·,

Portugal - Highly centralised despite European

pressures
Afiguel Rodrigues and Gfsar Madureira

1. The basic territorial structure of Portugal

Portugal is a unitary State with two autonomous regions (the archipelagos of

Madeira and Azores). The main level of territorial organization, which dates
from the Romans, is the municipal system of local governance (Matoso
1993). Four decades of dictatorship were responsible for the over-centralisation
of government, until the 1974 Revolution, when a new Constitution defined
Portugal as a unitary state that includes two autonomous regions with their
own institutions of self-government, but one that must respect in its structure
and activities the principle of subsidiarity, the autonomy of local authorities
and the democratic decentralisation of public administration. These princi-
ples represented an absolute break with the past, but the practice proved to be
problematic. Municipalities are the most important regional actors. They are
historically stable and linked to Portuguese identity, although dependent on
the central state for resources. The parishes (Freguesias) have very limited
functions, scant resources and few technical and administrative capacities.
Administrative regions were never created. This reflects limited tenito-
rial/regional demands for such structures and centralist opposition to region-
alisation. However, the non-existence of administrative regions is balanced
by the creation of structures above the municipality, as there are also supra-
municipal institutions and de-concentrated regional bodies 1 (e.g. Regional
Coordination and Development Commissions) with limited powers. Sever_al
associations of municipalities have emerged, including the National Associa-
tion of Municipalities, which was created as an interest and pressure group to
lobby on behalf of its members (Ruivo 2000).
Although decentralisation emerged as a key element for political and in-
stitutional reorganisation, the profound antagonisms, which divide the coun-
try (coastal and inland areas, North and South, urban and rural), as well as an
imbalanced distribution of resources and income continued to favour the
concentration of power and administrative bodies in the capital. Many key is-
sues of the welfare state, concerning both the distribution and the democrati-
sation of the political system, were ignored. The state remained highly cen-

These reglonal bodies belong to the structure of central government

·,

256 .Higuel Rodrigues and eisar ,\1adun?ira

tralised and dominant in the policy-making area, as it had been in the pre-
1974 period. Politically, the regional administrative structure of Portugal has
three levels: Districts, Municipalities and Parishes.

2. Legal and institutional system

The 1976 Constitution, which was approved after the 1974 Carnation Revo-
lution, is the most important legal document for the political and administra-
tive organisation of Portugal. It was amended seven times but maintained its
essence in tenns of regional governance. One of the constitutional principles
is the unitary state, which includes the respect for the autonomous regimes
(Azores and Madeira), the autonomy of local government and the democratic
decentralisation of public administration. In terms of geographical organisa-
tion, it provides for three tiers of local government: parishes, municipalities
and administrative regions. along with the two autonomous regions. The ad-
ministrative regions, however, have never been created2.
In 1991, Law 44/91 (updated by Law 10/2003) established a fourth geo-
graphical tier, the metropolitan area, which includes Great Metropolitan Ar-
eas and Urban Communities. However, these structures are in practice asso-
ciations of municipalities and do neither have elected bodies nor executive or
legislative power. The creation, abolition or alteration of territorial organisa-
tion is a competence of the !\ational Parliament, in collaboration with local
authorities. The Law 169/99 (amended by Law 5-A/2002) established the
competences and the constitution of local government bodies. \{unicipaiities
and parishes both have deliberative and executive bodies.
The municipalities' executive body is the Cfunara Municipal, which is
constituted through direct elections, in a proportional system and using the
D'Hondt method. Depending on the number of electors, this body has a
minimum number of members of five and a maximum of 17. Its president is
the candidate of the winning list. As a permanent executive body, its compe-
tences extend to every aspect of municipal services management, including
the implementation of the Ylunicipal Assembly deliberations, managing the
personnel and property, the annual budget, public construction works, li-
censing and supporting parishes.
The deliberative body in the municipality is the Assembleia Municipal
(\1unicipal Assembly). It consists of the presidents of the parishes' executive
bodies and elected members (one for each parish and one for the whole of
resident electors), chosen by a proportional voting system, using the D'Hondt
method. The competences of the Municipal Assembly include monitoring
and controlling the activities of the executive body, approving municipal

