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THE

SCOTTISH REFORMATION

Its Epochs, Episodes, Leaders, and


Distinctive Characteristics

(Being «je ÎSattïJ !Lecture fat 1899)

BY T H E LATE

ALEXANDER F. M I T C H E L L , D.D., L L . D .
E M E R I T U S PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY
IN ST ANDREWS .UNIVERSITY

E D I T E D BY

D. H A Y F L E M I N G , LL.D.

WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR


BY JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.

W I L L I A M B L A C K W O O D A N D S O N S

EDINBURGH AND LONDON

M DCC CC

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, / / c !‫יי‬A?!‫׳‬.

THE SCOTTISH REFORMATION

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PREFACE.

F E W men have shown more indomitable applica¬


tion to an arduous duty, amid physical weakness
and bodily pain, than did the author of these
Lectures in their preparation and revision. In
the M S . there are a goodly number of additions
and minute alterations i n his own hand—some
of them very tremulous, some of them in ink,
some of them i n pencil. He intended to revise
them still more carefully ere they were published ;
but expressed the desire that, i f he were not
spared to do so, I would see them through the
press. The Master, whom he served so long
and so faithfully, having released him from the
work he loved so well, and from the suffering
he so patiently endured, the final revision has
devolved upon me.

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v 1
Preface.
Preface. vii
On the suggestion of Professor Robertson the
list which he had drawn up of the works of
book has been arranged in chapters. The sixth
Alesius was partly in an obsolete form of short¬
lecture having temporarily gone amissing before
hand, which to me was quite undecipherable.
its delivery, Dr Mitchell prepared a rescension
Having been privileged to examine a good many
of i t . The original and the rescension are now
of these rare treatises in various public libraries,
combined in chapter x. He intended to devote
I have been able, though only to an inconsider¬
an extra lecture to Alesius, and another to Andrew
able degree, to supplement the list ; these addi¬
Melville, but unfortunately was unable. The
tions being marked like those in the notes and
chapter on Alesius is therefore taken from
other appendices. I n revising the Lectures them¬
two of his class - lectures, some of the longer
selves, I have corrected a number of trifling slips,
extracts being thrown into appendices, and a
but have made no alteration of which D r Mitchell
few passages being slightly compressed. This
would not have cordially approved had his atten¬
is at once the fullest and the best account of
tion been drawn to i t .
Alesius that has yet been published. The facts
I n preparing the Lectures, D r Mitchell availed
concerning Melville in chapter x. are supple¬
himself of elaborate articles he had written at
mented to a small extent in the paper quoted
various times for periodicals and other publica¬
in Appendix A.
tions. The present volume is valuable in several
Comparatively few of the authorities were ways, not the least of these being that it em¬
entered in the MS. when i t was placed in my bodies, on many obscure and important points,
hands. I have filled in many, and have taken the matured views of one of the most competent
care, in almost every instance where volume and and cautious of historical students—of one who
page are given, to check the quotations with the grudged no time and spared no labour in elicit¬
originals. M y notes, and my additions to D r ing and elucidating the t r u t h .
Mitchell's notes, are enclosed within square D. H . F.
brackets; but when I have merely supplied
authorities, they are not so distinguished. The December 1899.

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THE

SCOTTISH REFORMATION
Its Epochs, Episodes, Leaders, and
Distinctive Characteristics

(Being tije Batrt !Lecture far 1899)

BY T H E LATE

ALEXANDER F. M I T C H E L L , D.D., L L . D .
E M E R I T U S PROFESSOR O F CHURCH HISTORY
IN ST ANDREWS . U N I V E R S I T Y

E D I T E D BY

D. H A Y F L E M I N G , LL.D.

WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE AUTHOR


BY JAMES CHRISTIE, D.D.

W I L L I A M B L A C K W O O D A N D S O N S

EDINBURGH AND LONDON

M DCC CC

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C O N T E N T S .

PAGE

BIOGRAPHICAL S K E T C H O F DR MITCHELL xiii

C H A P T E R I.

T H E N A T U R E AND N E E D OF T H E REFORMATION . 1

C H A P T E R II.

PATRICK HAMILTON
19

C H A P T E R III.

T H E OPPRESSED AND T H E OPPRESSORS 34

C H A P T E R IV.

GEORGE WISHART 56

C H A P T E R V.

K N O X AS L E A D E R OF OUR R E F O R M A T I O N . . 79

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Contents.
Contents. XI

C H A P T E R VI.
APPENDICES.
THE OLD SCOTTISH CONFESSION OF 1560
99 A. THE P/EDAGOGIUM, OR ST MARY'S COLLEGE, ST
ANDREWS . . . . . . 285
C H A P T E R VII. B. CITATIO PATRICII HAMILTON 289
THE BOOK OF COMMON ORDER C. CARDINAL BETOUN'S INCONTINENCE 292
123
D. CONDITIONS ON WHICH THE USE OF THE CHURCH
OF THE WHITE LADIES AT FRANKFORT WAS
C H A P T E R VIII.
GRANTED TO THE ENGLISH EXILES 294
THE FIRST BOOK OF DISCIPLINE E. THE THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS
144
SECT. I. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH . 145 OF ALESIUS . . . . . 295
Π. THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH . !62 K. THE DREAM OR VISION OF ALESIUS CONCERNING
ΠΙ. THE PREROGATIVES AND DUTIES OF THE DECAPITATION OF ANNE BOLEYN . 297

CHURCH MEMBERS (1. THE DEPARTURE OF ALESIUS FROM ENGLAND . 298


169
IV. EDUCATION OF THE YOUNG AND UNI H. ALESIUS' INVITATION OF MELANCHTHON TO HIS
VERSITY REFORM DAUGHTER'S WEDDING . . . . 300
I74
V. CARE OF THE POOR I. THE WORKS OF ALESIUS 301
179

ADDENDA 3°7
C H A P T E R IX.
INDEX 311
THE LAST DAYS OF JOHN KNOX
184

C H A P T E R X.

THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE


214

C H A P T E R XI.

ALESIUS .
239

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BIOGRAPHICAL S K E T C H

OF

T H E VERY REV. ALEXANDER FERRIER MITCHELL,

D.D., L L . D . , PROFESSOR O F E C C L E S I A S T I C A L H I S T O R Y I N

S T MARY'S C O L L E G E , S T A N D R E W S .

