CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

Topic: Approaches and Key Concept in Political Sociology

Source/Reference: Political Sociology by Keith Faulks (1999)

Discussant: Steffi Angela R. Piñol

Date of Presentation: November 16, 2017

A. SUMMARY

 Faulks primarily critics the behaviouralist approach to political sociology because it

shies away from discussing the “state” as an important entity of power. Rather, it treats
the state merely as a subsystem of the civil society which maintains the latter’s
functioning.
 On the contrary, it is argued that the denial of the behaviouralists on the concept of the
state is problematic because the state has become more than ever, a significant
institution of power where mechanisms of physical coercion is concentrated. The state
must then be given focus in the study of political sociology.
 Lukes (1974), as cited by Faulks (1999), delineated the concept of power into three
dimensions. The first concerns in the ability of a person or groups of persons to attain
their goals despite the opposition of those with alternative interests. The second
dimension conceives of a hierarchical relationship among groups. Their ability to
achieve their end and control the political agenda is relative to their position in the
hierarchy. The third dimension entails thought control, the persuasion of subordinate
groups, by the dominant ones, that the latter’s goals are the true interests of all.
 Hay (1997) contended Lukes’ analysis of power distribution and presented an
alternative idea of power which involves conduct-shaping and context-shaping.
Conduct-shaping is when an actor alters the acts of another through the use of coercion
and context-shaping is when an actor conduct indirectly limits the future actions of
another.
 Hinging from Hay’s theory of power, Faulks laid down the factors he thinks are essential
in analyzing power, these are: types of power, resources of power, methods of power,
structures of power, sites of power, and outcomes of power.
 The state, as the institution which possesses the resources of power that can influence
the actions of the citizens, mold the political agenda, and change the context in which
 the civil society’s activities are held, is then given focus in the study of political
sociology.
 Thus, in understanding political sociology, it is appropriate to look into the state-civil
society relationship.
 However, Faulks pointed out that there is an indispensable difficulty in defining the
state because of the nature of its problematic relationship with the civil society and the
diverse definitions it has, based on varied views of the function of the state and its
relationship to society.
 In order to understand the concept of state, Faulks proposed that the origins of the
state should be examined and understood.
 One way to approach the development of the state is to perceive it to be one of the
means to solve the problem of social order and the distribution of material and cultural
resources.
 With the propagation of agriculture and consequently large-scale mechanical irrigation,
there was a need for greater social organization. The economic surplus resulting from
the more sophisticated agricultural methods led to economic inequality that if
combined to the military power, created stratified societies that meant that the state’s
population was caged into particular authority relations.
 Over time, the state has taken different forms and organized the basic characteristics
of modern states in various ways. The characteristics are the following:
o Impersonal rule- civil servants derive their authority from the rule of law
o Legitimate Authority- the citizens recognize that the state is the legitimate
authority
o Sovereignty- the state holds an unrivaled power within its territorial jurisdiction
and those individuals living within it
o Violence- the state proclaims its right to impose violence upon its citizens to
maintain order
o Integration and exclusion- the state creates a sense of identity which defines
those who it considers its citizens and those it does not
o Differentiation- the state has different organs which perform individual
functions that are coordinated by the state’s bureaucracy.
o State-Civil Society distinction- the civil society is distinct from the state. It is
composed of powerful actors such as private corporations and interest groups.
B. Objectives of the Presentation
 Identify, define and understand the different concepts necessary in the study of
political sociology.
  Explore on the concept and relevance of the state in the study of political
sociology by looking at the critics on the concept, its development and the
characteristics of the modern state.
 Distinguish the state from the civil society.
C. Discussion outline
 Review the definition of political sociology
 Discuss the limitations of the behavioralist approach as to its denial of the
concept of the state.
 Present and discourse about the concept of power, its relation to the state and
the study of political sociology.
 Discuss the necessity of giving emphasis to the concept of the state.
 Present and the discuss the problem and development of the state.
 Briefly identify and define the characteristics of the modern state.
 Present the conclusion and synthesis of the report.
D. Conceptual Application Plan
 Capitalists or business groups and the political structure of the state: The
relationship between business groups and the state will serve as an example as
to what issues will the study of political sociology tackle.
 In a school election, where one persuaded the students to vote for him/her to
win the election: This will serve as an example to expound the idea of the first
dimension of power.
 In the local government setting where the projects of barangay captains that are
the supporter of the Mayor are prioritized and given attention, regardless of its
relevance to the needs of the people. This will exhibit the second dimension of
power.
 Networking groups who entice people to join the pyramiding scheme: This will
illustrate the third dimension of power.
E. Synthesis paper
 The study of political sociology entails giving focus to three main concepts: the
state, power relationship and the civil society.
 The state, as an institution which holds concentrated resources of power is given
premium in the study of political sociology because it has the ability to influence
the conduct of its citizens and the civil society.
 The state exercises its power in different dimension and its effectiveness
depends on different factors such as the forms used, methods, resources, etc.
 The civil society, a separate entity from the state possess its own power.
  As it is inevitable for the state and civil society to interact, the study of political
sociology aims to understand therefore the power relationship that occurs in
their interaction.
F. Reflection and personal insights
 Political sociology is a relevant study to me as an individual and a citizen of the
country because it leads me to understand how the state influences my life as
part of the civil society and how we, who belong to the civil society, can shape
the state which imposes its power upon us.
 As a political science student, it made me realize that the state does not exist in
a vacuum. Rather the state’s relationship with the civil society can influence the
way it operates.
 The state and the civil society have a complex relationship. Although the state is
deemed to have the dominant power over the civil society, power do not
emanate from the state’s structure alone. The civil society can exert power to
the state and at times determine its conduct, although outcomes differ on the
nature of the groups attempting to influence the state.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Changing Definitions of Politics and Power

Source/Reference: Contemporary Political Sociology by Kate Nash (2010)

Discussants: Vinisa Mari C. Parilla and Ronyth M. Tabingo

Date of Presentation: November 23, 2017

A. Salient Points/Summary
 The general definition of political sociology is the relationship between states and
civil society (Kults, 2001). It has a primarily state centric paradigm. However, with
the rise of politicization in the civil society, the contemporary period of political
sociology broadens its scopes, focusing on cultural politics as well. Its implications
are the visibility of state violence, fragmentation of political parties, and rise of
social movements and networks.
 Kate Nash (2010) put an emphasis on the founding fathers of the political sociology,
who are Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim. Whereas, they contributed to
the establishment of political sociology in its different perspective, pertaining to
politics, society, class and state.

Marxist Tradition of Political Sociology

 Karl Marx is famous on its theory of capitalism. He criticizes the exploitation of the
working class by the bourgeoisie, with the goal of eventually having a utopian
society. Economic relations then, regulate and govern all political and social life.
Therefore, this ideology sheds light on economic class struggle as the machinery the
proliferates across history. Dunleavy and O’Leary (1987) divided into three, the
classification of Marx’s analyses of the state:
o Instrumental model pertains to the translation of economic power into
political power, and emphasizes the coercive state and the exploitation of
subordinate classes.
o Arbiter model places the state as a mediator to an arena of competing
interests, having relative autonomy from the desires of the upper class
o Functionalist model sees the state as a superstructure, with its many
institutions built for the optimization of capital accumulation thus providing
advantage to those of the higher economic classes.
Neo Marxist Tradition of Political Sociology
 Antonio Gramsci is the successor of Karl Marx. However, he distinguishes from
Marx’s theory in that he theorizes on the political and ideological superstructures
have relative autonomy from that of the general economic foundations of society.
Known of his concept of hegemony, Gramsci defines it as the methods of the
dominating class in gaining consent for its rule of the by means of compromise and
alliance. However, in the struggle for hegemonic power, the balance of forces
accomplished within this struggle creates the state. While Marx would mainly focus
on civil society being made up off class relations, Gramsci goes beyond it saying that
it also involves the issues of power and struggle. Rather than the Marxist notion of
politics as an institutional activity, Gramsci views it as more about cultural
sensibility. Still, like most Marxist, his ideological struggle meant class struggle.
However, he does avoid falling into the Marxist idea of a “false consciousness.”
Rather it is more on practice rather than consciousness.
o Similar to Althusser, Gramsci saw ideology as a constant practice forming
subject. He even originates hegemony to the embodiment of ideology in
communal life. We practice ideology so much, it becomes taken for granted
in our day to day lives.
o In their criticism however, Laclau and Mouffe says that Marxists merely
identify the economy’s direction. They add that Gramsci’s view and scope on
politics was very limited as he places politics stemming from class struggle
plus his failure in providing sufficient weight in the significance of social
movements.
 In defense of Marxism from economism, Althusser argues from a functionalist
theory of the state in that it has fully manifested the idea of capitalism, functioning
to multiply the modes of production and has relative autonomy from the economic
base since the economic base determines “the last instance,” the mode of
production is on another level.
o However, the problem is that if in “the last instance” the economic base
ultimately has the power, then any kind of activity existing in a capitalist
society, would become irrelevant. The base would have the final say and
having relative autonomy falls apart as autonomy relative to that of the base
is not full autonomy at all (Hirst, 1979).

Weberian Tradition of Political Sociology

 Weber’s work is very anti-Marxist on how it views state autonomy and liberal
democracy of politics opposing the economic determinism of Karl Marx. He equated
 Marx’s notion of the means of production in a capitalist state to be just as vital as
the means of administration in the nation-state.
o The state gains power through the concentration of the means and
ownership of administration (similar to that of Marx’s control on the means
of production)
o Bureaucracies, with its rules and procedures, operate on their own thus
limiting the actions of the people who work in them. Like that of a “steel-
hard housing” people must live and work as bureaucratic processes affect
both those who administer and are administered. Weber states that this is
the aftermath of having a highly complex and technical society as the
having a bureaucratic administration is the only logical means of managing
politically and economically differentiated societies so as to ensure
maximum profitability.
o As a liberal, Weber argues that to break this “steel-hard housing,” a
participative democracy is a must in modern societies. However, a truly
ideal participatory democracy can prove difficult in practice towards highly
intricate and large-scale states.
 He deems that in modern society, the state is the most powerful institution as it has
established a monopolized a legitimate use of force governing over a set territory.
Yet, power need not be construed as restricted only to the single arena of the state
as it can be present in all social relations. Therefore, the Weberian tradition has the
natural inclinations of sociology.
 Furthermore, Weber’s definition of democracy is more on the rule of an elite rather
than the rule of the people. Despite this elitist rule, Weber continues to add that
power comes from many sources, not just from the elite nor from the economy.
Organized groups can compete for power in spite of an elitist rule.
 Weber also has a pessimistic view of power. He deems is problematic and that
democracy is a means of the mitigation of power. This pessimistic view comes from
the belief that the population’s majority is simply uninterested in political
discourses. Several theories continue to discuss their ideals of state rule.

Elite Theories
 Elite theorists concern themselves with the inevitability of the minority having rule
over the majority. In addition, they also focus on how power is grasp by society’s
decision makers like a cohesive and a relatively self-conscious organization. Many
theorists like Michel posed that power concentrated towards the elite ruling class is
a necessity in the outcome of complex organizations. In his “iron law of oligarchy,”
he states that it is inevitable that highly organized parties eventually become
 oligarchic, and ran by means of a hierarchic structure by those leading the parties
themselves. Schumpeter added to Michel’s thesis pointing out that democracy is
merely a competition among political parties and so, it is not a rule of the people
but a struggle for the people’s vote.
 C.W Mills offers a radical paradigm to Weber’s elite theory. It is similar to that of
Marxist elite theorists particularly Ralph Milband. He argues that power is a
hindrance to democracy as it is concentrated in three institutions (in the context of
the United States) namely the political, military and the corporate. They differ
however in that Mills does not see the power elite as a unified group through the
position in economic class but only through the shared interest of its members
 Miliband and Mills present the conjunction of Marxists and Weberians position
regarding that of the state’s relative autonomy.
o For Miliband, the state, in order to be effective in prolonging capitalist
interests, it must move away from the immediate interest of the dominant
class
o For Mills, like with most Weberians, the state is regulated by the decisions
of the political elite.

Pluralism
 Pluralist theorists greatly differ from the elite theorists in that it views citizens as an
active participant in the political arena. They view politics itself as a series of
competition among interest groups and due to the availability of various resources,
no one group can have full domination over the other. Even the state for them is a
set of institutions that are both competing and conflicting against each other. In a
similar fashion, the people are not seen in a democracy as a unified entity the needs
to be ruled by the elite class. Rather, democracy in politics is composed of never
ending bargains for influencing government policy in the form of compromise
among different groups and institutions. Politics is vital to social life and is
independent from the state. Furthermore, their general definition of politics is
ultimately the same with classical political sociologists. They also share the
traditional approach on focusing on how individuals maximize their interests in
accordance with the level of government. As such, they remain within the
framework of political sociology.
 Neo-pluralists on the other hand see corporate elites as power influence wielders
than other groups on state policy although not very visible in the political processes.
Therefore, there is a conjunction of neo-Marxist, pluralist and radical elitist theories.
o In addition, pluralists do argue that the elite class are not really united as
one, nor are they capable of deception and manipulation. Instead, they exist
 simply because of their genuine and active response to the interest groups
they serve.
 Critics however, argue that in pluralism’s emphasis on the empirical effects of power
and influence, it is deemed that they have rejected ideas and how the political
schema may be shaped through manipulation.

Durkheimian Tradition of Political Sociology

 Emile Durkheim’s theories’ views state as problematic in the arena of sociology. His
interest rather, lie on the questions of social solidarity. For Durkheim, the state is
the result of the division of labor that led to the creation of modern societies.
Securing social order in the said state means there must be a moral consciousness
shared by its citizens. Moreover, the state works on refining and reflecting the civil
society’s collective representations, through which solidarity is fostered; thus,
linking the state to the brain whose functions is to think (Durkheim, 1992).
 What makes Durkheim different from Marx or Weber however, is that Durkheim
didn’t see conflict as intrinsic in modern civil societies.
 Durkheim’s concept of civil society has no place for politics. He adds the conflicts in
society are inherently pathological. He adds that politics inherently, is immoral and
that in general, politics is contingent as well as partial and not necessary for a
properly functioning society.

Neo-Durkheimian Political Sociology

 Inspired by Durkheim’s work, Neo-Durkheimian theorists takes a look at the basic
social cohesion among the cultural conditions in a democratic state. They focus on
the challenges of accomplishing solidarity and its maintenance.
 Jeffrey Alexander develops on Durkheim’s religious assumptions. He argues that
secular humanism and the spiritual dimensions, while vital to the formation of social
solidarity, has also transformed contemporary societies. His work The Civil Sphere
embodies this, giving a much-needed update to Durkheim’s work for the twenty-
first century as well as involving a sophisticated account of how structure, social
actions and structure, converge together.

B. Objectives of the Presentation

 To know the definition of political sociology in the contemporary period
 Compare and contrast the different tradition of political sociology on how it deemed
power, society and state;
 To know their contributions to the creation of political sociology
C. Discussion Outline
 Recall the definition of political sociology
 Discuss the paradigm shift of political sociology, and its new definition in the
contemporary period;
 Discuss the three founding fathers and their view on power, society and state. Also,
their criticism and its connection and contribution to the birth of political sociology;

D. Conceptual Application Plan

 In the context of the Philippines,
 The bureaucratic system in the school, such as the manual adding and dropping of
subjects. The bureaucratic process limits the actions of the students, since there are
lots of procedure before being officially enrolled in a certain subject(s). It is very
time consuming because there are lots of signatures that should be completed.

