-ranking official temple to
Guandi. Official temples to Guandi were also established at battle sites,
especially during the Korean wars in the late Ming (Inoue 1941, no. 2:259). The
Ming also made substantial contributions to the Guandi shrine in Dangyang County
only a few miles east of the original Buddhist temple. The original temple on
Yuquan mountain, responsible for the cult of Guandi as a protector god of temples,
had itself undergone a revival under the Mongols, who favored Buddhism. Through its
patronage of this site, the Ming state drew on the power of the miracle stories
associated with the temple and area-the alleged site of Guandi's martyrdom-even as
it honored him in the official style. Moreover, while it was writing its official
superscription, the Ming government was continuing to promote other aspects of the
cult. For instance, it patronized another temple in the Beijing area, called
Yuecheng, where Guan Yu was worshiped as a god of wealth, a cult that spread
rapidly during this period. Indeed, it became so important that when he received
the imperial rank in 1615, it was to the Guan Yu of this particular temple that it
was bestowed (Huang 1968:138-41; Inoue 1941, no. 2:249, 253, 257). Given the
preoccupation of the imperial Chinese state with establishing a monopoly over the
channels of communication with the spirit world, it is hardly surprising that it
would wish to control the flourishing Guandi myth. But the Ming state sought to
secure its control not by ridding the myth of those symbols that did not directly
support its own version of Guandi as a warrior loyal to state authority; it sought,
rather, to bring Guan Yu's various aspects within the ambit of imperial patronage
and thus became the patron of patrons. In this way, its efforts contributed to the
many images of Guandi found in the popular imagination down to the twentieth
century: a hero who was a protector and also a provider, and a warrior who was
loyal to constituted authority but also to his oath. The Qing superscription of the
Guandi myth was distinctive partly because it was more systematic and partly
because it was orchestrated with institutional changes. 3There is some controversy
about the date when the imperial title was actually conferred. However, we can be
fairly certain that it took place in the late Ming (Inoue 1941, no. 1:49). 784
PRASENJIT DUARA As their predecessors had done, the Qing promoted Guandi to ever-
higher statuses in the official cult. By 1853, during the Taiping rebellion, his
worship was raised to the same level in the official sacrifices (sidian) as that of
Confucius (Qingshi 1961, juan 85:1070). The high point of the superscription
process was the compilation of his hagiography, the Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji (A
complete collection of the writings and illustrations concerning the holy deeds of
Guandi [abbreviated as GSTQ}), which represented a massive effort to Confucianize
Guandi. This compilation was published first in 1693 and reedited four times in the
Qing. There were elements in the story of Guandi's life that might have been viewed
dubiously by the Confucian orthodoxy. Not only was very little known of his
background and early life, but the vernacular Romance of the Three Kingdoms had
also played up his record as an outlaw-a righteous outlaw, to be sure, who killed
an exploitative magistrate, but an outlaw nonetheless (Roberts 1976:7). There were
other ambiguities with respect to his loyalty to constituted authority: there is an
episode where he permits Cao Cao, the archenemy of the prince he served, to escape
so that Cao Cao was able to continue to menace the state. Moreover, the spread of
his worship as the god of wealth and as a patron god of various sectional interests
was probably not particularly congenial to the Confucian mode of regarding its
heroes. The occasion of the 1693 compilation was provided by the alleged discovery
of Guandi's genealogy among some bricks in a well in his birthplace in Xiezhou.
Because of his obscure origins, one of the projects was to root him firmly as a
respectable practitioner of filial piety. The fourth preface to the text begins
with a literary exegesis on the complementarity of the values of loyalty and filial
piety. The author writes, "It is by relocating filial piety that one gets loyalty.
It is also said: if you seek loyal sons seek them at the gate of the filial son"
(GSTQ, 4th intro.). After recording the events of Guandi's life that clearly reveal
his loyalty, the author laments that until the discovery of the genealogy, there
was no real way of verifying Guandi's parentage or whether he had really been
filial. The discovery of the genealogy reveals how Guandi deeply understands the
great principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals ... his fine spirit, which resides
in heaven, must necessarily be able to forget the benevolence and grace of his
ancestors. He recalls these virtues to transmit them to later generations. Thus his
heart of pure filiality is greater than loyalty and righteousness, which are of but
one lifetime. (GSTQ 4th intro.) In 1725 three generations of his ancestors were
awarded the ducal rank, and sacrifices were ordered to be performed to them twice a
year throughout all the official temples to Guandi in the empire (Daqing lichao
shilu [17251 1937, juan 31:3a). Other passages speak of his mastery of the
Confucian classics: "People have always spoken of his courage and have not known of
his knowledge of 1i [principle]. Guandi liked to read the Spring and Autumn Annals.
When on horseback, his one free hand would always hold a volume" (GSTQ 2d intro.).
Indeed, the work attributes his loyalty to his having understood the subtle meaning
of the Annals. In contrast to Sima Qian, who represents the scholarly ideal, Guandi
is depicted as representing the activist ideal, the Confucian sage who "protects
the principles and perfects the exercise of power" (shoujing daquan; GSTQ, 3d
intro.). Finally, his divinity is linked to the greatness of the empire: "Guandi's
divinity [ling] resides in heaven. Sacrifices to him in the temple are held on an
elevated plane in order to manifest his awesome dignity. He has silently assisted
in the well-being and long peace in the empire. Herein lies his merit of protecting
the state and harboring the people. Is this not great? (GSTQ 4th intro). MYTH OF
GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 785 No matter how thoroughgoing it was, such a literate
superscription might have gone unnoticed in society if it were not also accompanied
by institutional changes. These changes, implemented in 1725, were of a piece with
the massive administrative reorganization undertaken by the Yongzheng emperor to
enhance the power of the imperial state. Of all the Daoist, Buddhist, and
nonsectarian temples to Guandi in every county capital, the most well endowed was
selected as the official Guandi temple (often known as Wumiao, or Temple of
Military Culture) by the local authorities, and here sacrifices were to be
conducted regularly to Guandi and his ancestors. These temples were then brought
under the command of the highest Guandi temple of official worship, the Baima
temple in the capital (Daqing lichao shilu [17251 1937, juan 31:3a). This structure
was modeled on the hierarchy of Confucian temples (Wenmiao, or Temple of Civil
Culture) through which the imperial state had incorporated the literati into an