A PATHETIC and almost melancholy interest


attaches to this volume of the Baird Lectures.
Their scholarly and accomplished author may
be said to have entered on •the last stage of
the malady to which he succumbed when they
were read for h i m in Blythswood Parish Church,
Glasgow, by his friend and former student, Pro¬
fessor Robertson, the closing one, indeed, having
been delivered but a few days before his death.
I n proof of the deep interest which he took in the
subject of these Lectures, and of his desire to
present them in as perfect a form as possible, it
may also be mentioned that he employed his time,
in revising them while confined to bed during the
protracted and painful illness through which he
c

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XIV
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
xv
passed. The editing of them he intrusted to
another friend, D r H a y Fleming of St Andrews, hold in common, and as one of the most earnest
w i t h whom he had much in c o m m o n - s i m i l a r i t y defenders of " t h e faith once delivered to the
of tastes and interest in the same literary pursuits saints."
having led to an intercourse between them which As many of those who are familiar w i t h
ripened into mutual confidence and esteem. H a d Professor Mitchell's writings may know little or
Professor Mitchell lived to see the work through nothing of his personal history, i t has been
the press himself, there is hardly room to doubt suggested that a short biographical sketch of
that, as in the case of most of his other publica¬ him would form an appropriate introduction to
tions, additional explanatory and supplementary this posthumous volume. The particulars woven
notes on obscure points would have been ap¬ together in the following narrative have been
pended by h i m . As i t is, the editor in executing collected from various sources, some of them
his task has done what he could in this respect having been furnished by members o f his own
When the decease of the venerable Professor family.
took place at St Andrews towards the end of Alexander Ferrier Mitchell was born on i o t h
March of this year, i t was felt that the Church of September 1822 in the old ecclesiastical city of
Scotland had been bereft not only of one of her Brechin, w i t h which his ancestors had had an
ablest and most trusted leaders, but of one of the honourable connection for several generations.
wisest and warmest friends of her missions; and His grandfather, Alexander Mitchell, and his
he many tributes.paid to his memory, both from father, David Mitchell, were both known as
he pulpit and in the press, were all expressive of Convener Mitchell, probably as having succeeded
the high regard in which he was held, and of the each other in the convenership of the local guilds.
sense of public loss caused by his removal. But On the maternal side he was descended from
the loss was not that of his own Church alone, another Brechin family, some of the members of
nor of the University w i t h which his name had which had in their day served in various capacities
been so long and so honourably associated, abroad, one of his granduncles, Alexander Ferrier
!here are those in other communions who had after whom he was named, having been a doctor
learned to look upon h i m as " a master of Israel ‫״‬ in India, and another, Captain David Ferrier " a
and in all Presbyterian Churches especially he brave and bold s a i l o r , ' ‫ ׳‬- i memory of whom
n

was recognised as one of the ablest and most here is a tablet on the east door of the old
learned exponents of the principles which they Cathedral,-hav1ng made a voyage round the
world m the Dolphin, in which also he ran the

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xvi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biograpliical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xvii
blockade in time of war into some of the French
ports. Elizabeth, daughter of James Ferrier at to St Andrews—a distance of eleven miles—along
Broadmyre, the Professor's mother, was a woman with the carrier's son by the side of the cart
of good judgment and deep piety, and from her which conveyed his luggage to its destination.
he seems to have inherited some of the most Widely different as were the future careers of
prominent features of his character. H e was one those two youths, there were various interesting
of a family of three, his brother and sister having points of contact in their lives, the one becoming
died, the former at Bloemfontein in South Africa an eminent doctor in the University, and the other
many years agb. I n childhood he had a narrow filling the honourable position of a magistrate in
escape, a cart having run over his body. He was the ancient city, while both were associated as
picked up and carried home by the minister of members of the kirk-session of the T o w n Church.
he Episcopal church. As a boy he passed At the very outset of his career at St Andrews
through more than one severe illness, and when the young student from Brechin gained the high¬
taken for a change to Glenesk one summer he est distinction, having won the first bursary open
was described by a sympathetic friend as " a to students entering the University, as the result
deem' laddie." T o a mother's unwearied care of a competitive examination in classical scholar¬
and attention he owed, under the divine blessing ship. Throughout his course, both in Arts and
the recovery of his health, and to a mothers Divinity, he maintained a highly honourable
religious training he owed in no small decree place in all the classes, distinguishing himself
that knowledge of the H o l y Scriptures and that particularly by proficiency in Hebrew and other
pious disposition by which he was distinguished Oriental languages ; while he won the commend¬
from his earliest years. H i s elementary educa¬ ation of his professors and the esteem of his
tion he received at the grammar-school of his fellow-students not more by his attainments in
native town, and when fifteen years of r e he ai
learning than by the sterling integrity of his
proceeded to St Andrews to prosecute his studies character and the example of his consistent
w i t h a view to the Christian ministry Christian life. A m o n g his contemporaries at
College were not a few who i n after-life rose to
I n those days the journey thither was not
prominent positions i n the Church, one of these
made with the comfort and facility w i t h which
being his future colleague, the late Principal
it is now accomplished ; and the Professor him¬
Tulloch, w i t h whom he continued to have most
self has told how, on landing from the N o r t h off
cordial relations during a lifelong friendship.
the ferry-boat at Newport, he walked all the way
On completing the usual curriculum of study

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XV11I
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xix

at the University, M r Mitchell was in 1844 Andrew's Church, beside my friend W i l l i a m