E. Synthesis Points
 The paradigm shift of the political sociology from the traditional concept.


F. Reflections and Personal Insights

 The different perspective of the theorist gives me a deeper understanding about
political sociology. In such a way, it
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

Topic: Classical Theories of the State and Civil Society

Source/Reference: Political Sociology by Keith Faulks (1999)

Discussant: DAZA, Rick Emmanuel Angelo T.

Date of Presentation: November 21, 2017

G. SUMMARY

 The author discussed the three main classical theories of the state and civil society:
Marxist, Elitist, and Pluralist.
 It aims to explain the relationship between the state and the civil society and a different
point of view as an alternative to Liberal point of view
 The chapter is framed through the five questions that is concerned to the aspect of the
relationship between state and civil society:
o Is civil society defined by social conflict or consensus?
o What is the role of the state in generating consensus or reconciling conflict in
civil society?
o Is the state dependent or independent to the civil society?
o Who controls the state?
o How can we change the relationship between the state and civil society?
 Marxist views the civil society as divided and defined by class struggle
 Marxist views the state as an instrument of the ruling class to suppress the working
class to control the means of production. State plays the role of justifying the
inequalities of capitalism making it desirable. As such, State is reflected to the class
division of the civil society where in the state will either promote or attempt to reconcile
the classes in the long term continuation of capitalism
 The use of communicative power as a means for the ruling class to manipulate the
working class
 However, Marx open up the possibility of the state to be independent from the
capitalist class
 Marxists had 2 different assumptions as to what the structure or the state really is
o State as an objective to be captured by the working class in civil society
o State as an arena of class struggle
 Marxist emphasizes the role intellectuals in the state by using the mechanism of the
liberal democracy by the working class as to the overthrowing of capitalism.
 However, Marxist had failed to generate a convincing theory of transition to
communism.
 Elitist views state as being controlled by the minority (elites) and the many are being
subjected to be ruled.
 State is controlled by the elites who has the necessary resources to rule over
 Mosca (1939) states that elites can manipulate the system of democracy. As such, they
had the means to control the voting of the masses.
 Pareto emphasizes the two kinds of elites: Those are superior in political astuteness and
cunning and those who possess high level of courage and military leadership
 Mosca and Pareto has a strong theme for the manipulation of the masses through use
of communicative power.
 Representation democracy is one way to mediate the relationship between the elite
and the masses.
 However, there is a critique to elitists that the democratic representation does not fully
represent the civil society. As such, racial discrimination and the assertion of women
 Pluralist’s assumption to the state and civil society is that it is not dominated by the
minority but instead power is spread through the society. Making the power of sectoral
interest to be balanced by other interest
 Political process cannot be reduced to the question of ownership nor the organization
skills of the elite because individuals can assert their will in every situation and at any
given time.
 Pluralist views the state as a mediator of clashing interest with the use of constitution
which under pins the general interest of the civil society.
 Pluralist share the same assumption of the liberalism as to the interference of the state
to the civil society. That interference of state is only needed when there is a crisis in the
civil society
 However, Pluralism is being criticized for being an ideological justification for the
inequalities in capitalist world.
 Pluralism cannot take into account alienation on the society
 Pluralism is also being criticized for the underplaying of groups that has the economic
resources to exercise power.
 The chapter also reviewed the flaws of the 3 theories that it had failed to fully
understand the state.
o Pluralism and Marxism as being state-centered theories: Pluralists ignores the
possibility of the state to assert itself from the civil society. While Marxism
 highly focused on the importance of economics and had given less attention to
the communicative power in civil society.
o Elite theory had failed to consider the role of state as an institution of violence
and the state-state interaction.
 None of the three theories has given consideration of the foreign affairs of the state. As
such, geo-politics and war was not being taken into account.

H. Objectives of the Presentation

 Define and explain the assumptions of the main theories: Marxism, Elitism,
Pluralism.
 To determine the limitations and the good points of the three theories
 To explain the relationship between state and civil society in the context of the
three theories

I. Discussion outline
 Present the main three theories as an alternative to liberalism
 Present the assumption of Marxism, Elite theory and Pluralism in terms of:
o Civil Society as value consensus or social conflict
o Role of State in generating consensus and reconciling conflict in civil
society
o State being dependent or independent to civil society
o Critiques
 The importance of communicative power
 Present the conclusion and synthesis of the report.

J. Conceptual Application Plan

 In the context of the Philippines. Democratic representation process as to the
elites representing the masses
 Candidates during elections are mostly have the economic resources.
 Taking into account the culture of vote buying in the context of the Philippines
 President Duterte, won the election through the representation of the masses
and the use of communicative power.
 The exclusion of the representation of the lumads in the political processes in
the Philippines
K. Synthesis paper
 Political Sociology tackles different kinds of theories which is an alternative for
the Liberal theory. As such, these theories give us different insights as to the
relationship between the state and the civil society
 As to the theories, Political Sociology helps to thinks beyond the assumptions
of such theories. It aims to advance the way of thinking but not only being
fixated to such theories
 Political Sociology gives us the view on how relevant the power distribution as
to the relationship of the state and civil society

L. Reflection and personal insights

 The subject Political Sociology helps me to think further and question the
contemporary structure of the civil society. As such, it helps me question on
whether such norms in our society is really helpful to us citizens.
 The subject also serves as a lesson as to us citizen of the civil society. It helps us
not to be prone to manipulation and give us the guidance on how such power
can be utilized to all people and not only for the few.
 Political Sociology explains the relationship of the state and civil society in
different context which give us different point of view on how the contemporary
society operates.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

Topic: New Social Movements

Source/Reference: Political Sociology by Keith Faulks (1999)

Discussant: Ryan Paul C. Rufino

Date of Presentation: December 14, 2017

A. SUMMARY

 At the onset of the Chapter, Faulks (1999) presented the New Social Movement thesis
and defined social movements as groups of people with similar ways of thinking or
thoughts which aggregated themselves into different forms to implement or to stop
social change.
 Contrary to the workers’ movement, New social Movements (NSMs) do not aim to
control government due to their skepticism of any centralized and hierarchical form of
governance. New Social Movements therefore do not consider state as tool that can be
utilized to create social justice and ensure democratic accountability.
 Melucci (1995), as cited by Faulks, contends that ‘one of the defining characteristics of
NSMs is that even when the action is located at a specific and particularistic level, actors
display a high degree of awareness of planetary interdependence.’
 Furthermore, Garner (1996), as cited by Faulks (1999), asserts that unlike the goal of the
workers’ movement and Marxist theory to impose a sudden and total transformation
of the social order, NSMs believe that partial, local, and continuous changes will
contribute to the transformation that is same to what is expected to a revolution.
 Scott (1990), as cited by Faulks, claims that educated middle classes or the privileged
section of generally less privileged groups are the prime movers of the New Social
Movements.
 Faulks claimed that some NSMs theorist emphasized that social movements do not
merely assert class interests and should be seen as going beyond the limits of class
relations. Also, some theorists radically defined class; causing them to adapt a class
analysis in studying social movements.
 Touraine contends that social movements constitute a communal behavior of a class
actor struggling against the rival of their class to control the conflict over the competing
value system through which the architecture of society is constructed. Touraine further
contends that individuals are responsible for their own history; that social life are
caused by cultural achievements and social conflicts.
 Eder also emphasized that social movements should be analyzed simultaneously in
terms of culture and the revised concept of class. Hence, he claims that (1) we cannot
only categorize class conflict as a mere struggle between capital and labour, (2) that the
concept of Class still remains a utility for NSMs, and (3) using class in a way that
emphasizes cultural and material conflicts opens the possibility to unravel unkown
social conflicts that is possibly be based on social divisions.
 Touraine contends that technocratic states colonizes the civil society for it tries to
inhibit the self-management of social problems and making the civil society dependent
on the solution it gives.
 Hence, Melucci asserts that in order for NSMs to redefine democracy, public spaces
independent from the organs of the government should be created and maintained.
 In terms of support, NSMs gain strength from loose networks of affiliation of like
minded individuals and sporadic actions such as demonstrations, attracting media
attentions, and organizations of petitions. Through these processes, they can easily
maintain their ideological purity and independence, as well as influencing public
opinion.
 Faulks contends that the problem with the NSMs thesis is that it focused more on the
alleged cultural and social novelty; failing to answer the question of how NSMs are
organized, what resources they use to assert their aims, and in what ways they interact
with the state and other political actors.
 Consequently, Scott (1990), as cited by Faulks, found that there is indeed a diversity of
ideologies which can be determined either within the grounds of conventional left- and
right-wing lines.
 Additionaly, Jordan and Moloney (1997) also presses the question of whether NSMS
can be both non-institutional and Successful in reality.
 Faulks redefined NSMs as ideological and politically innovative subsector of a wider
social movement.
 Moreover, Faulks also contends that NSMs thesis overstated the autonomy which they
wish to maintain from the state; further stressing that many issues raised by NSMs
focused upon the extending the citizenship of the state.
 McAdam (1996) outlined the following as factors that shape NSMs ability to influence
the political agenda.
(1) Relative openness of the state to changes that arise in civil society,
(2) Stability of elite alignments;
(3) Support of the elite allies to the proposes social change;
(4) Nature of social control mechanisms and the states willingness to
suppress demonstrations and formation of new movements;
 Gledhill (1994) claimed that Touraine often portrayed a Eurocentric approach for he
defines the ‘explosion of social movements’ as conditional on society’s development.

B. OBJECTIVES OF THE PRESENTATION

 Distinguish the difference between the traditional social movements and new social
movements
 Determine and analyze the elements and assumption of the new social movement
thesis.
 Assess whether these elements and assumptions are relevant in the contemporary
discussion of the state and civil society relationship.

C. DISCUSSION OUTLINE

 Discuss the different elements and assumptions of the new social movements thesis.
 Explain Touraine and Eder’s redefinition of Class
 Explain the difference of the new social movement from the traditional social
movement; highlighting their focus and compositions
 Present a discourse regarding the elements of new social movements; whether it is
present in the rise of the existing social movements
 Discuss the different criticisms of the New social movements
 Emphasize on the inevitability of states’ interference in the domain of the civil society
 Conclude the report with a synthesis

D. CONCEPTUAL APPLICATION PLAN

 Actions of Green Peace movement: relate Melucci’s concept in the actions taken by
Green Peace independent from state actors. This will also exemplify the sporadic
actions of the new social movements
 LGBT Movements: relate this to the attempts of new social movements to change
human relationships at the micro level through their nonviolent acts.
 Rise of the Feminist movement such as Gabriela: relate to the NSMs’ call to change
human relations and emphasize that it is inevitable for New social movements to
deviate from the organs of the state.

E. SYNTHESIS POINTS
 New social movements emanate due to their lack of trust to the state to promote an
inclusive type of democracy.
  States’ embodiment of inequalities that is present in society has been highlight in
their peculiar ways of campaign. Moreover, it does not makes the state impotent;
rather, it unravels the problems of the state.
 State remains a potent actor and all social movements should deal directly with for
it would be futile to enact social change without the help of the state.
 Processes undergone by new social movements were important in changing the
context where state operates.

F. REFLECTION AND PERSONAL INSIGHTS.

 The new social movements thesis made me understand the true reason why social
movements emanate. Moreover, the discussion in the chaptermade me realize that
social movements do not diminish states’ power. Instead, new social movement
emanated because they are pessimistic about states failure to uphold social justice.
 Furthermore, the discussion also made me realize that it is impossible for the civil
society to deviate from the powers of the state because at the end, state serves as an
arbiter to balance the conflicting interests.
 Hence, new social movements are an effective agent to articulate class’ interest so
that the state, as an arbiter, can easily determine and balance the interest of diverse
groups.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Neo-Liberalism

Source/Reference: Political Sociology: A Critical Introduction by Keith Faulks (2000)

Discussant(s): Analouren R. Fementira

Date of Presentation: December 12, 2017

G. Salient Points/Summary
 Faulks (2000) espoused an idea that economic globalization is not an inevitable
set of processes but instead it is something being promoted by neo-liberal
theorists and politicians who are aiming to transform the balance of power
between the state and the civil society. For him, neo-liberals believe that human
welfare is best promoted by economic growth, which in turned is best enabled
by reducing interference of the government in the private sector.
 However, Faulks viewed neo-liberalism to be problematic conceptually and in
practice. Conceptually, neo-liberal perspective is characterized to be paradoxical
since it is critical to the state but it also embraces the idea that state is a
necessary evil. In the light of practicing the neo-liberalism, the free market that
is being promoted by the neo-liberals creates high levels of social inequality and
the limited state being sought becomes increasingly coercive.
 Faulks (2000) cited two ways of how neo-liberal doctrines have been influential
since the 1980s: (1) neo-liberalism has formed the ideological core of
international economic institutions and (2) it has been highly influential upon
the governments of the developed world.
 The origin of neo-liberal ideas can be traced back from the works of Austrian
philosopher Frederick Hayek. One of Hayek’s famous books is “The Road to
Serfdom” which was written in 1944 during the time when industrial countries
employed state intervention.
 Looking back to late nineteenth century and onwards, specifically 1870’s to
1970’s, Lash and Urry (1987) commented that there was a development of
increasingly organized capitalism because of the widespread realization on the
limits of the market.
 In that same period, social liberalism was the dominant ideology replacing
classical liberalism. Social liberalism is an ideology that allows for state
intervention to provide training, economic stability and a welfare state system.
 It was at the end of the 1970’s when there was economic crisis that Hayek’s ideas
appeared relevant. Generally, Hayek’s works were against collectivist theories
such as social liberalism.
 On the problems of capitalism, neo-liberals explained that such problems were
caused by the following factors: (1) commitment to Keynesian economic
management (which involved government interference in market operations);
(2) increased in welfare spending (which meant higher tax, lower investment,
less consumer spending); and (3) development of corporatism (which led to
artificial inflation of wages, increased industrial unrest, pursuit of full
employment).
 As a solution, neo-liberals such as Friedman (1980) and Brittan (1976) supported
for a minimal state that deals with the internal order and the protection from
invasion by hostile states but leaves economic affairs almost exclusively to the
market.
 As practiced, the main features of neo-liberal program for reform follow two
core principles: (1) the superiority of markets over politics in providing human
need and (2) the need to defend individuals’ market rights.
 Neo-liberal policies include: (1) deregulation of the economy, (2) reduction of
trade union rights and creation of flexible labor market, (3) cuts in public
expenditure (health, welfare, education), (4) privatization of public services and
creation of ‘quasi-markets’, and (5) redefinition of citizenship in which limited
civil and market rights are emphasized and citizens are expected to take greater
personal responsibility.
 To note, the influence of neo-liberal principles has not been uniformed across
all countries. Factors such as political institutions and culture as well as the social
and economic characteristics affect the application of those principles in any
given state. To cite, the neo-liberal agenda of Margaret Thatcher was able to
penetrate in Britain because of the country’s political culture, its constitution,
and its political and economic history which are all conducive for the
development of neo-liberalism.
 However, a key weakness of neo-liberalism is that its highly abstract
formulations, not accounting the historical and structural constraints may
render its implementation highly unsuitable. For example, the African states had
managed their economic affairs according to neo-liberal principles through
structural adjustment but this failed to bring desired results. This may be due to
 the inability of neo-liberalism to acknowledge the structural inequalities that are
in the states system.
 As presented earlier, neo-liberals advocate for a greatly reduced role of the
state and that for the market to govern economy. This led for many to reject
interventionist state as a solution to the problem of governance. This placed the
state in a position where in its role is limited but its existence is needed for the
protection of rights and assertion of law. But, Faulks argued that the limited
government that neo-liberals sought has become coercive and unaccountable.
 Neo-liberalism thus, contained many contradictions. While, it advocates for
limited government, it ironically embraces an increasingly coercive and
unaccountable state. Its prescriptions have led to social division and unrest.
Moreover, as the world economy is structured in the interests of the powerful
states, the dominance of neo-liberalism in the international arena has negative
implications on the developing countries.

