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BYZANTIUM: A FRIENDLY SOCIETY?*
The student of the medieval west has no difficulty when asked about
concepts of friendship. He or she can go direct to a great mass of
friendship writing in letters, sermons and prayers and, in particular,
to works on friendship which have been described by a recent critic
as "the systematic treatises on Christianfriendship which the Fathers
despite the richness and fluency of references to the subject had failed
to provide".' Ailred of Rievaulx revised his De spirituali amicitia
between 1164 and 1167, and Peter of Blois wrote his De christiana
amicitiain the 1190s.2 By then the floodgates were open; it has rightly
* This study is based on a
paper commissioned for the Seventeenth Spring Sym-
posium of Byzantine Studies in Birmingham, March 1983. It was written in the
legendary "favourable academic atmosphere" of Dumbarton Oaks. I have to thank
Oliver Nicholson, Marie Taylor Davis and Roger Scott for their help during the
writing and Peter Topping, Ruth Macrides, George Huxley and Judith Herrin for
their comments on later drafts. As usual Anthony Bryer and Michael McGann
stimulated and improved; my greatest debt is to Alexander Kazhdan for his generous
and encouraging disagreement.
J. McEvoy, "Notes on the Prologue of St. Aelred of Rievaulx's 'De Spirituali
Amicitia', with a Translation", Traditio, xxxvii (1981), pp. 396-411. For letters, see,
for example, the collections of St. Anselm, St. Bernard, Peter the Venerable and Peter
of Blois; and J. Leclercq, "L'amitie dans les lettres au moyen age", Revue du moyen
age latin, i (1949), pp. 391-410; sermons, for example, Bernard, Sermo 26 in Cant.
(Patrologiaecursus completus, ed. J.-P. Migne, series latina [hereafterP.L.], clxxxiii,
Paris, 1879), cols. 903-12. Anselm's prayer for his friends, in S. AnselmiCantuarensis
archiepiscopioperaomnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt, 6 vols. (Edinburgh, 1946-61), iii, pp. 71-2;
trans. B. Ward, S.L.G., as ThePrayersandMeditationsofSt. Anselm(Harmondsworth,
1973), pp. 212-15. See A. M. Fiske, "The Survival and Development of the Ancient
Concept of Friendship in the Early Middle Ages" (Fordham Univ. Ph.D. thesis,
1955), published as, for example, A. M. Fiske, "St. Anselm and Friendship", Studia
Monastica, iii (1961), pp. 259-90; A. M. Fiske, Friends and Friendshipin the Monastic
Tradition(Cidoc Cuaderno, li, Cuernavaca, 1970); an excellent short treatment in C.
Morris, The Discovery of the Individual, 1050-1200 (Church History Outlines, v,
London, 1972), esp. ch. 5, pp. 96 ff.; and two forthcoming studies, of amicitia by J.
McEvoy and of friendship in the monastic experience by B. P. McGuire.
2 The
major treatises of the twelfth century are as follows: c. 1120: William of St.
Thierry, De natura et dignitateamoris, ed. and trans. in M. M. Davy, Deux traitesde
l'amourde Dieu (Paris, 1953), pp. 70-137; ed. S. Ceglar, S. D. B., forthcoming; trans.
G. Webb and A. Walker (Mowbrays Fleur de Lys Series of Spiritual Classics, x,
London, 1956); trans. T. X. Davis (Cistercian Fathers, xxx, Kalamazoo, 1981). 1118-
40: Hugh of St. Victor, De laude caritatis (P.L., clxxvi, Paris, 1854), cols. 969-76;
trans. A Religious of C.S.M.V., The Divine Love (Mowbrays Fleur de Lys Series of
Spiritual Classics, ix, London, 1956). 1142+: Ailred of Rievaulx, Speculumcaritatis
(P.L., cxcv, Paris, 1855), cols. 505-620; ed. A. Hoste (Corpus christianorumcontinu-
atio medievalis, i, Turnhout, 1971), pp. 1-278; trans. G. Webb and A. Walker as The
(cont. on p. 4)