licensed to preach the Gospel, and after acting Smith, afterwards of N o r t h L e i t h , I witnessed
tor some time as an assistant, first to the minister that sad sight which was never to fade from our
of the parish of Meigle and then to the minister memories, nor cease to influence the course of
of the parish of Dundee, he was in 1847 ordained our thought and action—the scene when Welsh,
by the Presbytery of Meigle to the pastoral charge Chalmers, Gordon, and many more good and
of the parish of Dunnichen in his native county. devoted ministers, abandoning in despair the
The Professor had been no passive spectator of contest of ten years, withdrew from the Church
the exciting and momentous events which were of their fathers, to rear another in which they
tak.ng place in the Church of Scotland in the hoped to enjoy greater freedom and peace. M y
years which immediately preceded and followed next view of the Assembly was in 1848, when,
his entrance on the work of the ministry ; and along w i t h D r Tulloch, and two or three other
in his address as Moderator of the General college friends, I took my place for the first time
Assembly, four decades afterwards, he gives a as a member of the House, and when my old
graphic account of the impressions made upon preceptor, then Professor of Church History in
him by his visits to the Supreme Court of the St Mary's College, filled the chair. The Church
Church during that period of acrimonious con¬ at that time was but slowly recovering from the
troversy and painful separation. He says • " M y staggering blow she had received in '43, and the
first view of the General Assembly was gained in great D r Robertson was shaping out the splendid
1840, where from the public gallery of the T r o n scheme which was to constitute her mission for
Church, in near proximity to D r John Ritchie the immediate future, and give to her the con¬
of the Potterrow (whose thoughts were already sciousness and confidence of reviving life. There
running in the same direction as those of his were plenty of aged men there, whose lives had
successors are now), I listened to the thrilling been honourably worn out in her service ; a
eloquence of Chalmers, and the calm, thoughtful goodly band of young men, w i t h not a little of
utterances of Cook, and witnessed the first of the ardour and enthusiasm of youth ; not a few
those titanic encounters between Cunningham of riper years, who, after weary waiting, had at
and Robertson, which the pen of H u g h Miller last been promoted to pastoral charges. But
and the histories of the period have made that class which is the mainstay of a Church—
classical. M y next glimpse of the Assembly was the men who have attained to experience by
in 1843, when, from the students' gallery of St years of labour in her service, and are still able

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XX Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxi
to bear the burden and heat of the day-was
the strict discipline which he enforced was not
more scantily represented."
altogether to their l i k i n g ; but there were very
The young minister, w i t h so many conspicuous
few who did not value his good opinion, or who
gifts and graces, was not allowed to remain long
would not have considered i t a kind of dégrada¬
in the quiet pastoral charge at Dunnichen, where
tion to incur his displeasure ; while many, im¬
his ministry had been very acceptable; and in
bued w i t h something of his own spirit, attained
1848 — o n l y one year after his ordination, and
under his guidance to such a degree of proficiency
when not more than twenty-six years of age—he
i n the knowledge of the sacred tongue as made
was appointed to the chair of Hebrew in St
the reading of the O l d Testament in the original
Mary's College, St Andrews, through which he
a source of interest and pleasure to them in sub¬
had so recently passed as a student. He has
sequent years. D r W i l l i a m W r i g h t , one of the
himself told of the cordial welcome which he
greatest of Orientalists, was one of his students,
received from the venerable Principal Haldane
and two others of them are occupants of Hebrew
and the other members of the professorial staff,
and of the harmony w i t h which they co-operated Chairs i n Scottish Universities.
in the work of the College. The appointment of the Professor to the Con-
venership of the Committee on the Mission to the
I t was not then a common thing that so young
Jews in 1856 marked a new era in its history,
a minister should be called to occupy such a
in respect both of the method of its operations
position of dignity and responsibility, nor was
and the field in which these have ever since been
Hebrew then so popular a branch of study as i t
carried on. One of the results of the Crimean
has, for various reasons, since become in our
war, which had then but recently closed, was the
D i v i n i t y H a l l s ; but the ability and success w i t h
opening of the Turkish empire for evangelistic
which the Professor discharged the duties of his
enterprise ; and i t may be said that the Professor
chair, and the salutary influence which he exerted
laid the foundations of the Mission in the Levant
in many ways upon the students, more than justi¬
at the several stations occupied by the Church of
fied the appointment. H e was one of the first in
Scotland, which are now known not only as places
Scotland to introduce a scientific method in the
of great historic interest but as important centres
teaching of Hebrew, and his class-room became a
of missionary activity i n which the Church bears
place of very real work, necessitating careful pre¬
an honourable part. I n the autumn of 1857 he
paration on the part of the students. Some of
undertook a journey to the East at the request of
these, perhaps, thought him rather exacting, and
the Committee, and in the course of his travels

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xxii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxiii
there visited not only the principal Turkish cities ment from the Convenership he but seldom at¬
on the coast, but Jerusalem and other places in tended the meetings of the Committee, for the
Palestine and Syria, collecting information w i t h a reason, as he was once heard to say, that he did
view to find openings for the planting of the Mis¬ not wish to appear to hamper his successors ; but
sion at suitable stations in addition to the two he never ceased to take a deep interest in the
which had been already occupied. The report Mission, and none rejoiced more than he in its
which he presented on his return led by degrees growing prosperity.
to a great expansion of the Mission, and several W h i l e the Professor still occupied the Hebrew
of his own students and others were through his Chair, he had shown a special aptitude for another
influence induced to enter the service of the Com¬ branch of learning, in which he was yet to make
mittee. W i t h many other claims on his attention, a reputation for himself in the Churches not only
he ungrudgingly gave up a great part of his time of Britain but of America. I n 1866 he published
to the administration of the affairs of the Mission, a lecture, primarily addressed to his students, on
over which for nineteen years he continued to ' The Westminster Confession of F a i t h : A Con¬
preside with great zeal and wisdom, pressing its tribution to the Study of its Historical Relations
claims on the members of the Church, and guid¬ and to the Defence of its Teaching,' which, as a
ing and encouraging the missionaries by an intel¬ reply to views then current in certain quarters,
ligent and sympathetic interest in their arduous attracted no little notice at the time of its
work. W h e n in 1875 he retired from the Con- publication, and which is not only of special
venership, the General Assembly expressed its interest as illustrating his theological standpoint,
sense of the value of the distinguished services and the calm and temperate, yet earnest and
which he had rendered to the Church in this vigorous, manner in which he could defend i t ,
department of her work in the following terms : but is of permanent value as a contribution to
" T h e Assembly are satisfied that the present the literature of the subject w i t h w h i c h i t deals.
prosperity of the Jewish Mission, and the remark¬ I n the following year he published ' The Wedder-
able progress which i t has made, has been mainly burns and their W o r k , or the Sacred Poetry of
owing to the great labour, the learning, enthusi¬ the Scottish Reformation i n its Relation to that
asm, and warm and intelligent Christian interest of Germany'—a subject w h i c h was treated by
which D r Mitchell has devoted during these years him much more fully i n one of his most recent
to the cause of Jewish conversion in connection works.
w i t h the Church of Scotland." After his retire-
The Professor was known to possess a most

