Costs and Benefits of Being a Member of

Association of Southeast Asian Nations

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I. Introduction:

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a region of significant economic

and strategic importance, located in the heart of Asia and centered on important trading
routes between Europe and Asia and the Pacific. It is composed of 10 Southeast Asian
nations. The five founding members, which established ASEAN in 1967 were Indonesia,
Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand; Brunei Darussalam (joined in 1984),
Vietnam (1995), Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) and Myanmar (both joined
in 1997) and Cambodia (joined in 1999). (DTI, 2017)

Its purposes, as stated in the ASEAN Declaration, are: (i) to accelerate economic growth,
social progress and cultural development in the region, and (ii) to promote regional peace
and stability through abiding respect for justice and the rule of law in the relationship
among countries in the region and adherence to the principles of the United nations
Charter. (Guerrero, July 2010)

II. Historical Background

(The Singapore Institute of International Affairs, January 2007)

ASEAN’s Development I: 1967-1982

The countries of Southeast Asia came together on 8 August 1967 in Bangkok in an

attempt to overcome the challenges arising from a region that is one of the most
ecologically and ethnically diverse in the world. The Bangkok Declaration (or ASEAN
Declaration) was signed by Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand9
to establish the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

ASEAN’s founding was primarily borne out of strategic and security concerns, to prevent
inter-state conflicts between the member states, even though the Bangkok Declaration
states that its aims and purposes are (1) to accelerate economic growth, social progress
and cultural development in the region and (2) to promote regional peace and stability
through abiding respect for justice and the rule of law in the relationship among countries
in the region and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter.

A year before the Bangkok meeting, Malaysia had ended its confrontation with Indonesia.
In addition, non-communist countries were desperate to seek a more concerted response
to the Vietnam War. The issue became more pressing with the possible withdrawal of US
forces and the corresponding spread of communism in the region following the end of the
War in April 1975.

Elsewhere, ASEAN’s five founding nations established the Zone of Peace, Freedom and
Neutrality Declaration (ZOPFAN) in November 1971, to secure international recognition
and respect for Southeast Asia as a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality. Such a
declaration builds upon the cherished principles of peace, freedom, sovereignty, territorial

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integrity and the non-use of force advocated in the Bangkok Declaration and by the United
Nations.

In acknowledgement of similar nuclear-free zones established in Latin America and

Africa, the ZOPFAN calls for firm cooperation to meet new challenges and developments.
The emphasis on peaceful dispute settlements and restraint from threats or force set the
framework for subsequent ASEAN approaches towards the maintenance of regional and
international security.

ZOPFAN’s significance also lies in strengthening the political will of ASEAN to reduce
external influences upon the region and to avoid becoming a theatre for superpower proxy
wars. A subsequent impact of motivations embodied in ZOPFAN is the closure or
downsizing of US and Russian bases in the region.

Until around 1976, ASEAN was characterized by a loose and highly decentralized
structure, dominated by state-to-state cooperation and involving mostly foreign ministers.
However the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), formalized during the First ASEAN
Summit in Bali in February 1976, represented one of the key agreements in building
confidence in the region. The treaty legally binds all its ASEAN signatories to peaceful
co-existence and respect for the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-
interference in internal affairs and non-use of force – the ‘ASEAN Way1 – that have been
enshrined in the Bangkok Declaration.

ASEAN’s Amity clause emphasizes increased contact and interaction among ASEAN’s
peoples to ensure closer understanding. Its Cooperation clauses oblige active efforts at
consultation on international and regional matters with a view to policy and action
coordination. They also restrict individual signatory states from participating in activities
that constitute a threat to the political and economic stability, sovereignty and territorial
integrity of another signatory state.

Thus the operationalization of the TAC is facilitated by finding a balance between the
definitive principles of sovereignty and non-interference, and the regulatory provisions for
necessary transnational action and coordination for the peaceful settlement of disputes.
The TAC is accompanied by two amending protocols which permit its extension to non-
Southeast Asian states with reservations, and also acknowledges the expansion of
ASEAN to include the new members – Brunei, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam.