officially sanctioned empirewide system of reverence. As Stephan Feuchtwang has
pointed out (1977:584), official temples in cities were rarely for exclusive
official use; they were places where the official and nonofficial populace could
mix. Whereas it was principally the gentry that frequented the Confucian temples
(which often included an image of the literary god, Wen Chang) during the official
worship
of Confucius, the Guandi temples were frequented by members of the gentry,
merchants, and others, with commoners outnumbering the gentry (Feuchtwang
1977:585). Indeed, Feuchtwang notes that in Taiwan and southeastern China
"merchants desirous of converting their wealth into status and moving into the
literati class would contribute to the building of official temples.... An example
of this face-improving enterprise-an even better one than the building of temples
to Kwan-ti [Guandil and Ma-tsu [Tian Houl, who were popular in all classes of the
populationwas the building of temples dedicated to both Confucius and Kuan-ti,
often called Wen-wu miao and often founded in conjunction with the establishment of
a private school" (1977:584). The image of Guandi had developed a distinct
association with Confucian and imperial culture, and it was through the hierarchy
of official temples that the orthodoxy communicated its superscribed image. The
imperial superscription of Guandi did not, of course, stay the growth of his
popularity in his other roles, particularly as a god of wealth or as a protector of
local communities. Nonetheless the institutional changes accompanying the imperial
superscription enabled elites-both gentry and nongentry-to demonstrate their
allegiance to the official image, and thus the changes succeeded in considerably
reshaping the interpretive arena of the Guandi myth. The myth now came to be
dominated by official images while other images were compelled to reorient and
redefine their status in relation to them. To illustrate my point I will turn to
evidence from local society in North China in the Qing and the Republic. The Guandi
Myth in Popular Culture Many of the materials for the arguments in this section are
taken from ethnographic and epigraphic records from the North China plain of the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries.4 Guandi was probably the most popular god
worshiped in the villages of 4The most important of these are the six-volume
Japanese rural surveys known as Chugoku nJson kankJ chJsa, conducted between 1940
and 1942 and first published in 1952. Here they will be referred to as CN followed
by the volume number. Other sources include the surveys of the Japanese scholar
Yamamoto Bin, who collected folktales and legends from all over North China during
the 1930s and 1940s, found in his Chigoku no minkan denshJ (1976). See also Li 1933
and Gamble 1968. 786 PRASENJIT DUARA North China. The numerous temples and stelae
set up for him in the villages surveyed are eloquent testimony to that fact.
Although the popularity of Guandi can hardly be attributed solely to imperial
patronage, the image of Guandi found in the villages does indeed reflect the
elevated status he occupied as a result of imperial honorings. Apart from Guandi,
the earth god, Tudi (tutelary deity of villages), was perhaps the most commonly
found god in North Chinese villages (Smith 1899:140). But Tudi was viewed very
differently from Guandi. The following exchange was recorded in Shunyi County,
Hebei: Q: What is the difference between the Tudi temple and the Guandi temple? A:
Tudi is concerned with only one village, but Guandi is concerned not merely with
one village but also with the affairs of the entire nation. Q: Do outsiders
[waicunrenj worship at the Tudi temple? A: They do not. Even if they do nothing
will come of it. Q: What about Guandi? A: People can come from anywhere. Anyone may
visit a Guandi temple anywhere. (CN, 1:213) In Wu's Shop village near Beijing an
informant was asked: Q: Which is superior, the Tudi temple or the Guandi temple? A:
The Guandi temple is superior. Tudi looks after the affairs of only this village.
But Guandi is a great being and does not handle the affairs of this village only.
He is not merely a god of this village. (CN, 5:431) The two gods represented
distinctly contrasting symbols. Tudi was seen as a subordinate god uniquely in
charge of the affairs of a particular village, whereas Guandi was seen as a great
being, symbolic of the nation and worthy of being worshiped by everybody.
Community-based religious cults in late Qing China, such as those to Guandi and
Tudi, were indirectly linked to the state cult and official religion and formed an
important part of the sprawling infrastructure of popular othodoxy. Tutelary
deities such as Tudi and Chenghuang (the city god) had been assimilated into the
official religion in the bureaucratic mode. As is well known, Tudi symbolized the
village as a discrete entity, but he was seen as an underling of Chenghuang, who in
turn was responsible to a higher deity. In other words, these gods were celestial
bureaucrats with distinctly parochial jurisdictions. Guandi, on the other hand,
appears to have borne a relationship to the bureaucratic order similar to that of
the emperor, with whom he came to share the title di. He transcended a particular
territorial identity and symbolized the relationship of the village with the
outside-with wider categories such as the state, empire, and national culture.
Guandi was not the only god who symbolized these wider identities; he shared this
status with Tian Hou, or the empress of heaven, in the southeastern coastal
provinces. But in the rest of China, I know of no god who was more identified as a
representative of Chinese culture than Guandi. And it is this identification of
Guandi with the more extensive orders of Chinese civilization that attracted an
upwardly mobile rural elite to the official interpretation of Guandi and enabled it
to be successfully installed in rural society. The stelae dedicated to Guandi in
many villages through the Qing period show that of all the possible interpretations
of Guandi-as a god of wealth, as a protector of temples, as a hero loyal to his
vow-the one found most frequently was the one that invested him with Confucian
virtues and loyalty to established authority. MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR
787 There were five stelae dedicated to Guandi in Cold Water Ditch village in
Licheng County, Shandong. The texts of the stelae were sometimes drafted by degree
holders from the county seat and sometimes by lower-degree holders from the
village. Other stelae mentioned no gentry titles at all and simply recorded a brief
text with the names of the village leaders and contributors. The earliest, dated in
the Kangxi period, begins: It is said that in ancient times sacrifices were made
and temples were built to honor those who have brought merit [gong) to the dynasty,
who have been virtuous among the people, who have glorified honor and integrity
[mingjie).... At a time when above and below were confused and the proper
principles [gangji) had disintegrated, there arose a special person who was loyal
and acted appropriately to his status [erjie buju yiming bugou4. He caused evil
ministers and sons of robbers to know their position. He was granted the heavy
responsibility of seeing that they did not confound righteousness [dayi) and create
disorder.... He [Guandi) did not accept a fief from the bandit Cao Cao and remained