4 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 118
often borrows the language of kinship and also utilises the links of
kin", wrote Gellner,20and this seems very true of Byzantium. The use
of kinship terms to designate other relationships-paterpneumatikos,
adelphosfor an acquaintance or colleague, uios for a pupil or anepsios
for an ex-pupil - all are encountered in Byzantine sources and have
to be decoded.21 Ahrweiler suddenly realizes why Psellos had so
many nephews - they were the sons of people he addressed as
adelphos.22The process of adoption,23and in particularthe operation
of ritual kinship,24the major social link outside the family, also points
to this fact. The word koumbarosis late Byzantine if not later,
but there are also earlier occasional references in the sources to
paranymphoiand nympheutai, who appear to fill something of the
same function. In modern Greek society, the koumbaros-figureis a
close friend, combining the duties of best man and godfather, at least
to the first child.25 He replaces the natural parents at baptism and
20 E.
Gellner, "Patrons and Clients", in E. Gellner and J. Waterbury(eds.), Patrons
and Clients in MediterraneanSocieties (London, 1977), at p. 1. An obvious example is
among the Bangwa, where patron and client address one another as "father" and
"child" respectively: see Brain, Friends and Lovers, p. 115. Ruth Macrides points
me to two thirteenth-century examples of emperors officially designating friends as
"brother": this is almost a title from which the friend obtains benefits. Demetrios
Tornikes, mesazon of John III Batatzes, referred to as the emperor's brother in
prostagmata:see F. Miklosich and J. Miller, Acta et DiplomataGraecaMediiAevi Sacra
et Profana, iv (Vienna, 1871), iv, 41, 247; George Pachymeres, MichaelPalaiologos, i.
21, ed. I. Bekker (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae [hereafter C.S.H.B.],
Bonn, 1835), i, p. 64.14-17, claims that Tornikes's sons received considerable prestige
frotn the fact that their father had been called "brother" by the Emperor John. There
is also the George Mouzalon and Theodore II Lascaris philia. Theodore calls him
autadelphosin letters, and the lemma to a treatise dedicated to Mouzalon states that
"he deemed him worthy to be called his brother".
21
Spiritual father, brother, son, nephew respectively. Cf. the explanation of the
use of kinship terms as "part of a tradition of erotic address between men which has
no standard terms of relations": Boswell, Christianity,Social Toleranceand Homosexu-
ality, p. 193.
22 H.
Ahrweiler, "Recherches sur le societe byzantin au XIe siecle: nouvelles
hierarchies et nouvelles solidarites", Travaux et Memoires,vi (1976), p. 109.
23 R. Macrides,
"Adoption and Sponsorship among the Byzantine Aristocracy"
(paper given to the Sixteenth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Edinburgh,
1982).
24 E.
Patlagean, "Christianisation et parentes rituelles: le domaine de Byzance",
Annales E.S.C., xxxiii (1978), pp. 625-36. For the use of the language of kinship to
describe relationships formed through baptismal sponsorship and the importance of
friendship as a basis for entering into such relationships, see R. Macrides, "The
Byzantine Godfather", Byzantine and Mod. GreekStudies, forthcoming.
25 On the options available, see S. W. Mintz and E. R. Wolf, "An
Analysis of
Ritual Co-Parenthood (compadrazgo)", South WestJl. Anthropology,vi (1950), pp.
341-65. Byzantine society in the eleventh century, a period of rapid social change,
might be a good test case of their typology: they would expect that compadrazgo
mechanisms multiplied to meet the acceleratedrate of change. As a corrective to over-
(cont. on p. 8)
8 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 118
cannot marry into the family. The reciprocal use of the institution in
modern Greek and Cypriot society to obtain a protector and extend
one's influence in a village may also be paralleledin Byzantium: Peter
Loizos notes that "nationalpoliticians took trouble to baptise children
in Kalo village"; we note that when Michael III went slumming it in
the house of the poor woman he met on emerging from the bath-
house, we are told that he had baptized her son.26 Then again,
although friendship may be defined as "those supra- and extra-kin
relationships and bonds which are entered into voluntarily and/or are
culturally recognised",27there can be friendships between kinsmen:
Eustathios made it clear that close relatives can also be true friends
and should not be neglected.28 Monodies written by brother for
brother often pack a greater charge of emotion than anything else in
Byzantine literature.29And what are we to make of the relationship
of bright nephew and episcopal uncle which was so successful in
placing rhetors in jobs in Constantinople in the twelfth century, men
(n. 25 cont.)
