Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
eral critique of capitalist conditions. But this does not satisfy the
industrial laborer. He wants to get rid of his misery first of all.
He wants great revolutionary changes if possible^ but he also ac--
354 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW
and the industries has long ceased to keep pace with the capital-
ist development of other countries. What is to be done ? "What
will be the consequence, when the influx of continental and espe-
cially of American products will grow in an ever-increasing ra-
tio, when the present lion's share of English factories in sup-
plying the world will shrink from year to year? Answer, free
trade, you panacea !" This question, posed by Frederick Engels
in 1885, is now being answered by streams of blood: "Imperial-
ism !" English imperialism is the last desperate step of English
capital endeavoring to maintain for a little while longer its com-
mercial supremacy on the sea. It is beyond doubt that this at-
tempt has failed. Whatever may be the formal end of the South
African war, it will not create the coveted basis for the forma-
tion of a British world empire it rather marks the beginning
;
combining the present policy of the party with its final revolu-
tionary aim. In the eyes of the opportunists these two points
separate themselves: here the final aim, there the present policy.
At best they recognize a parallel activity: agitation for the social
revolution and activity within the capitalist state. That it is pos-
sible for our present activity to be thoroughly revolutionary with
all its variety, all its "positive" and practical character, even
in the old true sense of the term, according to which the social
revolution does not begin until the proletariat is supreme, that
passes their understanding. But the simple revolutionary spirit
that scorns all present activity is perfectly plain tO' them. Voll-
mar, e. g. t represented the so-called "young Socialists" as models
of consistency. In 1891, he described their position as follows:
"The modern social and political conditions are beyond improve-
ment. . . .Hence we have stood aloof from all participation
in practical politics and confine ourselves to protesting and wait-
ing, until our strength lies in the street and we can get the whole
at one stroke. And this time is near it even depends on us alone
;
trary, their buoyancy increased with the years, far they had the
historical perception which the others lacked. Nor did August
Bebel change when no great political events took place by 1898.
It is not a matter of any great political day, but of great histori-
cal events that are not dependent so much on our ability to plan
ahead, as on capitalist development.
Vollmar, who charged Bebel with inconsistency because the
latter did not push his revolutionary tendencies to the point of
totally abandoning his "chores," failed to draw the logical con-
clusions from his own standpoint. For if such a chasm yawns
between the social revolution and the "daily chores/' then it fol-
lows that in order to devote ourselves fully to the "chores" we
should have to give up the idea of a social revolution. This
Vollmar did not do, however, but declared that he wished to
keep his eye on the "final aim" while doing his "chores/' Eduard
Bernstein went a step farther in his well-known statement "The
:
not dare to solve the contradictions that entangle it. Once the
opportunist draws his conclusions as to social reforms, he ceases
to be an opportunist and becomes a reformer. That would at
once clear the situation, and we should settle the pure reformer's
account as quickly as we did the advocates of pure revolution.
The development of opportunism tends toward reformism.
But until this final result is reached, opportunism throws a cloak
over its own development. Thus the theories are born of a grad-
ual growing of society into socialism, of an insensible stifling of
capitalism, etc., all of which simply tend to substitute social re-
form for social revolution. They pretend to change things by
changing names. As this is impossible, they become gradually
involved in an irreconcilable opposition to their starting point,
They sneer at revolutionism, first proclaim the freedom of So-
cialist science, then appeal from science to the fallaciousness of
human perception, and finally make Socialism a matter of belief
and temperament. Hence these Socialists who first could not be
revolutionary enough, turn into social reformers long before
capitalism is transferred into Socialism. Instead of stifling capi-
talism, they choke their own political past.
So far from solving the contradiction in which he is entan-
gled, the opportunist transfers it to his whole party. He thinks
that in fighting him we oppose the future ideal of social revolu-
tion to the present day chores. But this problem does not exist
for us at all. For the work of the present does not interfere
with our revolutionary agitation, it rather furthers it. The trouble
lies in the present day work itself, from which the opportunists
want to eliminate revolutionary agitation. The question is:
362 INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW