CHAPTER-5

JAWAHARLAL NEHRU - THE FIRST PRIME MINISTER OF

INDIA (1952-1962)

After discussing some of the essential conditions for the successful working
of democracy now an effort will be made to examine that how far Jawaharlal was
able to accommodate all these diversed yet inter-related conditions during his
Prime Ministership. So to Jawaharlal, it was a herculean "task of consolidating
independence, nation building...national making"' and modernisation of India
simultaneously which were but at the same time anti-thetical to each other.
Emphasizing this fact Charles Anderson observes, "If cultural pluralism would
hold still, nation-builders would have a simpler task. The very crux of the drama
of nation-building is that modernization and social change transforms not only
individual nation, but the cultural groups which stand between. A failure to give
full recognition to this fact has obscured the perspective of both scholars and
nation-builders." However, to understand these ventures, the Nehruvian
Democracy can broadly be classified as political democracy, economic
democracy, socio-religious democracy and so on and so forth. To Jawaharlal
"Democracy normally means political democracy, giving each person a vote."^
Though there are "physical inequalities which result in some being stronger than
other, mental inequalities which are seen in some people being abler or wiser than
others, and moral inequalities which make some unselfish and others not so." But
according to Jawaharlal, political equality is "the very basis on which you build up

Bipin Chandra, Jawaharlal Nehru in Historical Perspective, p.26.

' Charles Anderson, Issues of Political Development, Prentice Hall, New York, 1967, p.28.
' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.lV, Publications Division, Government of India, 1966, p.150-152.
•* N,Cousins, Talks With Nehru, Victor GoUancz, London, 1951, p.l9

148
 other equalities."^ It was he who for the first time put the idea of the Adult
Franchise in the Karachi Resolution of the Congress in 1931 which stated, "The
franchise shall be on the basis of universal adult suffrage."^ Justifying the concept
of adult suffrage, he said, "The argument that political democracy was in favour of
vested interests, while quite true when the franchise was small and restricted, [but
it] does not apply with the same force when there is adult suffrage in a country."
He reiterated that only with full franchise given to all without any restrictions "the
democratic apparatus can work according to the wishes of the great majority of the
people."^ But at the same time, he said that the political equality as expressed
through adult suffrage, logically leads to majority rule but "this does not mean that
the majority is necessarily right."^ He said "with all my admiration and love for
democracy, I am not prepared to accept the statement that the largest number of
people is always right."'*^ However, without adult franchise the alternative would
be an authoritarian structure of government, because under "aduh franchise" he
said, "you give the people the right not only to elect governments but to control
them."" Emphasizing on the sovereignty of the people, Jawaharlal said that in a
properly organized and free country the State is the People. He said, "The only

final authority and paramount power that we recognize is the will of the people,
and the only thing that accounts ultimately is the good of the people." So, a
government in a democratic society is "a reflection of the will of the people and it

' Ibid.
'' J.L.Nehru, The Unity of India, p.406.
' Nehni 's Speeches, Vol.III. op.cit., p.287.
* T.N.Mende, Conversations with Nehru, p.40.
' Jawaharlal Nehru, Visit to America, The John Day Company, New York, 1950, p,95.
'" Nehru's Speeches, 1949-1953, 2'"' Impersion, 1957, op.cit. p.252.
"//)/J, Vol. Ill, p.60.
'" J.L.Nehru, Glimpses of World History, op.cit, p.437.
'"' J.L.Nehru, The Unity of India, p.3I-32.

149
 should continue to be a reflection of this all the time."''* And if any government
neglects them, "it is pushed aside and other governments take it over."'^

Speaking on the organized political parties, he said, "Individuals, however

able, do not represent or are not in touch with the people, while an organized party
by the mere fact of its functioning as a party, is in contact with large masses of the
people whom it guides, whose thinking it influences and which in turn is affected
by the people's wishes.""' "Parties place their programmes before the public and
carry on intensive propaganda to convince the electorate of the virtues of each
individual programme as well as of the demerits of other programmes. These
conflicting approaches are supported to educate and enlighten the electorate and
enable it to choose rightly." Jawaharlal did not believe "in all people being
regimented to think in one way."'^ But at the same time he pointed out that,
'^Suppose our parliament at Delhi had 500 chosen men of integrity and ability,
each thinking according to his own lights, the result would be that, while they
would be the chosen of the nation in regard to ability, nothing will be done by the
Parliament because all the 500 will pull in 500 different directions."'^His opinion
was that "in a democratic set-up it is desirable that every opportunity should be
given for the development of ideas and the education of the public in them."

The reality of political equality, adult franchise and organized political

parties in independent India was well demonstrated when the country's First
General Elections under the new Constitution were held in 1951-52. These

N.B.Sen (ed.), Glorious Thoughts of Nehru, p.96.

'"• Nehru's Speeches, Vol. II, op.cit., p.49.
"' Cited in D. E. Smith, Nehru and Democracy, Orient Longman, 1958, p. 54 -55. Also in The Hindu,
28 November 1951.
'^ Nehru's Speeches, Vol.11, Broadcast from AUIndia Radio, New Delhi, November 22, 1951, p. 14.
"^ Ibid Vol.111, Speech in Trichur, December 26, 1955, p.36.
'•^ The Hindu. 28 November, 1951.
-° The Hindu, March 19, 1953.

150
 General Elections were remarkable for many reasons. "It was for the first time
that elections were conducted entirely by an Indian Government without any
limitations imposed by a foreign ruler. It was also for the first time that elections
were held on the basis of adult franchise. The electorate numbered 176 million -
the largest in the world. The vast majority of this electorate was illiterate and had
seldom witnessed or participated in any election. The election operation itself was
a gigantic one for over 4,400 representative had to be chosen from over 3,000
constituencies all over the country for the Central and State Legislatures." "The
total numbers of seats in the House of the People were 499 of which 489 were to
be filled by direct election. There were 1874 candidates in the field for these
11

elective seats." With the first General Elections the seeds of modern democracy
were planted in India. Without free and fair elections "public faith in the verdict of
the ballot box necessarily suffers, and to that extent there is a failure of
democracy."^' But Jawaharlal said that "no amount of governmental organization
can make the elections a success unless the people themselves cooperate."^'*
However, Jawaharlal as the Prime Minister was greatly interested in ensuring the
Commission's autonomy. He declared in Parliament, "We have taken every step
that we can and we will take every step to ensure that the elections are absolutely
free and fair."^^ Realising the importance of elections as the basic to democracy,
and the danger of the ruling party taking undue advantage of its position, he said,
"Democracy is based on the active and intelligent interest of the people in their
national affairs and in the elections that result in the formation of
Governments...The fact that one party happens to be in charge of Government
does not entitle it to any privileges during elections. Officers of the Government

"' India Since Independence, Publication Division, Govemmentof India, New Delhi, 1971, p. 14.
"" n.S.Fartyal, Role of the Opposition in the Indian Parliament, Chaitanya Publishing, Allahabad,
^ 1971, p.36.
' ' Election Commission, Report on the First General Elections in India, 1951-52, Vol.1. p.208.
'-^ Nehru's Speech Vol.11, A Radio Broadcast Delhi, November 22, 1951, p. 13.
-' Ibid., Vol.11, Speech in Parliament, November 15, 1950, p.8-9.

151
 must function impartially...The Ministers of the Government...must not utilize
their official position to further their own election prospects in any way. They
must try to separate as far as possible, their official duties from their electoral or
private work...It is of the utmost importance that all of us, whatever the party to
which we belong should maintain a high level of propriety and decorous
behaviour. Our propaganda by speech or in writing should not be personal but
should deal with policies and programmes...In a democracy, we have to know
how to win.. .Those who win should not allow this to go to their heads, those who
lose should not feel dejected. The manner of winning or losing is even more
important than the result. It is better to lose in the right way than to win in the
wrong way. Indeed, if success comes through mis-conceived effort or wrong
means, then the value of that success itself is lost." Speaking on selection of
candidates, he stated, "The test must be integrity first, integrity second and
integrity third, integrity and ability." He also clarified, "We want men of
integrity but they must accept our election manifesto and our general
28
programme."

He was well conscious of the great importance of electioneering in a

democratic country as a means of mass democratic education. When he said, "We
get an opportunity of explaining of our ideals and objectives to the people; and the
people in their own way educate us to appreciate their wants and complaints."^^
He drafted the party's election manifesto^*' which laid stress on his basic policies
of social reforms, secularism, economic welfare of the masses through FiveYear
Plans and education and non-alignment etc. He made an extensive tour of the

~'' Cited in Shankar Dayal Sharma(ed.), Selected Speeches ofJawaharlal Nehru, Sterling Publishers,
New Delhi, 1989, p.40-41.
"' Quoted in W.H.Morris-Jones, Parliament in India, p. 173.
'^ Jawaharlal Nehru Press Conference, 1951, NewDelhi, November 3, 1951, p.71.
' ' R.K.Karanjia, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, p.89.
'" See Congress Election Manifesto-1951.

152
 country from mid-November, 1951 to late January 1952 and addressed nearly 300
mass meetings. He did not beg votes for individual Congress candidates but
sought a country-wide support for the policies which were presented by the
Congress as a whole.^' In a meeting when some people shouted that why corrupt
people had been allowed to be Congress candidates, Jawaharlal answered firmly,
•'Don't vote for them, 1 am not infallible and I may have made mistakes but if you
know they are corrupt and dishonest don't vote for them." However, the Election
Commission recognized 14 parties as National and 53 as State parties according to
their respective strength in the State and the election symbols were assigned to
such recognized parties."^ So, the power struggle in India commenced from the
inception of the Indian Republic and the main contestants were the Congress Party
on the one side and larger number of recognized parlies on the other. '' Among
them the Congress Party has been the dominant party'^^ because its past records
claiming to be the party of freedom fighters. The Leftist on the other hand,
branded the Congress as the party of landlords and assured the people that they
would form a Government of peasants and workers and would abolish inequality
forever. The majority of the electorate being illiterate, the campaign was carried
on by public meetings and door to door canvassing. As a resuh of the elections,
the Congress Party won an overwhelming majority over all other parties. Out of a
total of 489 elective seats in the House of People (Lok Sabha) the Congress Party
won 362 or 74% of the total seats and polled 44.9% of the total votes cast. The

It was the same strategy which Jawaharlal employed earlier in 1937, when he asked people "not to
vote for the Congress if they disagreed with this objective or programme."(J-L.Nehru, The Discovery
of India, p.67.)
'" Jawaharlal Press Conference, New Delhi, November 3, 1951, p.71.
" H.S.Fartyal, Role of the Opposition in the Indian Parliament, p.36.
'^ Renu Saxena, The Role of Opposition in Indian Politics, Anmol Publications, Delhi, 1986, p.25.
'' The role of the Congress Party in the Indian political system has been a subject of serious study by
many western and Indian scholars. Prof Morris Jones described the Indian political system as that of
one-dominant party. Norman D. Palmer summarized it as that of "one-dominant party system", or"
one party dominant system." According to Rajni Kothari, the Indian system comprises a "party of
consensus" and "parties of pressure."
'' Election Commission, Report on the First General Elections 1951-52, Vol.1, p.l94.