Under the TAC, the provision for a regional body, the High Council, was also established
to recommend appropriate means of settlement. The High Council consists of a
representative from the ministerial level from each of the ASEAN members as well as the
dialogue partner outside of ASEAN which is involved in the dispute. The Chair of the High
Council is the Chair of the ASEAN Standing Committee or another representative from
within ASEAN.
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The ASEAN Way emphasizes the norm of non-interference in other states’ affairs, prefers consensus
and non-binding plans to treaties and legalistic rules, and relies on national institutions and actions,
rather than creating a strong central bureaucracy.

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Further to the TAC, the inaugural ASEAN Summit in Bali witnessed the issue of the
Declaration of ASEAN Concord I (Bali Concord I), with the collective objectives of regional
resilience, establishing the ZOPFAN, promoting social justice and national development,
the peaceful settlement of disputes and the creation of an ASEAN community and identity.

The Bali Concord I adopts a framework of ASEAN cooperation in six areas: political,
economic, social, cultural and information, security and the improvement of ASEAN
institutions. The ASEAN approach to security involves engagement with non-ASEAN
actors. These six areas of cooperation see the implementation of machinery to facilitate
cooperation. These characteristics of collaboration, mutual development assistance and
noncompetition inherent in the ASEAN Concord continue to define current ASEAN
agendas.

Apart from fostering political stability in Southeast Asia, member states also began to see
the role of economic cooperation in helping ASEAN to develop into a stronger political
entity. Such cooperation pursues both market-sharing and resource-pooling strategies.
Member states experimented with the option of preferential trading arrangements which
allowed member states to access ASEAN markets and achieve greater economic
integration, and embarked upon large scale intensive projects such as the ASEAN
Industrial Projects and ASEAN Industrial Joint Ventures to benefit from economies of
scale.

However, in reality, businesses in the region continue to adopt trade protectionist

strategies in both tariff and non-tariff forms (with the exception of Singapore), with little
trust for cooperation with other member states. This led to weak economic integration.
Some industrial sector and civil society groups even demonstrated strong economic
nationalist sentiments.

ASEAN’s Development II: 1982-1990

This period was marked by the second oil crisis of 1979-1980, which led to a dramatic
drop in commodity prices and a weakened global economy. ASEAN leaders were
impelled to appeal to internal economic strength to revive their economies, and created
an ASEAN Task Force in response. ASEAN member states at that time began using
economic cooperation as a policy instrument to revive the economy.

By the mid-1980s, economic recovery had taken over, with the Plaza Accord of
September 1985 leading to the depreciation of the US dollar vis-à-vis other major
currencies, particularly the Japanese yen. Exchange rates turned in favour of ASEAN
as most of the currencies in the region were linked to the US dollar. These
developments provided an excuse for deferring interest in regional economic
integration.

ASEAN’s Development III: 1991-1993

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ASEAN continued to experience economic success by the end of the 1980s. However
new global trends for trade liberalization however (with the imminent conclusion of the
GATT Uruguay Round leading to the formation of the World Trade Organization (WTO))
led member states to seriously consider the need for an economic safeguard. The
Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) and the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA)
were thereby proposed in 1992 for greater coordination and institutionalization for
regional economic integration.

During this period, ASEAN also joined the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
forum to promote trade, investment, and economic and technical cooperation amongst
the member state economies.

ASEAN’s Development IV: 1994-1999

In 1994, countries in Indochina and Myanmar began to express interest in joining ASEAN.
By 1999, the region achieved the ASEAN-10 vision by comprising all 10 countries in the
region. Problems persisted however, as ASEAN had to grapple with the political
uncertainties of Cambodia and the lower economic status and state-led economies of the
ASEAN-4 (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV)) countries.

On the security front, member states also launched the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in
1994 as a regional security forum involving the ASEAN member states, observers, and
the consultative and dialogue partners of ASEAN.12 Given its record of integrating the
most diverse sub-region of the Asia Pacific, ASEAN positions itself as the primary driving
force of this forum on regional security, while emphasizing the active participation of
othermembers and consideration of their needs.

The ARF is responsible for the analysis and identification of key regional challenges and
for the defusing of existing, unresolved differences or tensions along diplomacy tracks
One and Two. Mindful of the need to gain unequivocal acceptance by first instilling a
sense of community, the ARF has adopted a gradual evolutionary approach to its role in
establishing regional security, as reflected in its three-stage development plan: Promotion
of Confidence- Building Measures (Stage I), Development of Preventive Diplomacy
Mechanisms (Stage II) and Development of Conflict Resolution Mechanisms (Stage III).