hasty identification of ritual kinship with patronage, M. Gilsenan, "Against Patron-
Client Relations", in Gellner and Waterbury (eds.), Patrons and Clients, pp. 167-83;
similarly of the confusion of ritual kinship with friendship, K. O. L. Burridge,
"Friendship in Tangu", Oceania, xxvii (1957), p. 187. Koumbarosis not attested in
Greek before the fourteenth century and appearsto be derived from the Italiancompare.
It remains to be seen whether this means that the full compadrazgo relationship
including sponsorship of the first child in baptism was not an original feature of the
institution in Greece: see R. Macrides, forthcoming.
26 P. Loizos, "Politics and
Patronage in a Cypriot Village, 1920-1970", in Gellner
and Waterbury (eds.), Patrons and Clients, pp. 115-35, at p. 127; Symeon Magister,
Chronographia,De Michaele et Theodora, xvii, ed. I. Bekker (C.S.H.B., Bonn, 1838),
p. 660.
27
Cohen, "Patterns of Friendship", p. 352, but see below, n. 59, for a less self-
confident attempt at definition.
28 Eustathios of Thessalonike, Commentarii ad HomeriIliadempertinentes,ii, ed. M.
van der Valk (Leiden, 1976), p. 95.5-7; see Kazhdan and Franklin, StudiesonByzantine
Literature,p. 176. George Huxley reminds me that Aristotle regardedthe family as an
instance of philia: NicomacheanEthics, VIII.i.3 (1155a); VIII.viii.3 (1159a); VIII.ix.2
(1159b); VIII.x.4 (1160b); VIII.xii.8 (1161b); VIII.xiv.4 (1163b); IX.ii.7-9 (1155a);
EudemianEthics, VII.iii.1-5 (1241,1,b.); viii (1242a); x.1 (1242a); x.7 (1242a). Note
S. Wallman, "Kinship, A-Kinship, Anti-Kinship: Variations in the Logic of Kinship
Situations", in E. Leyton (ed.), The Compact: Selected Dimensions of Friendship
(Newfoundland Social and Economic Papers, iii, Newfoundland, 1974), p. 115: "it is
mistaken to suppose that relationships between kin are necessarily kin relations".
29 For example, Theophylact of Ochrid for his brother Demetrios, ed. P. Gautier,
Revue des etudes byzantines,xxi (1963), pp. 171-5; re-ed. in Theophylacted'Achride:
discours,traites,poesies(C.S.H.B., xvi/1, Thessalonika, 1980), pp. 368-77; for others,
Christopherof Mitylene on his brotherJohn, Isidore Meles on his brotherConstantine,
Nikephoros Basilakes on his brother Constantine, Michael Choniates on his brother
Niketas, all reminiscent of Gregory of Nazianzos's oration on his brother Kaisarion;
see my "Theophylact through his Letters: The Two Worlds of an Exile-Bishop"
(Univ. of Birmingham Ph.D. thesis, 1981), pp. 423 ff.
BYZANTIUM: A FRIENDLY SOCIETY? 9
in society. New men are moving fast on to the rungs of the ladder;
those already established widen their network. Here is no matter of
Platonic metaphysics, but the very power structures of the eleventh
century. Friendship in Byzantium may be more important than
scholars have thought.
There is some evidence that some Byzantines would have agreed.
Certainly in the eleventh century, when there is a certain amount of
interest in the topic, it is seen as absolutely at the core of society.