153
 Opposition secured 127 or 26% of the total seats and polled 55.1% of the votes
cast.'^ The detailed results of the elections of the House of the People are as
under:^^

Parties Seats Seats Percentage Votes polled Percentage

Contest ed won of seats won of votes
polled

Congress 477 362 74.43 4,75,28,911 44.85

Socialist Party 254 12 2.45 1,11,26,344 10.50

K. M. P. P / ' 146 9 2.04 61,58,782 5.81

C.P.I. &P.D,F''" 59 23 5.31 47,12,009 4.45

.Ian Sangh 93 3 0.61 32,36,361 3.05

S.C.F"" 34 2 0.40 25,01,964 2.30

R.R.P'' 62 3 0.61 20,94,811 1.98

K.L.P"" 29 1 0.20 14,89,488 1.40

Hindu 31 4 0.88 10,46,253 0.91

Mahasabha

''' H.S.Fartyal, Role of the Opposition in the Indian Parliament, p.38-39.

" Election Commission, Repoil on the First General Elections, 1951-52,VoI.]
•''' Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party.
""^ Coinmunist Party of India & People's Democratic Front.
*" Scheduled Castes Federation.
•*" Ram Rajya Parishad.
•^'' Krishikar Lok Party.

154
 Forward 24 1 0.20 9,88,272 0.09
Block(Mr

R.S.P'' 8 2 0.40 3,93,984 0.37

Forward Block 6 - - 1,33,936 0.13

Revolutionary 1 - - 26,243 0.02

Communist Party

Bolshevik Party 1 - - 25,792 0.02

Others"' 122 26 5.48 76,78,662 7.27

independents 5.24 41 6.56 1,68,45,494 15.90

Total 1871 489 100.00 10,59,87,318 100.00

The elections to fill the 200 elective seats'*^ of the Council of States (Rajya
Sabha) took place on March 27, 1952 by the personal ballot in the capital of each
State. The party-wise position in the Council of States is as under:

'* (Marxist).
"' Revolutionary Socialist Party.
'^' (Reikher Group).
•" Others included, Jharkhand 3, L.S. S. 2, Janta l.P.W. P.2, T. T.N.P. 3, Commonweal 4, Muslim
League 1, Tamiltiad Congress 1, Gantantra Parishad 5 and Akali Dal 4.
^^ Twelve members are nominated by the President and four were elected by the Jammu & Kashmir
Assembly by the system of proportional representation.

155
 Paitj Seats Won Party Seats won

Congress 146 Forward Block(M) 1

Communist & P.D.F. II K.L.P 1

Socialist Party 6 United Front 1

K.M.P.P 4 T.T.N.C. 1

S.C.F 2 Muslim League 1

P.WP 2 Akali Dal 1

Jan Sangh 1 Jharkhand 1

Gantantra Parishad 2 Janta 1

Samyukta Dal 2 Independents 15

Hindu Mahasabha 1

Total = 200

Jawaharlal was, undoubtedly, happy over the outcome of the elections, not
because the Congress had been returned to power, but because the people of India
"still think us capable of solving the country's problems.""^^ But it is generally
believed that his magnetic personality, charismatic quality of leadership and
immense popularity among India's millions contributed greatly to Congress

'" Nehru's Speeches, Vol.11, Speeches in the House of People, May 22, 1952, p.29.

156
 victory.^^^ His undaunted faith in the common people of India was sustained and
much expressed doubts about electoral success in the country were seriously
questioned.^' However, Election Commission, in its report, supported the view of
.lawaharlal: "The greatest credit, of course, goes to the millions of voters who gave
ample proof of having realized that it was their right as also their duty to
participate in the elections by exercising their franchise." This election itself was
something unique in parliamentary history all over the world. As a leader of the
Provisional Parliament, Jawaharlal played the most outstanding role in bridging a
gap between the old Legislative Assembly and new Parliament. It helped the new
Ministers and senior officers in the administration familiarize themselves with the
CO

working of the new Constitution. It was through his conscious efforts that
Parliament secured a pre-eminent position in the country's polity. The
effectiveness of the institution of Parliament was convincingly vindicated on
several occasions.^'' He recognized the importance of Parliament as the Supreme
Representative Institution of the people with its scope, its powers and privileges.
He nurtured the position and dignity of its presiding officers and its proceedings,
its rules and conventions.^^ He asserted, "I am jealous of the powers of this House
and I should not like anyone to limit those powers."^^ In showing courtesy to
Parliament he was meticulous. Whenever he entered into the House, he manfully

'" Editor of the Pioneer commented: "Nehru and not Congress has been voted to power in the so-called
Congress states." {The Pioneer, February 2, 1952).The same view is held by many scholars like M.
Brecher in his book Nehru: A Political Biography, p.446; N.D.Palmer, The Indian Political System,
p.221; and N.V.Rajkumar (ed.), The Pilgrimage and After, p.49.
" Chester Bowles commented: "is it not time to revise our pessimistic, and somewhat arrogant,
assumption that democracy is practical only for a highly developed educated people? From what I
saw in India, 1 have changed my own mind about the necessity for a series of Ataturks in Asia as a
prelude to democracy," (Chester Bowles, Ambassador's Report, p.l55.)
^^ Election Commission, Report on the First General Elections in India, 1951-1952, Vol.1, p.208.
" T.T.Krishnamachari, 'Parliamentary Life during 1929-1954' in Silver Jubilee Commemoration
Volume, Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, 1954, p.23.
'^ S.C.Kashyap, (ed.), Nehru and Parliament, Lok Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi, 1986, Introduction.
^' Jawaharlal Nehru And Parliamentary Democracy, Pannalal Saraogi Memorial Lecture, at Calcutta
on April 30, 1989, in Selected Speeches by Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma, Sterling Publishers, N.
Delhi, 1989, p.43.
''' Cited in Subhash C. Kashyap, Jawaharlal Nehru, The Constitution and the Parliament, p.81.

157
 and gracefully bowed his head towards the Chair each time he took his seat or left
the House. His strict observance of Parliamentary etiquette in the best sense of
the term, and his readiness to answer even irritating interruptions were exemplary.
As R.Venkataraman says, "It was his innate gentleness and his gentle manliness
CO

that made Nehru an ornament to Parliament."

Jawaharlal took keen interest in the Question Hour and seldom missed it. He
was present during most of the debates on major issues and listened to the
members with attention. His attitude towards the opposition can be described in
his own words: "We welcome the coming to this House of the members of the
opposition whoever they may be, and however much we might differ from them in
many matters we welcome them, because undoubtedly they represent a certain
section of Indian opinion, because it is good in a House of this kind to have a
vigorous opposition so that whether it is government of the majority party, they do
not become complacent."^^ Sufficient time was allotted to the opposition to take
part in parliamentary debates and discussions. The division of debating time
excluding the Question Hour was fixed on 20 February, 1953 as under/'"

Parties and Individuals Strength Out of four hours daily

Congress Parly 364 2 hours 24 minutes

Coniniunisl Group 35 25 minutes

National Democrats 31 22 minutes

y Ibid., p.82.
^^ R.Venkataraman in Subhash C. Kashyap (ed.), Nehru and Parliament, op.cit., p.25.
Parliamentary Debates, 22 May, 1953.
"" C.P. Bhambhri,' The Role of Opposition in the House of People (1952-1956)' in D. Sunder Ram
(ed.), Readings in tlie Indian Parliamentary Opposition, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi, 1996, p.96.

158
 Independents (Tuisi Das-Led) 26 18 minutes

IVaja- Socialists 23 16 minutes

Unattached Members '6 15 minutes

No doubt that the parhamentary questions and educative debates were

possible only because the First Lok Sabha consisted of some of the most
distinguished men and outstanding parHamentarians - all adept in parliamentary
procedures and skilled in the art of parliamentary debates.^' However, prior to the
1977 General Elections to the Lok Sabha, except for a brief spell of one year
(December 1969~December 1970), there had been no official 'opposition' in the
Lok Sabha. The absence of a strong and effective opposition made the situation
highly unsatisfactory specially from the point view of parhamentary democracy.
Jaya Prakash Narayan observed: "Every game has its own rules. You can not play
cricket with the rules of tennis. Parliamentary democracy too has its own rules,
one of the most fundamental among them being that it can not work successfully
without an effective opposition. It is not the question whether the ruling party or
its leader is good or bad. No matter how good they may be, it is in the nature of
this system that it cannot work well without an opposition...The position today is,
that the Congress party has enjoyed complete monopoly of power and huge
majorities in the Legislatures. I regard the continuation of this position - quite
apart from the merits of the Congress Party - to be fraught with serious danger to
India's democratic well-being „63

' Subhash C.Kashyap, The Ten Lok Sabhas: From the First to the Tenth (J952-1991), Sipra
Publications, New Delhi, 1991, Particularly the first chapter on "A House of Elites."
'" D.Sunder Ram (ed.), 'Parliamentary Opposition in India-An Overview', op.cit., p.24.
'" Cited in S.C.Bartarya, The Indian Nationalist Movement, Indian Press, Allahabad, 1958, p.333.