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xxiv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxv
extensive and accurate knowledge of Church D r Struthers, in 1874, ' The Minutes of the
History in general, and of Scottish Church His¬ Westminster Assembly from November 1644 to
tory in particular; and when in 1868 he was March 1649,' t o
which is prefixed an elaborate
called to occupy the Chair of Ecclesiastical Historical Introduction w r i t t e n by himself; in
History in St Mary's College, the appointment 1882 he wrote a ' Historical Notice of Archbishop
was hailed with satisfaction alike by the U n i - Hamilton's Catechism ' (first printed at St
yersity and the Church. W i t h an absorbing Andrews in 1551), prefixed to Paterson's black¬
interest in his subject, and w i t h the true instinct letter reprint of the same ; in 1883 he published
of the historian, he was most painstaking in his Baird Lecture, ' The Westminster Assembly :
ascertaining historical facts, never reaching his Its History and Standards ' ; in 1886 he published
conclusions but as the result of patient and ' The Catechisms of the Second Reformation ' ;
careful investigation; and those who knew him in 1888 he edited, for the Scottish Text Society,
intimately can tell how little he grudged the ' The Rieht Vay to the Kingdome of Heuine,' by
trouble of a journey to Edinburgh or London, John Gau, the earliest known prose-treatise in
or even of an occasional excursion to the Con¬ the Scottish dialect setting forth the doctrines
tinent, in order to prosecute his researches in of the Reformers ; and in 1897, for the same
libraries there w i t h the view of verifying a state¬ Society, ' The Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' re¬
ment, or of obtaining indubitable evidence on printed from the edition of 1567, w i t h a full and
some controverted point. Besides those who most interesting Introduction. For the Scottish
had the privilege of listening to his prelections History Society he also edited in 1892 and 1896,
from the professorial chair, there are many i n the along w i t h the writer of this sketch, two volumes
Churches on both sides of the Atlantic who have of ' The Records of the Commissions of the
profited by his great erudition ; and his published General Assembly,' covering the period 1646-1650,
writings, which all bear the impress of a master¬ from the original manuscript in the Assembly
hand, w i l l always be reckoned standard works in library, w i t h an introduction, notes, and appen¬
Ecclesiastical History. dices by himself. T o these must be added the
I t is no part of the purpose of this notice to present volume of the Baird Lecture, ' The
describe his various works in detail, but the mere Scottish Reformation.'
enumeration of them w i l l show what a life of The Baird Lecture on the Westminster As¬
unremitting study he lived. Besides those al¬ sembly was received w i t h great favour in America
ready referred to, he edited, along w i t h the late as well as in this country, and a new edition of

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χ χ vi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxvii

it was published at Philadelphia in 1897, in a of I r e l a n d , " pp. 713-741: in the 'Catholic Pres¬
notice of which in the 'Presbyterian and Re¬ byterian,' March 1879, " Calvin and the Psalmody
formed Review ' the following statement occurs : of the Reformed Churches " : in the ' Scottish
" T h e book at once took its rank as the most Church,' November 1886, " S t Andrews in Cove¬
trustworthy and sympathetic account of the nanting Times " : in the ' Year - Book of the
Westminster Standards in existence, and rapidly Church of Scotland,' 1886, " Brief Sketch of the
ran out of print. The public is to be congratu¬ History of the Reformed Church of Scotland " :
lated that D r Mitchell has permitted himself to in ' St Giles' Lectures,' First Series, 1880-81,
be persuaded by the [Presbyterian] Board to " Pre - Reformation S c o t l a n d " ; and in Fourth
revise the text and allow a new edition to be Series, 1883-84, " The Primitive or Apostolic and
issued to meet the present demand. The revision Sub - Apostolic Church," being the first of the
does not much alter the text. A phrase is more lectures entitled, " T h e Churches of Christen-
felicitously turned here or rendered a shade more dorn." T o D r Schaff's Encyclopaedia he contrib¬
exact or emphatic there; a few additional refer¬ uted separate articles on " S t Columba," " T h e
ences are added in the notes ; and a few additional Culdees," " P a t r i c k H a m i l t o n , " " Iona," and
citations and remarks incorporated in them : that " The Keltic Church " ; and to the ' Presbyterian
is about a l l . But so good a book needed only and Reformed Review,' published at Philadelphia,
these little touches of betterment." he contributed a review of Dr Hume Brown's
The Professor also contributed to various 'John Knox.' Besides many Reports on various
journals and encyclopaedias many important matters presented to the General Assembly,
articles, chiefly on historical topics relating to he issued for special purposes a " Statement
Scotland, which, i f collected, would form a regarding the Eldership," and a " List of
volume of miscellaneous papers of great interest Acts of the Scottish Parliament, and of Acts,
and value. The most important of these are Overtures, and Resolutions of the General As¬
included in the subjoined l i s t : I n the ' B r i t i s h sembly of the Church of Scotland, adopted at
and Foreign Evangelical Review,' January 1872, various times for the Acknowledgment of the
" Our Scottish Reformation : Its Distinctive True Reformed Protestant Religion, the Main¬
Characteristics and Present-Day Lessons," pp. tenance of Sound Doctrine, and the Subscription
87-128; October 1875, " D r Merle D'Aubigné on of the Confessions of F a i t h of 1560 and 1647."
the Reformation in Scotland," pp. 736-760; W h e n at Geneva, on one of his visits to the
October 1876, " Killen's Ecclesiastical History Continent, he prepared for private circulation,