H. Objectives of the Presentation

 To know the beginning, principles and influences of neo-liberalism

 To examine the application of neo-liberalism in the actual societies (Britain and
Africa)
 To provide a critical assessment on neo-liberalism focusing upon its implications
on the state-civil society relationship

I. Discussion Outline

 Present the connection between globalization and neo-liberalism

 Present the views of Keith Faulks on neo-liberalism
 Provide a discussion on neo-liberalism, specifically about its beginnings,
principles and influences
 Present the application of neo-liberalism in Britain and Africa
 Explain why neo-liberalism flourished in Britain and why it failed in Africa
 Discuss neo-liberalism and the problem of governance
 Provide a critical assessment on neo-liberalism
 Conclude the presentation with a synthesis

J. Conceptual Application Plan

  The experiences of Britain and Africa on adopting neo-liberalism. This will help
to present that the influence of neo-liberal principles has not been uniform
across countries and that neo-liberalism has shortcomings.

K. Synthesis Points

1. Neo-liberalism has been dominant and influential since 1980’s.

2. Its influence and application has not been uniform across the countries.
3. As argued, neo-liberalism is deeply flawed conceptually and in practice.
4. Though neo-liberalism called for a limited state intervention and for the
market to govern economy, it has resulted in a more coercive state because of
the failure of neo-liberal policies.

L. Reflections and Personal Insights

1. Studying neo-liberalism has made me realize that this dominant ideology has its
strengths and weaknesses. Its strengths lie on its acknowledgement that the
states become oppressive because of its concentrated power and that states
cannot promote human welfare efficiently. On the other hand, its weaknesses
are manifested through its problematic ideas and practice.
2. The discussion on neo-liberalism has helped me to understand that neo-
liberalism has challenged the state through advocating the reduction of power
of the state to intervene in order for the market to govern economy efficiently
and promote human welfare. However, as I have assessed, that challenge posed
by neo-liberalism does not weaken the ability of the state to concentrate its
power. Hence, it is still important to study the state and its relation to the civil
society.
 The Repositioning of Citizenship: Emergent Subjects and Spaces for Politics

Summary:

I. Citizenship and Nationality

Citizenship is in the narrowest definition the legal relationship between the individual and
the polity. The term polity was used in reference to the cities of the ancient and medieval
period; the term has reached its most developed form in the nation-state. That made the
concept of the nationality and the nation a key component when understanding citizenship.

The concepts of nationality and citizenship are both linked to the notion of the nation-state,
both identify the legal status of an individual. Citizenship, however, is primarily confined in
the national dimension while nationality refers to the international legal dimension in the
context of an interstate system.

With the aggressive nationalism and competition of European states in the 18th to 20th
century, states viewed dual citizenship to be highly undesirable because it was thought to
be incompatible with the individual loyalties persons were expected to give. States during
these times focused on rooting out the causes for dual citizenship and created policies to
address such. Citizenship at this point is equated to individual allegiance to states.

Changes such as economic privatization and deregulation had resulted in globalization,

these transformations in the 1980s and 1990s changed the institution of citizenship and
nationality. Former states who had seen dual and multiple citizenships as threats have
now shifted into selective acceptance. According to Spiro, Rubenstein, and Adler, the
number of individuals who have dual citizenships will be the norm.

With the changes occurring on the global stage, the institution that had been created and
strengthened through centuries are now entering partial denationalizing. There is now a
growing articulation for nations to be competitive, leading to the withdrawal of nations from
various spheres of entitlements which may lead to the dilution of loyalty from the citizenry
to the state. The loyalty of the citizens that was given importance in prior centuries
because of the people-extensive and constant warfare which required the support of loyal
citizen-soldiers. That need has now been replaced by technological advances reducing
the need, at the same time pressure from global firms and markets to abstain from war
reduced the need for these citizen-soldiers.
With the continued movement of trends that have resulted in the weakening of the
meaning of citizenship, forces like economic globalization have encourages the cross-
border dynamics between the countries reducing the importance of borders. The principles
of the Marshallian theory of citizenship have been significantly diluted with contrary ideas
 that the market should be responsible for resolving the social and political problems. Peter
Saunders argued that citizenship inscribed in the institutions of the welfare state is a buffer
against the vagaries of the market and the inequalities of the class system.

II. Deconstructing Citizenship

Citizenship is understood to have many layers and cannot be confined to its formal legal
description as it seeks to go beyond the and strengthen the aspirations and rights that are
greater than the description.

Max Weber had admired the medieval cities that had created institutions that
strengthened their rights in the space of the city. The national state has taken over in the
creation of these mechanisms but has however, not provided any national political space.
These mechanisms will change again with the influence of globalization, the national state
and the rise of human rights, the rights and the obligations too.

Equal citizenship: two arguments

 Karst – the law itself, the national law is responsible and crucial for the promotion
of the recognition of exclusions and the methods for their elimination
 Young; Taylor – politics, and identity provide the sense of solidarity necessary for
the further development of citizenship in the nation-state

The principle of Equality remains unfulfilled

 Groups that are defined by race, ethnicity, religion, sex, sexual orientation, and
other identities
 Full participation as a citizen rests on a material basis thus excluding the poor

Legal citizenship does not always equate to full and equal membership rights. Various
levels of equality. It is the position of diverse groups within the nation-state that have forced
changed in the institution of citizenship.

Kenneth Karst observed that national law braided the strands of citizenship – formal legal
status, rights, belonging – into the principle of equal citizenship. He highlighted the
importance of constitutional and legal instruments

Sassens’ important aspects for her argument

 Citizenship is partly produced by the practices of the excluded (how they claim and
methods they incorporate to assert)
 The state’s formal inclusionary aspect of citizenship had contributed to create
some of the conditions to bring about key aspects of post-national citizenship

III. Towards Effective Nationality and Informal Citizenship

Unauthorized yet recognized

 In extreme circumstances similar to effective nationality rather than formal nationality,
illegal immigrants enter into what has been called an informal social contract that binds
them to the place of residency, Schuck, and Smith. Immigrants who show national
loyalty, social deservedness, and demonstrate civic involvement can argue that they merit
legal residency.

The case of illegal immigrants in the United States, where their daily practices in their
communities earn them citizenship claims in the US even as legal and formal citizenship
may elude them. There are dimensions to citizenship however, such as strong community
and participation in civic activities that are being enacted in these activities.

The case of illegal immigrants from El Salvador who went away because of the
persecution, political violence and economic hardship in the country. They went away
because they were unable to enjoy the right of citizens in their own country, but in doing
so did not stop in sending support to their families in El Salvador. These remittances have
now become a huge factor in the economy of El Salvador and the government now lobbies
for the rights of these immigrants in the United States. According to Coutin; Mahler, the
participation of these immigrants in the cross-border community, family and political
networks had contributed to the recognition of their rights citizens of El Salvador.

Authorized yet unrecognized

Robin LeBlanc’s study on the case of Japanese housewives

He found that though Japanese housewives considered as citizens, they are limited to the
household and generally not allowed in political life. The housewives are limited by this
but are political restriction, they are however advantaged in the world of local politics
providing an image of public concern and a powerful critic of mainstream politics.

The two arenas where immigrant women are active in

 Institutions for public and private assistance
 Immigrant and ethnic community

Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo found that immigrant women were more active in the public
and social roles which reinforces their status in the household and the settlement. It is
therefore important to note that the role of women here in seeking public and social
services as well as handling legal activities makes women more visible actors and forceful
too.

IV. Postnational or denationalized

 Bozniak, from the perspective of the nation-based citizenship theory some of the
transformations have been interpreted as the decline of citizenship or its displacement in
the face of collective organization and affiliation. There is an alternative interpretation that
suggests the suspension of the national to give way to where the issue of where citizenship
is practiced in the changing world.

Sassen argued that there is a third possibility wherein even if citizenship is situated in the
“national,” the definition and how the transformations have changed the meaning of
national, have changed its relation to citizenship as a result.

Postnationalism and denationalization differ in

 Scope
 Institutional embeddedness

Both represent two trajectories for the future of the definition of the national and ultimately
citizenship. Postnational citizenship is located partly outside the scope of the national
while denationalization focuses on the transformation of the national, including the national
in the foundation of citizenship.

Additional two elements that have loosened the grip of the national-state

 The strengthening and constitutionalizing of civil rights allowing a citizen to have

claims against the state and invoke a measure autonomy. Creating a gap between
the grip of the state to the institution of citizenship.
 The granting of an entire range of rights to foreign actors, largely and especially
economic actors. Creating new concentrations of legitimacy that in turn rival with
the states.

V. Citizenship in the Global City

The cracks in the national container of power and social influence has led to the cities
catching them, these have led to the possibilities of subnational entities filling up these
roles. When we view large cities having a large concentration of the leading sectors of
global capital as well as the growing number of disadvantaged populations. We can now
see that these cities are becoming the sites for contradiction, though Ira Katznelson
argues that cities cannot be reduced to this dynamic alone.

Though the origins of citizenship can be traced to the cities of the ancient and medieval
times, it cannot be simply understood as a return to the ideals of these times. Cities today
are now the setting in the engendering of new types of citizenship practices. Similarly, the
cities in the contemporary do not have any roles in the prescription of individual rights, nor
the democracy in the process.

Henri Lefebvre described the city as oeuvre and hence the importance of agency. Sassen
saw this in two strategic actors, the global corporate capital, and immigration.
 Citizenship in the global city is different from the cities of the medieval times where they
were able to set up systems for owning and protecting property while they are rather
concerned with the production of presence of those without power and a politics that
claims rights to the city. They do share however the notion that the city is the site for these
movements and creation of new practices of citizenship.

In the search for the ideal-typical features of what a city constitutes, he sought a city that
combined conditions and dynamics which forced its residents and leaders into creative,
innovative responses and adaptations. Weber’s search was to understand the conditions
in the cities that led to the positive and creative influences on people’s lives. Conditions
that forced the citizens, officials, and merchants to address them. For Sassen, these
conditions are found in the Global City.

There is a distinction between powerlessness and the condition of an actor lacking power.
In the global city, the types of people referred to as disadvantaged are not simply marginal.
They gain presence in the broader political process that escapes the national conception
in favor of localized communities, that in turn shape the national.

Objectives of the Presentation

 Identify, discuss and explain the current position of citizenship in relation to

citizenship
 Introduce ideas that reposition the concept of citizenship away from nation-states
 Place the conception of citizenship in the current Global city

Discussion outline

 Discuss the concepts of citizenship and nationality and trace their relationship
 Deconstruct the concepts of citizenship as to place it separate from the nation-
state
 Identify the current citizenship statuses, authorized yet unrecognize and
unauthorized yet recognized, and how their value in shaping the concept of
citizenship beyond and in relation to nationhood
 Discuss the trajectories to be taken by citizenship
 The placement of the concept of citizenship in the Global City

Synthesis Paper

 The concept of citizenship has traditionally been connected to the concept of

nationality because of the European strengthening of these for past centuries.
Allegiance to the state is connected to the citizenship.
 Global changes that have questioned institutions of entitlement that had helped
individuals in the past have now been replaced are in the process of being replaced
with more competitive policies reducing the need for loyalty.
  With the concept of citizenship now not exclusively connected to the nationality,
movements toward a post-nationalized and denationalized conception of
citizenship is being put out
 There are individuals who do not fall under the traditional concepts of the citizen
and their rights but act as such, in reference to illegal immigrants in the US. While
there are citizens who do are disenfranchised and left unrecognized, in reference
to the housewives of Japan
 Through all the movements, the Global city has become the new center of power
and change as it contains that global capital forces that have changed the nation-
state’s grip on citizenship and the disadvantaged population whose movements
are actively changing the definition of citizenship.

Reflection and Personal Insight

The conception of citizenship through the last number of decades has changed so rapidly
and so greatly that the ability of the institutions to cope with it has been weak. States have
still clung to their notions of power over the citizen but have embraced the very forces that
weaken their grip. The roots of citizenship though rooted in localities has, in fact, returned
to the cities but differ in the mechanism. Citizenship is something that must be fought for
and must be earned, in that order. There is a responsibility in being a citizen, a duty that
needs to be fulfilled and not solely reliant on the entitlements.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Political Participation

Source/Reference: Faulks, K. (2000). Political Sociology: A Critical Introduction (pp. 143-162)

Discussant(s): Sumugat, Ramon Sixto C.

Date of Presentation: January 23, 2018

M. Salient Points/Summary

 de Toqueville (1945) acknowledged that the state has the propensity to centralize
power, and consequently stressed the need for alternative civil and political
associations to balance and control power if liberty is to be preserved.
 The willingness of the citizens to participate in the governance of their lives is
important to a booming civil society.
 Participation is an expression of citizenship and is vital to the stimulation of a shared
political culture.
 Faulks (2000) defined political participation as the active engagement of individuals
and or groups in the governmental processes that affect their lives. This then includes
the individual’s involvement in both the decision-making processes of the government
as well as the opposition to such.
 Faulks (2000) then assumed that political participation is an active process because a
person may become a member of a party or a pressure group. He then distinguished
two kinds of active engagement, the conventional acts of political participation, which
includes activities such as voting, campaigning for a candidate or party and running for
an office. Another form of active engagement is the unconventional acts, these acts
include, signing of petitions, attending peaceful demonstrations, attending violent
protests and refusing to pay taxes.

Theories of Political Participation

  In this chapter, Keith Faulks identified three main theories in explaining political
participation: democratic elitism, rational choice theory and participatory theory.
 Democratic Elitism
 Schumpeter (1943) stressed the need for political stability and that democracy is
only a secondary priority. Schumpeter then added that enlightened leadership is
with only minimal acts of participation by the masses is the most efficient way
maintain order.
 Democratic elitists assumed that the masses are ignorant and apathetic enough that
extensive political participation will undermine stability. They added that, an over-
active citizenry is more likely to make an ill-considered short-termist and poor
policy decisions.
 Democratic elitists also assumed that to make a prudent government, policy making
should be given to those who are intellectually suited to the task and to those who
made politic their chosen career.
 Schumpeter postulated that masses lack the independence of mind to govern
themselves. He then supported the statement by arguing that it is hard for
democratic elitists to recognize that greater political participation of the masses will
lead to increased competence to govern would be to concede ground to the
advocates participatory democracy.