Again and again in the hymns of Symeon the New Theologian friends
are bracketed with relatives as the essential elements of the outside
world: "You have rescued me from the dreadful and vain world,
from my relatives and friends and illicit pleasures, and have deigned
to place me here as on a mountain"; "and those who have renounced
the world and at the same time all their relatives, friends and com-
panions"; "from my father and brothers, relatives and friends, from
the land of my birth you have closed me off'; "Speak of death, give
air to numerous and necessary reflections useful to your friends just
as to your relations".58Kekaumenos also takes friendship absolutely
for granted in many passages in the Strategikon- where he is not
warning his relatives against believing a toparch'sword or mistrusting
his own ability to keep secrets in his cups, the context of several
warnings against friendship. The very first reference to a friend in
the work shows Kekaumenos in the act of intervening on his behalf-
but not too obviously, lest it be thought that he was doing it only for
gifts. That, he says, harms both yourself and the one you are mediat-
ing for.59 He has strong views on what one should or should not do
for a philos, but that one should do something is not in doubt. Quite
naturally friends creep into the discussion of extraneous matters:
"Your friends and your wife will try to persuade you: 'Take a good
post in local government and then you will be able to look after
yourself, your oikos[household] and your anthropoi[men]' ".60 Theo-
dore Prodromos, in his verse drama Friendshipin Exile,61 saw the
world as regulated by friendship.
58
Symeon the New Theologian, Hymn 49.5-7, ed. J. Koder, iii (Sources
chretiennes, cxcvi, Paris, 1973), p. 146; Hymn 41.240-1, p. 30; Hymn 21.374-7, ii
(Paris, 1971), p. 158; Hymn 56.7-8, iii, p. 272. Cf. also Hymn 14.31, i (Sources
chretiennes, clvi, Paris, 1969), p. 268; Hymn 18.126-7, ii, p. 84; Hymn 20.98-9, ii,
p. 118; Hymn 22.119-20, ii, p. 180; Hymn 56.7-8, iii, p. 274; Kephalaia praktika,
iii. 13, ed. J. Darrouzes (Sources chretiennes, li, Paris, 1957), p. 83; Catecheses,xxx.60-
1, ed. B. Krivocheine, iii (Sources chretiennes, cxiii, Paris, 1965), p. 198.
59 Kekaumenos, #5, p. 3.
60
Kekaumenos, #96, p. 40.
61 Theodore
Prodromos, Epi Apodemoutei philiai (P.G., cxxxiii, Paris, 1864), cols.
1321-32.
BYZANTIUM: A FRIENDLY SOCIETY? 15
A definition of friendship is not easily achieved.62 Ancient his-
torians at least are aware of the extent of the problem: "The range of
amicitia is vast"63and this is even more true of philia.64The word is
used of alliances between states, of friendship between churches and
of clandestine support in foreign states, and it functions as the
ostensible motivation for the writing of books.65 Military uses are
common: Pollux's Onomastikongives a great string of synonyms for
philia of this kind, starting with symmachia.66And Kazhdan has
shown how in Niketas Choniates the language of friendship most
often reflects the ideology of feudalism.67
In the personal sphere various shades of friendship can be detected.
Psellos thought there were three: the best kind which was only
available to intellectuals, a second-rate "friendliness" rather than
friendship, and a very basic politeness.68 Other writers echo Aris-
totle's distinction of the pleasant, the useful and the good friendship.69
62
E. Schwimmer, "Friendship and Kinship: An Attempt to Relate Two Anthropo-
logical Concepts", in Leyton (ed.), Compact, p. 49.
63 P. A. Brunt, "Amicitia in the Late Roman
Republic", Proc. CambridgePhilol.
Soc., cxci (1965), p. 20.
64 The
range of synonyms looks wider in Latin (affectio, affectus, amor, dilectio,
caritas, desiderium,amicitia) than in Greek (agape, eros,pothos,philia), though it would
be unwise to claim this without a semantic field study. On the relationship between
philia and amicitia, see Fraisse, Philia, pp. 441-5. See the survey of research on the
word philos by K. Strunk, IndogermanischeForschungen,lxxv (1970), pp. 315-22.
65 For alliances between states and churches (both standard uses of philia) see the
dictionaries of Liddell and Scott, and Lampe respectively; for kryptoiphiloi (traitors),
see F. Dvornik, Originsof IntelligenceServices: The AncientNear East, Persia, Greece,
Rome, Byzantium, the Arab MuslimEmpire, the MongolEmpire, China, Muscovy(New
Brunswick, 1974), pp. 146 ff.: I owe this reference to Mike McCormick; excuse for
writing (or continuing) a book: for Theophanes, Chronographia,Prooimion, ed. J.