Elsewhere, all 10 ASEAN member states became signatories to the Treaty of the
Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone in December 1995, in affirmation of the
necessity of a regional Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone in order to realize the Zone of Peace,
Freedom and Neutrality advocated in the 1971 ZOPFAN Declaration.

Three years later, at the 3rd ASEAN Informal Summit in Manila in 1998, the ASEAN
Heads of Government agreed to Thai PM Chuan Leekpai’s proposal for an ASEAN Troika
to be constituted as an ad-hoc body at the ministerial level for the leaders to cooperate
more closely and mitigate conflict.

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The Asian financial crisis of 1997 was a watershed moment which undermined the
coherency and structural integrity of ASEAN. The region’s economic structures were
destabilized with massive domestic imbalances crippling member states and reversing
the successful trends of the 1980s. Many ASEAN countries returned to economic
nationalism by reversing economic liberalization (an outward, export-oriented Newly
Industrialized Economy (NIE) model) and protecting their own domestic industries and
markets, such as the case of Malaysia experimenting with controls over capital flows and
currency rates.

The expansion of ASEAN during the financial crisis was regarded by many as poorly
timed, as economic integration was severely affected and the development gap –
especially between the ASEAN-4 countries and ASEAN-6 countries – was further
widened. But it was at such a time that economic changes became more intertwined with
politics, which reinforced the consensus that greater economic cooperation was required
to enhance ASEAN as a community.

The crisis prompted ASEAN to accelerate regional financial cooperation. In the ASEAN
Vision 2020, issued in December 1997, ASEAN leaders resolved to: (a) maintain regional
macroeconomic and financial stability by promoting closer consultations on
macroeconomic and financial policies and (b) continue to liberalize the financial services
sector and closely cooperate in money and capital markets, tax, insurance and customs
matters.

To carry out the mandate, officials have drawn up an ASEAN Finance Work Programme,
outlining measures to establish sound international financial practices and standards,
deepen capital markets and improve corporate governance. ASEAN countries have also
worked towards sequencing the liberalization of capital accounts appropriately, to allow
the freer flow of capital while cushioning the impact of sudden shifts in capital flows.

In October 1998, the ASEAN finance ministers formalized the ASEAN Surveillance
Process (ASP), which served as a framework for closer consultations on economic
policies. The first element of the ASP involves monitoring global as well as regional and
national economic and financial developments as an ‘early warning system’, to keep track
of the recovery process and to detect any sign of recurring vulnerability in the ASEAN
financial systems and economies.

The second element of the ASP is a peer review where ASEAN finance ministers
exchange views and information on developments in their domestic economies, including
policy measures that have been carried out and their progress of structural reforms. The
review also provides an opportunity to jointly consider unilateral or collective action to
counter potential threats to any member economy.
The foundation of the ASP process later led to the adoption of the Chiang Mai Initiative
(CMI) in May 2000, as the ASEAN+3 (China, Japan and the Republic of Korea) finance
ministers came together to establish a regional financing arrangement. The CMI consists
of two components: an expanded ASEAN Swap Arrangement and a network of bilateral
swap arrangements among ASEAN countries, China, Japan and the Republic of Korea.

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In spite of progressive steps taken to ameliorate the negative effect of the financial crisis,
development gaps increased within ASEAN and between member states, particularly
between ASEAN-4 countries and ASEAN-6 countries. The former became less
economically open, while the latter expanded liberalization of key sectors such as banking
and telecommunications (especially in the case of Singapore).

III. Actual Cost of Being a Member of ASEAN (Thuzar, June 2017)

On May 16, while attending the Belt and Road Forum in China, Philippine President
Rodrigo Duterte revealed that Turkey and Mongolia were interested to be part of the
Association of Southeast Asian Studies (ASEAN), and had requested the Philippines –
as ASEAN Chair for 2017 – to ‘sponsor their entry’. Mr Duterte shared that he had
responded positively to these requests. He raised the matter with at least one ASEAN
counterpart, Myanmar’s State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who inquired on the
appropriateness of the request given the geographical disconnect of the two countries
with the region. Daw Suu essentially raised the basic question of Turkey’s and Mongolia’s
assertion as constituents of Southeast Asia, to which Mr Duterte responded with an
unequivocal, “I would say that they are”. (Thuzar, June 2017)