 Rational Choice Theory

 Olson (1971) and Downs (1957) assumed that the lack of willingness of to
participate of the majority is not a sign of ignorance but a sign of rationality.
 The question of rational individuals when they consider participating in a political
activity is: “What will I gain from this act of participation that I will not gain if I
don’t participate?”
 In the eyes of rational choice, non-participation is a rational option.
 Scholars of rational choice believes that, the mobilization of participants is based
on how they weigh the gains and the costs of participating.
 Rational choice theorists also assumed that individuals are more easily persuaded
to vote rather that to campaign for a particular candidate because, voting is a
 relatively cost-free exercise rather than spending hours campaigning for a particular
politician or political party.
 Rational choice theorists assumed that political elites are more likely to participate
because they see the achievement of power and prestige in the end of the day.
 Rational choice theorists believe that there is a clear distinction between rational
elites and ignorant masses.
 Participatory Theories
 Participatory theories have two guiding principles: Which they assumed that a
democratic country must have.
 Maximise the instances and intensity of participation by all members of civil
society.
 Increase areas of social life where democratic principles apply.
 For Barber (1984) Majority of individuals in democratic states are passive receivers
of decisions coming from the elites, rather than from the citizens whom are actively
participating in the shaping of politics.
 de Tocqueville argued that participation is a prerequisite of freedom.
 Barber (1984) offers a vision of new form of democracy as an argument to ‘thin
democracy’. He coined the term ‘Strong democracy’ where he assumed that politics
is “something done by” and not to the citizens. This then, translate to the
strengthening of the local governments and extension of democratic practice into
the institutions of the civil society.
 Barber (1984) then assumed that in strong democracies, participation is not only a
defense for the interests, but it is a deliberative and public process that does not lay
claim to any truth about what the citizens can consensually agree.
 Assessments on the main theories
 If individual self-interest is the only basis for political action, then how can we
explain the efforts exerted by citizens to be a voluntary member of any political
associations.
 Because rational choice’s origins can be traced from economic market exchange,
then it cannot be applied to the world of politics where we consider altruism,
ideology, social networks and citizenship in shaping a person’s behavior.
  The concept of ‘free riding’ of rational choice can be accepted only if we accept the
concept of abstract individualism.
 The biggest challenge for rational choice theory is on how it will question the
interaction of the notions of rationality and other motivational forces.
 If rational choice theorists believed that rationality is a factor of politics, democratic
elitists believed that only the significant few should govern.
 Democratic elitists believed that democracy is an unfinished project because its
development relies on the desire of the masses to have a hand in governing their
lives.
 Etzioni and Halevy (1993) stressed the importance of public participation for
democracy. They also put emphasis on the theories that advocated such
participation. However, they viewed it as a problem because it was very
minimalistic since it failed to further explain how western democracy works.
 Faulks (2000) stated that political participation is good in itself, because it is
something that people can get a part which they develop not only in the sphere of
their political competence and it can also forge links that form the civil society.
 Political Participation in Liberal Democracies
 Dalton (1996) found out in a survey that social change is one of the important
factors in the changing trends of political participation as he identified the
following:
 An increasingly and informed citizenry.
 A decline of trust in the effectiveness of political elites and
institutions.
 A decline in loyalty to political parties.
 A drop-in turnout rates during elections
 An increase in unconventional political participation.
 There are two factors in rising citizen’s awareness: first, there should be an increase
in the educational achievement most importantly in the higher education and there
must be a greater information supplied by mass media.
 Television has become an agent of political awareness. As supported by Dalton
(1996) he found out that 69% of the people in America cited television as their most
important source of information.
 Beck (1997) supported the assumption that mass media is now playing an important
role in shaping the political attitudes of people. He assumed that the process of
individualization whereby people are less likely to rely on institutions such as
churches and other associations in the civil society.
 However, Bennet (1997) did not fully agree with Beck’s assumption. He argued
that, although citizens may have the knowledge and the critical skills, there are
people who lacked understanding of the specifics of conventional politics.
 Pienaar (1997) stated that while the media uncovers controversies in the public and
private lives of politicians, the level of participation of every citizen also decreases.
 Although there are discontents in the side of the public, scholars found out that
there is a shift from collective to individualistic democratic values.
 Political parties have been the most important political mediators between state
and civil society.
 Hirst and Khilnani (1996) found out that the foundations of political parties become
shallower and unstable.
 Kaase and Newton (1995) supports the findings of Hirst and Khilnani (1996) when
they postulated that the growing competence of the people has led to the downfall
of the political parties.
 Beck (1997) argued that the massive use of media by the political parties have led
to the increase in dominance of the media itself.
 According to Lijphart (1997) the voting turnout is low when they are measured
based on the voting age population rather than as a percentage of the total number
of people who registered to vote.
 Furthermore, he also assumed that the voting turnout is shaped by the socio-
economic position of the voter. In addition, Lijphart, (1997) supported his
assumption by justifying that wealthier and more educated people are more likely
to vote that those who are poor and uneducated.
  Dalton (1996) stated that the number of members of new social movements such as
women’s groups are more numerous than those who are members of a particular
political party.
 Kaase and Newton (1995) on the other hand, are cautious to the fact that the old
politics is simply good enough to handle new forms of challenges.
 Kaase and Newton also added that the traditional structures of politics are in a state
of transitory phase in order for the system to properly address the given challenges
of new social issues.
 NSM’s become pressure groups which aims to disrupt democracy by pressing the
issues of well-organized minorities.
 Enhancing Political Participation
 To enhance political participation, scholars suggests that states should remove
institutional barriers to the conventional forms of participation. Furthermore, they
also suggested that states must increase the use of referendums as a means of
increasing the level of pollical participation of every citizen.
 Lijphart, (1997) suggested that an extension of time to vote during elections will
help bring more people to participate. Aside from that, extending the time to vote
for Lijphart will help offset the socio-economic differences among citizens as well
as increase their awareness of politics.
 Butler and Ranney (1994) suggested to use referendums to promote liberal
democracy. As they assumed that the move will give people an opportunity to pass
judgement to issues that created disparity between parties.
 Budge (1996) argues that ICT (Information Communication and Technology)
removes the barriers of size, time and space by allowing instant forms of
communications (e.g. E-mail, Social Media, etc.)
 Bryan and his colleagues contends that the use of ICT has made participation easier
for the citizens.
 Positive Implications of ICT according to Bryan, et al. (1998)
 ICT presents an unprecedented innovation for the rapid distribution of information.
 ICT allows information to be distributed immediately from the state down to the
civil society.
  New technologies involving ICT enables the groups inside the societies to publish
their opinions as well as create networks of members from one community to
another.
 The interactive nature of ICT allows the people to move beyond the limitations of
information given by mass media.
 The use of ICT makes the distribution of social services easier and precise.
 Limitations of ICT
 The problem of how to regulate ICT.
 ICT opens more possibilities for surveillance.
 Observers of Political participation has criticized the effects of ICT to the
participation of the citizens.
N. Objectives of the Presentation
 To define and understand political participation and how it is utilized in various
states and regimes.
 Discuss the various theories in political culture.
 To discuss the strengths and limitations of political participation.
O. Discussion Outline
 What is political participation and how the author defined it.
 Present examples of conventional and unconventional forms of political
participation.
 Discuss the main theories of political participation and examine their strengths and
weaknesses.
 Discuss political participation in the liberal democratic states.
 Examine current trends of political participation in the age of post-industrial era.
P. Conceptual Application Plan

Q. Synthesis Points
 Political participation is an active engagement of individuals as well as groups to
the governmental processes of their lives.
  Challenges such as the rise of new social movements, citizens becoming more
critical and the rise of unconventional forms of political participation shapes the
political participation of every individual in the contemporary times.
 The rise of ICT’s broke the barriers of traditional forms of political participation in
states. Which then provided an indirect form of participation for every citizen.

R. Reflections and Personal Insights

The topic has given the reporter insights about the actions that individuals do not only
during times of elections and payment of taxes. The topic itself will broaden the insights
of those who read it in terms of the actions that people makes as a for of conforming to
the statues of the state or as a form of protest to the actions of the state itself.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Fear and Loathing in Democratic Times: Affect, Citizenship, and Agency

Source/Reference: Fear and Loathing in Democratic Times: Affect, Citizenship, and Agency
by Michael Feola

Discussant(s): Cenn Teena L. Taynan

Date of Presentation: February 1, 2018

S. Salient Points/Summary

 Affect – The substrate of potential bodily responses, often automatic responses, which
are in-excess of our consciousness. According to Massumi, it is very abstract because it
cannot be fully realized via use of language and also because it comes ‘prior’ to or
outside the consciousness.

 Affective turn- The deliberations in democratic societies is mostly brought by affect,

rather than rationality (rationalism). Thus, people do what they do, not necessarily
because it is the most "logical" thing to do, but they are the things that matter to them
the most.

 Deliberative Democracy - A form of democracy where ‘deliberation’, or the process of

weighing options thoughtfully, is central to decision making.

 Fundamentalist formation of identity - This is an idea that certain forms of identity,

belief, or desire can only dominate a certain society by dismissing, demonizing or
invalidating the others.

 Perversified Diversity - The demonization by a certain hegemonic identity, belief, or

desire of other the same, competing forms in a pluralistic society.

 ‘Arts of the self’ - A Foucauldian concept which postulates that a person is not only a
receiver of the discourse but also the contributor or influencer at the same time.

 Agonistic Respect - A commitment of respect, acknowledging the roots or reasons why

they believe so while challenging those beliefs at the same time.

 Affirmation or Receptive generosity - The readiness to accept or consider strange lives,

wants and bodies.
 Political feelings. Democratic Anxiety
 Feola discusses the inconvenience of rationalist thought into politics which
dismisses, or indicates absence of help of somatic measurements of citizenship.
 He additionally talked about the disappointment of pluralized social orders to
consider the social contrasts existing inside it. This is generally because of the
reality of what Conolly term as "Fundamentalist" foundation of identity where
hegemonic personalities, wants, or convictions assumes control over the social
standard by trashing or refuting other agreed distinctions or constructive
associational styles. Rather than figuring out how to live respectively with them
under a pluralistic culture, these social orders are more centered on pointing out
the individuals who act against or outside their own particular circle of "typical".
 Later on, he demanded that the alleged ‘visceral registers’ are fundamental parts
of thought and assessment. Such affectual signals offer shape to the articles and
experiences of a man. Fundamentally, he point out that the affectual substance of
thought does both the cognitive and normative work.
 Afterward, he returned to the feedback that these affectual reflexes are simply
articulations of private decisions, convictions or inclinations. Nonetheless, he
reacted by saying that these are not by any stretch of the imagination intelligent
of risky individualistic impulses, decisions or inclinations yet rather of economies
of feeling and esteem which are formed and fashioned by the cooperation of the
subject through a scope of institutions.
 Consequently, he utilized the case of "Law and order" discourse to clarify it
further. Essentially, the help for those measures are not exclusively through
reasons but rather through the instinctive registers, for the most part negative,
towards the individuals who neglect to embrace the "correct" method for carrying
on. The principal concern is, majority rule thoughts dependably work through
affectual registers.

 Reflexive Questions. Political Possibilities

 This section centered upon related cluster of questions, namely what are the
sensible resources that orient the practice of citizenship? How are these resources
targeted and shaped by social circuits of power? And lastly, how might these
dynamics lead to invidious, antidemocratic circuits? In this sense, Conolly said that
sensibility is not, itself, the proper object of political inquiry or agency. That if the
politics of emotion should be moderated, it must be tamed by the institutional.
 Conolly takes his cue then from Foucault’s ‘arts of the self’ which basically posits
that self is not simply crafted by discourses or tactics of power, but plays a part in
 its own articulation. Structures of exclusion are then moderated by returning to
the identity commitments which were seen to be self-evident and then coming to
live in light with their contestability or questionability.
 To dispute, therefore, this sensible resonance of power requires an agency upon
the self at the visceral level, working to isolate, suspend and change the dynamics
of aversion as mentioned. (Conolly, 2000) This will then cultivate a core
commitment of what he calls an “Agonistic respect”.
 Democratic citizenship demands an ethos of generosity for those people who are
living outside the conventions of community or normality. But then, this poses a
problem. First, it is an inadequate response in a society where powerful people
can just take over and control the media influence while disenfranchising others
and control many while shutting down the means where the inequalities and
oppression can be democratically contested. Second, when facing conditions of
violence, the appropriate response must be that of condemnation and indictment,
rather than generosity, of how complexes of power secure ever greater dominion
over social space.

 Affect, Association and Agency

 According to Alexander Livingston and Sharon Krause, the Foucauldian inspiration
for the argument threatens to withdraw this agency into the private work of a
subject upon itself, which means that it fails to account for how the dialogical
exchanges of civil society could foster such modifications in a more readily
politicized way. This rejoinder enlists a familiar vision of civil society that turns
upon the exchange of reasons to negotiate differences in needs, interests or social
position. When we engage in some exchanges, one does not simply issue reasons
in a one-way direction, immune to the responses that follow. Thus, one risk that
one might be changed by exposure to the circumstances of others.
 The core question is how the movements and collectivities with the civil society:
1.) might help to re-orient affectual attunements towards institutions, policies or
practices. 2.) How these attunements displace, reveal or shut down possibilities
for agency.
 On the other hand, Deborah Gould ‘s reflection on social movement proposes
that: Social movements shape what people actually feel, they can have
tremendous effects on political action and inaction, generating, for example, fear
of the unknown, high expectations regarding change, satisfaction with the status
quo, angry dissatisfaction with the status quo or political depression – feelings
that, each in its own way and in combination with others, help to establish a given
political imaginary and block others.
  By facilitating new attunements towards social practices, such groups might
transform what social burdens are felt to be acceptable or excessive; what might
be perceived as targets of intervention and struggle; what inequalities are
considered necessary or contingent; and what subjects will do with (or against)
these practices if they prove to be problematic.
 Such associations are not simply facilitated by these experiments in sensibility but
are themselves capable of an emotional (re)formation with praxical aims.
Through such work, it is not simply the subject that becomes strange and different,
but also the world it faces in concert with others.
 Finally, the Transmissibility of Affect by Teresa Brennan postulated that the
question cannot be limited to how the subject can take up less violent relations
with others by interrogating the visceral resonance of power. Rather, it must
address how the unruly groupings of civil society might conduct a transpersonal
counter-formation of the affects, which opens up, guides or directs modes of
engagement.

 Conclusion
The article closes its presentation by highlighting that all the theorists enjoin a
greater willingness to listen and negotiate with the strangers of democratic space.
Particularly, William Connolly invokes an ethos of responsiveness, on the other
hand, Romand Coles details a ‘receptive generosity’ and Stephen White suggests
a ‘presumptive generosity’.

T. Objectives of the Presentation

At the end of the presentation:
1.) The class will be able to understand the essential concepts presented in
the article, particularly the term “Affect” and “Affective turn”.

2.) The class will be able to understand what was the failure of the rationalist
school of thought in politics and why does it matter.
3.) The class will be able to understand how the considerations of sensibility
inform emancipator agency, and whether such agency can be reconciled
with democratic ideals.

U. Discussion Outline
 The first part is for the introduction and presentation of salient terms.
 The discussion proper consists of political feelings, reflexive questions and affective,
associations and agency.
 The last part is the Synthesis of the article.