loyal to the house of Han. Is this not merit to the dynasty! He eliminated the
danger of the Yellow Turbans and executed the disorderly soldiers.... Is this not
virtue for the people! He searched a thousand 1i for his [sworn] brother. Finally,
he died the death of a martyr [shashen cheng ren). Is this not to bring glory to
honor and integrity? (CN, 4:390) Although the values of Confucian orthodoxy are
written everywhere in this text, nowhere is there any explicit demonstration of
allegiance to the Qing dynasty. Indeed, inasmuch as this is an early Qing stele,
the references to Han loyalism might even be construed as a statement of opposition
to the alien Manchus. But by the beginning of the nineteenth century, the effects
of Qing superscription are everywhere evident. A text composed by a lower-degree
holder of the village in 1819 and bearing the names of village leaders reads thus:
A chapter in the Book of History says: "There are times when a good man is afraid
that there are not enough days; and when an evil man is also afraid that there are
not enough days." Thus we know the godly way [shendao) establishes religious
teachings in order to bring happiness to the good man and harm to the evil man.
Now, the lord Guansheng of Shanxi despises the nine evils with extreme severity. On
the fifteenth day of the ninth month of 1813, the White Lotus invaded the precincts
of the capital and the imperial court was put in danger. In very little time, the
blessed god of the armies, with the brilliance of his divine powers, pushed back
the White Lotus. He caused them to submit to the law and executed every single one
of them.... The leaders of our village and others have saved their humble
possessions and put together some money to build a new temple and a new image. (CN,
4:391) The alleged appearance of Guandi on the side of the imperial forces during
the White Lotus rebellion of 1813 was something the Jiaqing emperor had himself
publicized (Naquin 1976:338-39), and the Qing bestowal of a title on Guandi
following the rebellion in 1815 was doubtless related to his role in the rebellion
(Inoue 1941, no. 2:266). It may well be that the promotion of the imperial image of
Guandi in local society was connected with this event; at any rate, the stelae in
this and other villages from the Jiaqing reign (1796-1820) are replete with
references to Qing honorings of Guandi (CN, 4:391; CN, 1:192; CN, 6:151-52).
Whatever Guandi may have actually meant to the ordinary peasants, the Qing state
had managed to superscribe the image of Guandi all the way down to the villages-a
remarkable achievement for a premodern state in a vast agrarian society. It 788
PRASENJIT DUARA could reach into the bowels of this society because it was able to
forge a symbolic system that accommodated the aspirations of the rural
elite. The Guandi cult exemplified this accommodation perfectly. Local leadership
in rural society was often expressed by elite patronage of popular deities and the
management of temple ceremonies. By their patronage of the multi-vocal image of
Guandi-in the building, repair, and management of temples, for example-these elites
were able to articulate their leadership aspirations in society and at the same
time identify themselves with a set of symbols that was prestigious and Pan-Chinese
in scope (Duara 1988:esp. chap. 5). The Confucian image of Guandi perpetuated by
the state and rural elites as a protector of the empire and its institutions did
not replace the other images of him. It is clear that neither the elites nor the
state could fully appropriate the popular symbolism of the Guandi myth. Nor would
their superscription have been effective if they had. Yamamoto Bin's collection of
folktales from North China in the 1930s and 1940s contains stories about Guan Yu
that are simply local tales and nothing more (1976:73, 75, 118, 151). Then too,
ordinary villagers prayed to him for all kinds of benefits including rain and those
from his healing powers (CN, 5:433). This seems to have been the case for peasants
all over North China, where he continued to be worshiped in his generalized aspect
as a provider and protector of communities (Li 1933:432; CN, 3:55; CN, 6:84-85).
Although this characterization of Guandi is not in the least incompatible with the
imperial and Confucian characterization, it does not invoke the state and Confucian
culture symbolically in the same manner as the depictions in the stelae do. Yet the
imperial superscription was not without impact on folk culture. Occasionally it was
assimilated into a kind of layered or imbricated imagery of Guandi in the popular
consciousness. Guandi often appears in extremely popular morality books (shanshu),
urging people to perform meritorious deeds to attain salvation. These books reflect
a folk morality that is an amalgam of orthodox Confucian and heterodox beliefs. In
these books we frequently see Guandi in his Confucian mode: there are allusions to
his fondness for the Spring and Autumn Annals and to his alleged qualities of
filial piety and righteousness. At the same time, however, he expresses his faith
in Buddhist notions of retribution and other beliefs. In one passage Guandi even
espouses the syncretism of popular religion by pronouncing that Buddhism, Daoism,
and Confucianism all emanate from the same source (Harada 1955:37). In the
following stele from Hou Lineage Camp village in Changli County, Hebei, we observe
an instance where the official image of Guandi was assimilated with older
associations of him as the source of prosperity. This stele was emplaced in 1864
when the temple to the god of wealth was repaired: A Stele Commemorating the
Reconstruction of the Caishen Temple and the Creation of an Image of the Saintly
Sovereign Guan His image is molded and painted to create awe of his divine
authority. It will thereby attach importance to his teachings and his favors, which
have always been the same. Our village of the Hou banners has of old had a temple
to the god of wealth. Alas, it had become covered with brambles and smoke. In the
past we had repeatedly improved the temple, but for three years the yield of the
land had been very poor. Now Taisui [the star god presiding over the yearly cycle)
is aligned to the sun. As a tribute of thanks we gathered to discuss the expansion
of the temple. In this way we enhance our admiration of Guandi's protection of
righteousness Nyi) and his preservation of the institutions of the empire [gang).
We wish to burn incense and make offerings to him. MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF
WAR 789 We scattered the gold of Dannapati. We contributed money generously and
brought a carpenter as capable as the famous Gongshu. We gathered artisans who were
brilliantly skillful. There are now dragons dancing on the beams in abundant
numbers. May wealth and honor be eternally renewed (fugui changchun). (CN, 5:377)
This stele, which bore the names of the village leaders and two degree holders, was
erected in the presence of the county magistrate himself. It demonstrates the
actual process of imperial superscription in the village as the official image of
Guandi is written over an older cult of the god of wealth. This kind of
superscription was probably not uncommon in the 1860s when the imperial order was
briefly reinvigorated after the devastation of the midcentury rebellions. But
neither the state representative nor the villagers seemed to be particularly put