2 The establishment of admmtstrative regions was submitted to a referendum in 1998 and did
not pass
Portugal 257

regulations, the annual budget. land-use management plans and regulations,

as well as changes in the number of personnel, authorizing the integration in
municipal associations, the creation and participation in public-owned corpo-
rations, establishing municipal taxes and approving capital loans.
The parishes' executive body is the Junta de Freguesia, which is made up
of a president and other members, whose number depends on the number of
electors. In parishes with over 150 electors, the deliberative body of a parish
elects the members, and the president is the first candidate of the winning list
for this body. In parishes with less than ISO electors, a citizens' council
elects the members. Its competences include the certification of residency
and the economic status of citizens. the management of cemeteries, local
public construction works, and voter registration. The parish's deliberative
body is the Assembleia de Freguesia (Parish Assembly). whose members are
directly elected by a proportional voting system and using the D'Hondt
method. In parishes with less than 150 electors, a citizens' council replaces
this assembly. Its main competences include the decision on local taxes and
regulations.
The Law 159/99 establishes the competences of local government, which
are in general associated with satisfYing the population's needs in terms of
social and economic development, land-use management, public supply, ba-
sic sanitation, health, education, culture, environment and sports. However,
none of these general competences are exclusive to local government, but
rather shared with central government. The following table presents the main
areas of local government responsibility.
The administrative control oflocal government is the responsibility of the
Ministry of Finance and the Directorate-General of Local Government (cen-
tral state body which is responsible for designing, executing and coordinating
support measures, as well as for technical and financial cooperation be1\veen
central and local administration). According to the Constitution and Law
27/96, this control can only address the legality of local government activi-
ties, and takes the form of inspections, inquiries and investigations. Inspec-
tions are performed on a regular basis, according to pre-approved annu_al
plans; inquiries and investigations are ordered by the central government
whenever there are good reasons. Illegal actions of local management can
provoke two kinds of sanctions: the loss of mandate, when committed indi-
vidually by a member of a local bod)" and the dissolution of bodies, when the
illegality is the result of its action or inaction. Additionally, the Ministry of
Interior can initiate the investigation of facts that indicate the violation of
rights, liberties and guaranties of citizens, inflicted by municipal police in the
line of duty.
258 Miguel Rodrigues and Clisar ,\ladureira

Table 1: Competences of Local Government

Area IActivity competence

General Municipal markets
Cemeteries
Low tension electricity supply
Munrcipal Police
Municipal Firefighters
Fire fighting Support and Prevention (Infrastructures)
Civil ProtectJon Municipal Centres and facil~ies
Education Pre-school faCilities
Basic educaton schools
School transportation
Housing for baSIC school students
School social aid
SOcial aid Kindergartens, nurseries, adult day-<:are and disabled ca,e
Programs and projects against poverty and sodal exclusion

HOusing and urban Cost·controlled housing and urban renovation

development Social rent hOUSing
Programs for recuperation and substitu~on of degraded housing
Health and Local health centres
environment Municipal thermal spas faCIlities
MunicIpal water supply
Mun,c,pal urban waste management
Local networks lor air quality monitonng
Protected areas 01 local, zoologic, botanic or other interest
Urban hydrographlcal nelvl/ork
Water resources
Beach areas cleaning and maintenance
Information and protectIon 01 consumer rights
Consumer li~gation medIation
MunicIpal gardens
Culture, sports and Mun,c,pal camping sItes
leisure MunICIpal sports and recreation facilities and equipment
Mun,cipal cultural centres, libra"es. theatres. museums and other lacllities
TransportatIon Municipal roads and streets
Urban and intra-municipal transportation and support structures
Municipal aerodromes and heliports

SOUTce: Ministerio das Cidades, Administra"ao LocaL lIabJta~ilo c Desenvolvimento

RegionaL Direc<;ilo-Gcral da~ Autarquias Locais (2004): Estrutura e Funcionamento da
Dcmocracia Local e ReglOnal, Lisboa, DGAL

The Council of Ministers has the responsibility of ratifYing municipal land-

use plans, which were developed by local executive bodies and approved by
local deliberative bodies. This ratification has the purpose of verifying the
confonnity of the plan with laws and regulations, as well as its interaction
with supra-regional plans. The recently approved Law 2/2007 regulates the
regional government financial regime. Local government does not have the
power to create or abolish any taxes, but only to adapt those taxes approved
., .