Classen, i (C.S.H.B., Bonn, 1839), pp. 4-5.
66
Pollux, Onomastikon,s.v. philia. It has not, I think, been noticed that three of
the four most damning comments by Kekaumenos on friends occur in militarycontexts:
the two wonderful stories about the strategos and the toparch, plus the advice not to
accept the gifts of a krites (judge). In context Kekaumenos's strictures are absolutely
consistent with his maintenance of a network of philia.
67 Kazhdan, People and Power in Byzantium, p. 28; Kazhdan and
Franklin, Studies
on Byzantine Literature,p. 109.
68 See
Ljubarskij, Michail Psell, pp. 117-29; Tinnefeld, "Freundschaft in den
Briefen des Michael Psellos", for a full analysis.
69 Aristotle, Eudemian Ethics, VII.ii.9-iv.10
(1236a-9b); Nicomachean Ethics,
VIII.iii.l-iv.5 (1156a-7b); Cicero, De amicitia, vi.22; Clement of Alexandria accepts
the threefold distinction of philian kat'areten, kat'amoiben,kat'edonen(ek sunetheias)
(goodness, utility and pleasure), as does Cassian, CollatioXVI, xiv, ed. M. Petchenig
(Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum [hereafter C.S.E.L.], xiii, Vienna,
1866), pp. 448-9 (caritas, affectio,societas).For analysis of Ailred's types of friendship,
see Fiske, Friendsand Friendship,p. 18/36; see R. Paine, "AnthropologicalApproaches
to Friendship", in Leyton (ed.), Compact, pp. 1-14, for a critique of this influential
approach to friendship.
16 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 118
78
Sailer, Personal Patronage, pp. 1-15. Cicero, De amicitia, VIII.26-8, discards
Aristotle's subtype of utility, though in De finibus, I.xx, he accepts the pleasure
principle; George Huxley points out that the importance of guest friendship in Greek
society indicates that they could conceive of friendship without reciprocal exchange.
For interesting insights suggesting that, while in one sense the lack of reciprocity
defuses the potential hostility of the stranger, in another there is an exchange of honour
and complementarity which is its own kind of reciprocity, see J. Pitt-Rivers, "The
Stranger, the Guest and the Hostile Host: Introduction to the Laws of Hospitality",
in J. Peristiany (ed.), Contributionsto MediterraneanSociology(Paris and The Hague,
1968); AnthropologicalQuart., xlvii (1974). For a study which persuasively views
reciprocity as the core of xenia (which in Ancient Greek society is seen as an equivalent
of compadrazgo), see now G. Herman, Ritualized Friendship and the Greek City
(Cambridge, 1987), esp. p. 121: "On the other hand, expectations of reciprocity-
whether immediate or delayed, whether in goods or in services - were built into
almost every single utterance or gesture connected with the institution".
79
On affect, see Wolf, "Kinship, Friendship and Patron-Client Relations", p. 13;
Pitt-Rivers, People of the Sierra, pp. 139-40; and the forthcoming study of Mary Beard
on friendship in Cicero.
80 On reciprocity, see particularly J. Pitt-Rivers, International
Encyclopaediaof the
Social Sciences (New York, 1968), s.v. pseudo-kinship. On asymmetry, see Wolf,
"Kinship, Friendship and Patron-Client Relations", pp. 16 ff.
81
Campbell, Honour, Family and Patronage, p. 233: "man" as against "friend".
82
Notably at #96, p. 40. The use of anthropoiin this passage underlines their
dependent status. See Verpeaux, "Oikeioi", for a discussion of the word in the late
Byzantine period; N. Oikonomides, A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals
(Washington, 1986), pp. 91,93, 100, for personal seals belonging to persons describing
themselves as anthropoiof the emperor.
83 John Kamateros,
Eisagoge eis Astronomias,1651, 1671-2, ed. L. Weigl (Leipzig
and Berlin, 1908), pp. 52-3.