The news reports do not clarify whether Turkey and Mongolia indeed sought to be
members of ASEAN. The ASEAN Secretariat’s Director for Community Affairs has been
quoted as confirming that neither has applied to be considered as such2. But as both
countries have put in bids to be ASEAN Dialogue Partners, this may well have been the
aim of their request to Mr Duterte. In fact, Turkey is seeking sectoral partnership as a first
step. (Thuzar, June 2017)

Membership Criteria:

The foremost criterion is geography. The prospective member must be geographically

located in Southeast Asia. The 1967 ASEAN Declaration refers to this in welcoming “all
States in the South East Asian region” that subscribe to the aims and objectives of
ASEAN. These were the only criteria for membership up to when Myanmar, Laos and
Cambodia applied to join ASEAN.

The geographical consideration was a pivotal point for Myanmar, which declared itself as
belonging to Southeast Asia rather than sitting ambiguously on the fence between China
and India as Burma under General Ne Win had done so when first approached to become
a founding member of ASEAN. The only other country to be invited to join ASEAN at its
founding was Cambodia, and King Norodom Sihanouk also declined the offer at the time
over similar geopolitical concerns. Geographical location was also the main consideration
for ASEAN’s consistent refusals to Papua New Guinea’s and Sri Lanka’s requests for
membership.

The ASEAN Charter (which entered into force in 2008) codified the broad criteria for
ASEAN membership in its Article 64:

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  location in the recognised geographical region of Southeast Asia;
 recognition by all ASEAN member states;
 agreement to be bound by the ASEAN Charter; and
 ability and willingness to carry out the obligations of membership

Even then, the final decision is made by consensus at the ASEAN Summit, upon the
recommendation of the ASEAN Coordinating Council (ACC) which comprises the Foreign
Ministers of ASEAN members. Before this happens, there are several procedural steps
that must be taken.

First, the applicant informally approaches ASEAN members with whom it enjoys good
bilateral relations, to indicate interest. Through the ASEAN member’s good offices, the
next step is to be invited to the annual meetings of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers as a
guest of the chairing country. After a few occasions of such “familiarisation”, the applicant
then formally conveys the membership application to the ASEAN members. It also
publicly indicates interest by signing the Treaty of Amity and Commerce. Briefings,
negotiations and consultations pertaining to eventual membership then start in earnest,
with the ASEAN Secretary-General and his team serving as coordinator. During this
process, the prospective member is usually accorded the status of “observer”, with the
consent of all existing members, in order to prepare for several membership obligations.

MEMBERSHIP OBLIGATIONS

Membership obligations had not been listed specifically in any public document up to
ASEAN’s membership expansion in the late 1990s. A key obligation stipulated in Article
5 of the ASEAN Charter is to “take all necessary measures, including the enactment of
domestic legislation” to implement the Charter provisions and “comply with all obligations
of membership”. Membership obligations include both legal and practical considerations,
with significant financial commitment. They are discussed in detail between the existing
and prospective member countries.

 Attending ASEAN ministerial meetings (and Summits) as a Guest of ASEAN, and

participating as Observer at ASEAN meetings;
 Acceding to (and thus undertaking to implement) all the treaties and agreements
of ASEAN;
 Preparing or improving capacities to meet the requirements of the ASEAN Free
Trade Area as well as ASEAN’s collective free trade agreements with Dialogue
Partners;
 Establishing and maintaining embassies in all current ASEAN members (to be
reciprocated);
 Contribution of US$1 million to the ASEAN Development Fund, as a one-time
“membership fee”;
 Commitment to attend all scheduled ASEAN meetings, fulfil the rotational hosting
and chairing duties of ASEAN meetings, and participate in regional projects under
the different sectors of cooperation; and

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  Commitment to contribute an equal share to the annual operating budget of the
ASEAN Secretariat.

ASEAN’s emphasis on equal rights gives members an equal say in decision-making. But
there are also equal obligations. One is to share the cost of ASEAN meetings. This is not
negligible, as the number of scheduled ASEAN meetings – at all sectors and levels – is
currently about 1200. Another obligation is equally sharing the ASEAN Secretariat’s
annual operating cost. Thus, the current ten members each contributed US$2 million for
the Secretariat’s budget for 2016 which cost approximately US$20 million.