159
 Jawaharlal laid down some conventions of lasting value by up-holding the
Speaker's position in the House. He said, "...the position of the Speaker is not an
individual's position or an honour done to an individual. The speaker represents
the House. He represents the dignity of the House, the freedom of the House and
because the House represents the nation in a particular way, the speaker becomes
the symbol of the nation's freedom and liberty. Therefore, it is right that, that
should be an honoured position, a free position and should be occupied always by
men of outstanding ability and impartiality."^'*

Thus, Jawaharlal's approach and attitudes to parliament were largely

responsible for the growth of healthy parliamentary traditions in the first decade
and a half of parliament in independent India (1950-64). According to his
biographer S.Gopal, "Building on the familiarization with politics brought about
by the national movement, Nehru defied conventional wisdom and introduced
adult suffrage. Much as he disliked the sordid rivalry implicit in election to
legislative assemblies, Nehru gave life and zest to the campaigns; and, between
elections, he nurtured the prestige and vitality of parliament. He took seriously his
duties as leader of the Lok Sabha and of the Congress party in Parliament, sat
regularly through the question hour and all important debates, treated the presiding
officers of the two Houses with extreme deference, sustained the excitement of
debate with a skilful use of irony and repartee, and built up parliamentary activity
as an important sector in the public life of the country. The tone of his own
speeches in parliament was very different from that which he adopted while
addressing public meetings. There was no suggestion of loose lipped
demagoguery. He still sometimes rambled, but sought to argue rather than teach,
to deal with the points raised by critics, to associate the highest legislature in the
country with the deliberadon on policy and to destroy any tendency to reduce it, in

^'•' Shakdher in Subhash C.Kashyap (ed.), Nehru and Parliament, p.37-38.

160
 Max Weber's phrase, to 'routinize impotence'. By transferring some of his
personal command to the institution of parhament, he helped the parliamentary
system take root."^^

Analyzing the reasons for accepting the parliamentary democracy as an ideal

system of government and most satisiying way of life, Jawaharlal made simple,
elegant and straight - forward arguments which embraced not only his
foundational philosophical premises of democracy but his robust common sense
and pragmatism as well. He observed, "For, above all, we believe in liberty,
equality, the dignity of the individual and the freedom of the human spirit.
Because of this, we are firmly wedded to the democratic way of life... and are
dedicated to the cause of peace and freedom."^^ "We have definitely accepted the
democratic process. Why have we accepted it? Well for variety of reasons.
Because we think that in the final analysis it promoted the growth of human being
and of society; because as we have said in our Constitution, we attach great value
to individual freedom; because we want the creative and the adventurous spirit of
man to grow." "Democracy...is a means to an end. What is the end we aim at?
...the good life certainly [which] must imply a certain safisfacfion of the essential
economic needs which will give him a chance to develop his creative faculties."
That is why Jawaharlal further asserted, "We believe in democracy...because I
think it is the right means to achieve ends... because it removes the pressures
which other forms of Government may impose on the individual. It transforms the
discipline which is imposed by authority largely to self-discipline. Self-discipline
means that even people who do not agree - the minority - accept solutions because
it is better to accept them and then change them, if necessary, by peaceful

''' S.Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru - A Biography, Vol.11, New Delhi, 1979, p.304.
'* Television and Radio Address Washington, U.S.A. December 18, 1956, Speeches of Jawaharlal
Nehru, Vol.111, op.cit., p.46 and 50.
67
Speech to All- India Congress Committee, Indore, January 4, 1957, Ibid, p.53.

161
 methods, therefore, democracy means to me an attempt at the solution of problems
by peaceful methods. If it is not peaceful then to my mind, it is not democracy
...[it] gives the individual an opportunity to develop. Such opportunity does not
mean anarchy, where every individual does what he likes. A social organization
must have some discipline to hold it together...in a proper democracy, discipline
is self-imposed. There is no democracy if there is no discipline."

At the same time Jawaharlal was convinced that "creative energy and a sense
of freedom do not develop merely by giving a person the right to
vote...Parliamentary democracy is inevitably going in the direction, everywhere,
of what might be called economic democracy...If the economic problems are not
solved then the political structure tends to weaken and crack up."^^ He said, "...A
vote by itself does not mean very much to a person who is down and out and
starving. Such a person will be much more interested in food to eat than in a vote.
Therefore, political democracy by itself is not enough except that it may be used to
obtain a gradually increasing measure of economic democracy. The good things of
life must become available to more and more people and gross inequalities must
be removed." Keeping in mind the colossal problems of the people of India, he
systematically revived the idea of Planning Commission which he had mooted in
1939. So, shortly after attaining independence, the Planning Commission was set
up under his Chairmanship in March 1950 and in the summer of 1952 the National
Development Council under its auspices, which was an extra-constitutional
consultative body, to chalk out plans of national development with popular
participation. But before dealing with his concepts of economic democracy, it is
essential to give the facts of the shattered economic conditions which independent

''* Address lo the First All-India Seminar on Parliamentary Democracy. New Delhi, February 25, 1956,
p.137-140.
'''//7/6/„p,142.
™/i/f/, p,138

162
 India inherited from the British. So that, his substantive achievements for the
welfare of the people of India as a whole and his pragmatic approach can be
compared v/ith his goody-goody talk almost at each and every stage and his
idealism on democratic socialism during his Prime Ministership.

The post independence economic situation was as: "...two centuries of

colonial exploitation, the consequences of the Second World War and the
problems arising from partition had left the economy weak and unbalanced.
Several million people were totally unemployed. The average per-capita annual
income was only Rs.230. In the absence of proper facilities for maternity and of
health services, infant mortality was high that out of every 10,000 babies bom,
1,460 died within the first year. The average life-expectancy of an Indian was only
27 years. About 50,00,000 people died every year of tuberculosis. There were only
50,000 doctors for the 5,60,000 towns and villages. Illiteracy was rampant and
hardly 16 per cent of the people could read or sign their names, while a mere 15
percent of the children were at school." The most important moves to tackle
these problems were the elaboration, approval and execution of the First Five-Year
Plan (1951-1956). This Five Year-Plan was "the first attempt in India to integrate
the agricultural, industrial, social, economic and other aspects of the country into a
77

single framework of thinking." The Planning Commission stated the objective

as: "The central objective of planning in India is to raise the standards of living of
the people and to open out to them oppoilunities for a richer and more varied
life." ' According to Jawaharlal, the plan was meant "to bring about a new social
order free from exploitation, poverty, unemployment and injustice."''''

" Facts About India, Publication Division, Government of India, New Delhi 1971, p.36.
^" Nehru's Speeches, Vol.11, op.cit., p.87.
^'Planing Commission, First Five-Year Plan, People's Edition, Government of India,
The publication Division, Delhi, November 1953, p.l 1.
'•* A Radio Broadcast, December 31,1952, Nehru's Speeches,Vol.ll, p.96.

163
 The typical feature of this plan was priority given to agriculture over
industry, "We certainly attach importance to industry; but in the present context
we attach far greater importance to agriculture and food and matters pertaining to
agriculture. If our agricultural foundation is not strong, then the industry we seek
to build will not have a strong basis either...that is why primary attention has been
ne "7/:

given to agriculture and food". "The future of India lies with the peasantry." To
improve the miserable conditions of the millions of peasants in India, Jawaharlal
made an effort to abolish the zamindari system. He said, "We have also abolished
the big landlord system and we are distributing the land more equitably. We try to
do all this democratically and peacefully by eliminating rather than aggravating
77

the conflicts of caste and class." In the words of Chalapathi Rau, "Its emphasis
was on agriculture, irrigation, power and transport but the aim was to create the
base for more rapid economic and industrial advance in the future...The first plan,
in spite of its limitation, had revolutionary features; the reforms of an antiquated
land system which was inhibiting agricultural production, the setting up of a
nation-wide agriculture extension service as part of a comprehensive community
development program, revitalization of the cooperative movement, extension of
irrigation and power facilities on a large scale, strengthening and improving the
administrative structure, and the establishment of a number of specialized
institutions for providing credit to agriculture and industry, for developing small-
scale industries and for giving special assistance to backward sections of the
population. The perspective of planning was opened, though most of the
objectives were distant and the means were not at hand."^^ Charles Bettelheim
argued that "...neither the politicians who decided to try them [Five-Year Plans]
out nor the civil servants and technicians who prepared them had any definite
^^ Nehru's Speeches, Vol.11, op.cit., p.89.
''' .l.S.Bright (ed.), Selected Writings of Jawaharlal Nehru, 1916-1950, The Indian Printing
works, New Delhi, p.60.
" R.K.Karanjia, The Mind of Mr. Nehru, op.cit., p.47.

164
 theories in mind...when the Plans were defined from theoretical points of view,
70

there was no agreement upon economic principles." Therefore, "the problem of

socio-economic reconstruction in India is being tackled from four or five different
angles. There is what is called the capitalist or free enterprise approach. There is
communist approach. There is the purely Gandhian approach; and finally there is
the new Congress approach of the socialist pattern of society." "Of the last, [i.e
o I

the socialist pattern of society] Nehru is the source, the designer, the architect."
Jawaharlal refers to such concepts in the 'Discovery of India' when he uses the
expression 'democratically planned collectivism', adding that this means, not the
abolition of private property, but that the property of the basic industries must be
public.,83 However, in order of priority, the public expenditure on First Plan was as
under

Original Revised Actual

Plan Plan Result

In In In In In
thousand Percent thousand thousand Percent
millions millions Millions
Rs. Rs. Rs.

Agriculture and 3.6 17.5 3.4 2.9 14.4

Community
Development

''^ M.CIialapathi Rau, Jawaharlal Nehru, Builders of Modern India Series, op. cit., p.245.
^'^ Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, Translated from the French by W.A.Caswell,
Khosia & Co., Delhi, 1977, p. 146.
*"" U.N.Dhebar, 'The Golden Means' in Rafiq Zakaria (ed.), A Study of Nehru, op.cit.,
p.294.
*" Ihid.
Cited in Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, p.l46., ft.2
Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, op.cit., p. 157.

165
 Irrigation and 4.3 21.0 4.7 4.3 21.4
major projects

Electricity 1.3 6.1 1.8 1.5 7.4

Otiier Industries 1.7 8.4 1.9 1.0 5.0

Transport and 5.0 24.0 5.7 5.3 26.4

Communications

Social and other 4.8 23.0 6.3 5.1 25.4

services

Total 20.7 100 23.8 20.1 100

The Planning Commission justified this order of priority by the seriousness

of the agricultural crisis with its constant menace of famine, and by the
exceptionally low average food ration. They also quoted the high cost of importing
foodstuffs which the Indian economy was then forced to bear although it was an
essentially on agricultural economy.