out by the close relationship in the text between Guandi and the god of wealth, by
the collocation of "honor" and "wealth." Commenting on this relationship more
generally, Basil Alexeiev writes, "Another instance of this curious and apparently
illogical association is the cult of Kuan Ti [Guandi}, commonly called by writers
on China the God of War, but who is, in fact, a Wealth God and appears in many
household icons with all the paraphernalia of such a god" (1928:1). The official
superscription of Guandi in the stele, with its references to his righteous
preservation of imperial institutions, did not result in any diminution of Guandi's
association with the god of wealth and the promise of prosperity. On the other
hand, a powerful superscription effort such as that of the Qing state could reorder
the interpretive arena of the myth and bring alternative interpretations into a new
relationship to it. There were situations when the image of Guandi as the god of
wealth among some groups had to negotiate its status in relation to the official
image. We have mentioned that when merchants in Ding County were asked why they
worshiped Guandi they replied that they did because he was Caishen, the god of
wealth. Their interlocutor wondered how this could be when Zengfu was already
considered the god of wealth. The traders hastened to answer that there were
actually two gods of wealth, Guandi and Zengfu. Whereas Zengfu was the civilian god
of wealth, Guandi was the military god of wealth (Huang 1968:229; see also Harada
1955:35). This point of view was apparently common. Alexeiev observes (1928:9) that
booksellers honor Caishen as the civilian god of wealth "while blacksmiths, cutters
of every kind, and all manual trades" worship Guandi as the military god of wealth.
The division between civil and military temples was a basic feature of the imperial
and early Republican state cult (Johnston 1921:48, 85). The popular image had not
gone away, but it had learned to accommodate itself to the prestigious official
image. Sometimes the prestige and lofty claims of the imperial image gave it a
power by which the imperial establishment was able to subordinate and even mobilize
oppositionalist images of Guandi to its cause. This was the case during the Taiping
rebellion in the middle of the nineteenth century, when Guandi was elevated to the
same status as Confucius in the official rites, thus attaining full stature as the
protector of the Chinese ecumene. The Taipings, a Christian-inspired rebel group,
had appeared to threaten not merely the imperial state but also the very
foundations of the Confucian system. Rural elites led by the gentry, which
mobilized the resistance and ultimately defeated the Taipings, were able to draw
antistate secret society members into their local armies. Although monetary
inducements were doubtless important in attracting the secret societies, Huang
Huajie (1968:230) believes that the appeal to the image of Guandi was more
significant. These societies were formed by the uprooted underclass elements of
"the rivers and lakes" (in the language of the Wagter Magrgin) for whom 790
PRASENJIT DUARA Guandi's oath and heroic death forcefully symbolized the sworn
brotherhood that they used to fashion a community of their own. For them, the oath
symbolized loyalty to brotherhood, not to the state that had been their enemy. Yet
under circumstances when it could be demonstrated that Chinese civilization itself
was under attack by the foreigninspired Taipings, the identification of Guandi with
the nation and Chinese civilization, shaped to a great extent by the imperial state
and the elites, could be mobilized in defense of the imperial order. After all, had
Guandi not defended the house of Han from the rebellious Yellow Turbans? The
renegotiation of statuses could be complex. Although a nonofficial version might
clearly defer to the official imagery of Guandi, as in the following Buddhist
depiction, it is not at all clear whether nonofficial characterizations necessarily
suffered a net loss in the process. In 1894 the bubonic plague spread widely over
southern China. By means of a planchette, Guandi revealed himself to a Buddhist or
Buddhistic society in Canton, the "Society for the Performance of Good Deeds," and
expressed his views on the causes of the plague as well as the way to eliminate it
(Portengen 1898:461-8).5 Guandi referred to the many titles granted him by the Qing
dynasty as well as his varied celestial offices. He revealed that he was in charge
of the Department of Epidemics, where he supervised a thousand ghosts and
functionaries to inspect human activities and morale. Guandi disclosed that the
ultimate cause of the plague was the moral decadence of the people, who were
dishonorable, wasteful, and deceitful. People were to avoid the plague demons by
practicing filial piety, loyalty, and honesty and by chanting a liturgy. In
addition, the rich were to demonstrate their virtue by making charitable
contributions. As a sign that they were truly complying with the demands of the god
of war, households were instructed to draw his halberd and beneath it write the ten
characters of his name and title. The sign was then to be attached to the doorway
of the house, which
would keep away the plague demon. Guandi then advised the people on practical
measures such as burning water-purifying amulets in family wells and mixing
insecticidal drugs in the drinking water. It was widely acknowledged that the
plague was being spread by water from wells and canals that had been poisoned by
dead rats. The document apparently represented a familiar mode of harnessing the
authority of the gods to mobilize the population during an epidemic to undertake
both ritual and practical countermeasures. Francis Hsu (1983:11-24, 35-50) reports
similar developments in Yunnan during the cholera epidemic of 1943. Hsu also shows
how the causes of the epidemic were thought to be rooted in socioethical factors.
In this way, the goals of social welfare came to be inseparable from the spread of
religious ideas. In the text cited above, social mobilization is mixed up with the
consolidation of Buddhist faith and practice. These are revealed in the concern
with retribution, the chanting of liturgies, and the call to the rich to make
charitable contributions. But more important, the authority of these messages is
attributed to Guandi-and it is a Guandi who very much partakes of the imperial
characterization of him. The passage is replete with Guandi's various high-sounding
titles and with his own references to Qing honorings of him, his official position
in the celestial bureaucracy, and the Confucian virtues of filial piety and
loyalty. What we have here is the deployment of the official image of Guandi not
only to mobilize the populace but also to shore up the claims of an otherwise
politically powerless entity-the Buddhist society that received the planchette. 5I
have only been able to find a French translation of the original text. Many thanks
to Carol Benedict for bringing this text to my attention. MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE
GOD OF WAR 791 Conclusion Although the image of Guandi meant different things to
different people, what he meant to one person also communicated itself in some
degree to others. We have seen how the different versions were linked in a semantic
chain: a warrior loyal to his oath has his loyalty transferred to constituted