Prospective members must also be evaluated on their legal, technical, financial and
human resources to fulfil ASEAN commitments. In the past, this was undertaken by the
ASEAN Secretary-General, and a series of consultations and briefings among the officials
of existing and prospective member states.

A more institutionalised assessment process now exists. A senior-official level working

group assesses national capacities in the applicant country, and examines the political,
economic and socio-cultural implications. This procedure was applied to Timor-Leste’s
bid for admission and is currently in process.

IV. Benefits of Being a Member of the ASEAN

In 2007, ASEAN came together to establish the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)
Blueprint, which provided the guiding principles to become an integrated and competitive
dynamic region, enabling free flow of goods, services, capital and skilled workers and
investment. Initially, 2020 was the stipulated time-line, however the leaders affirmed their
strong confidence and commitment by accelerating the creation of AEC by 2015. (Das,
2015)

The ASEAN single market started with a vision and progressed gradually into a reality
with AFTA which enabled the removal of both tariffs and non-tariff barriers, including
integrating and harmonising standards and conformance procedures to facilitate faster
and preferential trade among countries. Work continues to progress towards the
establishment of the ASEAN Single Window, a single flow of data, information and
decision-making procedure, designed to expedite the customs clearance, reduce
transaction time and costs and eventually increase productivity and competitiveness.
Besides facilitating trade within ASEAN, the regional bloc also placed the members on
equal footing in negotiations with its dialogue partners through the Regional
Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), consisting of six countries - China, India,
Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand. RCEP discussions include negotiations
in trade in goods, trade in services, investment, economic and technical cooperation,
intellectual property, competition, dispute settlement, e-commerce and small and medium
enterprises. In totality, the 16 RCEP participating countries account for almost half of the
world's population, contributing to about 30 percent of the global GDP and over a quarter
of world export, hence securing improved market access for goods and services.

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Benefits of the ASEAN Economic Community

Benefits of a citizen belonging to an ASEAN country member

(https://klipp.tv/blogs/filipino-benefits-asean/)

1. Lower cost of living

The ASEAN Economic Community wants to eliminate if not lessen the taxes exporting
between countries, which will lower the prices of goods.
“Once our borders are open to trade, it is a possible it will lower some of the costs of
exporting the goods and therefore what we’re doing here is increasing the purchasing
power of the population,” said Ronald Mendoza, Dean of the Ateneo School of
Government.

This open flow of goods and services means that your money will go much further as
products become cheaper.

2. Improved job opportunities and general well-being

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Products or goods not previously available in the country will be easier to access.
A good example would be the availability of items like chocolates, clothes and fruit
products not native to the local country. Before ASEAN, these items i.e apples, oranges
and chocolate are hard to come by and expensive. One has to import to avail these hence,
taxes are imposed.

Now apples and chocolates have become more common than the average mangoes or
bananas thanks to the agreements signed by ASEAN members.

Service providers like air transport and healthcare are encouraged to setup foreign offices
which means for us easier access to travel or healthcare.

Increasing foreign investments have always been the goal of the ASEAN in order to be a
power house in the world economy which would mean removing limitations and applying
proven international business operations to the whole region. The more options the more
choices citizens have to improve their quality of life.

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3. Better job opportunities and education abroad

The exchange of free information and skills is essential to the development of the ASEAN
charter. Nationals can work abroad increasing productivity thus more job opportunities for
the Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs). Facilitation of visas and employment passes for
skilled labor will ensure protection for the workers.
It will not be limited to the workers but to the students as well. ASEAN universities are
allowing more foreign students to study in their campus thus increasing mobility for them
in the region.

It will give the opportunity for the young people to open up to new cultures and expand
their horizons. Giving them a fresh perspective to what would be their goal in life. Allowing
the young to be more confident in charting the future of their home countries.

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4. Less hassle in traveling

ASEAN integration has made it possible to travel to other countries and in the process
tourism has grown exponentially. It has given more opportunities for the tourism industry
to promote the local scenery and earn more revenue.

Traveling to the other ASEAN countries will enable the nationals to realize that they are
not alone in the road to economic success but together as one whole Asian region they
can make a difference in world policy. To aspire for the ASEAN unity.