His faith in socialism seemed to have strengthened when he visited to China

in October 1954. He started talking about a "socialistic pattern of society" as the
ultimate goal. In December 1954, he urged the Parliament to adopt a resolution
declaring socialistic pattern of society as the objective of economic policy. He told

/hie/.
The Hindu. November 11, 1954.

166
 the Lok Sabha: "So far, as the Congress is concerned...it has laid down its
objectives as a casteless, classless society, which obviously, can be attained only
in a socialist pattern." The House passed the resolution which stated that "the
objective of our economic policy should be a socialist pattern of society and
towards this end the tempo of economic activity in general and industrial
development in particular should be stepped up to the maximum extent
possible." Basically, Jawaharlal's ideal of an egalitarian society was "a
cooperative ideal, a one world ideal, based on social justice and economic
go

equality." A society where "some people live in luxury without doing any work,
whilst others work from morning to night with no rest or leisure and yet have not
got the barest necessaries of life" can never be called a just society. It is the
complete negation of democracy.

While influenced by the democratic thought of the West, Jawaharlal's

concept of democracy went back into the history of India, to the idea of village
community. The seeds of Panchayati Raj have been long present in the Indian soil
but it required the caring hands to help them sprout. He called Panchayats as the
real base of democracy saying, "Real democracy can not exist at the top, it can
only arise from the base and in India this is not something alien but something
natural to the soil. The fact remains that the Panchyats are the primary base of our
democracy and we have to improve them."^*^ With this objective, the Community
Development Programme was started on October 2, 1952, signifying the goal of
'self-sufficient village republic' as Gandhi had dreamt. For Jawaharlal, it was one
of the biggest things that the country had undertaken. "It is an amazing thing how

•*'' Speech in Lok Sabha, December 21, 1954, Nehru's Speeches, Vol.III, op.cit., p. 12.
" The Hindu, December 23, 1954.
^^ R.K.Karanjia, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, p.44.
^'' D.Norman (ed.), Nehru: The First Sixty Years, Vol.1, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1965, p. 154.
Cited in Rajiv Gandhi. 'Lasting Relevance' in Jawaharlal Nehru, Centenary Volume, Oxford University Press,
Delhi, 1989, p.xvi.

167
 we are building it up from the grass-roots and not imposing it from above."^' The
actual problems of the village could not be tackled by sitting in the office alone.
He said, "you have to be actually on the spot to feel the pulse of the people" and
it is essential that you "reach their minds and hearts and invite them to work with
you, not under your command but with you, so that you gradually form some kind
of brotherhood, a fraternity of workers." Realizing the importance of cooperation
and community development programme he said: "The essential characteristic of a
cooperative or a panchayat is close contact, social cohesion and mutual
obligation...Hitherto the Community Development Movement has sought to make
the people living in the rural areas self-reliant, working together, co-operating,
building up their villages and generally advancing on every front, more especially
the agricultural front. Now the co-operative comes and gives the aim an
institutional character."^"* "This is a revolutionary idea", said Bettelheim, "which
in itself is enough to make the official panchayat radically different from the caste
panchayat."^^

In 1950-51, there were 83,000 panchayats, and the number had increased to
1,17, 600 in 1955-56. At the end of the Second Plan, there were about 2,00,000
village panchayats. The way is now open for an administrative and judicial
unification of these institutions, which alone are legally responsible for managing
communal village affairs, settling civil conflicts, and punishing petty crimes.^^ But
at the same time "the panchayat is not a truly democratic organisation" because
"most of them are dominated by big land owners, moneylenders, merchants, etc.
7 he economic power of these social groups assures them of most of the village

'^' Speech in Lok Sabha, December 21,1954, Nehru's Speeches, Vol.111, p. 10.
~ R.N. Chaudhary, Nehru in His Own Words, Navjivan Publishing House, Ahmadabad, 1964, p.201
'^' Speech in New Delhi, May 7, 1952, Nehru's Speeches, VoI.II, p.55.
94
Jawaharlal Nehru on Co-operation, p. 40-41.
'« Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, p,124.
96
/ft/,^, p. 124-125.

168
 votes, because the other social groups are not well organized and are at a
disadvantage. The richest social groups also have contacts with the administration,
as well as the advantages of being able to read and write and of being familiar with
the law. These are the groups which stand to gain most from the panchayat's
activities, especially when there is a question of increasing land productivity (by
irrigation and by sinking wells) or of improving marketing facilities (by road-
construction, for instance). These social groups look after their own interests,
which are often very different from the rest of the population's interests; the others
Q7

become disgusted with the panchayats..." However, Jawaharlal thought it

differently. To him decentralizing democratic power through Panchayats, Zila
Parishad, etc. would enable the rural poor to mobilize themselves, and "to
organize effective pressure" for social change, to get social justice in the interim,
OR

and in general tilt the balance of political and social power in their own favour.
But there could be no revolution through a determined minority performing "the
surgical operation against the inert majority" so far as an adult franchise
democracy was concerned.^^

Over all, in the period between 1952 and 1957, there were some changes in
the party position. The growing political consciousness among the people, the
expansion of the organization of opposition parties, the growing regional
grievances ranging from the urge for linguistic states to communal tensions,
economic conflicts and territorial disputes, failure of the Congress to alleviate
poverty, disease, sickness, unemployment affected the fortunes of all parties
during this period. But these developments did not detract Jawaharlal's
determination to the adherence of democratic approach. In view of considering the
serious problems of Kashmir he said, "some Members of Parliament have

'"//7/^, p.l25.
''* Francine R.Frankel, India's Political Economy, 1947-1977, Princeton, 1978, p.xiii, 25-26.

169
 suggested to me that a session of Parliament must immediately be
convened...some have even suggested postponement of the elections."'*^ To
Jawaharlal such a suggestion was not acceptable for it was not consistent with
democratic ways of functioning. He declared with confidence and determination:
"The elections will be held, whatever happens...We are not going to run away
from the elections because of happenings in other countries or because of dangers
threatening us."'*" Consequently, the Second General Elections were held in
February-March, 1957. In all 2281 nomination papers were received for the 494
elective seats of the House of the People, but ultimately there remained only 1593
candidates in the field.

During the election campaign, all parties raised various issues of national and
local importance. Jawaharlal advised the Congress members "We must approach
the Indian people absolutely frankly, without inhibitions, frankly confessing what
we have not done ...With all our strength I am sure we shall win. But I really do
not care very much if we win or lose..."'^^ "The ruling Congress Party", said
Rafiq Zakaria, "relied more on his [Jawaharlal] personality than on its electoral
success. A vote for the Congress was openly solicited as a vote for Nehru. But the
leader himself spoke more about the achievement of the party in power - of the
Five Year Plans, the Community Development projects, the objective of a socialist
pattern of society and finally, India's growing status in the world." On the other
side, the opposition parties paraded big pictures and posters portraying ghastly
scenes of shootings bearing slogans like, "Vote for the Congress is a vote for
treachery and murder, vote for Samiti is a vote for justice and martyrs."'"'* The

'" Tibor Mende, Conversations With Mr. Nehru, London, 1956, p.57.
'"" Nehru's Speeches, Vol.Ill, Speech at Island Ground, Madras, January 31,1957, p.227.

'"' The Hindu Weekly Review, January 7, 1957.

"" Rafiq Zakaria (ed.), A Study of Nehru, p. 81-82.
" Usha Mehta ''The Second General Elections in Greater Bombay", in Indian Journal of Political

170
 Communist Party of India also vehemently attacked the Congress Party in its
election manifesto as: "Five years of Congress rule...have brought our country
and our people to the verge of disaster. The production of food, cloth, and every
necessity of life has declined. Famine rages in Bihar with a crore of people facing
slow death.. .The agriculture workers, their number ever swelling as a result of the
eviction drive of landlords...The condition of workers worsens everyday their
wages lagging for behind the soaring prices...The leaders of the Congress have
not won freedom for our country. They have betrayed our freedom struggle. They
have allowed the foreigners and reactionary Indian vested interest to plunder and
loot our people just as they did in the past. They have themselves joined in the
loot." So, the Congress was "A Government of National Betrayal, Government of
Landlords and Monopolists, Government of Lathis and Bullets, Government's
Foreign Policy not a Policy of peace."'*^^ The allegations of Communist Party of
India invoked Jawaharlal's reaction who said, "The Communist Party of India, has
during the past year, adopted an attitude not only of open hostility to the
Government but one which can be described as bordering on open revolt."'°^
However, the Election Commission, after observing the degree of political
maturity displayed by the electorate, recorded: "If the first general elections served
to teach the vast number of uneducated voters what the vote means, the second
general elections familiarized them with the exercise thereof with discrimination
and understanding."'"^ As a result of the elections, the Congress once again won
overwhelming majority of seats over all other parties in the House of the People.
The detailed results are as under:'°^

Science. Vol.xix,. No.2, 1958, p. 156.

"' Jagdish Saran Sharma, India's Struggle for Freedom, Select Document and Sources, Vol.II,
S.Chand, New Delhi, 1965, p.665-671.
'"^'/A/a'.,p.716.
Election Commission, Report on the Second General Elections in India, 1957, Government of India,
1959, Vol.], p.236.
Election Commission, Report on the Second General Elections, 1957, Government of India Press,

171
 Parties Seats Seats won % of seats Votes polled %of
contested won votes
polled

Congress 490 371 75.35 5,75,79,593 47.78

P.S.P'"' 194 19 3.95 1,25,42,666 10.41

C.P.1.& 109 29 5.17 1,07,54,075 8.92

P.D. F.

Jan 133 4 0.95 71,49,824 5.93

Sangh

Other 667 71 14.58 3,24,87,757 26.96

Parties""

Total 1,593 494 100.00 12,05,13,915 100.00

Though the Congress won in the General Elections and retained the majority
of seats in twelve state legislatures, yet the results of the election showed a decline
of its prestige and marked shift of the electorate to the Left which led to a victory
of the Communist Party of India in Kerala and testified to a serious popular

Delhi, 1959, Vol.11.