authority; a hero protecting temples, communities, and state is turned
metonymically into a provider of health and wealth. The semantic chain constituting
the Guandi myth developed historically, reflecting the changing needs of state and
social groups as they wrote on earlier symbolic inscriptions. Some elements,
notably those in the original story that served the image of no particular group,
fell away, but the conative strength-the strength to impel, inspire, and motivate-
of any single interpretation derived from its participation in this evolving
semantic chain. The evolution of symbols along a semantic chain, their
simultaneously continuous and discontinuous character, enables us to see the
relationship of symbolic change to social change. Even when an agency such as the
centralizing Qing state seeks to dominate a symbol thoroughly, the very mechanism
of superscription necessarily requires the preservation of at least some of the
other voices that surround the symbol. A symbol draws its power from its resonances
(and sometimes its dissonances) in the culture, from the multiplicity of its often
half-hidden meanings. It is precisely because of the superscription over, not the
erasure of, previous inscriptions that historical groups are able to expand old
frontiers of meaning to accommodate their changing needs. The continuity provided
by superscription enables new codes of authority to be written even while the
legitimacy of the old is drawn upon. Thus symbolic media focus the cultural
identities of changing social interests pursuing sectional ends, even as the
symbols themselves undergo transformations. At any one point in time, the
interpretive arena of a myth sustains a cultural universe that enables the
communication and negotiation of worldviews. The struggle to survive within this
arena may be desperate, and so also the effort to dominate, as with the Qing. But
although the Qing state was able to reorder the interpretive arena of the myth, its
hegemony was never absolute. Indeed hegemony within a superscribed domain is rarely
absolute. No matter how intolerant the Qing government may have appeared to be,
over the long run its capacity to police symbols was restricted. In the end it had
to be satisfied with a nominal acceptance of the official version by particularly
defiant subaltern groups. This was precisely what made the arena of superscription
so lively: it was an arena in which subordinate groups such as the Buddhists of the
plague text were able to mobilize the hegemonic image to their own considerable
benefit but also one where both dominant and subaltern groups could draw on each
other's images for their own purposes. By participating in the interpretive arena
of the myth, the Confucian imagery could even occasionally have its authority
enhanced by its deployment for nonhegemonic ends. Much of the strength of the Qing
state at its height derived from its ability to represent its authority in popular
culture, particularly with the techniques of superscription. Superscription enabled
the imperial state to create an authoritative image of Guandi with which rural
elites could identify and which peasants and other social groups could acknowledge
without renouncing the dimensions of Guandi that were more immediately relevant to
them. However, consider what happened to the Chinese state when it sought to
transform society while undermining the interpretive arena in which it had once
participated-in other words, when it attempted to change society and culture
simultaneously. 792 PRASENJIT DUARA The twentieth century in China was a time when
the Guandi cult and, indeed, most other religious cults had begun to wane (Duara
1988:chap. 5). The origins of this decline can be traced to the turn of the
century, when the Qing state and its republican successors launched on a course of
modern state building. Modernizing state builders in North China sought to
confiscate temple properties and destroy the institutions of village religion in
order to use the resources to build modern schools and police forces. As
ideological modernizers the republican regimes also carried out several campaigns
against popular religion and "superstition," inadvertently clearing the ground for
the communists in the process. To be sure, these regimes probably had little
knowledge of the momentous consequences their actions would have. Overtly,
superscription of the Guandi myth was not abandoned. The republican state continued
to honor him, and it is even said that the bonds of loyalty among the Guomindang
secret police were written on earlier superscriptions of the Guandi myth by members
of the secret societies. But in assaulting such community institutions as temples
and religious associations, which had been the foundations of the Guandi cult, the
modernizing regimes were destroying the institutional underpinnings of mythic
superscription and attacking one of the most important means by which both state
and elite had been able to reaffirm continuously their alliance and conception of
the social order. They eliminated the means of maintaining the authority of the
state in local life at a time when this very state was engineering important
changes in rural society. The only way a modernizing regime could launch a
simultaneous attack on social arrangements and the domain of culture was by
building strong organizational foundations in local society. None of the republican
regimes was ever able to build such strong organizations. Lacking these
foundations, the government needed to sustain at least, if not to strengthen, its
authority in the cultural realm in order to engage social issues. Yet by assaulting
religious institutions these regimes undermined the very means of communicating
their authority in Chinese society. The bleak record of republican regimes in rural
areas has a good deal to do with their inability to create a viable alternative to
the Guandi myth to serve as a symbolic framework of identification and
communication between state and peasant. Glossary Baima Caishen Cao Cao Chen Shou
Chi You Dangyang dayi di Ding erjie buju yiming bugou -X 8 - fugui changchun gang
gangji Al gong MYTH OF GUANDI, CHINESE GOD OF WAR 793 Guan Yu rW 1J J Guandi Q I
Guandi shengji tuzhi quanji q g v Jiang Taigong 5k ling Liu Bei mingjie qiufu
mianhuo Sanguozhi Sanguozhi pinghua it, t Sanguozhi yanyi shashen chengren shendao
shoujing daquan At N4 sidian Tudi It waicunren wang I Wenmiao Wumiao Xiezhou yi
Yuecheng A Yuquan Zengfu Zhang Fei Zhi Yi List of References Abbreviations CN
Chigoku noson kanko chosa [Investigation of customs of Chinese villages) GSTQ
Guandi shengli tuzhi quanji [A complete collection of the writings and
illustrations concerning the holy deeds of Guandi} Works Cited ALEXEIEV, BASIL M.
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Sanguozhi [History of the three kingdoms). With a commentary by Pei Songzhi.
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y6so ni tsuite" [Concerning a few elements in the Guan Yu faith]. Toho shuikyJ 8,
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Culture. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. HUANG HuAJIE. 1968. Guangongde renge yu
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ROBERT P. 1987. Unities and Diversities in Chinese Religion. Seattle: University of
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"From History to Fiction-the Popular Image of Kuan Yu." Renditions 15.