Portugal 259

by central government, to the extent legally allowed. Usually, this adaptation

is performed through tax benefits or exemptions.
Taxes that municipalities are entitled to receive (either entirely or in part)
include Municipal Property Tax (on property owned), Municipal Property
Transmission Tax (on the purchase of property), and Municipal Vehicle Tax.
The derrama is a tax on business profit, and municipalities have the power to
decide which rate to apply, if any. Other income sources include charges for
licensing and other local services (water supply, sanitation, urban waste
management, public transportation and power supply), local fines, income
from real estate, inheritances and donations, profits from municipal busi-
nesses and from loans. Parishes are entitled to 50% of the Municipal Property
Tax on rural property, charges for services, income from markets and ceme-
teries, fines, income from real estate, inheritances, donations and interests on
loans.
Finally, the financial rules establish procedures for sharing public re-
sources between the central state and local governments in three ways:
Firstly, there is a Financial Equilibrium Fund that entitles local government
to a share of the national tax revenues (both individual and business) and
value added taxes. Secondly, there is a specific financial transfer from a Mu-
nicipal Social Fund, totalling the amount of expenses that corresponds to the
financial burden of competences transferred from central administration to
local government. Thirdly, local government receives up to 5% of the indi-
vidual revenue tax on local residents. The municipality has the right to estab-
lish what rate will be applied. But this legal provision only dates from 2007
and, so far. there are no concrete results which can be reported.
The control over local finances involves different authorities. :'vIunici-
palities and parishes have to notifY government of their budgets and have to
write monthly or trimestrial reports. All financial matters related to personnel
have to be presented to the Directorate-General of Local Government. Fi-
naBy, the Tribunal de Contas (Court of Audit) is responsible for monitoring
aB financial reports and other related documents.

3. Political parties

The Portuguese electoral system is a proportional one. Electoral constituen-

cies are always multi-member 3 with the exception of the election of the na-
tional president, where there is only one electoral constituency4. However,
Portuguese voters respond to the charisma of party leaders and often vote ac-
cordingly (Lobo 2002). ¥iith regard to their activities and members' geo-
graphical distribution in Portugal, the major political parties are organized in

3 On consllluencies and the electoral 5)stem see Cardoso 1993· 39

4 \\iww.cne pI
., .

260 ,\;figue! Rodrigues and Cesar Madureira

districts and municipalities. The Socialist Party (Partido Socialista - PS) is

geographically divided into districts (federa90es), municipalities (concelhias)
and sections. The structure of the Social Democrat Party (Partido Social De-
mocrata - PSO) includes federations (by districts) and sections (by munici-
palities), The smaller parties differ in strength by region. They are repre-
sented in the l'\;ational Assembly (Portuguese Communist Party (Partido Co-
munista Portugues - PCP), Left Block (Blaeo de Esquerda - BE) and Popu-
lar Party (Partido Popular - COS/PP», and are organized geographically on
the level of the principal municipalities in each district. However, despite the
fact that political parties base their internal structure on districts and munici-
palities, there is a considerable centrality in the way they are managed. This
is mainly due to the small dimension of the national territory, as well as to
the fact that Portugal is not a federal state.
Members of the National Assembly are elected in 22 constituencies (18
for each district on the mainland, one each for Madeira and Azores, one for
the emigrants in Europe and one for emigrants outside Europe). Although
they are elected in regional constituencies, elected members of parliament do
no fight in particular for the interests of the region they were elected in. On
the contrary, in the :-..Iational Assembly the majority of issues debated and the
laws made concern the whole of the territory.
With respect to elections for local government, there are some differences
from the national scene. Each party presents lists for three different bodies:
Ciimara Municipal (municipal executive body), Municipal Assembly and
Parish Assembly. Each constituency is based on the geographical area that
matches the body for which elections are held (municipality and parish). In
local elections, we find the only exception to the political parties' monopoly
of candidacies for elected bodies, as they allow groups of citizens to present
a candidate to all three local government bodies, independently and in com-
petition with party lists.
The more recent political practice of parties in Portugal has shown that, at
the local level, parties, which always competed when running for the '\Ja-
tional Assembly created alliances for local elections. This was the case for
PS and PCP, which in coalition and together with other smaller left-wing
parties won three consecutive mandates to govern the Portuguese capital,
Lisbon, during 12 years (from 1989 to 2001). From 2001 until July 2007 the
municipal government consisted of a centre-right coalition of PSD and
CDSIPP. In 2007, with no alliances in place. PS recovered the presidency of
the executive body but without an absolute majority.
Portugal 261

4. Corporatism

According to the 1\ational Statistics Institute, in 2002 377 employers' organi-

zations were registered (351 associations, 8 unions, 12 federations and 6 con-
federations). As shown in table 2, most employers' organizations are located
in the regions of Lisbon and Tagus Valley and North.