Praja Socialist Party; This party was formed when the K.M.P. P. and the Reikher group of Forward
Block merged into one.
''" Other parties included Hindu Mahasabha 2, Socialist Party 7, S.C.F. 7, Gantantra Parishad 7,
Jharkahan 7, P.W.P. 4, Forward Block 3, Janta 3 D.M.K 2, Congress Reforms Committee 2, R.S.P.
1, Muslim League 1, L.S.S. 1, Tribal Union 1 and Independents 23.

172
 disaffection towards the policy of the Congress. The Radical Humanist also
commented on the declining prestige of the Congress as: "on the one hand ugly
manifestations of ambition and power-lust, love of ostentation in public life,
hankering after office, personal rivalries - all these point to the lack of integrity
and idealism in most Congressmen today, and thus lower it in the estimate of the
people. Factions inside the organization, rivalries among various caste and
communal groups, sectional pressures have all been contributing to its internal
weakness and consequent decay.""^ Jawaharlal also felt that a great organization
like the Congress"^ would become just "a loose collection of human beings with
no clear purpose or will to work."'''* Hefiartherwrote in 1958 that, ".. .there can be
no doubt that the Congress organization is suffering from a deep malaise...our
discipline is weakening and without discipline no organization can function
effectively.""^ Jawaharlal's dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in the Congress
can also be judged by his attempts to resign in 1954, 1956, 1957 and 1958."^ But
he had not left the Congress as Brecher thought the main reason for that was his
"deep emotional attachment to the Congress.""^ To improve the condition he
advised that the Congress should mould itself according to the changing needs of
the time. He said, "The speed of youth, mind and body goes from us
organizationally and we go on struggling trying to catch up with something which
is ahead of us."^ He warned his followers, "...the moment you lose touch with

''' Orest Martyshin, Jawaharlal Nehru and His Political Views, p.62.
" ' Radical Humanist, 'The Ballot Box: A Pointer', Vol.xxi, May 19, 1957, p.247.
''' Jawaharlal attached so much importance to the Congress in the national life that sometimes he
equated it with the country itself. Once he stated: "The Congress is not something apart from the
country. The Congress is the country, and the country is the Congress." (Congress Bulletin, No. 10-
11. October - November, 1953, p.307.)
' '•• J.L.Nehru, Letters to the P.C.C. Presidents, p.3.
"^ The Times of India, January 5. 1958.
'"' Orest Martyshin, op.cit., p.64.
''' M.Brecher, Nehru: A political Biography, p.508.
11 s
Quoted in N. D. Palmer, The Indian Politic System, George Allen Unwin Ltd., London, 1961, p. 193.

173
 your people, you are weak. You can not live on past capital for all time."' '^ If the
Congress were to continue as a vital and progressive organization giving the right
lead to the Indian people, then we shall have to reorganize it and make it fit in
accordance with the conditions of today.

In spite of the innumerable weaknesses of the Congress, Jawaharlal's belief

in it as an instrument of bringing about socialism and all-sided developments to
India remained undaunted. Once he said that "I am not the Congress and the
Congress is not Jawaharlal Nehru."'^' In his opinion, Congress was infused not
with Nehru doctrine or ideal but with "basically and fundamentally the Indian
approach, the modem approach, the scientific approach that is the socialistic
approach - the only possible approach in the modem world." The resolution of
the Avadi Session of the Congress on a socialistic objective started a parallel
process. .lawaharlal said "At Avadi the Indian National Congress took a decision
to have as its objective a socialist pattern of society. The Congress had always
thought in terms of some socialistic pattern, but at Avadi it formally accepted that
and put it in its creed." " The ideas set forth at Avadi session and in the new
Industrial Policy Resolution underlay the Second Five-Year Plan (1957-1961).
The draft of this plan was drawn up under the direction of Statistic Institute
handed by P. C. Mahalanobis, Jawaharlal's adviser.'^'*

The Second Plan had to carry forward the process initiated in the First
FiveYear Plan. "Over the first few years covered by the plan, a basis was to be laid

' " Speech in Madras, Octobers, 1953. Congress Bulletin, No.10-11. October-November, 1953, p.312.
™ Presidential Address to the Congress, October 18,1951, J.S.Bright (ed.), Before and After
Independence, p.626-627.
J.L.Nehru, Recent Essays and Writings on the Future of India, Communalism and Other Subjects,
Kitabistan, Allahabad, May 1934, p.42.
' " R.K.Karanjia, The Mind of Mr. Nehru, George Allen and Unwind Ltd., London, 1961, p.59.
'-•' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.IV, 1964, p. 129.
Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, op.,cit. P. 160.

174
 for a stable and rapid growth of the economy, for raising the living standard of the
people, for eliminating the extreme forms of social inequality, for the gradual
elimination of full and partial unemployment, and for the development of public
education and science." The public expenditure on development was as
126
under

Plan Result

In thousand In In In
million Rs. percent Thousand percent
Millions
Rs.

Agriculture and community 5.7 11.8 5.3 II.0

development

Irrigation and major projects 5.3 11.1 4.2 9.0

(excluding electricity)

Electricity 3.8 7.9 4.45 10.0

Industry and mining 8.9 18.6 10.75 24.0

Transport and communications 13.8 28.9 13.0 28.0

Social and other services 10.5 21.7 8.3 18.0

Total 48.0 100.00 45.00 100.00

'"^ Orest Martyshin, op.cit., p.6l.

'"'' Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, op.cit, p. 161.

175
 During this time the country was passing through a serious economic
difficulty. The plan was also facing a resources crunch, so the AICC Resolution
was passed in 1958 which laid down the basic approach as: "While external aid
would always be welcome for implementing the targets of the Second Five Year
Plan, our main emphasis will be on self-reliance." In his speeches and
statements, Jawaharlal constantly emphasized self-reliance and cautioned against
dependence, "We must seek to build up our strength relying on ourselves and not
by dependent on others. Dependence in one direction leads to dependence in
another. Nations, it is said, by themselves are made."'^^ And the biggest
achievement he claimed for planning and for Congress rule was the creation of "a
feeling of self reliance."'^^ Similarly, explaining his approach to Tibor Mende in
1956, he said, "Undoubtedly, help is necessary. But I do think that there is always
this danger - both political and economic... It is better to go a little slower and
rely on yourself; it is better than to become dependent."'^°

In spite of the economic crisis, the national income was estimated to have
increased by 42 percent over the period of the first two plans (1951-1961). The
per capita income was increased only about 16 percent which was due to a rapid
population growth of 21 per cent. Agriculture production increased by 41 percent
while industrial production by 94 per cent. Many new industries, some of them
basic ones, were started during the period. The decade witnessed the beginning of
1 -3 1

an industrial revolution in India. "Production of food grains which stood at 5.49

crore tonnes in 1951 increased to 8.20 crore tonnes in 1961. The production of
cotton rose from 26.2 lakh bales to 52.9 lakh bales, that of sugarcane from 69.2
lakh tonnes to 110.2 lakh tonnes and that of jute from 35.1 lakh bales to 41 lakh
127
Quoted in Girish Mishra, Nehru and the Congress Economic Policies, New Delhi, 1988, p. 154.
I2S
//)/t/., p.l35.
'-'^ Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers, 1947-1964, Vol.IV, New Delhi, 1985, p.256.
''" Tibore Mende, Conversations with Mr.Nehru, Wilco Publishing House, London, 1956, p.66.

176
 bales. The area of irrigated land increased by more than one-third. About 20 lakh
hectores (50 lakh acres) of wasteland were reclaimed, and soil conservation was
extended to about 11 lakh hectores (27 lakh acres). The consumption of chemical
fertilizers rose more than four times. "Three big steel mills one each with British,
West German and Soviet assistance - were established in the public sector. Steel-
production, as a resuh, increased two-and-a-half times. Production of iron ore was
about one crore tonnes - more than three times the figure in 1950. India also
started producing various kinds of machines during this period. The value of
machines produced increased eleven times in the ten years. Production of diesel
engines went up by 627 percent and of electric motors by 600 percent, while
over 12 times more electric cables and conductors were produced...Power
generation was more than doubled during the first two plans. The number of towns
and villages supplied with electricity has increased more than six times."'^^

With the confidence of the valuable experience gained during the previous
decade of planned development, the Third Plan was framed on a more ambitious
scale as a projection and continuafion of First and Second Plans. The planning as a
continuous movement towards desired goals required that all major decisions have
to be made by agencies informed of these goals and the social purpose with
democratic principles behind them. So, the "Third Plan sought to give more
precise content to the idea of planning and to the social objectives of the
constitution", said Chalapathi Rau. "In its preparafion, there was more
consultation, more discussion and more of participation at lower levels than there
had been...Five Parliamentary Committees carefully considered the objectives and
priorities of the plan and made suggestions...The Consultative Committee of
Members of Parliament associated with the Planning Commission also revived the

Fact About India, publication Division/Government of India, New Delhi, 1971, p.38.
Ibid, p.38-39.

177
 plan at various stages...the Planning Commission received suggestion from its
panels of economists and scientists, and panels on land reform, agriculture,
education, health and housing; it had before it, the studies initiated by the
Programme Evaluation Organization, the Research Programme Committee, the
Committee on Plan Projects, the Central Statistical Organization, the Indian
Statistical Institute and other research organizations. There were local plans on
agriculture, co-operation, education and rural industries at the district, block and
1 TO

village levels for thefirsttime." The principal aims of the Third Plan were:

1) "to secure and sustain, in the subsequent plans, an increase of 5 percent per
annum in national income; 2) "to achieve self-sufficiency in food grains and
increase agricultural production to meet the requirement of industry and exports;

3) "to expand basic industries like steel, chemical industries, fuel and power
and establish machine-building capacity, so that the requirement of further
industrialization can be met within a period of ten years or so mainly from
the country's own resources; 4) "to ensure substantial expansion of
employment opportunities and fuller utilization of the manpower resources;
and 5) "to establish progressively greater equality of opportunity and to
reduce income and wealth disparities and concentration of economic
power." ^ The public expenditure on development under Third Plan was
135
as:

•" M.Chalapathi Rau, Jawaharlal Nehru, op.cit., p.247-48.