Tian Tao or I Kuan Tao is a modern, syncretic faith and the third most popular
religion in Taiwan. The Chinese words I Kuan Tao can be roughly translated as the
Religion of One Unity. It is a religious doctrine that draws upon both traditional
Chinese teachings and each of the world's major religions. This religion attempts
to identify common principles underlying Taoism, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam,
Judaism and Hinduism. Tian Tao believes that by uncovering a single set of
universal truths, the "increasing chaos" of modern times can be defeated and the
world can live peacefully in harmony. They believe in a God beyond all other gods,
called Ming-ming Shang-ti (the God of Clarity).

It may have its roots with the Bai Lian Jiao (White Lotus Sect) which created
several political unrests for both the Qing court (1644 - 1911) and foreign powers,
such as the British, French and so forth who have seized the lands from the hands
of the Qing court since the Opium War. Bai Lian Jiao is closely related to the
Chinese Christian cult, Tai Ping Tian Guo, founded by Hong Xiu Quan, in the late
Qing dynasty. Hong Xiu Quan believed himself as Jesus Christ's heavenly brother,
which was sent to Earth by Lord God to liberate Chinese people from imperial
oppression. Lands were belonged by Lord God and not the Qing court, hence poor and
uneducated peasants in ten of thousands accepted his teachings. Heavenly King Yang
Xiu Ching, the Minister of State for Tai Ping Tian Guo, tried to seize the power
and authority of Emperor Hong Xiu Quan. To legitimize his authority, he
occasionally lapsed into trances in which his voice supposedly became that of the
Lord's. In one of his trances, Heavenly King Yang Xiu Ching claimed that the Lord
demanded Hong Xiu Quan be whipped for kicking one of his concubines. Emperor Hong
Xiu Quan had Heavenly King Yang Xiu Ching murdered by Wei Chang Hui, a Tai Ping
Tian Guo general. The followers of Heavenly King Yang Xiu Ching later formed the
Bai Lian Jiao.