V. Conceptual Application Plan

 In the context of perversified diversity applying in the case demonizing the image of the
gay community is automatically attributed with persons having HIV/AIDS. Additionally,
automatically labeling the Muslim community as a “terrorist group.”
 Using the “affect” in political involvement in its extreme sense, as a local resident of
Davao city, the automatic response is to defend Duterte from any criticisms to the point
that our judgment is clouded by what matters to us or what's important to us, rather than
"what is the most rational decision." For instance, Duterte making rape jokes, though it is
ethically wrong, a typical dabawenyo would automatically defend and justify his action
based on their experience/instinct that he is a “good leader”.
W. Synthesis Points

 At the end of the class, I expect that the class would appreciate the importance of
affectual considerations in the process of deliberation in our democratic times. Meaning
to say that there’s something in us that can't be explained by logic yet it’s there which the
affect is one of those things. Hence, the politics of emotion should be moderated; it must
be tamed by the institutional. In this sense, people's tendency to use emotions in matters
of democratic deliberation should be limited or controlled by institutions. For instance,
the law or any regulations therein. Since, at the end of the day, we as a nation shouldn't
just rely on emotions to deliberate. Thus, one must not rely exclusively on pure rational
decision but by having both visceral and rational considerations.

X. Reflections and Personal Insights

 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: POLITICAL RITUAL

Source/Reference: Political Ritual, Sigrid Baringhorst. Pgs. 291-301

Discussants: Barlaan, Jan Kristelle M.

Roche, Christine I.

Date of Presentation: February 6, 2018

A. Salient Points/Summary

Political Rituals as expressive representations of social unity

 Baringhorst featured sociologist Emile Durkheim who emphasized the importance of

rituals in social integration. Emile Durkheim used religion as a tool to exhibit how a ritual
that is sacred could lead to integration of individuals. Since religion plays a crucial role in
the integration, it represents social reality in two ways: first, it provides individuals the
means on how they should interpret social reality—meaning it helps the individual to
understand the society that he is a part of. On the other hand, religious practices or rituals
are performed repetitively as to dramatize or express the social realities—which results
to the interdependency of the individuals.
 Through religious rituals, it gives the individual a feeling of belongingness in the society
and it strengthens the bond of the community where the individual is a part of. However,
the role of religion in social integration is crucial until the modern society came in;
according to Durkheim, there is a decline in the use of religion as tool for social integration
since sciences came to take over the minds of the individuals. But, modern societies social
integration still depended on “the cult and the faith”, thus for Durkheim, the role of
religion is timeless and extremely important for all societies.
 However, Durkheim noticed that public rituals were not as popular during his time little
did he know that it was only a transitory phase; now, rituals are not only practiced in the
realm of sacred but it is now evident in the realm of the profane. Profane would not only
mean the day-to-day practices of the person but it is also an important ritual found in the
modern liberal democracies. For Shils and Young, they interpreted the British coronation
as a public ritual where the community life is represented symbolically. The coronation
expressed the national identity of the society and that the society is felt to be one large
family. Also, Robert Bellah expressed that the inauguration of the president is one of the
most important ceremonial events that expresses the shared feelings and belief among
individuals.
 Since public rituals expressed a sense of belongingness and that the society became one
large family, the sense of belongingness and the unification of the individuals deepen
through the use of mass media. Sidney Verba applied the Durkheimian notion in the
assassination of John F. Kennedy in which he stressed the role of mass media as an
instrument of social integration. The mass media, in particular the television, portrays the
 feelings of the Americans during his assassination to which other Americans felt it and
resulted to the sense of national unity among its citizens.
 Drawing on the importance of mass media, Van Gennep and Victor Turner analyzed three
different types of media: contests, conquests, and coronations. And under the type of
media particularly in contests, there are some key-aspects on the contest-oriented media
events such as: social-political reconciliation, reunification, and reintegration.
 Public rituals provide maintenance and stability; it holds the abstract society together by
enforcing and expressing commitments to a common set of values. However, social
integration through ritual is being questioned since the society tolerates individualization,
cultural diversity, and fragmentation.

The presence of “others” in modern political rituals

 Political rituals are the defining factors of a stable society wherein it is seen as a means to
integrate the society through value consensus. However it does not recognize the
increasing disintegration of the society. Since there are increasing social cleavages, value
consensus consequently then becomes lower, especially in modern liberal democracies;
and rather creates a disparity of values.
 Rituals are not solely for the people consuming it, but also for the people who can witness
it; the audiences. Rituals, as much as it creates solidarity, also generates conflict. As such,
a general symbol generates varied perception and understanding from the people, which
the author called as the “others”. The implication that this sector shows is how dispersed
our society is in terms of the presence of different social cleavages that then resulted to
varied meanings and interpretations of political rituals.
 Political rituals aim to form a national sense of belongingness. However, this is not always
the case since it serves as a medium for contestations of one identity over others. This is
simply because this variations or heterogeneity element of the society is an indicator of
modern democracies. Thus political rituals are not just for the participating groups but
also serve to exclude the ‘others’.
 There are also non-state actors who use ritualistic acts as means to promote their
individual identity as a group, as part of the contestation phenomena of the participating
group and the ‘other’ group. Thus, this process of contestation often raises controversies
because of how a group may manipulate a meaning and interpretation of a certain ritual,
different to their opposing party.
 Zdaislaw Mach elaborated this idea on manipulation of public rituals. He revealed that
political ends manifest the manipulative aspect of ritual in terms of its production of a
monopolized meaning.

Political Rituals as symbolic actions

 The main function of public rituals is that it creates a sense of solidarity and collective
identity without the need to conform to the goals and manifestos of political institutions,
organizations, and movements. It also express and reinforce shared values in a society
that is increasingly culturally fragmented. Despite the fragmentation in the society, David
 Kertzer pointed out that through public rituals it is still enable to integrate individuals
even if there is the “absence of commonality of beliefs” among them. Thus in situations
of conflict, there is no need to have a consensus among individuals to share the same
sentiments or feelings in order to produce a feeling of unity.
 According to Caroline Humphrey and James Laidlaw, “ritualized action” is defined by the
non-intentionality of an individual to feel towards a ritualized act. Meaning, the individual
cannot decide on how he should feel towards a certain ritual; his emotions is used
therefore it is non-intentional—“one will not be the author of one’s acts….one need have
no knowledge or information about the act except that it is” (Humphrey and Laidlaw,
1994).
 Thus, Baringhorst says that our rational thinking is part of our private belief and therefore,
what public rituals only care about is our public opinion. Furthermore, she pointed out
that taking part in rituals could catalyze emotional responses among individuals, and what
is important is our common participation and emotional involvement since rituals are
predominantly expressed in symbols and thoughts are less relevant. Symbols in rituals,
consists three properties which creates solidarity among individuals even in the absence
of uniformity of belief: condensation, multivocality, and ambiguity.
 However, Baringhorst questioned political rituals as to why it creates solidarity among
individuals despite private differences of political opinions among persons and realized
that rituals are able to hold an abstract society together since it is structured, repetitive,
standardized, and symbolically loaded sequences of action.
 Although, political rituals may have a positive effect on the integration of the individuals
in the society, it also provides negative effects on the individual or there is social
transgression such that the feelings of an individual is disregarded since that individual is
now dependent on the community that he is a part of—meaning the way an individual
acts or thinks is attributed to the community that he is a member of.
 Hans-Georg Soeffner offered three transgressions of everyday life: (1) the transgression
of individual experiences through the evidence of a collectively represented
intersubjectivity; (2) the transgression of individual space by dissolving the individual into
a community body and community soul; (3) the transgression of time and vanity through
the illusion of stopping the progression of time in the ritual, to secure a permanent
presence of the higher community.
 Liberal democracies should be sceptical toward the use of public rituals and be aware of
the transgressions of everyday life
 Although Hans-Georg Soeffner gave out his reasons as to why political rituals or public
rituals may affect our everyday life, in the end, from the point of view of an individual,
Baringhorst argued that ritual processes provides links to the present, past, and as well
as the future. An example of a ritual that links us to the past, present, and future is the
celebration of a commemorative rite such that it “awakens our collective consciousness”
and that “renews the sentiment which it has of itself and of its unity”.

Political rituals in liberal democracies: translating political dissonance into aesthetic

consonance
 According to Hans-Georg Soeffner, public rituals are able to convert social and political
dissonances into aesthetic consonances. This paradox shows how despite having
differences of beliefs, these disparity of beliefs still converts to unity. This was further
elaborated by Bourdieu in the following section.
 Political rituals are often used as strategic medium for the political elites to further their
interest by manipulating it. Since symbols offer a variety of meaning absent of rationality,
it is even more delicate to be easily controlled or twisted with its underlying meanings.
 Pierre Bourdieu further discussed the danger of public rituals on how the political leaders
gain power through it. He used the inauguration and delegation of political
representatives as the rituals to analyze the power relations within it.
 According to Bourdieu, there is a representative leader since the people in the society
have conveyed their power to this leader with the expectation that he/she will do his/her
task for which the people entrusted him/her. This act of representation then shows how
the people in the society, including the “others” or isolated subjects, are being unified
since there is a representative that unites their voices/needs as an integrated community.
 Political rituals have the function to primarily unite the individuals in a society with
common political orientation and to provide feeling of belongingness. However, this
delicate emotional aspect of humans is easily exploited. Thus political rituals have two
contradicting purpose: (1) to ensure national bonds and (2) to express dissenting claims.
 Thus the aesthetic consonance of political rituals is expressed in the emotional aspect of
humans where we aesthetically and dramatically use emotion to unite our social
dissonance in terms of our belief systems. This dramatic and emotional form of our social
unity generates the development of our political participation thus resulting to stability
in governance, especially in the liberal democracy. Through the use of emotions, we find
solidarity which then results to political engagement in the political processes of our state.
 As Ernest Gellner contends, the pure use of rationality in understanding politics is a weak
analysis. This is because intellectual arguments are often hard to understand by the
common people. This difficulty to comprehend advanced intellectual solutions would not
entirely help us in understanding our complex society. Thus we resort to emotion since it
is more appealing and more applicable to our daily crisis in lives.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: POLITICAL RITUAL

Source/Reference: Political Ritual, Sigrid Baringhorst. Pgs. 291-301

Discussants: Barlaan, Jan Kristelle M.

Roche, Christine I.

Date of Presentation: February 6, 2018

A. Salient Points/Summary

Political Rituals as expressive representations of social unity

 Baringhorst featured sociologist Emile Durkheim who emphasized the importance of

rituals in social integration. Emile Durkheim used religion as a tool to exhibit how a ritual
that is sacred could lead to integration of individuals. Since religion plays a crucial role in
the integration, it represents social reality in two ways: first, it provides individuals the
means on how they should interpret social reality—meaning it helps the individual to
understand the society that he is a part of. On the other hand, religious practices or rituals
are performed repetitively as to dramatize or express the social realities—which results
to the interdependency of the individuals.
 Through religious rituals, it gives the individual a feeling of belongingness in the society
and it strengthens the bond of the community where the individual is a part of. However,
the role of religion in social integration is crucial until the modern society came in;
according to Durkheim, there is a decline in the use of religion as tool for social integration
since sciences came to take over the minds of the individuals. But, modern societies social
integration still depended on “the cult and the faith”, thus for Durkheim, the role of
religion is timeless and extremely important for all societies.
 However, Durkheim noticed that public rituals were not as popular during his time little
did he know that it was only a transitory phase; now, rituals are not only practiced in the
realm of sacred but it is now evident in the realm of the profane. Profane would not only
mean the day-to-day practices of the person but it is also an important ritual found in the
modern liberal democracies. For Shils and Young, they interpreted the British coronation
as a public ritual where the community life is represented symbolically. The coronation
expressed the national identity of the society and that the society is felt to be one large
family. Also, Robert Bellah expressed that the inauguration of the president is one of the
most important ceremonial events that expresses the shared feelings and belief among
individuals.
 Since public rituals expressed a sense of belongingness and that the society became one
large family, the sense of belongingness and the unification of the individuals deepen
through the use of mass media. Sidney Verba applied the Durkheimian notion in the
assassination of John F. Kennedy in which he stressed the role of mass media as an
instrument of social integration. The mass media, in particular the television, portrays the
 feelings of the Americans during his assassination to which other Americans felt it and
resulted to the sense of national unity among its citizens.
 Drawing on the importance of mass media, Van Gennep and Victor Turner analyzed three
different types of media: contests, conquests, and coronations. And under the type of
media particularly in contests, there are some key-aspects on the contest-oriented media
events such as: social-political reconciliation, reunification, and reintegration.
 Public rituals provide maintenance and stability; it holds the abstract society together by
enforcing and expressing commitments to a common set of values. However, social
integration through ritual is being questioned since the society tolerates individualization,
cultural diversity, and fragmentation.

The presence of “others” in modern political rituals

 Political rituals are the defining factors of a stable society wherein it is seen as a means to
integrate the society through value consensus. However it does not recognize the
increasing disintegration of the society. Since there are increasing social cleavages, value
consensus consequently then becomes lower, especially in modern liberal democracies;
and rather creates a disparity of values.
 Rituals are not solely for the people consuming it, but also for the people who can witness
it; the audiences. Rituals, as much as it creates solidarity, also generates conflict. As such,
a general symbol generates varied perception and understanding from the people, which
the author called as the “others”. The implication that this sector shows is how dispersed
our society is in terms of the presence of different social cleavages that then resulted to
varied meanings and interpretations of political rituals.
 Political rituals aim to form a national sense of belongingness. However, this is not always
the case since it serves as a medium for contestations of one identity over others. This is
simply because this variations or heterogeneity element of the society is an indicator of
modern democracies. Thus political rituals are not just for the participating groups but
also serve to exclude the ‘others’.
 There are also non-state actors who use ritualistic acts as means to promote their
individual identity as a group, as part of the contestation phenomena of the participating
group and the ‘other’ group. Thus, this process of contestation often raises controversies
because of how a group may manipulate a meaning and interpretation of a certain ritual,
different to their opposing party.
 Zdaislaw Mach elaborated this idea on manipulation of public rituals. He revealed that
political ends manifest the manipulative aspect of ritual in terms of its production of a
monopolized meaning.

Political Rituals as symbolic actions

 The main function of public rituals is that it creates a sense of solidarity and collective
identity without the need to conform to the goals and manifestos of political institutions,
organizations, and movements. It also express and reinforce shared values in a society
that is increasingly culturally fragmented. Despite the fragmentation in the society, David
 Kertzer pointed out that through public rituals it is still enable to integrate individuals
even if there is the “absence of commonality of beliefs” among them. Thus in situations
of conflict, there is no need to have a consensus among individuals to share the same
sentiments or feelings in order to produce a feeling of unity.
 According to Caroline Humphrey and James Laidlaw, “ritualized action” is defined by the
non-intentionality of an individual to feel towards a ritualized act. Meaning, the individual
cannot decide on how he should feel towards a certain ritual; his emotions is used
therefore it is non-intentional—“one will not be the author of one’s acts….one need have
no knowledge or information about the act except that it is” (Humphrey and Laidlaw,
1994).
 Thus, Baringhorst says that our rational thinking is part of our private belief and therefore,
what public rituals only care about is our public opinion. Furthermore, she pointed out
that taking part in rituals could catalyze emotional responses among individuals, and what
is important is our common participation and emotional involvement since rituals are
predominantly expressed in symbols and thoughts are less relevant. Symbols in rituals,
consists three properties which creates solidarity among individuals even in the absence
of uniformity of belief: condensation, multivocality, and ambiguity.
 However, Baringhorst questioned political rituals as to why it creates solidarity among
individuals despite private differences of political opinions among persons and realized
that rituals are able to hold an abstract society together since it is structured, repetitive,
standardized, and symbolically loaded sequences of action.
 Although, political rituals may have a positive effect on the integration of the individuals
in the society, it also provides negative effects on the individual or there is social
transgression such that the feelings of an individual is disregarded since that individual is
now dependent on the community that he is a part of—meaning the way an individual
acts or thinks is attributed to the community that he is a member of.
 Hans-Georg Soeffner offered three transgressions of everyday life: (1) the transgression
of individual experiences through the evidence of a collectively represented
intersubjectivity; (2) the transgression of individual space by dissolving the individual into
a community body and community soul; (3) the transgression of time and vanity through
the illusion of stopping the progression of time in the ritual, to secure a permanent
presence of the higher community.
 Liberal democracies should be sceptical toward the use of public rituals and be aware of
the transgressions of everyday life
 Although Hans-Georg Soeffner gave out his reasons as to why political rituals or public
rituals may affect our everyday life, in the end, from the point of view of an individual,
Baringhorst argued that ritual processes provides links to the present, past, and as well
as the future. An example of a ritual that links us to the past, present, and future is the
celebration of a commemorative rite such that it “awakens our collective consciousness”
and that “renews the sentiment which it has of itself and of its unity”.