'^ India Since Independence, Publication Division, Government of India, New Delhi, 1971, p.29-30.
'• Charles Bettelheim, India Independent, op.cit., p. 163.

178
 In thousand and In
million Rs. percent

Agriculture and community development 10.68 14

Irrigation 6.50 9

Power 10.12 13

Industry and mining (including small enterprises) 17.84 24

Transport and communications 14.86 20

Social and other services 13.0 17

Stocks 2.0 3

Total 75.00 100

To Jawaharlal, this Plan was more concretized expression of the goal of the
socialist pattern of society. Above all, a socialist economy must be efficient,
progressive in its approach to science and technology, and capable of growing
steadily to a level at which the well-being of the mass of the people can be
secured. He said, "'In an under-developed country, a high rate of economic
progress and the development of a large public sector and cooperative sector are
among the principal means for effecting the transition towards socialism...a
socialist economy should ensure equality of opportunity to every citizen. As a first

179
 step, it should provide for the basic necessities, in pan;icular, for food, work,
opportunity in education, reasonable conditions of health and sanitation,
improvement in conditions of housing and a minimum level of income which, in
the given circumstances, will ensure tolerable living standards.. .through the public
policies it pursues a socialist economy must not only reduce economic and social
disparities which already exist, but must ensure that the rapid expansion of the
economy is achieved without concentration of economic power and growth of
monopoly. Finally, a society developing on the basis of democracy and socialism
is bound to place greater stress on social values and incentives and on developing
a sense of common interest and obligations among all sections of the
community." Jawaharlal wanted to limit more and more the scope of private
sector and wanted the extension of public sector. His argument was that the old
style capitalism had become a thing of the past era and so "the economic doctrine
of laissez-fair...is almost as dead as the century which produced it." He strongly
opposed the attempts to identify parliamentary democracy with the protection of
private property and private initiative. "Sometimes it is said that parliamentary
democracy is inevitably combined with a system of private enterprise...but I do not
see what parliamentary democracy has to do with private enterprise. I do not see
any connection between the two except the connection of past habit and past
thinking." He considered it necessary to provide democracy with the means of
curbing the anarchy of free market forces, the means of launching an offensive
against capitalism. He said, "...Some people imagine that a democratic structure
necessarily involves absolute free play to private enterprise without interference
from the state. There is absolutely no reason or justification for that

'''' Quoted in M.Chalapathi Rau, Jawaharlal Nehru, op.cit., p.251-52.

' '^ Nehru's Speeches, Vol.11, Speech in the House of the People, December 15, 1952, p.90.
''^ Inaugural Address at the Seminar on Parliamentary Democracy, New Delhi, December 6, 1957,
p.69,

180
 assumption."'^^ He was firm that India's aim of "developing into a welfare state
and towards a large measure of equal opportunity... does not fit in with the growth
of private enterprise in a big way."''*'^

In this way, Jawaharlal linked the socio-economic potential of political

democracy with the active and conscious participation of the masses in political
life, and not with universal voting and the formal functioning of parliamentary
institutions. He was also conscious about the increasing role of these institutions.
He said, "The problems of government have grown so enormously that sometimes
one begins to doubt whether the normal parliamentary procedures are adequate to
deal with them...Parliaments nowadays have to work much harder than they used
to. [Because]...The business of Government and the business of Parliament
become more and more complicated and it becomes a little doubtful how far
parliamentary democracy can carry on its work and solve such problems.
[Therefore] ...Some kind of a division of authority may become necessary;
otherwise problems might remain unsolved, and unsolved problems are
dangerous...How far can parliamentary democracy be adapted to meet these new
burdens and functions of government satisfactorily, effectively and in time? Time
is the overriding consideration and that is why the question has arisen whether it is
possible to have devolution of authority in parliamentary democracy which
ensures that these problems can be dealt with rapidly and effectively."'""

Therefore, another historic step in the development of democracy in the

country was the introduction of Panchayati Raj, aimed at giving authority and

'•'' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.111, p.70.

''"' Tibore Mende, Conversation With Mr.Nehru, op.cit., p.84.
141
Nehru's Speeches, Vol.Ill, Address to the First All-India Seminar on Parliamentary Democracy,
New Delhi, February 25, 1956, p.140-142.

181
 responsibility to the village people and to helping them play an active role in local
development through the panchayats. Panchayati Raj was inaugurated by
Javvaharlal in October 1959. Stressing the vital role of Panchayati Raj in national
development, he declared: "India will make progress only when the people living
in the villages become politically conscious. The progress of our country is bound
up with the progress of our villages. If our villages make progress, India will
become a strong nation and nobody will be able to top it from its onward
march..."''*^ He further said, "the whole object behind the Community
Development Movement and the Panchayati Raj is to create opportunities for
human beings to grow, to be able to think, to be able to act, to be able to cooperate
with each other and act together."^"* He exclaimed, "The work which has been
started here today spells the revolution about which some people have been
shouting for so long. This is not a revolution based on chaos and the breaking of
heads, but on a sustained effort to eradicate poverty."''*'' Essentially, the
community development programme and Panchayati Raj were a scheme of self-
help, they had brought to thousands of villages new roads, buildings, schools,
hospitals and helped them in reclaiming virgin and waste lands, and given them
more food, more clothing, better health and a medium of education. Rightly
Jawaharlal boasted, "Nothing has happened in any country in the world during the
last few years so big in content and so revolutionary in design as the Community
Development projects in India."' ^ His statement was corroborated by
M.L.Wilson, an acknowledged American authority on rural development, who,
after an extensive survey of these projects, recorded, "My admiration and
enthusiasm for the programme as a whole, its vastness, its organization and its
objectives is such that I can hardly express my judgement and opinions except in

'•"^ Quoted in India Since Independence, Publication Division, op.cit., p. 16.

'•*' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.V, Speech at the Ninth Meeting of the Central Council of Local Self-
Government, New Delhi, September 6, 1963, p. 95.
Quoted by Rafiq Zakaria, A Study of Nehru, op.cit., p.84.

182
 superlatives. In many aspects, there has been nothing approaching its scope and
objective in the history of rural development improvement and adult education
throughout the entire world."'''^

Emphasising the importance and role of Panchayati Raj institutions in

parliamentary democracy, Jawaharlal said, "I am quite sure that if the Panchayati
Raj institutions flourish properly, everything else, including the top institutions, all
your State Assemblies and your Parliament, will function rightly. They are the
base, and if the base is strong, the upper structure will largely be conditioned by it.
But if the base itself is not good, then we do not make much progress."'''^ He
considered the local self-government as the training ground of the nascent
politicians. He said, "I would wish that all our legislators who come up to
Assemblies and Parliament are made to serve for some time in this type of local
Self-Government before they are allowed to stand for higher bodies. That would
give them knowledge and experience, and in every way it will give them good
training."''*^ In fact, Jawaharlal's commitment to democracy was rooted in his
deep and unqualified faith and confidence in the Indian people. Once he was
asked, "What is your principal problem? How many problems, you have got?" He
said, "We have got 360 million problems in India."'"*^ He declared "That is enough
religion for me."'^° But all his democratic principle and his commitment to
democracy v^as bitterly criticized because of the one aberrafion, the one blot on his
record that v/as the dismissal of the Kerala Government in 1959. "The existence of
a communist government in Kerala was regarded as a challenge to the authority of

''' ihid.
'^" ihid.
'^' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.V, Speech at the Ninth Meeting of the Central Council of Local Seif-
Government, New Delhi, September 1963, p. 96.
'^^ Ihid.
Quoted in Chaiapathi Rau, Jawaharlal Nehru, op.cit., p.266.
' Quoted in S.Gopal, Jawaharlal - A Biography, Vol.Ill, op.cit., p.l70.

183
 the Congress, which it would not put up with."'^' The Communists were furious
and damned his action as a "betrayal of democracy". Just after the dismissal, a
press conference was held in Delhi, in which Namboodiripad was asked a question
by a journalist "Would you call Prime Minister Nehru's Government an
astonishing failure, as he called your Government in Kerala in a recent
statement?" He replied "Our Indian Constitution can not, by any means, be called
more democratic or republican in spirit than, say, the Weimar Constitution of the
post-First World War Germany. And, it was under the Weimar Constitution that
Hitler was allowed to establish his "open terror dictatorship"." According to
Rafiq Zakaria, "there was discontent all around and it threatened to paralyze the
administrative machinery. Reluctantly Nehru intervened, dismissing the
Communist Government and imposing President's rule in the State. He justified
the action on grounds of internal security and peace, and said, "Everyone
concerned, whether he said it or not, wanted this done in the totality of
circumstances"."'^''

In spite of this weakness, his achievements in the task of consolidating

independence, nation-building, nation-making, self-sustaining and self-generating
growth, both in agriculture and industry can not be ignored. In 1962, a Third
General Election was held in India. In the period between the second and third
general elections (1957-1962), the socio-economic and political changes that took
place in the country affected all the parties. The dismissal of the Communist
Ministry in Kerala in 1959, the division of Bombay State into Maharashtra and
Gujarat in 1960, the increasingly aggressive policy of China and Pakistan and the
policy followed by the Government of India towards them, the transfer of Berubari

''' Orest Martyshin, Jawaharlal Nehru and His Political Views, op.cit., p.65.
'^' E.M.S.Namboodiripad, "A Democrat in the Dock. " in Rafiq Zakaria (ed.), A Study of Nehru, p.238-
241.
'"' Rafiq Zakaria, ''Many-SplendouredLife", Ibid., p.33.