Another source stated that Tian Tao was evolved from Xian Tian Tao which was
founded by 9th Patriarch Huang De Hui of the Shun Zhi period of Qing Dynasty. Huang
De Hui combined the three main belief systems of China with a belief in the Wu
Sheng Lao Mu (Great Mother) to form Xian Tian Tao. Bodhidharma is credited as the
1st Patriarch, the first five Chinese Chan Patriarchs are credited as 2nd to 6th
Patriarchs. Bai Ma became the 7th Patriarch and the 8th Patriarch is Luo Wei Qun.
The lines of patriarch of Xian Tian Tao continue into the present I Kuan Tao. The
15th Patriarch had made some major changes in the formulas and goals of Xian Tian
Tao. And it is the 16th Patriarch Liu Ching Xu renamed the group as I Kuan Tao. The
18th Patriarch is the last in line of the patriarchs.

The followers of I Kuan Tao claimed that it is a distinguished lineage back over
2000 years when it begins from the ancient Chinese astrolgers, emperors, Confucius,
and so forth. From 18th Ancient Patriarch Mencius, the lineage travels to the west,
the lineage began from Shakyamuni Buddha, Mahakashyapa to 28th Indian Patriarch
Bodhidharma. But the modern practice of Tian Tao, as we know it today, was
established about 70 years ago. In the 1930, Shi Zueng Zhang Tian Ran and Shi Mu
Sun Hui Ming, became the 18th Patriarch and started their practice I Kuan Tao in
Chi Nan City, Shang Dong Province of China. Their work spread by word of mouth, and
by 1946 I Kuan Tao became prevalent among 36 provinces of China. At the end of the
Civil War in 1949, many followers in China found their beliefs incompatible with
Communist doctrines. This and other reasons compelled large numbers of them to
emigrate to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Korea, Japan, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and the
Philippines. Tian Tao quickly took root in these new lands, spreading with its
teachings Chinese culture and traditional family values. By increasing the number
of I Kuan Tao temples, they believed that they are bringing the Buddhist "Western
Paradise" to earth and creating a world of brotherhood and universal love as
envisioned by Confucian teachings.