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xxviii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxix
from the original, which is still preserved among
Committee on Creeds and Formulas of Subscrip¬
the historical treasures in the H o t e l de Ville, tion, to give in the report containing " Answers
" Livre Des Anglois, or Register of the English to Queries regarding Creeds and Confessions."
Church at Geneva under the pastoral care of The Answers as regards the Church of Scotland,
Knox and Goodman, 1555-1559," w i t h a Prefatory which had been prepared by himself, are to be found
Notice and a Facsimile of pp. 49, 50. T o this in the Report of the Proceedings of the Council,
list of his minor works may be added a sermon on pp. 969-984. W h e n in America he also delivered
" The Unsearchable Riches of Christ," published a course of lectures at Alleghany. H i s connection
in 1879. with the Alliance brought h i m into close contact
The Professor accorded a generous and helpful with some of the leading Presbyterian divines of
sympathy to those who were workers in the field Britain and America, w i t h whom his opinions on
in which he laboured himself w i t h so great assi¬ tln‫ ־‬history of the doctrine, worship, and govern¬
duity and success ; and he was not only a mem¬ ment of the Church carried great w e i g h t ; and D r
ber both of the Scottish History Society and of Schaff lias acknowledged his obligations to h i m ,
the Scottish Text Society, but took an active among others, in his well-known work entitled
interest in their affairs. He was also one of the ' The Creeds of Christendom.'
representatives of the Church of Scotland in the In 1885 the Church showed her appreciation of
General Presbyterian Alliance from the date of its the Professor's character and work by electing
formation, and took part in the business of all its him to the Modcratorship of the General Assem¬
General Councils, at the first of which, held at bly, an office which he filled w i t h a union of
Edinburgh in 1877, he laid on the table a paper dignity and authority which reflected honour
which he had drawn up on " The Harmony be¬ upon the Church. I f there are parties in the
tween the Bibliology of the Westminster Con¬ Church of Scotland, he never identified himself
fession and that of the earlier Reformed Confes¬ with any of them, and had learned to call no man
sions, exhibited in parallel columns." He was master but Christ. He knew his own mind, and
appointed Convener of the Committee on the could give forcible expression to his convictions
Desiderata of the History of the Presbyterian when occasion required. Naturally of an un¬
Churches ; and at the following General Council, assuming disposition and unobtrusive manners, he
held at Philadelphia in 1880, i t fell to h i m , in never courted popularity nor sought to thrust'his
consequence of the death of Principal Lorimer, opinions upon others; and i t was for this reason,
who was Convener of the British section of the perhaps, that he was deferred to even by those

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XXX Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxxi
whose views were in some respects widely diverg¬
ent from his. I t was doubtless for this reason influence at his command in her defence. Readers
also, as well as for others, that he wielded so great of Dr Boyd's 'Twenty-five Years of St A n d r e w s '
an influence in the counsels of the Church, and may remember the account there given of the
probably few men had more to do than he w i t h the impression made by the Professor's sermon in
shaping of her policy in recent years. I n paying the Town Church in the height of the contest
a tribute to his memory at a meeting of the Presby¬ in ‫ א א ז‬5 , when the question of Disestablishment
tery of Edinburgh a few days after his decease, the was brought so prominently before the electors
Very Rev. D r Scott of St George's said that " b y of the St Andrews Burghs. D r Boyd says: " I t
Professor Mitchell's death the Church had lost had been intimated at the services during the day
a laborious, faithful, successful, and honoured that Dr Mitchell, our Professor of Church H i s t o r y ,
minister and professor, and perhaps one of the would lecture in the parish church in the evening
soundest and wisest counsellors that the Church on 'Some aspects of the Church Question deserv¬
ever had. He was a man who had friends in all ing of consideration in the present crisis.' D r
the Churches. He knew how powerfully his influ¬ Mitchell was that year Moderator of the K i r k :
ence had told in the C h u r c h - a l w a y s for concili¬ and he very seldom preaches. The church was
ation, not only so far as those without their own filled by a great congregation. I should not in
Church were concerned, but those w i t h i n the the least degree have been surprised to hear D r
Church also. H a d i t not been for D r Mitchell's Mitchell preach wisely and devoutly: that is his
influence the relaxation of the formula regard¬ usual way. But it did surprise me to find that
man of calm and well-balanced mind fire up into
ing the subscription of elders would never have
a pathos and vehemence which I have rarely seen
been carried through."
equalled and never surpassed. The question of
A man of a very catholic spirit, and a lover of disestablishment had been raised: and one was
peace and concord, the Professor, like many made to realise how it stirs the blood of good
others who longed for a comprehensive union of men here. A n d not merely were there this
the Scottish Churches, would willingly have made evening a fire, a keenness, a power of stirring a
all reasonable concessions for the attainment of multitude to the depth of their nature, which are
so desirable an object. But he was too loyal a rare indeed, but an incisive severity of denuncia¬
son of the Church of Scotland to consent to any tion which few had expected •from that calm
unworthy compromise, and in the hour of danger caut.ous man. A n d i f the preacher was at white-
no one was more ready than he to exert all the heat, so was the congregation long before he was

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xxxii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxxiii
done. Several times there would have been loud
sacrifice once offered, which perfects for ever
applause, had i t not been hushed."
them that are sanctified; that H e has not com-
The attitude which the Professor maintained in
niunicated H i s priestly office to H i s ministers
regard to the doctrine and worship of the Church
cither by succession or delegation, nor authorised
was a strictly conservative one, and may be best them to repeat or continue that sacrifice which is
described i n his own words, taken from an article the propitiation for sin ; and that He has neither
included in the list of his minor works. I n that Himself imposed, nor warranted others to impose,
article, after quoting the advice tendered by an a load of ' f o n d l y ' invented ceremonies in H i s
‫ ־‬eminent minister of the Church of England to a worship."
minister of the Church of Scotland—" Stick by
I f the Professor thus strenuously opposed sacer¬
your own K i r k : i t is an honest K i r k , one of the
dotalism on the one hand, he had as little sym¬
few that has fairly r i d itself of sacerdotalism and
pathy with Broad Churchism on the other. The
ritualism, and you have no cause to be ashamed
non-natural sense in which the narratives of the
of i t "—he goes on to say: " T h e advice is not
N e w Testament miracles are understood and i n -
unneeded in the present day by others than he to
t e i p n t e d by some of the modern critics he re-
whom it was originally tendered, and I give i t this jerte.l as subversive of Christian t r u t h , a com¬
publicity for the benefit of all whom i t may con¬ mon saying of his being, " I f the Gospel is not
cern. The Reformed Church of Scotland from true historically, it is not true at a l l : ' I f Christ
the first r i d herself of these medieval corruptions, be not raised, your faith is vain ‫ ; " י‬and while he
and the attempt to bring her again under the mellowed with advancing years, he never wavered
yoke issued in dire disaster to those who made i t in his deep religious convictions, nor for a moment
This surely is no time for the Presbyterian relaxed the tenacious grasp which he had of the
Churches to swerve from the testimony they doctrines of Christianity as set forth in the stand-
have so long and resolutely borne against all arils of the Reformed Churches. One of his latest
such errors. W h e n we t h i n k of the mischief say.ngs was, " I die in the faith which I have
they are now causing in the Church of England, always professed."
and the grief they are occasioning to many of her
From his Alma Mater the Professor had re-
most loyal sons, rather does i t become us to bear
cened the degree of D . D . in 1862, and i n 18g2
more decided testimony to the truths, that under
the University of Glasgow conferred upon h i m
the New Testament there is but one Priest, who
the degree of L L . D . in recognition of his eminence
ever hveth to make intercession for us, and one
as a teacher and an author. A young minister of