Table 2: Active employers' organizations and average number of members,

by region (2002)
Centre Lisbon and Alentejo Algarve Azores Madeira
Tagus Valley Autonomous Autonomous
Region RegIOn

Number of active
, , ,
employers' organl-
zaMns
'00
'" '" "
Average number of
members of em- m 1031 1076
ployers' organiza-
tions
'" '"' "" '"
Sourcc: Instituto l'iacional de Estatistica

Alentejo and Madeira regions have the highest average number of members
by organization (1.031 and 1.076 respectively). One possible reason is the
low number of employers' organizations in these two regions. Employers'
organizations correspond to the seven EU NUTS 2 regions (l'\omenclature
des unites territoriales slatistique), The organisation of private business in
active employers' organizations is a relatively recent phenomenon. which
spread and intensified essentially over the last two decades, It was important
for the organization of applicants to EU funding programmes. During the
years of dictatorship in Portugal (1926 101974), big business was organized
into sector or territorial .,corporations".
The rn'o most important trade unions are the General Confederation of
Portuguese Workers (CGTP-InterSindical) and the General Cnion of Work-
ers (UGT)5. As in other southern EU countries, Portugal has witnessed the
weakening of trade union influence on the labour market, demonstrated by
diminishing union density and a relative inability of trade unions to mobilize
workers against policies of labour market liberalization (Royo 2001), unlike
employers' organizations, trade unions are organized on a geographical basis
in district unions, with head offices in districts' capitals. The main district
unions are Algarve, Angra do Heoismo, Aveiro, District of Beja, Braga/

5 In Portugal, trade umonism lS stll! Imked to politIcal partIes AUhough not entirely assumed
by unions. CGTP is close to the Portuguese Communist Party and UGT to members 01' the
SOClal!st Party and the SOCIal Democrat Party Howewr, II would not be accurate 10 ,lute
that parties mampulale trade unions Proof of that is the fact that UGT has called for se,'eral
stnkes, mdependentl} oflhe govcrmng party
·

262 Miguel Rodrigues and elisor ;l4adureira

CGTP-IN, Bragan9a, Castelo Branco/CGTP-IN, CoimbralCGTP-IN, District

of Evora, Guarda, Horta, District of Leiria, Lishoa/COTP-IN, Madeira Auto-
nomous Region, North Alentejo, District of Porta, Sao Miguel and Santa
Mafia, District of Santarem, Setubal, Viana do Castelo/CGTP-IN, Vila Real!
CGIP-I"\! and Viseu/CGTP-IN. Regarding regional trade unionism there is a
relevant geographical division between southern and islands unions and
northern unions. This is mainly related to the fact that small industries with
unqualified workers, are concentrated in the North. In the South companies
are traditionally bigger in size, and have more employees.

5. Media

The Decree 231/2004 established the legal framework for the Portuguese
media. According to the Institute for Development Support (JPAD), the re-
gional press plays a highly significant role, not only in its territory, but also
for infonning Portuguese abroad. It contributes to the maintenance of emo-
tional bonds and the flow of information amongst Portuguese residents and
emigrant communities around the world. According to this Institute. in June
2007, there were 4.404 periodical publications registered in Portugal. This is
a considerable number when the country's territory (89.0 IS km2) and the size
6
of its population (10.569.592 inhabitants in 2005) are taken into account. It
is very difficult to estimate the total number of local radio stations for the
whole of the Portuguese territory. However, they have flourished across dif-
ferent regions in the country. although in many cases they are not officially
registered. According to a report of the Communications Observator/, there
were 347 local radio stations registered in 2005 spread out geographically all
over Portugal.
In the television-broadcasting sector there are no genuinely local or re-
gional terrestrial TV channels. There are only four terrestrial channels: two
public channels (RTPI and RTP2) and two private channels (SIC and TVl).
However, in June 2006, the penetration rate of cable TV distribution has
reached 78% of Portuguese households. This emphasizes the importance of
this specific sector. There is only one regional cable TV channel: Porto Ca-
nal, in the Oporto region. There are two ongoing projects for SuI TV, a chan-
nel dedicated to the Alentejo region and Tele7, for the Algarve region, but
recent news indicate that only with the establishment of Digital Terrestrial
Television will these projects become reality.