Political rituals in liberal democracies: translating political dissonance into aesthetic

consonance
 According to Hans-Georg Soeffner, public rituals are able to convert social and political
dissonances into aesthetic consonances. This paradox shows how despite having
differences of beliefs, these disparity of beliefs still converts to unity. This was further
elaborated by Bourdieu in the following section.
 Political rituals are often used as strategic medium for the political elites to further their
interest by manipulating it. Since symbols offer a variety of meaning absent of rationality,
it is even more delicate to be easily controlled or twisted with its underlying meanings.
 Pierre Bourdieu further discussed the danger of public rituals on how the political leaders
gain power through it. He used the inauguration and delegation of political
representatives as the rituals to analyze the power relations within it.
 According to Bourdieu, there is a representative leader since the people in the society
have conveyed their power to this leader with the expectation that he/she will do his/her
task for which the people entrusted him/her. This act of representation then shows how
the people in the society, including the “others” or isolated subjects, are being unified
since there is a representative that unites their voices/needs as an integrated community.
 Political rituals have the function to primarily unite the individuals in a society with
common political orientation and to provide feeling of belongingness. However, this
delicate emotional aspect of humans is easily exploited. Thus political rituals have two
contradicting purpose: (1) to ensure national bonds and (2) to express dissenting claims.
 Thus the aesthetic consonance of political rituals is expressed in the emotional aspect of
humans where we aesthetically and dramatically use emotion to unite our social
dissonance in terms of our belief systems. This dramatic and emotional form of our social
unity generates the development of our political participation thus resulting to stability
in governance, especially in the liberal democracy. Through the use of emotions, we find
solidarity which then results to political engagement in the political processes of our state.
 As Ernest Gellner contends, the pure use of rationality in understanding politics is a weak
analysis. This is because intellectual arguments are often hard to understand by the
common people. This difficulty to comprehend advanced intellectual solutions would not
entirely help us in understanding our complex society. Thus we resort to emotion since it
is more appealing and more applicable to our daily crisis in lives.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: The Concept of War in World Politics

Source/Reference: Bousquet, A. (2016). Concepts of War in World Politics. Sage Publications.

Discussant(s): ESCAÑO, Rynn Judd

LAYAGUE, Laika Mae N.

Date of Presentation: February 22, 2018

Y. Salient Points/Summary
 Antoine Bousquet acknowledges that although there is a clear premium given on the
concept of war, it is rarely being defined or scrutinized, especially in the IR scholarship
because there is some sort of wide acceptance upon the traditional concept of war as
simply a manifestation of violence to achieve political ends. Hence, Carr and
Morgenthau insisted that states have the inherent propensity to employ bellicose
means to further their interests as the surest way to avert, or at least mitigate, the
evils of war.
 The shadow of the two great world wars and the tension between Soviet and America
has given scholars little reason to probe war, but today, inter-state war has lessened
significantly and seems to become improbable because there has been a shift from
state versus state war has into different forms of conflict, from armed to non-armed.
War is now attached to multiple definitions and ideas.
 States now have disavowed the unilateral pursuit and legitimate act of sovereignty.
Instead, they use terms such as “collective self-defense, counter-insurgency,
humanitarian intervention or stability operations.”
 These changes led Muller (2009) to say that war per se “has almost ceased to exist.”

Conceptualizing War

 DAVID SINGER & MEL SMALL defined war using numerical figures that was
manifested in their research, the Correlates of War. War is impliedly identified
from other conflicts based on the threshold they have set wherein there should
be 1,000 battle-related deaths that would result from a sustained battle between
 organized armed forces to consider it as one. However, this conceptualization is
limiting because it does not apply to conventional concepts of war.
 HEDLEY BULL’s concept is then more acceptable because he defines war as an
organized violence carried on by POLITICAL UNITS against each other. By using
the term “political units,” it connotes an all-encompassing definition since it does
not only limit war based on inter-states but also wars between non-state
organizations. Moreover, it also tries to explain how organize violence is used as
a resort when political units can no longer achieve a resolution out of the prior
conflict and dispute.
 However, THOMAS HOBBES contested this because he sees the possibility of
states waging war even without prior conflicts or disputes. In an anarchical system
of government, states are constantly preparing themselves for possible war even
without no historical circumstances. Hence, the use of violence does not solve any
conflict or disputes, but rather it only alleviates one state and pulls down the other
(realist approach).
 As for CARL VON CLAUSEWITZ, war then, is as mere continuation of policy by
other means. This means that war is used by policy as an instrument to achieve a
predetermined end. However, if war becomes rationalized, it becomes an act of
force without logical limit (Absolute War). Power in that way is pure because it
only consists of violence and rationality in inflicting wars at an extreme level. This
form of power is impossible because war should be motivated by circumstances.
Hence, Clausewitz identifies that there is only Real War where violence is
motivated by political and social circumstances. War is indeed limiting because
there are constraints and frictions that occurs during where war is employed.
Therefore, political leaders should use rationality if war would indeed achieve
state’s political interest.

The Westphalian Institution of War

 It is necessary to highlight the Westphalian model of war to understand why there
are limitations in the abstract conceptualization of war in IR.
 Bousquet presents that the Westphalian model of war connotes a regulative idea
where states is guided with principles and norms in the conduct of war.
 For Wright (1964) these conflicts are not considered as war. It is due to the absence of
intergroup or international standards that will regulate the activity.

Westphalian war and its Discontent

  War as an intersubjective activity must have some mutual recognition of the
combatants for it to be differentiated to only violence. There should be
guidelines, protocols, and limitations that need to be agreed upon and followed
by the combating parties. However, there are challenges in following the stated
guidelines and conceptualization of war. The reason for it are the following.

 In colonial expansion, colonies are not considered equal members of the

state system. Therefore, the principle of reciprocity, and mutual
recognition is not being practice. For Wright (1964) these conflicts are
not considered as war. It is due to the absence of intergroup or
international standards that will regulate the activity. This activity is
considered as merely violence.
 Even between signatory states, the guidelines, protocols, and
limitations may be disregarded in some instances due to the
developments in military practices and technologies. The laws are
lagged or unable to cope with the developments. Industrialism and
modern techniques paired with a high degree of influence to the
population will grant unprecedented human and material resources
(Bousquet, 2009).
 The boundaries between civilians and combatants are blurred because
of mass social mobilization that made war become “total.” This
situation is an illustration of Clausewitz escalatory logic of conflict.

From the End of “War” to War without End?

War is not limited to state to state conflict or in the international sphere. War is also present
within the state. In the context of Westphalian institutionalization of war, domestic and
international spheres were delineated. The police and the military both have separate missions
and operations. There is a distinction between the international and internal conflicts that the
state faces. There is a distinction between enemy and criminal, and peace and war.

Z. Objectives of the Presentation

1. At the end of the presentation, the class will: learn that the traditional language
of war has shifted into conventional
2. Understand the limits of Westphalian conceptualization war
3. Be able to distinguish the difference between war and violence
4. Learn that war is not limited to state – state interaction

AA.Discussion Outline
1. The first part introduces how concept of war has shifted from armed to non-
armed.
 2. The discussion proper would talk about the abstract conceptualizations of war by
the IR scholars such as Singer and Small, Bull, Waltz, and Clausewitz.
3. It would then discuss the role of Westphalian institutionalization of war in
understanding why such conventional terms of war is limiting.
4. Wil tackle the challenges to the Westphalian institutionalization of war.

BB. Conceptual Application Plan

1. As for Bull’s concept of war, WW2 may be an example of how social groups at that
period has
2. In the context of Clausewitz’s “Rizal War”, the US-Afghan war

CC. Synthesis Points

Through globalization, occurrence of state to state war was reduced to internal
conflict/war. Because of this the Westphalian Conceptualization of war is effective in
explaining these conflicts. However, there is still a need to study the Westphalian
conception of war to reconceptualized war.

DD. Reflections and Personal Insights

the reporters think that the traditional conception of war is very broad in defining war.
As readers, we cannot distinguish violence from war when using the traditional
conception of war. Singer and Small concentrated in quantitative aspects of war that
their conception of war cannot be applied in studying war like the cold war and those
that were not able to meet their standards. The Westphalian conception of war is
limited to western countries specifically the European countries. However, it can still be
use in studying non-European state to state conflicts. But as time passes, there is truly a
need to formulate new conception of war to be able to keep up with the developments
of the world.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Just Rage: Politics Without Consensus

Source/Reference: Just Rage: Politics without Consensus by Dianne Enns

Discussant(s): Kazandra Margaret D. Mendoza

Lawrence Andrew A. Ng

Date of Presentation: February 20, 2018

EE. Salient Points/Summary

JUST RAGE

BUTLER

 Blurs the difficulties between violent and nonviolent actions

 Nonviolence can’t be a universal principle
 This is not a call to a peaceful state, but a struggle to “make rage articulate and
effective – the carefully crafted fuck you”

SLOTERDIJK

 Resentment is imbedded in the world today

 Fails to fulfill his promise to construct q new theory confronting conflict that breaks with
entrenched dogma and respects the “proper place” of rage
 Highlights: Extra ordinary power of the human desire for justice and its potential for
slipping into a thinly veiled desire for revenge

- Rage is generous, giving the rage bearer “wants to return a fair share of the excess pain
that has been stored up inside him/her to the person who caused it that has not been
punished”
- Without political action, rage might only be rage – double meaning of the title:

Just rage – morally right rage – expressed in a politics of dissent, but politics without
consensus or agreement might be just – only – rage

POLITICS AS DISSENSUS

RANCIERE
  Politics = policing
 Politics constituted by a set of procedures that elicit the consent of collectives, organize
power and distribute places and roles, and legitimize this distribution through the
institution of various systems
 In politics lies the power of the demos and its heart, disagreement.
 Occurs rarely and only in the encounter of 2 heterogeneous processes:
 Between governing and the assumption of equality by “those who have no
part”(homeless, disenfranchised, impoverished – didn’t act as passive victims, but as
political subjects) in governing
 Between policy (seeks community consensus) and emancipation
 Disagreement: not hearing or understanding even if the same language is spoken
 Politics is the forcing of a quarrel that challenges an inegalitarian logic
 Not all disagreements is political, not all poses as a challenge
 Disagreement is political, Terrorism is not.
 Terrorism: a form of “military and psychological” action; it doesn’t help anyone to act
against the form of power under which he/she is suffering
 Does not follow Fanon: Politics is a stage for antagonistic encounters at a time of
consensus
 Outcome of Consensus = Identitarian Passion
 Core of Consensus: the dream of an administration of affairs in which all forms of
symbolizing the common, and thus all conflicts over that symbolization, have been
liquidated as ideological spectres
 Goal of Consensus: one reality exist (colonist/bourgeoisie) and we must consent to it
 Object -> forced agreement -> fraudulent consensus
 Tenth thesis on politics: consensus in not in peaceful agreement
 Peaceful discussion and reasonable agreement = enforced consensus and reasonable
agreement
 Agreement that occurs on a political “stage” (friends and enemies): an actual agreement
that neither assimilates nor silences opposition but seeks out the points, however
fragile, of commonality among them, for the sole reason that their survival depends on
it.

FOUCAULT

 Police order obsessed with counting, distributing, and symbolizing the common
 Politics: an order of the visible and the sayable – hear the speech of some, remains
deaf to the “noise” of others

DIANE ENNS
  Ambivalence towards violence: intentional harm or destruction of human life
 Presence or absence of violence: central in the distinction between what is political
and what is the destruction or impairment of an enemy.

REVOLUTIONARY WRITERS (Lenin - Fanon)

 There can be no conciliation between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat or between
the colonist and colonized
 No compromise under colonial conditions

LENIN

 Phillistines: those who advocate reconciliation

FANON

 “Spoiled Children”: act like vulgar opportunists, forgetting that the purpose of the
struggle is to defeat colonialism , to replace the colonist and not to reconcile
 Nonviolence is an attempt to settle the colonial problem around the negotiating table
before any bloodshed or regrettable act is committed.
 Negotiation only serves to support the regime, without benefit for the colonized:
compromise in the name of consensus
 If the refusal to engage in violence serves the interests of those in power, it can’t
possibly serve the interests of those without it.
 Belief: the oppressed are empowered, their existence and purpose are justified
through violent revenge against their oppressors (pride-rage-indignation)

MOUFFE

 It is not violence itself that is political, but the level of intensification between the
friend and the enemy

SLAVOJ

 If one means by violence a radical upheaval of the basic social relations, then crazy
and tasteless as it may sound, the problem with historical monsters who slaughtered
millions of people was that they were not violent enough

CRITCHLEY
  Nonviolence might work in particular cases but to promote it as an abstract
conception is to risk “dogmatic blindness”
 The cycles of violence and nonviolence throughout history have demonstrated that
violence might paradoxically require violence
 Nonviolent warfare or nonviolent violence
 Peace is synonymous with a passitivity that “puts you on the side of the oppressor’s
because principled assertions of nonviolence can be used by those in power”

Survival (without armour)

 Between enemies are points of agreements that enable them to exist. A mutual
objective prevents the hostilities from escalating. This mutual objective stems
from the sense of responsibility people have for this world. This does not
necessarily mean reconciliation, but this is only for the purpose of survival. Fanon
coined the word “disalienation,” as opposed to dehumanization, where the latter
enables us to kill, disalienation enables us to claim human behavior from the
other. In comparison with disalienation is Ranciere’s assumption of equality,
whereby, the victims of political violence, the marginalized ones assert their
humanity to the ones in the upper echelon of the social strata, as an argument to
have a place in the political table. For this to transpire, however, there has to be
not only respect, but an acknowledgement that we could see ourselves in them
(and vice versa), this is called the annulment of dissensus by consensus.
 Grossman highlights the importance of knowing each other’s needs, which he
found useful in “dismantling the barriers of the conflict”. When we understand
the other side, we become more committed to him as our indifference toward
him disappears.
 Grossman notes the unsustainability of being in a state of violent conflict, he adds
that Israel cannot withstand the “violence, occupation, anxiety, and hopelessness”
that they go through. Hence, Grossman does not subscribe to the idea of Sartre
and Fanon whereby violence reinvents man, rather he sees the mutual destruction
as the destruction of the other. Additionally, the majority of Israelis do not have
the same position with their government, and claims the latter as extremist and
called for a “national accord.” Note that the recognition of the destruction of the
self upon the destruction of the enemy would give incentive to entering peaceful
means of conflict resolution.