5. Philippine prosperity

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With the full integration of the ASEAN countries, investments, services, job skills and a
free market would enable the Philippines to have economic prosperity and the benefits
will eventually trickle down to the citizens’ benefit.

To achieve all the goals of the ASEAN, every national must work towards a common good
and not just its own country’s well-being. Cooperation is the key ingredient to make
ASEAN a success. It is not about signing treaties or agreements but it is the people to
fulfill the dreams of the ASEAN founders.

Once achieved, it will extend beyond borders and will boost national security, international
trade, reducing poverty and increasing economic competitiveness.

Economic Benefits of the ASEAN Economic Community (Habito, 2012)

a. There will be more complementation and less of competition among industries.

More trade in products within the same industries (intra-industry trade);
b. More intra-regional trade within Asia especially Southeast Asia;
c. Over-all benefits outweighs the cost; economies of scale, lower cost and stronger
cohesion;
d. AEC is pushing the Philippines to do what is right and which we had been
pushed to do such as:
- Bringing down trade and investment barriers. This builds inherent
competitiveness, widens scope for growth and increase competition which
makes consumer better off;
- Opening our skies – fosters greater tourism jobs and earnings;
- Improve trade facilitation – reduce business cost and improve
competitiveness for Philippine businesses;
- Adopt strong competition policy – diffuses market power and
monopolistic/oligopolistic behaviour; level the playing fields for MSMEs and
achieve more inclusive growth;
- Strengthen & professionalize financial and overall business management
- Shun “kanya--‐kanya” attitude; embrace clustering & “coopetition”

The most widely recognized argument in favor of regional integration of AEC is the benefit
of expanding markets and promoting competition by eliminating barriers to trade among
member-countries. Economic welfare increases as resources previously engaged in
costly domestic production are efficiently reallocated to the direction of a country’s
comparative advantage and to that which generates greater productivity (“trade creation
effect”). An expanded regional market may also be seen by countries outside the region
as an increase in trade opportunity. (Guerrero, July 2010)

Other Benefits ASEAN for the Member Countries (Mahbubani, 2017)

ASEAN is living and breathing modern miracle.

ASEAN has generated optimistic narratives. In an era of growing cultural pessimism,

where many thoughtful and influential individuals believe that different civilizations
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especially Islam and the west cannot live together in peace, ASEAN provides a living
laboratory of peaceful civilizational coexistence.

On ASEAN based Regional Networks – ASEAN has initiated, inspired or provided the
platform for regional collaboration efforts. The ecosystem of peace that ASEAN created
within Southeast Asia has influenced the wider region, changing chemistry and moving in
more positive directions. Almost half of the world’s population lives in the region
influenced by ASEAN ethos.

Dwelling on the strengths of ASEAN regional bloc, Mahbubani and and Sng opine that
the first and important was a sense of community among the 10 member-nations.

The sense of identity that the people of ASEAN have developed is not the same as the
sense of identity that the people of Europe have clearly developed.

This apart, the mutual trust and confidence among the ASEAN leaders, according to the
authors, “although invisible to the international community of one of ASEAN’s greatest
strength.”

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 BIBLIOGRAPHY

(n.d.). Retrieved from https://klipp.tv/blogs/filipino-benefits-asean/.

DTI. (2017). Retrieved January 29, 2019, from https://www.dti.gov.ph/faq-pab/99-main-

content/london-news/10231-asean-2017-the-philippine-chairmanship

Das, S. B. (2015). The ASEAN Economic Community and Beyond: Myths and Realities.
Singapore: ISEAS Yusof Ishak Institute.

Guerrero, R. B. (July 2010). Regional Integration: The ASEAN Vision 2020. IFC Bulletin
No. 32.

Habito, C. (2012). ASEAN Economic Community and the Philippine Economy,

Opportunities, Challenges and Imperatives. Quezon City: USAID.

Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. (n.d.). Is ASEAN Economic Integration a Myth or
Reality?

Mahbubani, K. a. (2017). The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Ridge Books:
Singapore.

The Singapore Institute of International Affairs. (January 2007). Regional Integration,

Trade and Conflict in Southeast Asia. Manitoba, Canada: International Institute
for Sustainable Development.

Thuzar, M. (June 2017). What Does it Take to Join ASEAN. Singapore: ISEAS Yusof
Ishak Institute.

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