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xxxiv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xxxv

the Church, himself one of his most distinguished for Professor M i t c h e l l is thoroughly up to date w i t h
students, has drawn a picture of h i m as he ap- all his facts, and loses no opportunity of visiting
,peared about the latter of these dates, which is the great German authorities. . . . T o be re‫־‬
so true to the life that no excuse is needed for !,roved in class by the Professor is not to be
introducing i t here. He says : " St Andrews and desired : to be 'spoken t o ' i n his ante-room still
Professor Mitchell are inseparable. For forty- less so. Many men stand i n awe of h i m — I have
four years he has taught in the University : first always thought unnecessarily so."
the Hebrew Tongue; next the History of the The Professor continued to take a warm interest
Church of Christ. As a Professor, D r Mitchell in his students after they had left the Divinity
comes into contact w i t h a comparatively small H a l l , and had entered on the work of the ministry ;
number of students. The classes in St Mary's and when attending the General Assembly he
are diminutive—in some ways a source of much could generally tell how many of its members had
gratification to the writer and others — con¬ passed through one or other of his classes in St
sequently he is little known by most men here. Mary's College. W h e n he retired from the duties
Of course, all are familiar w i t h the Figure pacing of his Chair i n 1894, the occasion was regarded as
the town in the bright of the forenoon ; or, arm¬ affording a suitable opportunity of giving public
in-arm w i t h a youthful Professor, walking as far expression to the esteem i n which he was held by
as the Swilcan; or, at a Graduation Ceremony, his friends, and to their grateful appreciation of
scanning the audience, i f perhaps he may get a his services both to the Church and the Uni¬
glimpse of some old pupil among the crowd of in¬ versity ; and i n 1895, while the General Assembly
terested spectators. For many of his students have was i n session, he was presented, in name of a
risen high : and some of them have a weight of years large number of his former students and other
to bear. B u t all are not aware that in the Church friends, w i t h an illuminated address, a cheque for
History Class-Room English is spoken as she is 200 guineas, and his portrait by Sir , George Reid
nowhere else i n St Andrews. The beautifully —acknowledged to be one of the best that have
rounded and perfectly balanced sentences, and yet come from the studio of the President of the
the elegance of the language, w i l l hardly be ex¬ Royal Scottish Academy. The Right H o n . James
celled. T o make the study of Church History A. Campbell of Stracathro, M.P., w i t h whom he
what is called popular is one of the few im¬ had long had intimate relations, presided at the
possibilities of life, but there is no man living ceremony and made the presentation. The reply
who can invest the subject w i t h more interest; of the Professor, as containing many interesting

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xxxvi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxxvii
reminiscences, and as showing the view which he John Tulloch, afterwards Principal of St Mary's
took himself of his life and work, is here inserted College ; W i l l i a m Milligan, afterwards Professor
in extenso. H e said :—
of Biblical Criticism in Aberdeen ; W i l l i a m Dick¬
" M r Campbell, I thank you, sir, w i t h all my son, afterwards Professor of D i v i n i t y in Glasgow ;
heart, for the many kind things—far more kind Drs W . H . Gray, Gloag, and Herdman, and w i t h
than I deserve—which you have just said of me, these some who afterwards joined the Free
and for the many kind services which you have Church : D r Thomson, long at the head of the
rendered to me in the course of our lifelong Free Church Jewish Mission at Constantinople ;
friendship ; and I thank, w i t h all my heart, you, Dr Thomas B r o w n , younger brother of my late
my many esteemed friends and pupils, who have colleague, D r W i l l i a m Brown, agent for the
united in presenting me w i t h this address ex¬ Turkish Missions A i d Society; and Edward
pressive of your warm affection, this speaking Cross, afterwards Free Church minister at Moni-
likeness and munificent gift. Kindness far more fieth, w i t h whom I laboured in happiest inter¬
than I have merited has followed me all my life course i n Dundee, he being assistant to the
through—never more conspicuously than at the Free Church minister in the same district of
close of my public career ; and now in retiring the town when I was assistant to the Parish
from the professorial work I loved, and from the minister. W h e n in my twenty-sixth year I re¬
College for which almost for half a century I turned as a Professor i n the College where so
lived and laboured, i t is a consolation to me to shortly before I had been a student, I can never
know that I carry w i t h me into my retirement forget the kindness w i t h which I was received
the esteem of so many honoured friends and the by my aged instructors there, especially by Prin¬
affectionate regard of so many former pupils. cipal Haldane, whose kind counsels were then
Some have been speaking lately of the loneliness invaluable to me, nor the kindness of Professors
of a Scottish student's college life. I can only Duncan and Alexander, the only two of my in¬
say for myself that the years I spent as a student structors remaining in the Old College. St
in St Mary's College were among the happiest Andrews about that time had the reputation of
o f my life, and that the friendships then formed being rather a hot place. The conviction that
within the little band of my fellow-students were I was a man of rather placid temper, who would
among the most valued and lasting of those I not add fuel to the flame, I believe weighed con¬
have enjoyed. I have but to name John Robert¬ siderably w i t h L o r d Advocate Rutherfurd in
son, afterwards minister of Glasgow Cathedral; finally recommending me for the Chair. W i t h i n