6 Official data from the NallOnal Statistics Institute (I~E)

7 Obscr\'atono da Comunicacoo 2007. Anuano da Comunica<;fi.o 2005-2006
·, '.

Portugal 263

Table 3: Local radio stations by district, 2005

Distncts Number
Avelro 26
Beja 11
Braga 17
Brngan,.a 11
Casteeo Branco
Coimbra
Evora
',m
Guarda
Lelr;a
Lisboa
Portalegre
Porta
Madeira Autonomous Reg,on
Azores Autonomous Region
Santarem
Serubal
V,ana do Castelo
Vlla Real
Viseu
Total
Source: Observatorio da Comumcao;ilo IAnacom

6. Civil Society

Civic participation in Portugal is traditionally lower than in other European

countries, as it cannot be detached from the legacy of an authoritarian and
paternalistic regime. A recent study indicates that even men and women that
work in public service are not that much engaged in civic participation (Rata
et al. 2007). In the absence of a strong civic culture, it is not surprising that
the number ofNGOs is relatively low. This is even more the case concerning
NGOs focusing on regional development. They are neither represented on
the Economic and Social Council8 nor considered by legislation that regu-
lates Portuguese NGO activities (8arroco 2000), In recent years some local
development associations were created, helped by the EVs LEADER pro-
gramme, particularly in rural areas. According to Rato/GomeslRodrigues
(2006), one could state that the structural dimensions of Portuguese civic
culture are deeply rooted in the ancient autocratic and corporative regime.
Unti! the mid 1970s, in the period of authoritarian governments, the political

8 This institution is a eonstitutlonal hod" and alms at promoting the pamcipatlOn of economic
and socIal agents m the deCISlon-mak1Og process of govern1Og bodIes In 50cio-economlc
matters. It includes representanves of the go~emmenl, employers. workers. regIOnal and lo-
cal governments. other interests and reno'Wlled experts.
-, -.

264 Jliguel Rodrigues and Char JfadureIro

police would have sanctioned every kind of political or civil association and,
as a consequence, all existing associations were more or less clandestine
(Cruz 1982), These facts supported (or brought about) a certain radicalization
of civic participation and increased the deep gap between citizens and politi-
cians. Furthennore. low levels of education, training and social competences,
as well as a lack of social equality concerning access to material and cogni-
tive resources, all had an adverse impact on the development of a civic cul-
ture. Presently, the most frequent phenomenon is an association of citizens,
which addresses shared concerns or problems, occasionally receiving the
support of local administration (in many cases municipalities). In Portugal,
citizen associations or movements are statutorily easier to constitute than
other types of organizations.

7. Economic Structure
The peculiarities of the Portuguese economic structure are in large measure a
consequence of the diversity found in the national territory, which provides
very different pre-conditions for competitiveness from one region to another.
Severe inequalities in GDP per capita are related to this basic fact. Poverty
can be found both in urban areas and rural areas in the entire part of the
country. As in the rest of the EL' countries, the importance of the primal)'
sector of the economy rapidly decreased, and the same is happening now
with industry (particularly the manufacturing industry). According to Furtado
and Fennisson (2001) in the different regions of the country industrial em-
ployment remained stable in the last two decades of the 20 th century. In 1982,
there were 837.378 industrial workers and in 1998, they numbered 833.539.
The tertiarization of the economy is in full swing, and it is most advanced in
sectors like banking, real estate and telecommunications. Despite this mas-
sive and national trend, the tertiary sector is essentially concentrated in the
regions of Lisbon and Tagus Valley and Greater Oporto. The same is hap-
pening with Research & Development and technology, with the Lisbon Met-
ropolitan Area as the main centre for national innovation networking. Scien-
tific research has been developing, although slov.' Iy, in research centres be-
longing to universities in regions such as Algarve, Aveiro, Evora, Tnis-os-
Montes and Alto Douro e Minho. The regions of Algarve and Madeira are
the most competitive ones in tourism, both in terms of internal and interna-
tional markets. Slower and less steadily sub-regions like Douro, Dao-LafOes,
Tnis-os-Montes and Cova da Beira have also increased their tourist attrac-
tiveness.
Some of the EU countries are Portugal's major trading partners, espe-
cially Spain. In 2006, exports to Spain reached 32% of EU-2S total exports,
and imports represented 39% of EU-2S total imports (Machado et. al. 2007).
There are no data on foreign trade by regions. In the third trimester of 2007,
Portugal 265

Portugal had an unemployment rate of 7.9%. Particularly affected were the

regions ofNorte (9.5%) and Lisbon and Tagus Valley (9.2%). Technological
and structural (long tenn) unemployment is mostly felt in the regions of
Centre and Azores. Finally, it is worth mentioning that the "pattern of spe-
cialization of the Portuguese economy is still fundamentally based on non-
dynamic factors of competitiveness, in particular on natural resources and
un-qualified labour" C\1achado et. al. 2007: 6),
As shown in table 4, despite being the most industrialized region in Por-
tugal, the North is poorly positioned in tenns of GOP per capita, human
capital, R&D and technology, and attractiveness for foreign direct invest-
ments. This is mainly due to two factors: on one hand, the existent labour
force in the region is generally speaking less qualified than that in Lisbon; on
the other hand, the pattern of product specialization of the national industry is
mostly focused on non-dynamic competitiveness factors. The leading posi-
tion of Lisbon and Tagus Valley with regard to the different items reported in
table is due to the high competitiveness of their service sectors, which is ab-
solutely fundamental for a predominantly tertiarized economy.