The Preservation of Politics

  For Balibar, politics is both destroyed by extreme aggressions and by our blind
penchant for “consensus and peace” which are the causes of the hostilities we
currently see. There is a need for us to advocate for a “politics of politics,” or
“politics of civility,” which for Balibar aims to provide avenues in which
participation in public affairs is maximized. Balibar contends that human
community is a “community of fate,” where it is essential to have avenues in which
different opinions could be expressed. He advocated for the protection of politics
of conflict and consensual politics from becoming extreme.
 While Raniere finds politics as rare due to it being an occurrence of challenging
the institution by those who assume their equality. Arendt finds politics as rare
due to the requirement of participation and speech of free individuals. Both are
the same in terms of the importance of action, however Arendt contends that
there is something beyond the battlefield of partial, conflicting interest. For
Arendt, man receives delight and pleasure from political life.
 For Arendt, politics is action. Politics is a social activity that entails public
appearance. For Arendt “Plurality is the condition of human action because we
are all the same…” the “sameness” of people refers to the membership of one
species. Hence, we are both singular and plural. In order to ensure a participatory
politics, there is a need to protect human plurality and freedom.

Peaceful Agreement at the Limit

 Arendt believes that the use of words and actions are futile when violence is used
against an opponent as a means to an end, when the human relationship is lost
and when people take sides. Arendt notes the importance of freedom to speak
and act for social activities to continue.
 Arendt distinguished power from violence, where one ceases to exist when the
other one rules absolutely. Power for Arendt is wielded by many, it necessitates
numbers, and violence on the other hand is instrumental and is wielded by one
against the many. Thus, a dictatorial administration wanes when it loses the
support of its subjects.
 Arendt recognizes the fact that resorting to violence is tempting due to its ability
to provide a swift remedy. In the same vein, it was right for the Jewish Army to
engage in war with Nazi forces since not doing so (defending themselves) would
turn them into living corpses. Arendt argued that one can use violence for self-
defense, provided that it is a last resort and there is a clear and present danger.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: The Limits of Armed Contestation: Power and Domination in Armed Groups
Source/Reference: Schlichte, K. (2012).Journal homepage: www. elsevier.com/locate/geoforum
Discussant(s): BAQUIANO, Rosemarie B.
ZAMORA, Roberto Jr.
Date of Presentation: February 24, 2018

A. Salient Points/Summary
- After the Second World War, there were a lot of armed group conflicts that were raised most
especially, intrastate wars. Intrastate wars are defined as non-state actors who wage war against
the national governments or rivalling factions, which group of people within a larger group
opposes ideas of the larger group and fights for their own ideas.
- Because of the upstretched armed group conflicts, it gets the attention in the disciplines of political
science, sociology, and political geography that provide understanding of armed groups’
dynamics and processes by referring to political sociology.
- Sociology together with Political Anthropology emphasizes the cultural traits of the members of
the armed groups. In Political Science, it presumes rational utilitarian logics of action wherein
armed actors here are considered utility-maximizing individuals without any historical
background. For Political Geography, it deals with the interrelationships between state, people,
and territory. Armed groups can be seen as instances of contestation and their politics is
informative in discussing power and space. In discipline of Political Sociology, it explain the
political aptness of Max Weber and Norbert Elias contributions for the analysis of armed groups
politics
- Due to the discussions of these disciplines remain confined in their disciplinary boundaries,
Norbert Elias created the notion of figuration.
- Figuration is the changing pattern of relations between interdependent individuals. Armed groups
are considered as figurations wherein there is a changing pattern of relations between its
individual actors. Despite their differences and identities, they form together to share something
 that is common to them. Figurations are political because the relations it constitutes have a
power element.
- For Elias, power becomes a quality of relations and should be best seen as a structural feature of
social relationships. Contrary to Max Weber, power is the probability to enforce one’s will despite
resistance no matter what this chance relies on. The distinction of power for Elias and for Weber
becomes possible to see more of the dynamics of power. Since power is ubiquitous, it might be
make more sense to look at domination as legitimate form of power.
- Domination is institutionalized and a legitimate form of power. The two definitions are being
distinguished to understand the politics of armed groups. For armed groups, aside from gaining
power through exertion of violence, the entire politics is consisted of attaining legitimacy. In
figurations, the politics of armed groups is about turning the power of violence into legitimate
domination.
- For Weber, domination is the possibility that certain commands will be obeyed by a given group
of persons. The institutional character of domination comes to the fore because a command is
also the word “order” which directs us to mutually recognized relation that any form of
domination presupposes. It is legitimate power because all aspects in this relationship know their
rules.
- Within figurations, seen as settings of interdependent members, mere power can be turned into
domination when power holders are successful in legitimizing their position. But once achieved,
domination can erode again if the dominating regime exercise violence towards individuals.

Dynamics of figurations: the politics of armed groups.

•Non-state armed groups are understood as figurations as they are a plethora of relations
between interdependent individuals. Individuals who are in this relationship not out of greed or
crime as often understood by traditional scholars, but are rather connected through a shared
political fate, common political project, or at the very least the spoils of victory. In the inner lives
of these armed groups and ultimately their members, there resides a dynamic between power
and authority, where violence and legitimacy often odds with each other.
Two fields of the politics of armed groups
•The mechanisms of formation
• Hierarchical structures of armed groups
* Both are helpful in understanding the forms of legitimacy within armed groups as figuration

The formation of armed groups

•Mechanism of repression – Violent repression exerted by government forces which causes
political opposition to evolve into armed action. Leaders of these types of groups usually have no
military experience but are politicians who have acquired their position through descent, formal
education and extensive experience of political activity
•Ad hoc mechanism – Activated when patrimonial settings experience crises. Single individuals
who feel excluded from clientelist networks of a political class to begin to organize violent actions
against state agencies. These types of groups may include older groups but have a difficulty in
being maintained because of the vagaries of war
•Spin-off mechanism- The formation of these groups originally started out as a state project and
often seen in times when governments procure the assistance of individuals to fight a common

•Groups who suffer greater violence from repressive regimes have much better chances of
survival as they do not suffer noticeably from the lack of legitimacy and these groups come about
by the mechanism of repression. Ad hoc groups are formed through circumstance rather than a
cultivated shared connection over time and are prone to fragmentation and decay since they
have weaker social ties. Spinoff groups rely on state resources and support in the early stages
but suffer the de-legitimizing effects of violence committed in the past.

3 important things to remember

1. The emergence of armed groups since 1945, closely related to decolonialization and the
distributional capacity which may lead to exclusion
2. The formation of armed groups is a highly internationalized process (exiled persons or
foreign governments)
3. ALL mechanisms show that a decisive element in the process of the formation is
generated by states themselves.

•The three mechanisms have also commonalities. First, they do not start out as unilocal events,
and in these processes deterritorialized politics already play an important role. Second, the
fighting of armed groups always targets one local arena. Third, it is overwhelmingly within state
institutions that future insurgents learn how to fight by military means. Lastly, the formation of
armed groups always takes place in a particular political context.

Hierarchical dynamics within armed groups

•In Weber’s’ sociology of authority, he distinguishes three strata within any political associations
that vital for the analysis of forms of legitimacy within armed groups. First are leaders, second
the staff, and third are followers. This distinction within armed groups helps explain the process
of hierarchisation and the completion within them.

Power and Domination beyond armed groups

•The contestations of the armed groups reproduce rather than actually challenge the social and
political structures. The politics of armed groups however has not been deterritorialized as we
might have believed. Rather their actions whether violent or non-violent shape how state lines
and territories are drawn. Challenging the power of regimes and states does not entail the
dissolution of territoriality altogether. The dilemma of how to control means of violence without
producing even more remains unresolved.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: The Political Economy of Conflict and Peace

Source/Reference: The Political Economy of Conflict and Peace by Jake Lynch

Discussant(s): Amalia Lin Cabangbang

Patricia Soledad
Date of Presentation: February 27, 2018

FF. Salient Points/Summary

Peace and Conflict Studies is Value-Explicit

 Peace and Conflict Studies is a value-explicit area of research and teaching. It is regarded as
important and useful.
 The advocates of Peace and Conflict Studies collect ideas about peace to give support
to it and help bring it about. The area of study is likened by Lynch to the study of
medicine where students are not studying about diseases for its own sake but to help
in its treatment.
 One of the principal figures of the field is Johan Galtung, who also founded the Journal of
Peace Research in 1960’s.
 The contributors of the journal were asked to add policy implications and it became
a revolutionary idea as the prevailing trend in social sciences that time was that
science and politics do not mix.
 Since then, value-free theory and practice in social science were discarded.
 Peace and Conflict studies were also being compared with traditional disciplines. Carolyn
Stephenson said that while Peace Studies is for advocating for peace, IR paradigms tend to be
more accepting of the use of coercive power and values have the tendency to be hidden.
Moreover, IR scholars still claim that research can be purely objective even though social and
natural sciences already rejected the idea.
 For Lynch, however, Stephenson did not fully capture the difference of Peace Studies
and IR. He said that IR scholars may still recognize that value-free research is
impossible, and that they go on without having a critical assessment of the values
contained in their research.
 The same debate has taken place in peace journalism. David Loyn said that reporters share a
language and assumptions with their audience with no other agenda but to report based on
facts. He also supposed that although the idea of objectivity is “imaginary”, this crude but
effective journalism will do as premise for decisions made by editors and journalists.
  However, Lynch says the premise of Loyn shows weakness as it excludes any
engagement with propagandas.
 Moreover, Gaye Tuchman says through the acceptance that journalists are reporting
the facts, as though the world around them is transparent and the facts are made
available the way it is, makes reality vulnerable to manipulation. A prominent
example is wars.
 The problem of war journalism is well known, but what is less recognized is the support given
by academic scholar for social violence through unevaluated acceptance of war-making
assumptions.
 James der Derian highlighted the risk of civilian casualties from the “shock and awe”
tactic in his presentation during the joint media/academic seminar on the eve of Iraq
War (2003). The Military Officers present were ready to fight, but what shocked and
worried him was the agreement of every academic in the room to the hostility that
the U.S. Army was planning to do.
 Lynch, then, went back to the literature of peace journalism as he talked about the “as
though” journalism of Oliver Boyd Barrett.
 “As though” journalism takes the form of reporting or framing an event as though
there are no alternative angles. Thus, weakening the significance and credibility of
the central frame.
 In both journalism and academic research, to continue by disregarding alternative angles is
to take a position. Consequently, the opposite of value-explicit is not value-free, but value-
concealed.

So: What is Peace?

 Lynch opens this section with an emphasis on the fact that peace can mean different things
to different people. He then offers Johan Galtung’s definition of peace, defined as “the
absence of violence”, and violence, defined as “an insult to human needs.” Additionally,
Galtung states that violence is present when human beings are prevented from actualizing
their full physiological and psychological potential. Lynch uses Abraham Maslow’s Hierarchy
of Needs to characterize the foundations of Peace and Conflict Studies and to create a link
between Galtung’s definition of peace and violence and John W. Burton’s conflict
resolution.

 For Maslow, humans have needs that must be fulfilled in order to reach full human potential
which is self-actualization. He arranged these needs in a hierarchy, stating that basic, lower-
level needs like food, water, oxygen, etc. should be fulfilled or partially satisfied before
moving on to higher level needs such as safety, love and belongingness, esteem, and, finally,
self-actualization, realizing one’s full potential.

 As such, Burton posits that human needs cannot be ignored as they are a part of us and
should not be used as a trade-off, meaning one should not gamble his or her basic human
needs to fulfill other needs, whatever they may be. Burton further elaborates by saying that
human needs can be fulfilled in different ways but should not be bargained for when
involved in conflict. He then offers a resolution, stating that individuals realize, within the
 mess of positions and statements of conflict, what their real needs are. By finding a way to
meet those needs, individuals can identify left-over problems as issues that can be worked
on towards agreement.
Forms of Violence
 Violence, according to Galtung, is defined as the cause of the difference between the potential
and the actual realizations, between what could have been and what is.
 Two component parts of the phenomenon of violence:
 The form it takes
 The effect it brings about
 Forms of Violence:
 DIRECT VIOLENCE- the use or threat of force which embodies a direct subject-action-
object relationship
 STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE- violence wherein some social structure or social institution
may harm people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs
 CULTURAL VIOLENCE- represents the existence of prevailing or prominent social
norms that make direct and structural violence seem “natural” or “right” or at least
acceptable
 The formula of Galtung for violence can be extended to a broader analysis of the prevalent
violence happening in our day-to-day lives.
 “Violence is an insult to human needs,” says Galtung, and it is captured in the fact
that many people are struggling to have access to food, clean drinking water and basic
medicine, even when the world has the resources and the technological capabilities
to provide these for all.

The Relativity of Human Needs:

 Galtung offers a reconceptualization of peace wherein it should be positive. This requires

the existence of justice in society so that a fairer distribution of basic goods can begin to
relieve hunger and poverty. This action puts Maslow’s belongingness and esteem needs on
the same level as physiological needs. Hence, our needs become relative because they are
fulfilled through the actions of someone else.
 Furthermore, Burton emphasizes that society must adjust to the needs of the people as
opposed to it being the other way around. Humans cannot put up with a system that denies
them their basic needs. If humans are in a system that refuses to give them what they need,
it is inevitable that a struggle against the system will occur.
 Hence, Rees argues that human needs expects human rights. If you need money, a job, or
food, you have a right to it.
 Ted Gurr introduces relative deprivation wherein there is an incompatibility between what
people think they deserve and what they think they can get. This can actually serve as a
contrast to Rees because even though people think they deserve such needs, it does not
always mean that they can get it or it will be bequeathed to them. Gurr believes that the
rise of violence is due to the relative deprivation among members of society.
  Lynch then synthesizes how these concepts combine studies concerning the Political
Economy and Peace and Conflict. He places emphasis on Richard Wilkinson’s findings on the
impact of inequality wherein he states that equal societies have better community life and
lower levels of violence
 Lynch, then, introduces the idea of “a fair go.” He believes that everyone should be given a
fair go in order to fulfill their human needs. To deprive them of such is to expose them to
relative deprivation which can bring forth violence.
 Rawls’s vein of ignorance is a test that postulates that people may want to be in a society
with a high degree of inequality. If ever you find yourself at the top, you would be happy
with your standard of living, hence, would want to keep it that way. Some, though, may
want to live in a society with a lesser degree of inequality because, even though they are not
well off, at least they can share their predicament with others who are going through the
same thing.
 This introduces Rawls’s 2 principles of social justice:

a. “Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic
liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberty for others”
b. “Social and economic inequalities must be arranged in such a way that they are 1) to the
greatest benefit of the least advantaged and 2) attached to offices and positions open to
all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity” (Lynch, 2011)

 Lynch synthesizes these concepts by stating that the way to a peaceful society is minimizing
social and economic inequalities. We must make a move to reduce direct violence by using
negative devices such as ceasefires, as well as reduce structural violence through social
justice in order to reduce inequalities in society.