Today, they have about 4,500,000 followers in Taiwan, Korea and Japan; about
2,000,000 followers in South East Asian countries; and a growing number of
adherents in countries like Canada, USA, Australia, New Zealand, Brazil, Argentina,
South Africa, Paraguay, Italy, France, Germany, Holland and United Kingdom. In
Taiwan alone, there are over 200 large and medium-sized temples and over 30,000
family shrines.

Presently, they claimed that the founder, 17th Patriarch Lu Zhong Yi, was an
incarnation of Maitreya. He has major influence and impact on the present form of I
Kuan Tao. The central teaching of Tian Tao, is based on the initiation ceremony - a
new formula on the Triple Gem, namely: 1. Opening of Heavenly Eye (Dian Xuan Dao),
2. Oral Transmission of the Maitreya prayer (Chuan Ko Jue), and 3. Hand Gestures
(Jie He Tong). They believe that the recipient has obtained the Tao and that his
name has been reserved in the heaven and erased from the lists in hell. Upon death,
the recipient will ascend straight to heaven without having to endure the cycles of
rebirth.

The followers of this organization must be a strict vegetarian. It is said that

they will not teach and liberate three groups of people: they are butchers,
fishermen and prostitutes.

Usually, their temples are painted in pure white. And they have large followers in
Asia. Their selection for potential followers are very strict. Non-members of this
organization are not allowed to step into their temple compound. They can only
enter the temple compound through the invitation from the senior members. On the
day itself, the new recruit will make to vow to keep secrets on what he/she has
learnt from the temple. Why? Without asking of consert, he/she is sent to receive
the "secret" formula, so-called "Triple Gem". If he/she has failed to keep the
secrets, and leaked out these secrets to non-members, he/she will be killed by the
5 heavenly thunders (Wu Lei Hong Ding).

There are many works written by this cult group. There are few popular ones. For
example:

1. "Maitreya Sutra" (Chinese: Mi Le Zhen Jing) is their own version of

Maitreyavyakarana Sutra. It is said that this scripture was spoken by the Buddha.
It talks about the benefit on having faith on Maitreya Buddha. The retinue of
protectors are non-Buddhist ones, most of them are from the Chinese folk religions
and not to mention the main character, Lao Mu who is Wu Sheng Lao Mu in short.

2. "The Travelogue for the Hell" (Chinese: Ti Yu You Ji) revealed by Ji Gong, a
Chinese folk religion deity whose origin is unknown. This work explains about hell.

These books can be found in the free book distribution corners in the Chinese folk
religion temples.

"The group is known as Ee Kwang Tao. I was invited to attend the opening of one of
their 'Holy Houses'. It was one of the strangest rituals that i have ever
witnessed. Following the ritual we were invited to go before the 'Master' to
receive initiation. I declined on the grounds that I had been invited to attend the
opening but not to join anything. After a while they approached me again and they
said that the 'Master' was waiting for me and I MUST go before the 'Master'. I
replied that I must not do anything of the sort as I am a traditional Buddhist and
had no wish to join their organisation. I thanked them for their hospitality and
said that I was leaving. As each person arrived they took their name. As I left
they asked me for my name as they said that the names were being sent to heaven
and, as I refused initiation, my name would have to be struck off the list. I
consulted a Chinese friend about my experience and he immediately identified it as
the Ee Kwang Tao cult which, as was said, is proliferating in Australia. The
initiates are sworn to secrecy with the threat of harm to themselves and their
family if the secrets are revealed. This dangerous cult bears no relation to
Buddhism so beware of them."
Graeme Lyall (Australia), 1999.

At times, their activities are not restricted in the temple compounds. In

Singapore, the very senior members who hold the posts of "Tang Zhu", can convert
the new comers in their own houses. The main Singapore centre is located at Bukit
Merah Central, and it is known as "Chong Hua Tong Tou Teck Hwee Building". You can
see the name of the building at the main gate. It is also stated that it is
"strictly for members". Their first centre was located at Upper Serangoon Road, and
was demolished recently. And there are many smaller temples or community welfare
centres scattered around Singapore. They are registered with Registry of Society as
"Xin Jia Bo Zhong Hua Tang Dao De Hui" (Sing Gah Ball Chong Hua Tong Tou Teck Hwee)
and they also work hand-in-hand with "De Jiao" founded by Thye Hua Kwan Moral
Society and also with Chee Hoon Kog Moral Promotion Society for those community
welfare services.

The other schools which are evolved from Xian Tian Tao, are Tung Shan She, Tien De
Sheng Jiao, Tao Yuan and Tzu Hui Tang. They are independent groups and do not share
the same leadership.