Table 4. Comparative analysis of regional competitiveness factors

, ,
€o
Z
E
o ••
>
Regional GDP per capita • • •
Attractiveness for \he people • •
Business re,locaton and labour
mobility
•
Regional employment autonomy •
Human Capital •
R&D and technology
Attractl\feness for foreign direct in-
vestments
Export intensity •
(+) Above national average, (_) Below naliOnal average; (+1-) National average (or close to)
Source: Adapted from Machado el. al. 2007

8. European Integration and Regional Structure

Portugal's accession to the European Union, in 1986, had a considerable im-

pact on regional development policies, mainly due to the requirements of the
European structural funds. New responsibilities led to new policy-making
processes and institutional structures. In order to prepare for the accession,
the NUTS regions were created, with corresponding Regional Coordination
266 Miguel Rodrigues and Cisar !vladureira

Commissions9 , which are responsible for the decentralized administration of

EU funds, as \-vell as for other general planning and environmental tasks.

Table 5. NUTS Classification for Portugal

NUTS] NUTS 11 NUTS I11
Conllnente Nort!! Minho-Lima
Cavado
A.,
Grande Porto
Tilmega
Entre Douro e Vouga
Douro
Alto Tras-os-Montes
Centra 8a,xo Vouga
8alxo Mondego
Pinhallrloral
Pinnallntenor Norte
Dao-Lafo.es
Pinhallntenor Sui
Serm da Estrema
Beira Interior Norte
8ei13 Interior Sui
Cava da Seira
Oes!e
Medic Tejo
Lisb(la e Vale do Tejo Grande Lisboa
Peninsula de SetUbal
Alentejo AlenteJo Lilora]
Alto Alentejo
AlenteJo Central
Baixo AlenteiO
Leziria do Tejo
Algarve
Regiao Aut6noma dos A90res
Regiao Autonoma da Madeira

These Commissions were subsequently integrated into the Ministry of Inte-r-

nal Administration, Ministry of Planning and Territorial Administration and,
until today, in the Ministry of Environment, Land-Use Management and Ru-
ral Development. The 1988 refonn of the structural funds required a regional
basis for the allocation of fund money, and the 1993 Delors II package
obliged the Portuguese government to pursue regional development policies
in order to reduce internal disparities. These pressures led to comprehensive
planning processes and to the production of annual development plans
thereon. Although European integration has impacted on regional policy-
making and even forced the creation of regionalized institutions, the core re-

9 No" called Regional Coordination and De,elopment CommISsIOns

·, '.

Portugal 267

gional structure of the country has not undergone any significant changes, as
regional governments (administrative regions) are still not implemented.

9. Regionalism: The 1998 Referendum and its consequences

At present, regionalism is not on the agenda of political parties or social

movements that were involved in this issue by the time of the referendum,
held November 8 th , 1998. At that time, electors were asked two questions: (1)
,,00 you support administrative regions?" and (2) ,,00 you support the intro-
duction of administrative regions in your area of residency?". With regard to
the first question, there was 52.4% abstention, a 36.6% "Yes"-vote and a
63.5% "No"-vote. The second question was given very similar answers.
Compared with either national election results, or other European coun-
tries referendums', the abstention level in the referendum election was very
high. This outcome largely contributed to the defeat ofregionalization, since
it mainly hit left-wing parties that defended this measure (FreirelBaum
2001a). The high level of abstention and the aborted division of the country
into administrative regions is also due to several other factors, such as inter-
nal disputes in the Socialist Party, a very undynamic and poorly enlightened
campaign (with no consensus between political parties and movements on the
major arguments to be used in defending regionalization). and a lack of con-
sensus on the regional map and borders. The victory of the Ko-camp kept
Portugal as one of the European Union's most centralized countries (Freire!
Baum lOOtb). Another referendum or a new debate on this issue is not to be
expected in the near future.

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