18 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 118
Psellos tells us that a man who is aprostateutos(lacking a lord/
protector) is a poor man because he has no influential friends. What
influential friends can do is also clear from Psellos: they recommend
a prelate or urge the employment of a notariosor the lightening of a
tax burden on a friend.84 Symeon the New Theologian gives the
game away completely:
Who has never preferred a friend over one more worthy? Who does not strive to
nominate as bishops his friends in order to receive all that will come to him? Who
has never consecrated a bishop because of a request from those of the world, rulers,
friends, the rich and the powerful?85
(#74, pp. 27-8). This time each is determined to ensnare the other, each makes an
offer of friendship accompanied by the appropriategift. To gain a further advantage
in maintaining the fiction of friendship, the strategos offers to sponsor the toparch's
son in baptism; seeing his opportunity the toparch invites him to his house for the
christening. The strategos of course is far too fly and they agree to meet on the borders
of Byzantine territory. Each turns up having laid his ambush. Here we see the
ceremonial of friendship exploited for temporarymilitary advantage, but the ceremony
was necessary for the fiction to convince. And perhaps this is the reason, as much as
the concept of the Family of Kings, that the emperor baptizes foreign princes on their
conversion.
BYZANTIUM: A FRIENDLY SOCIETY? 19
of friendship and the harsh world of reality, where friends were allies
and supporters as much as kindred spirits".89
So in the light of this remark, the following tentative observations
on Byzantine friendship can be offered: 1) Friendship was a wide-
spread and valued (as well as feared) social glue in Byzantium,
perhaps not as central to society as kinship, but a useful parallelnone
the less. 2) Friendships and relationships regarded as friendships
formed a vast spectrum, but in general they were expected to work
to the benefit of the friends, they all had access to a ceremonial of
philia and, among the literati, to an inherited literary vocabulary.
3) (an even more tentative observation) Despite the reassessment
which I have offered of the testimony of Symeon the New Theologian
and Kekaumenos on philia, it may not be fortuitous that it is on these
eleventh-century sources that Kazhdan bases his view. The sudden
rash of discussion of friendship in the eleventh and twelfth centuries
may be some indicator that friendships were seen as not working or,
on the contrary, as vrorking too well. It is easy to imagine why, in
the context of remarkablesocial mobility in the eleventh century, the
philophiloiof Psellos should have exploited the relationship to the full
and why, in the dynastic jockeyings which preceded the inception of
"clan" government under Alexios, friends might seem irrelevant.90
These observations do not take us as far as we would wish. First,
while some kind of patternis clear, it is not clear that firm conclusions
can yet be drawn, and whole areas of friendship in Byzantium are as
yet uncharted: were there drinking-clubs in Byzantium like those in
early Russia or comrades in arms like chivalric Europe? Is it possible
to read back into Byzantium the relationshipsof spiritualbrotherhood
that appear in the folk-songs and clearly flourished under the Tourko-
kratia (Turkish occupation)? How about village friendships and the
friendships of women? And how about the origins of the koumbaros
relationship?91
89 Kazhdan,
People and Power in Byzantium, p. 28.
90 See the collected wisdom of Travaux et Memoires, vi
(1976), esp. articles by
Ahrweiler, Svoronos, Morrisson and Oikonomides; P. Lemerle, Cinq etudessur le xie
siecle byzantin (Paris, 1978). And note the role of friendship as ideology among new
elites generally: "a means of expressing their new and special status; friendships
between members of rising economically superior classes are critical in differentiating
those members from lower strata. Friendship networks with people of the same status
are the main means of confirming this status": Brain, Friends and Lovers, p. 254.
91 For drinking-clubs, see R. E. F. Smith and D. Christian, Bread and Salt: A
SocialandEconomic
Historyof FoodandDrinkin Russia(Cambridge,1984),ch. 3,
pp. 74-105, esp. pp. 79-85; for comrades in arms, see Amis andAmiloun, ed. M. Leach
(Early English Text Soc., London, 1937); Brain, Friendsand Lovers, pp. 27 ff. Neither
(cont. on p. 20)
20 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 118
ingly thorough example of the technique in action, see "The Social Views of Michael
Attaleiates", ibid., pp. 23-86.