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xxxviii Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell, xxxix
St Mary's College we were a happy family, a n d
years beyond the statutory thirty, I continued at
the youth of twenty-six and the two aged Pro-
my post, and in the most kind and cordial rela¬
tessors beyond threescore and ten continued to
tions both in Church and University work w i t h
work in unbroken h a r m o n y - t h e youth deeming
his successor, Principal Cunningham, heartily
* a special privilege to aid the venerable Prin¬
co-operating w i t h h i m in the repeal of what has
cipal in his class-work during the last year of his
been termed the Black Act of 1711, and in the
We as wel as to aid him and his aged colleague
restitution of the old formula for ministers and
η their pulp.t work. I ^ tw a s s o o n a f t e r t h i s
elders, which are now so generally welcomed,
I began to take an active part in Church work,
and have been acknowledged by one at least of
attending the General Assembly as an elder and
the three who protested against the change to
as Convener of the Jewish M i s s i o n - d o i n g what
be a great boon. I have often spoken of the
t 0 e 0 I n i s e
iuneri . [ ‫־‬gf f it Turkey, first in con¬ pleasure I have had in superintending the work
junction with such venerable fathers as Drs Muir
of my students, and my gratification at the zest
and
‫׳ל;ב‬2 J
with a m e s R o b e r t s o n
‫׳‬ - d
w i t h w h i c h they took to the study both of Heb¬
Tel ηί th /‫""״"ו‬ ^ ° 6
^ ° ‫־״״י‬ W n W h rew and Church History. The circumstances
bearing he burden and heat of the d a y - D r s
which led to my resignation are already well
Crawford, Nicholson, Nisbet, W i l l i a m Robertson,
known to you all, and I need only say that it was
Irklev η Τ Γ " ! ‫י‬ ^ Sheriff S U C h k m e n a s
to me a very regretful necessity. I leave in each
t Τ T. H C
^ e , John Elder, n r y C h e
of the three other D i v i n i t y Faculties at least one
John Tawse, and the good E d m u n d Baxter al distinguished pupil, and in St Mary's College two
now gone to their rest and their reward. Prin¬ who, w i t h their younger colleagues, I trust w i l l
cipal Haldane was succeeded by my old class- strive to make i t more than ever a School of the
ellow, Pnncipal Tulloch, in h a r m o n / w i t h w h ^ Prophets, a nursery for earnest, faithful, scholarly,
I wrought for t h i r t y years in the College occa and devoted ministers, who shall set high above
sionally taking part of his work, as I h a d ' o f II all passing isms Christ the personal Saviour, and
predecessor s, when he was laid aside by ill-health, those great truths as to His divine nature, incar¬
and also taking part w i t h him in Church work nation, atoning death, and glorious resurrection,
especiaUy in the work of the A n t i - Patronage to which the historic Church of Christ through
Committee on whose success so many in the so many centuries has clung as her life and
Church had set their hearts. After his untimely strength and j o y . Christ before, Christ behind,
removal, though I had served for seven or e T g Ï —according to St Patrick's prayer,—Christ above,

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XJ
Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xli

Christ beneath, Christ in the heart, Christ in the years ago in Australia, to which he had emigrated
ftome. I heartily thank you all for your great along w i t h his brother Johnstone.
^ndness and especially Principal Stewart and Probably few are aware that the Professor spent
M r Wenley, and one who once said I had been as many of his happiest days, and did much of his
a lather to him, and of whom I may truly say literary work, at Gowanpark, his country residence
tbat he has been as a son to me." near Brechin, which, w i t h its charm of seclusion
I n 1852 the Professor married the eldest and restfulness, no one who has visited i t can
daughter of the late M r Michael Johnstone of ever forget, and which his family came to regard
Archbank, near Moffat, who belonged to an influ¬ as their home almost as much as St Andrews.
ential yeoman family that has been connected There he found relaxation i n the interest which
w i t h Annandale for the last two hundred years. he took in the work of his little farm, which was
The late M r Peter Johnstone, brother of Mrs his own property, and as long as he had health he
Mitchell s father, who was a proprietor as well enjoyed a ramble among the neighbouring hills, or
as a large farmer, is still remembered as bavin* a walk, varied by an occasional drive, along the
done a great deal to promote the cause of educa* quiet country roads. H i s home in the country,
tion m the district where he resided ; and her however, was w i t h h i m no mere place of recréa¬
brother, the late M r James Johnstone, was t i o n , still less of idleness, and there, as elsewhere,
tenant of Bodsbeck farm, which is the scene of he never failed to find his chief source of pleasure
the E t t n c k Shepherd's well-known Covenanting in the prosecution of his favourite studies.
h
‫ ' ! ד ״‬u ‫ ״‬f.™™ ° f B o d s b e
^ • " H o w much W h e n the Professor retired from the duties of
Mrs Mitchell did to brighten the life and to m i n - his Chair he did not cease to take an interest in
|ster to the happiness of the Professor can be the affairs of the College, of which he was an
known only to those who have had the privilege ornament while he lived, and w i t h which, as was
of being admitted into the inner circle of their said in a notice of h i m at the time of his death,
friends, and there are not a few who have very his name w i l l always be associated—like those of
pleasant reminiscences of delightful intercourse Andrew Melville, Samuel Rutherford, and others
with1 them in their house at 56 South Street, where i n remote and troublous times, and that of Princi¬
the duty of entertaining strangers seemed never to pal Tulloch in our own more peaceful days. N o r
be forgotten. Their family of four sons and two did he cease to interest himself in the work of the
daughters all survive, w i t h the exception of the Church which he loved so well and had served so
eldest son, Robert Haldane, who died several faithfully. Perhaps i t was to show his love for

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xhi Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell. xliii
the Church as much as to gratify his own feelings my six Baird Lectures transcribed. Of course
that, amid great bodily infirmity, he undertook I must get some one to read them for me.' ‫י‬