184
 - a part of West Bengal - to Pakistan and the increasing problems like poverty,
corruption, nepotism and favouratism affected the third general elections held
from 15"^ February to 25''^ February, 1962. In the elections there were 16
recognised parties of which 4 were national. At this time, Jawaharlal was 72 years
old. This, however, did not prevent him from plunging into the election campaign.
Flowever, he "traveled almost 18 thousand miles over thirty-one days, addressing
90 public meetings and rallies."'^'' The result was that the Congress returned to
power with considerable measure of success winning 361 seats out of 494 in the
Lok Sabha and 1,759 seats out of 2,842 for twelve State Assemblies.'^^ Assessing
the results of the election, Jawaharlal felt that the local issues like "mal-
administration inefficiencies, delays and general negligence"'^^ caused the
Congress failure in various states. He was shocked to note that at some places the
Congressmen went as far as "favouring big landlords and big businessmen against
the interests of the common people." This fact was even supported by Charles
Bettelheim who said, "At the beginning of 1961, more than half of the village
panchayats and group panchayats in Rajasthan were still reported to be under the
I eg

control of former Jamindars, some of whom have joined the Congress Party..."
The steady increase in the importance of caste along with the growth of
democracy was one of the major concern expressed in the Congress election
manifesto of 1962.'^"^ .lawaharlal was worried while saying that "Caste seems to
have played a notable part, not so much as in the old religious sense, but in a new
political mould, that is, caste emerging by way of a new political grouping."'^" He
was so disgusted with their disintegrating forces like casteism, communalism,
regionalism and linguism that he declared once," So far as I am concerned I am
'^^ Orest Martyshin, Jawaharlal Nehru and His Political Views, p. 73.
' " Election Commission, Report on the Third General Elections in India, 1962, Vol.1., p.82.
'''' R.K.Karanjia, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London, 1966, p.87
' " Ihid., p.87-88,
'^^' Charles Bettelheim, India, Independent op. cit., p. 125
'^'' Indian National Congress, Election Manifesto, 1962, p.4.

185
 prepared to lose every election in India but to give no quarter to communalism or
casteism."'"'

The most dangerous attack on democracy was from the communalism. He

feared that if it continued or "allowed free play" it "would break up India." For
that reason it had to be seen as "the major evil today", "the most dangerous
development today." Moreover, "we can meet and fight an external enemy. But
what are we to do when the enemy is within ourselves and in our own minds and
hearts?" ^ Therefore, he said that the Communalism had to be rooted out from
Indian life; there could be "no half-way house" in the matter.'^'* "We have still",
he repeatedly pointed out, "to aim at and achieve the psychological integration of
our country." ^^ He held that "a caste-ridden society is not properly secular." So
he declared, "We are building a free, secular state, where every religion and belief
has full freedom and equal honour, whose every citizen has equal liberty and equal
opportunity.""'^ For him that policy meant "equal respect for all faiths and
1 CO

opportunities for those who profess any faith." So, a secular state meant a "state
not tied to any religion."'^^ He further clarified his point of view; "I am convinced
that the future Government of free India must be secular, in the sense that
Government will not associate itself directly with any religious faith..." Thus,
"Democracy means tolerance, tolerance not merely of those who agree with us,
but of those who do not agree with us", he said.'^' However, the democratic

""" R.K.Karanjia, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, op. cit., p.83.

""' Nehru's Speeches, Speech in New Delhi, August 13, 1954, p.455.
'^" Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers, Vol. II, op.cit, p.508.
'"//7/W„p.l68.
"'^ Ihid., p.83-87.
'"' Ibid., Vol. Ill, p.387.
^'* J.L.Nehru, Letters to the P.C.C. Presidents, Indian National Congress, New Delhi, 1954, p.20.
' " A Talk Broadcast from New Delhi, October 2, 1948, J.L. Nehru, Independence and After, p.36.
"'** Nehru's Speeches, An Appeal to the Services, New Delhi, July 10, 1961, Vol.IV. p. 11.
'^'^ The Hindustan Times, June 4, 1948.
'™ J.S.Bright (ed.). Before and After Independence, op. cit., p.252.
''' Nelvu's Speeches, Vol.1, p.81.

186
 method places certain demands upon the minority too. "...Democracy, while it
ensures free expression, and freedom of thinking [and religion] also demands
something else. It demands unified action after-wards. It demands acceptance of
1 79

decisions taken.'" The minority is not an undesirable element, but a normal

phenomenon under democracy. He said, "...The minority in a parliamentary
government has a very important part to play ... But a majority which ignores the
minority is not working in the true spirit of parliamentary democracy."

His commitment to the parliamentary democracy reflected during the Indo-

China War of 1962, when he criticized the role of large-scale criticism in the press
and parliament in weakening the military effort. But that, he said, "is the price one
has to pay for the institutions of parliamentary democracy." The system had its
weakness but that did not mean that it should be given up or even restricted. He
declared, "I would not give up the democratic system for anything."'^"* He
admitted that democracy "sometimes slows down the pace of growth", because it
reckons with the demands of population and also because "one of its
concomitants is wastage of time and energy." Pointing out the slowness with
which Indian parliamentary democracy functioned, with its federal system and
autonomous states, with its first, second and third reading of bills in parliament,
with its opposition and with the possibility that once a law is passed it might well
be abrogated by the Supreme Court. Nevertheless, Jawaharlal was convinced that
1 77

this is the best system for India. Criticising the hostile attitude of China,
.lawaharlal said, "China, which was claimed and still claims to be anti-imperialist,
is pursuing a course today for which comparisons can only be sought in the

"'//7/a',. Vol.III.p.31.
'"//w/., Vol.IV, p.69.
174
R.K.Karanjia, The Philosophy of Mr. Nehru, op.cit., p.l23.
175
Nehru's Speeches, Vol. II, p.348.
•"//7/fl'., Vol. III,p.6.
" Ihid., p.278-279.

187
 eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It is sad to think that we in India, who have
pleaded for peace all over the world, should now ourselves be victims of a new
imperialism and expansionism .... History has taken a new turn in Asia and
perhaps the world, and we have to fight with all our might this menace to our
I 78

freedom and integrity." He also requested to the countrymen, "The time has ....
come for us to realize fully this menace, which threatens the freedom of our
people ... I earnestly trust and I believe that all parties and groups in the country
will unite in this great enterprise and put aside their controversies and arguments
... and present a solid united front."'''^ But he was disappointed when the
opposition parties tabled a no confidence modon and demanded his resignation in
late August 1963. He said, "personally I have welcomed this motion and this
debate ... what has brought together these various Members in such a curious
array? It is obvious that what has brought them together is ... not only a dislike of
our Government, but - I am sorry to say - perhaps a personal attitude against me
.... I must confess, and I say so with all respect, that the Members, the leaders of
the Opposition .... have not done justice to this motion, nor to themselves." He
further justified that "I do not mean to say that all they made had no substance.
But generally, the debate has proceeded on rather personal grounds, personal likes
and dislikes .... I do not wish to argue about myself; it is unbecoming of me to do
so, and it would be wrong ...we are dealing with future of India, not of Jawaharlal
Nehru... in [the] course of time, we shall go and others will take our place... I felt
that at a moment like this, to talk in this petty and small-minded way is not
becoming ...it showed an absence of a larger vision .... A vision of the future
1 SI

which were going to build..."

"'* Nehru's Speeches, Vol. IV, November 8, 1962, p.230-31.

'™ Ibid, October 22, 1962, p.226-229.
""' Ibid, Vol. V, August 22, 1963, p.75-76.
'"'/Wt/., p. 76-78
 Though Jawaharlal had a long experience of administrative capacity as
UPCC President, All India Congress President, AICC General Secretary,
Chairman of Allahabad Municipal Committee and as Prime Minister for 18 years
but he 'Vas no institution and organization creator or builder", said Bipin
Chandra. "He failed to build institutions and organizational structures to
implement his vision or policies or to mobilize the people behind them. He created
no social instruments...This was a major reason for the deficiencies in the
iiiiplementation of the land reforms, the Community Development Projects and in
the management of the public sector." He was also criticized by his
contemporaries like Gandhi and M.N.Roy especially on his political and economic
policies. Gandhi said that the western theory of socialism was born in an
atmosphere full of violence. Satyagraha was the only means to bring about true
socialism. He was firmly of the conviction that Satyagraha could rid society of all
political, moral and economic evils. He said that the socialism of godless people
led nowhere.' ^ He also vehemently opposed Jawaharlal for the introduction of
industrialization in India, because it could be suitable in Western countries but not
in India. He writes: "industrialization is not necessary for any country, it is less
for India - independent India can only discharge her duties towards growing
world, adopting a simple but enabled life by developing her thousand of cottages
and living at peace with the world, high thinking is inconsistent with complicated
material life based on high speed imposed on us by mammon worship, all the
graces are possible only when we learn the art of living nobly." So a non-violent
civilization can not be grown up on the factory system, "it can be built in self-
contained villages." "^*^

'*'^ Bipin Chandra, Jawaharlal Nehru in Historical Perspective, op cit., p.64.

^'^' Hariianjuly 20, 1947,
'"•* Yoims India, July 25, 1929, p.244.
'"' H aril an, September 1, 1946,p.285.
"*''//fln/£«, November 1939, p.331.

189
 M. N. Roy's comment on Jawaharlal's socialist ideas was equally sharp and
bitter. "His fascination for socialism", wrote Roy, "was the expression of the
1 on

longing of the lonesome intellectual of the twentieth century for an ideal."

Without any clarity of thought "Nehru vulgarised socialism", Roy pointed out, "by
identifying it with nationalization of land, which can be associated with economic
systems based on private ownership."'^^ Roy complained that instead of providing
any revolutionary impulse, Jawaharlal's nationalism preferred to "deceive and
mislead the politically inarticulate urge for social justice." In his scheme of
things, there was absolutely no room for class war or a violent overthrow of the
existing order. "In considering these economic aspects of our problems",
Jawaharlal emphasized, "we have always to remember the basic approach of
peaceful means..."'^° His commitment was therefore, not to any rigid ideology, but
to the doctrine of golden mean which stressed the need to avoid the extremes.
Even Bipin Chandra supported this view. He said, "In terms of the actual goal of
building socialism or laying the foundations of a socialist society, Nehru was a
distinct failure...he was basically acting without theory."'^' This was clearly
revealed when Jawaharlal replied a letter to Taufiq Ahmad Nizami, "I do not like
rigid and fixed dogmas about socialism and economic structures. Society is ever
changing and therefore, any approach that we make to it must be a flexible
one."'^^ Jawaharlal was, even, criticized on his concept of democracy. Gandhi
condemned bitterly the imitation of western democracy in India because it was

' " M.N.Roy "Jawaharlal Nehru -An Enigma or a Tragedy" in A.B. Shah (ed.), Jawaharlal Nehni-A
Critical Tribune, Manaktalas, Bombay, 1965, p.38.
" ' Ibid, p,40.
"'''//)/^, p.37-38.
^''^' Nehru's Speeches, Vol.IV, p. 123. Also in Jawaharlal Nehru, "The Basic Approach-A Note"
PLiblished in AJCC Economic Review, New Delhi, 15 August 1958.
'" Bipin Chandi^a, Jawaharlal Nehru in Historical Perspective, op.cit., p.48.
"" Taufiq Ahmad Nizami, Nehru: The Architect of Modern India, (A Study of His Foreign Policy),
Gyan Sagar Publications, 1997, p.55.