107 I am aware of the difficulties but also of the responsibility; see J. Waterbury,
"An Attempt to Put Patrons and Clients in their Place", in Gellner and Waterbury
(eds.), Patronsand Clients, p. 341: "For the concept of patronageto become something
more than a residual category or a phenomenon so ubiquitous as to deprive it of any
analytic utility, it is important to join the examination of any of its discrete manifes-
tations with that of the general politico-economic context in which it is formed. This
context can 'explain' the characteristicsof patronageratherthan the other way round".
BYZANTIUM: A FRIENDLY SOCIETY? 23
all, the Greek tradition is more uncompromising on this issue than
the Latin. St. Basil said:
There is but one escape from all this: separation from the world altogether. But
withdrawal from the world does not mean bodily removal from it, but the severance
of the soul from sympathy with the body and the giving up of city, home, personal
possessions, love of friends, property, means of subsistence, business, social relations
and knowledge derived from human teaching, and it also means the readiness to
receive in one's heart the impressions engendered there by divine instruction.108
For Basil as for Symeon the New Theologian friendship was a pillar
of the world. For Cassian, for Anselm and for Ailred a higher,
spiritual kind of friendship was a real possibility. But the Byzantines
were aware of the dangers of monastic friendships.109John Moschos
conveys the inconvenience and atmosphere which might be created
by a tiff between two gerontes in a community,10 and Symeon
indulges himself in a description of "loving brothers", a satireworthy
of Eustathios of Thessalonike or John Tzetzes:111 they invite each
other to their cells, eat a little, drink a little, miss an office, drink a
little more, gossip a little more until they are quite incapable of
penitence and have probably slandered half the monastery.112Sy-
meon's own relationships with Symeon the Studite and with Niketas
Stethatos are not simply an exclusive form of friendship; they are
108
Basil, ep. 2, ed. and trans. R. J. Deferrari (Cambridge, Mass., and London,
1961), i, pp. 10-11; cf. Luke xiv.26, xviii.29. For a contrary interpretation which
derives Cassian's openness to monastic friendship from Evagrius and Basil, see Fiske,
Friends and Friendship, pp. 3/1-2; A. M. Fiske, "The Survival and Development of
the Ancient Concept of Friendship in the Early Middle Ages", Amer.BenedictineRev.,
xif (1961), pp. 190-1.
109The Rule of St. Benedict is silent on this danger, although D. Roby, Aelred of
Rievaulx: Spiritual Friendship(Cistercian Fathers, v, Kalamazoo, 1977), p. 40, argues
that there are indications of a later concern. On the dangers of "particularfriendships",
see B. P. McGuire, "Monastic Friendship and Toleration in Twelfth-Century Cister-
cian Life", in W. J. Sheils (ed.), Monks, Hermitsand the Ascetic Tradition(Studies in
Church History, xxii, London, 1985), pp. 147-60, esp. pp. 148-50, in which, as well
as homosexuality and cliques, he singles out the bonds of the world as causes of that
concern. Many closed societies are similarly wary of personal friendships: see V.
Aubert and 0. Arner, "On the Social Structure of the Ship", Acta Sociologica, iii
(1958), pp. 203 ff.; S. N. Eisenstadt and L. Roniger, Patrons, Clients and Friends:
InterpersonalRelations and the Structure of Trust in Society (Themes in the Social
Sciences, Cambridge, 1984), pp. 286-8.
110Literally "old men", but in standard use for monks, like adelphos,brother: see
R. Maisano, "Sull'uso del termine adelphos nel Prato di Giovanni Mosco", Koinonia,
vi (1982), pp. 147-54. John Moschos, Pratum spirituale,#119 (P.G., lxxxvii.3, Paris,
1863), cols. 3109-12.
11 On anti-clerical satire in the twelfth century, see P. Magdalino, "The Byzantine
Saint in the Twelfth Century", in S. Hackel (ed.), The Byzantine Saint (Studies
Supplementary to Sobornost, v, London, 1981), pp. 51-66.
112
Symeon the New Theologian, Catechesis 4, Peri metanoiaskai katanyxeos,ed.
B. Krivocheine, i (Sources chretiennes, xcvi, Paris, 1963), pp. 334-40.
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