Selfish Jeans: The Political and Economic Reaction of the 1980s and Beyond
 Jeans are the defining fashion statement of western modernity although its democratic
credentials are deceptive as there are stories of injustices behind its production – ruination
of land and water systems, slave labour, starvation.
 It went a significant make-over in the 1980’s with the making of Vanderbilt Designer
Jeans, followed by other brands.
 MOST EGALITARIAN FORM OF APPAREL: rather than uniting people, it divided them
into the haves and have-nots.
 Daniel Dorling said it is a symbol of a moment in history when “the tide turned”, and
slow progress in reducing inequalities paved way to intended attempts to increase
them.
 Advocates of free markets used phrases such as ‘Reagan Democrats’ and ‘Essex Man’ that
rapidly became part of the political lexicon. They successfully penetrated and transformed
the shared language and assumptions used to discuss political choices.
 However, equality did not benefit its supposed beneficiaries because measure to equalize
outcomes deterred free enterprise. The rich got dramatically richer while the poor remained
in their state.
  Daniel Dorling characterizes this a support of injustice that widens inequalities and
introduces five tenets of injustice in support of it. These tenets have assumed normalcy in
society as it is seen as something that is common since it is seen in everyday life.

Objectives of the Presentation

 To define and discuss concepts in Peace and Conflict Studies
 To trace some connections between Political Economy and Peace and Conflict Studies

GG. Discussion Outline

 The presenters will have an introduction prior to presenting the main article.
 The presentation will have five (5) parts that will be reported interchangeably by the two
reporters.
 The reporters will present their summarized understanding of each parts without
compromising the content of the article.
 The reporters will also give examples to make it easier for the class to understand concepts.
 The presenters will then have a conclusion part to synthesize

HH. Conceptual Application Plan

(The concepts raised in the article should be analyzed and applied in a specific context or
situation that the class can relate to. Discuss here what issue(s) do you like to take up as your
case in point, and explain how do you plan to use it for the class discussion.)

II. Synthesis Points

At the end of the presentation, the class should be able to understand the underpinning concepts
in Peace and Conflict Studies. The goal is also to help the class understand how human needs play
a big role in achieving peace and countering violence. This will allow them to view political
discourse at a personal level wherein it relates to the self and how the needs of the self can be
translated into political action. They should also be able to make sense of these concepts and, at
least, be advocates of peace in their own little ways. The class should also be able to consider
issues in Political Economy and whether the effects of particular economic policies can be
regarded as peaceful.

JJ. Reflections and Personal Insights

 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTSATION

TOPIC: CITIZENSHIP

Source/Reference: Faulks, K. (2000). Political Sociology: A Critical Introduction, 126-142

Discussants: Bajalla, Loveli Bem S.

Maravilla, Krystiane Noelle J.

Date of Presentation: 16th of January 2018

A. Salient Points/Summary
 Citizenship defines who those who are legitimate members of the state and those
who are not. Membership to a state entails having responsibilities to the state, as
well as certain benefits including the protection of rights, economic as well as social
benefits.
 For Marshall citizens posses three kinds of rights: civil, political and social. Each
right is complementary of the other.
 The rise of neo liberalism, with its call for lesser interference from the state,
however, highlighted Marshall’s theory’s inability to consider changes in civil
society-state relations.
 Citizenship for Michael Mann is a tool by the ruling class to control both the rise
of the bourgeoisie and the development of the working class. And thus the
development of citizenship is primarily determined by the actions of the ruling
class. The ruling class being “a combination of the dominant economic class and
the political and military rulers.”
 Described as a top-down theory, citizenship according to Mann is contingent upon
the actions of the ruling class which in turn is influenced by their particular
historical, cultural and political circumstances; the nature of citizenship then is
contingent and never universal.
 Mann identified four types of political regime: constitutional, absolutist, contested
and merged, and explored how varying concepts of citizenships developed in
different historical contexts.
 For Bryan Turner, Mann’s theory fails to consider the role of ethnic difference, and
its importance to the conception of citizenship, particularly in the “new world”
where indigenous populations were greatly affected by the influx of foreign settlers.
 Turner also highlights the role of religion as well as the importance of social
movements in shaping citizenship.
 Turner suggests that citizenship can be created from below as well as above: as a
consequence of the actions of association within civil society as well as the state.
 Turner also focused on the deferring emphasis placed upon the public and private
spheres and the different understanding of the public-private divide in the
conception of citizenship.
 Mann’s theory of citizenship however is criticized for its overemphasis upon class
factors and his neglect in considering the role ideology in the development of
citizenship. Turner on the other hand is criticized for his failure to incorporate on
gender in his theory.
 Mann and Turner like Marshall, employ unsatisfactory terminology in their
definitions of citizenship rights. Marshall identifies these rights as: civil, political
and social rights. The said sets of rights are far from complimentary however, but
ultimately Marshall believes that tensions between the sets of rights can be
managed.
 Faulks suggests that what Marshall and other theorists who have adopted his
terminology reclassify what they call civil rights as market rights as it more
accurately expresses what the set of rights entail.
 Finally Mann and Turner fails to give sufficient consideration to the economy is
shaping citizenship.
 The problem with liberals is that they have this notion that we are individuals first
and members of the society second where such assumption creates a tension
between citizens’ rights and responsibilities.
 Amitai Etzioni’s works are built upon a critique of liberalism where several dangers
from the dominance of liberal citizenship were identified
1.) Liberalism fails to generate a convincing theory of political obligation
2.) In stressing rights and ignoring responsibilities, the state became
burdened with claims from a multitude of minority interests
3.) The liberal democracy has created a moral vacuum
4.) As a result of these flaws, individuals became alienated and
dysfunctional
 Etzioni’s work aims to find ways to rebuild a sense of citizenship and civil society
to reverse these damaging developments. For him the basis for social order is
individuals volunteering to perform their moral commitments and social
responsibilities.
 Etzioni contends that a successful social order must be based upon both morality
and voluntarism. He also points out that individual autonomy and social order are
complementary with each other rather than opposing
 Etzioni argues that communitarianism differs from conservatism in its defense of
individual autonomy as a primary rather than secondary value and in its stress
upon ‘moral voice’ as the basis for individual responsibility
 His conception of autonomy also differs from liberal conceptions in its stress upon
community in providing necessary conditions for its existence. What binds the two
 together is a set of common norms not a series of democratic deliberations and
rational decisions.
 Moral rather than political dialogues are needed to reform the liberal order. An
emphasis upon rights is a barrier to such dialogues because rights allow no
compromise since they are seen in the liberal tradition as absolute and
inalienable.
 Etzioni calls for a moratorium on the creation of new rights and stresses that core
norms must rest instead upon the promotion of individual responsibilities.
 The urgent need to reinvigorate civil society through an active conception of
citizenship where rights and responsibilities are in balance is at the heart of all
communitarian theories of citizenship
 Communitarian citizenship is conceptually flawed and is also criticized. The first
criticism of communitarianism is Etzioni’s failure to offer a convincing explanation
for why a decline in civil society has occurred
 When he places the blame on the decline of marriage and family, his explanation
is cultural rather than economic or political being rooted in the permissiveness of
modern society.
 Etzioni sees the assertion of rights over duties can result in a sense of
irresponsibility and undermining civic virtues. The struggle for rights of some
minorities in the community actually empowers other individuals and groups
through their battle for recognition
 His attempt to reconcile the values of autonomy and order failed.
 Like Marshall he also fails to recognize the contingent nature of citizens’ rights and
the real impediments that exist to the exercise of responsibilities.
 Finally, Etzioni fails to place his discussion of citizenship and civil society in the
context of globalization.
 Communitarianism has been criticized for being obsessed with local problems
when in fact many of the challenges to individuals’ rights and security are global
in nature.

B. Objectives of the Presentation

 To define citizenship and to understand how the concept is shaped and developed.
 To determine the relevance and critiques of existing theories on citizenship.

C. Discussion Outline
 Discuss citizenship its definition and nature.
 Discuss Marshall’s top-down theory of citizenship.
 Define and differentiate Marshall’s three sets of rights.
  Discuss Mann’ Ruling Class Strategy and transcends Marshall’s theory of
citizenship.
 Discuss the alternative theory by Turner, his critique on Mann and how he builds
up on the latter’s theory.
 Discuss the critiques on the theories of citizenship.
 Discuss the limits of liberal citizenship
 Discuss Etzioni’s communitarianism and his critique on liberal citizenship
 Discuss the flaws of Etzioni’s communitarianism
 Provide examples to clarify concepts.

D. Conceptual Application Plan

E. Synthesis Points
 Citizenship cannot be understood outside the state-civil society relationship.
 Due to varying historical, cultural and political experiences, citizenship is shaped
differently and is never universal.
 Because of continuing social change, citizenship is never a fixed status and is
likely to be transformed in the context of crisis faced by the states system and
capitalist economy.
 Rights are always contested, never absolute and never inalienable and the same
can be said of the relationship between rights and obligations
 Both rights and obligations are necessary foundations of citizenship and neither
should be more important than the other

F. Reflections and Personal Insights

Learning the theories on citizenship gave the proponents a deeper appreciation of the
concept. It became to us not just a simple world to fill up forms and bio data but, it made
us appreciate different aspects, most especially the historical implications espoused in the
one’s citizenship. Citizenship gives you an idea about the history of individual peoples as
well as their current state. Something that we previously often neglect surprisingly holds
so many meaning to those who posses it.
 CONCEPT PAPER FOR TOPIC PRESENTATION

TOPIC: Neo-Liberalism

Source/Reference: Political Sociology: A Critical Introduction by Keith Faulks (2000)

Discussant(s): Analouren R. Fementira

Date of Presentation: December 12, 2017

KK. Salient Points/Summary

 Faulks (2000) espoused an idea that economic globalization is not an inevitable
set of processes but instead it is something being promoted by neo-liberal
theorists and politicians who are aiming to transform the balance of power
between the state and the civil society. For him, neo-liberals believe that human
welfare is best promoted by economic growth, which in turned is best enabled
by reducing interference of the government in the private sector.
 However, Faulks viewed neo-liberalism to be problematic conceptually and in
practice. Conceptually, neo-liberal perspective is characterized to be paradoxical
since it is critical to the state but it also embraces the idea that state is a
necessary evil. In the light of practicing the neo-liberalism, the free market that
is being promoted by the neo-liberals creates high levels of social inequality and
the limited state being sought becomes increasingly coercive.
 Faulks (2000) cited two ways of how neo-liberal doctrines have been influential
since the 1980s: (1) neo-liberalism has formed the ideological core of
international economic institutions and (2) it has been highly influential upon
the governments of the developed world.
 The origin of neo-liberal ideas can be traced back from the works of Austrian
philosopher Frederick Hayek. One of Hayek’s famous books is “The Road to
Serfdom” which was written in 1944 during the time when industrial countries
employed state intervention.
 Looking back to late nineteenth century and onwards, specifically 1870’s to
1970’s, Lash and Urry (1987) commented that there was a development of
increasingly organized capitalism because of the widespread realization on the
limits of the market.
 In that same period, social liberalism was the dominant ideology replacing
classical liberalism. Social liberalism is an ideology that allows for state
intervention to provide training, economic stability and a welfare state system.
 It was at the end of the 1970’s when there was economic crisis that Hayek’s ideas
appeared relevant. Generally, Hayek’s works were against collectivist theories
such as social liberalism.
 On the problems of capitalism, neo-liberals explained that such problems were
caused by the following factors: (1) commitment to Keynesian economic
management (which involved government interference in market operations);
(2) increased in welfare spending (which meant higher tax, lower investment,
less consumer spending); and (3) development of corporatism (which led to
artificial inflation of wages, increased industrial unrest, pursuit of full
employment).
 As a solution, neo-liberals such as Friedman (1980) and Brittan (1976) supported
for a minimal state that deals with the internal order and the protection from
invasion by hostile states but leaves economic affairs almost exclusively to the
market.
 As practiced, the main features of neo-liberal program for reform follow two
core principles: (1) the superiority of markets over politics in providing human
need and (2) the need to defend individuals’ market rights.
 Neo-liberal policies include: (1) deregulation of the economy, (2) reduction of
trade union rights and creation of flexible labor market, (3) cuts in public
expenditure (health, welfare, education), (4) privatization of public services and
creation of ‘quasi-markets’, and (5) redefinition of citizenship in which limited
civil and market rights are emphasized and citizens are expected to take greater
personal responsibility.
 To note, the influence of neo-liberal principles has not been uniformed across
all countries. Factors such as political institutions and culture as well as the social
and economic characteristics affect the application of those principles in any
given state. To cite, the neo-liberal agenda of Margaret Thatcher was able to
penetrate in Britain because of the country’s political culture, its constitution,
and its political and economic history which are all conducive for the
development of neo-liberalism.
 However, a key weakness of neo-liberalism is that its highly abstract
formulations, not accounting the historical and structural constraints may
render its implementation highly unsuitable. For example, the African states had
managed their economic affairs according to neo-liberal principles through
structural adjustment but this failed to bring desired results. This may be due to
 the inability of neo-liberalism to acknowledge the structural inequalities that are
in the states system.
 As presented earlier, neo-liberals advocate for a greatly reduced role of the
state and that for the market to govern economy. This led for many to reject
interventionist state as a solution to the problem of governance. This placed the
state in a position where in its role is limited but its existence is needed for the
protection of rights and assertion of law. But, Faulks argued that the limited
government that neo-liberals sought has become coercive and unaccountable.
 Neo-liberalism thus, contained many contradictions. While, it advocates for
limited government, it ironically embraces an increasingly coercive and
unaccountable state. Its prescriptions have led to social division and unrest.
Moreover, as the world economy is structured in the interests of the powerful
states, the dominance of neo-liberalism in the international arena has negative
implications on the developing countries.

LL. Objectives of the Presentation

 To know the beginning, principles and influences of neo-liberalism

 To examine the application of neo-liberalism in the actual societies (Britain and
Africa)
 To provide a critical assessment on neo-liberalism focusing upon its implications
on the state-civil society relationship

MM. Discussion Outline

 Present the connection between globalization and neo-liberalism

 Present the views of Keith Faulks on neo-liberalism
 Provide a discussion on neo-liberalism, specifically about its beginnings,
principles and influences
 Present the application of neo-liberalism in Britain and Africa
 Explain why neo-liberalism flourished in Britain and why it failed in Africa
 Discuss neo-liberalism and the problem of governance
 Provide a critical assessment on neo-liberalism
 Conclude the presentation with a synthesis

NN. Conceptual Application Plan

  The experiences of Britain and Africa on adopting neo-liberalism. This will help
to present that the influence of neo-liberal principles has not been uniform
across countries and that neo-liberalism has shortcomings.

OO. Synthesis Points

1. Neo-liberalism has been dominant and influential since 1980’s.

2. Its influence and application has not been uniform across the countries.
3. As argued, neo-liberalism is deeply flawed conceptually and in practice.
4. Though neo-liberalism called for a limited state intervention and for the
market to govern economy, it has resulted in a more coercive state because of
the failure of neo-liberal policies.

PP. Reflections and Personal Insights

1. Studying neo-liberalism has made me realize that this dominant ideology has its
strengths and weaknesses. Its strengths lie on its acknowledgement that the
states become oppressive because of its concentrated power and that states
cannot promote human welfare efficiently. On the other hand, its weaknesses
are manifested through its problematic ideas and practice.
2. The discussion on neo-liberalism has helped me to understand that neo-
liberalism has challenged the state through advocating the reduction of power
of the state to intervene in order for the market to govern economy efficiently
and promote human welfare. However, as I have assessed, that challenge posed
by neo-liberalism does not weaken the ability of the state to concentrate its
power. Hence, it is still important to study the state and its relation to the civil
society.