190
 infected with threefold contradictions. It believed in limitless expansion of
capitalism and this resulted in exploitation of the weaker people. Some of them
even took recourse to fascistic techniques. "Western democracy as it functions
today in undiluted Nazism or Fascism. At best it is merely a cloak to hide the Nazi
and the Fascist tendencies of imperialism."'^'* Gandhi stressed that non-violence
alone could lead to true democracy. Politically, democracy implied scrupulous
exactness in dealing with opponents.' ^ Economically, it meant that the weakest
should have the same opportunity as the strongest.'^^ Decentralization of power
was a key-concept in his theory of democracy. According to him, the
centralization cannot be sustained and defended without adequate force. He held
that wider organization leaves room for wider violence. In his own words: "there
is no human institution without its dangers. The greater the institution the greater
the chance of abuses. Democracy is a great institution, and therefore it is liable to
be greatly abused. The remedy, therefore, is not avoidance of democracy but
reduction of the possibility of abuse to a minimum."'^^ Therefore, to avoid the
abuses of democracy he suggests that power must be decentralized to the
maximum. And it in his contention that "true democracy can not be worked by
twenty men sitting at the centre. It has to be worked by the people of every
village."'^'^ So, Gandhi wanted village to be the primary unit of the decentralized
state. He wrote, "Every village will be a Republic or Panchayat will have full
powers. It follows therefore, that every village has to be self-sustained and capable
of managing its affairs even to the extent of defending itself against the whole
world."^*^° Thus, "independence must begin at the bottom. Every village will be

''•'Harii an, Mavis, 1940.

'" Ibid:
"- Young India, August 12, 1920.
"'Harijan, May 18,1940.
''" Harijan, December 30, 1939, p.391.
'"Mbid, May 7, 1931, p.99.
''" Ibid, January 18, 1948.
-""Harijan, January 13,1940, p.411.

191
 self-sufficient but does not exclude independence and willing help from the
neighbour or from the world. It will be free and voluntary play of mutual
forces."^*" In this way, "the village community will be an oceanic circle whose
centre will be the individual always ready to perish for the village; the later ready
to perish for the circle of village. Till the last whole becomes one life composed of
individuals."

Criticizing the Nehruvian concept of parliamentary democracy M.N.Roy said

that, of course, parliamentary democracy is based on sound theory of the
individual, but in practice it is a government on behalf of the people. He said, it
"means that people cannot rule themselves and they are required to delegate their
sovereign rights to elect representatives."^°^ Moreover, the concept of democracy
as practised under the parliamentary system implicitly has a totalitarian
connotation.^""^ Thus, he wrote, "we have pointed out that it is exactly here that
parliamentary democracy has proved inadequate. For parliamentary democracy
implies delegation of power which originally belongs to the individual. The
individual robbed of his sovereignty [and] is reduced to the position of a mere cog
in the wheel, once his sovereign power is delegated first to a body legislators and
thereafter to the executive which is further removed from the body of
70S

representatives." So, one of the greatest weaknesses of the parliamentary

democracy is that "it leads to great concentration of powers in the hands of
executive viz. cabinet. Under modem conditions control of parliament over the
cabinet has become extremely tenuous, the cabinet form of government does by no
means foster genuine democratic leadership. The government by an all powerfiil
committee may easily degenerate into a short personal dictatorship, if the prime-
-"'/yflr//an. July 28.1946. p. 236.
'"'Ibid.
-"' M.N.Roy, Lectures delivered at Bombay, January 31,1949, Radical Humanist, January, 25, 1956.
-"-' lh,d.

192
 minister who presides over this committee happens to be a towering personality
9 Oft

head and shoulder above his colleagues." Criticizing the periodical elections in
the parliamentary democracy and the real behaviours of the politician Roy said, "it
is like playing Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark who will be called on the
scene only once in five years for putting a piece of paper into a wooden box and
be again forgotten." Thus, in parliamentary democracy the freedom to choose
representatives is used to buy a charter of slavery. According to Roy, the
parliamentary democracy is the rule of few who are chosen on behalf of the people
but this choosing is not done intelligently, particularly when "modern mass
communication media, instead of facilitating the spread of knowledge among an
increasing number of people, have only dulled the interest of genuine information
and important evaluation of facts." Soapbox orators whip up the emotions
instead of appealing to reason the voice of the people is defined and this paves the
way for democracy to degenerate into demagogy.^'^^And with the rise of modern
technique of propaganda "the electorate is in a state where no discriminating
judgement is at all possible, they are whipped up into a frenzy and driven like
cattle to the polling stations to cast their votes with music, brass bands, flags and
shouting, the judgement of the people is dulled and benumbed, they are under
") 1 0

spell. Once their vote brings a man to parliament, his responsibility is not to the
people who have voted for him but to the party machinery which has insured his
election by supplying money and brass bands. "The vice of deceiving the people
is inherent in this practice."^'^ Roy asserted, "under the democratic system a party
can come to power only with the consent of the people. There is more than one
""' Radical Humanist. June 2, 1957, p.272.
'"^' Radical Humanist. September 2, 1956, p.411.
-'"/ft/V/, August 19, 1956, p.329.
-'*//?/«', September 13, 1953,p.436.
'"'llvd
""/Wc/, May 29, 1955.
-^^ Ibid. 1955, p,247.
''" Lecture delivered at Bombay, January 31, 1949, vide Radical Humanist. January 25, 1956.

193
 party seeking that consent. It is quite evident and that was also the experience in
practice that any party which could make the most glittering promises had the
greatest chance of obtaining the consent of the people. The result was that
democracy degenerated into demagogy." In consequence politics has
degenerated into what is called party politics.^''' Party politics does not make room
for honest admission. "It must promise miracles, belief in which supposes
irrationalism on the part of electorate that degrades the sovereign people to the
status of mass of voting robots." Lastly, Jawaharlal was critically observed by
Sharma v*/hen he said, "Nehru decried totalitarianism and dictatorship but by
nature, he was an irrational and dictatorial as any despot. That he was an elected
dictator in a democratic India..." who has himself spelt out in an article
appeared in November 1937 in Calcutta Journal, "has all the making of a dictator
in him - vast popularity, a strong will directed to a well-defined purpose, energy,
pride, organizational capacity, ability, hardness, and with all his love of the crowd,
an intolerance of others and a certain contempt for the weak and the inefficient."^'^
Frank Moiraes observed, "The major decisions in India have not been made at the
parliamentary level nor by the party in power but by a small group within that
party. In the case of the Congress this is the Working Committee, which is
dominated.. .not by the Congress president, but by the Prime Minister."^'**

Apart from all these failures of the Congress and fault on the part of
Jawaharlal and emergence of many anti-democratic forces in the Indian national
politics, one can not deny his contribution of lasting significance in articulating the
principles of parliamentary democracy, socialism and secularism. He rooted

-'•• I hid.
"'•' Radical Humanist. January 25, 1956, p.37.
"" M.N.Roy. New Humanism, p. 108.
""' Brig. (Retd.) B.N.Sharma, India Betrayed- The Role of Nehru, p.25
"'•* Quoted by Rafiq Zakaria, (ed.), A Study of Nehru, op.cit., p.92.
'"* Frank Moraes, India Today, The Macmillan, New York, 1960, p. 163.

194
certain basic values, approaches, objectives, outlook and goals in the country. He
made them a part of the ethos of the Indian people. His firm stance and spirit of
accommodating legitimate suggestions laid the foundation of parliament of the
largest democracy on earth and made it a potent instrument of national-building,
social engineering, economic reconstruction and national integration. As the first
Prime Minister of India, who was at the helm of affairs for the most crucial
fourteen years of the new republic worked the constitutional mandate of
institutionalizing parliamentary system, guaranteeing social, economic and
political justice; liberty, equality, dignity of individual and unity and integrity of
the nation; decision to create a democratic political order founded a universal
franchise. The separation of legislative, executive and judicial functions; apolitical
nature of civil services and armed forces; the introduction of planned economy,
which laid the foundations of a public sector and would occupy the commanding
heights of the economy; the reformation of agrarian structure, the creation of
major irrigation and power system; the significance of science and technology and
atomic energy, the emphasis on involving and developing the youth of the country,
the creation of scientific temper, strengthening the cultural traditions and ethos in
the nation. All these diverse yet inter-related aspects of national life received
positive and creative impulses from Jawaharlal.

Thus, before the Nehru era in the history of India came to an abrupt end in
May 1964, firm foundations of Parliamentary Democracy had been laid down. We
are toady even more inspired by the great democratic ideals, which Jawaharlal
stood and strove for. The parliament and its healthy conventions and tradifions,
evolved during his life-time, and have become essential and permanent features of
a democratic polity which owe greatly to the persistent efforts of Jawaharlal to
make parliamentary democracy strong and resilient forever in our country. How
meticulous, he was in the observance of these norms and conventions to the last

195
 breath of his Ufe is illustrated by his biographer S. Gopal: "Even during his last
months, though patently stricken, he missed no session and in order, as he said, to
preserve the decorum of the House, struggled to his feet every time he had to
answer a question or make an intervention despite repeated suggestions from the
speaker and every section of the House that he speak sitting."^'^ His contributions
towards the building up of a parliamentary system won him accolade as "The
Father of Parliamentary Democracy in India" and Subash C. Kashyap was
impelled to call his period as "the golden age of parliamentary democracy in India
[which] ended with the end of the Nehru era."'^^'

Cited by Subhash.C. Kashyap, The Political System and Institution Building under Jawaharlal
A/e/?™, p.l85.
"" See R.R.Morarka, ''The Father of Parliamentary Democracy in India" in Subhash C. Kashayap,
Nehru and Parliament, New Delhi, 1986, p.48.
""' Subhash C.Kashyap, History of Parliamentary Democracy, Shipra, 1991, Preface.

196