the journey to Edinburgh, in May 1898, to attend W h e n he returned to St Andrews, the burden
the General Assembly. He was unable, indeed, of his infirmities grew heavier, and as the spring
to be present there more than once or twice, and approached i t was manifest that he was nearing
when on one occasion he occupied the Moder¬ the end. H e was greatly affected by the tidings
ator's chair for a few minutes, a t h r i l l of respectful
of the tragic death of D r Boyd, who had paid
sympathy passed through the House. I n a letter
him a visit shortly before his departure for the
written a few days after his return home he says,
south. O n the Monday before he died he re¬
" I am very pleased to have been able to give
peated the words of the second paraphrase in a
even such limited attendance," adding, w i t h a
clear, strong voice, and quoted almost the last
touch of pathos, as i f anticipating that the visit
recorded words of St Paul, " I have fought a good
would be his last, " in the fiftieth year since M r
fight, I have finished my course, I have kept the
John Tulloch and Alex. F . Mitchell were first ,
faith. ‫ י‬On Tuesday evening he desired some one
returned as members."
to sing to him, and as Miss Mitchell was unable
Soon afterwards he removed to his loved retreat to control her feelings'to do so, M r Smith, his
at Gowanpark, but his health did not improve amanuensis, who had come i n , was asked by him
and he was but seldom able to leave the house' to sing "Jesus, Lover of my Soul." W h e n this
Most of the letters he wrote at this time, some of was done he turned to Miss Mitchell, and said,
them in pencil, w i t h his head resting on the pillow " W h a t would you like ? " and they sang together
were evidently intended to be his parting words " Rock of Ages." W i t h uncomplaining patience
to those to whom they were addressed. I n one he had suffered much, but welcome rest came to
of these, written in the middle of September he him on the morning of Wednesday, 22nd March.
says, " F o r the first fortnight after I came here H a v i n g served his own generation by the w i l l of
I was able to go out of doors, and in my invalid God, he fell asleep amid the tender regrets of his
chair bask in the sun for an hour a-day. I am family, leaving behind him a memory that w i l l
still keeping my bed in the hope of being able always be held in honour, and an example of
to return without risk to St Andrews in the end laborious service, of deep piety, and of fervent
of the month ; " and then, alluding to a subject trust i n Christ.
his interest in which seems to have helped to I n compliance w i t h his own wish, his remains
keep him alive, he says, " I have got five of were conveyed to Brechin, where they were laid

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xliv Biographical Sketch of Dr Mitchell.

to rest beside those of his fathers under the


shadow of the old Cathedral, the members of the
local Presbytery, in token of their respect, being
present on the occasion. " T h e world passeth
away, and the lust thereof: but he that doeth the
will of God abideth for ever."

G1LMERT0N MANSE, December 1899

T H E SCOTTISH REFORMATION.

C H A P T E R I.

THE NATURE AND NEED OF T H E REFORMATION.

W I T H the single exception of the period which


covers the introduction and first marvellous
triumphs of Christianity, the Reformation of the
sixteenth century must be owned as perhaps the
greatest and most glorious revolution in the his¬
tory of the human race. A n d the years of earnest
contendings and heroic sufferings which prepared
the way for its triumph in many lands and issued
in its cruel suppression in others, and the story
of the men who by God's grace were enabled to
bear the brunt of the battle and to lead their
countrymen on to victor)' or to martyrdom, w i l l
ever have a fascination for all in whose hearts
A

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2 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
Its Animating Principle. 3
faith in the great truths, then more clearly
deeper plunge into the meaning of revelation than
brought to light, has not yet altogether evapor¬
had been made by Augustine, or Anselm, or St
ated. The movement then initiated was no mere
Bernard, or À Kempis, or Wycliffe, or Tauler. Its
effort to get quit of acknowledged scandals, which
object was to get back to the divine sources of
had long been grieved over but never firmly dealt
Christianity,—to know, and understand, and ap¬
w i t h ; no mere desire to lop off a few later accre¬
propriate i t as i t came fresh and pure from the
tions, which had gathered round and obscured the
1
lips of the Son of God and His inspired apostles,
faith once delivered to the saints ; no mere " re¬
not excluding that chosen vessel to whom the
turn to the Augustinian, or the Nicene, or the
grace had been given " to preach among the
Ante - Nicene age," but a vast progress beyond
Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ." I t
any previous age since the death of St John—a
was, in fact, a return to the old Gospel so
1
As Lord Acton has so well said, " The modern age did not attractively set forth by him in his Epistles,
proceed from the medieval by normal succession, with outward
tokens of legitimate descent. Unheralded, it founded a new order and verified to the reformers by their own in¬
of things, under a law of innovation, sapping the ancient reign of most spiritual experience under deep convictions
continuity. In those days Columbus subverted the notions of the
of sin and shortcoming. The cry of their
world, and reversed the conditions of production, wealth, and power.
. . . Luther broke the chain of authority and tradition at the strong¬ awakened consciences had been, H o w shall we
est link ; and Copernicus erected an invincible power that set for sinners have relief from our load and be justified
ever the mark of progress upon the time that was to come. . . .
before God? A n d this, as has been said, was
It was an awakening of new life ; the world revolved in a different
orbit, determined by influences unknown before. After many ages, just the old question put to the apostle himself
persuaded of the headlong decline and impending dissolution of by the jailer at Philippi, W h a t must I do to be f]
society, and governed by usage and the will of masters who were in
their graves, the sixteenth century went forth armed for untried ex¬
saved ? A n d the answer their own experience
perience, and ready to watch with hopefulness a prospect of incal¬ warranted them w i t h one accord to proclaim was
culable change" (Lecture on the Study of History, 1895, pp. 8, 9). still, Believe in the L o r d Jesus Christ, believe i n
" There are no true ' cycles ' in human development ; history never
repeats itself; the Greco-Roman world has only distant analogies the riches of H i s pardoning mercy, in the merit
with the Feudal-Catholic world, just a., this has only distant analogies of His atoning death, in the freeness and power
with the Revolutionary world. The great phases of human civilis¬
of His efficacious grace. B y believing, however,
ation are contrasted rather than compared ; they differ as infancy,
childhood, manhood, and senility differ in the individual " (Harrison they meant, and were careful to explain that they
on "Freeman's Method of History," in the 'Nineteenth Century' meant, not a mere intellectual assent to the t r u t h
for November 1898).
of the facts, but such an assent as drew with i t

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4 The Nature and Need of the Reformation. Infusion of a New Life. 5
the trust of the heart and the personal surrender as to man's fallen state and the remedy their
of the soul to Christ ; or—to use language of some¬ heavenly Father had in H i s love provided for
what later origin—the individual appropriation of them ; not only the reassertion of the supremacy
the freely offered Saviour, w i t h all His fulness of of the written W o r d of God over human tradi¬
blessing, pardon, and righteousness by His one tions, as well as of the right of all Christian men
offering once offered, and renewal into H i s own and women to have direct access to that blessed
image by the continuous indwelling of His H o l y W o r d ; not only the translation into the verna¬
Spirit. cular—German, English, Danish, Dutch, French,
Such was the animating principle which gave Italian, Spanish—and the circulation throughout
power to the teaching of the reformers in all Western Europe of that which for ages had been
lands, and which constitutes still the central to the Christian laity as a book that is sealed ;
article of a standing or a falling church to all but it was also, above all this, the infusion of a j
their true-hearted successors—Christ crucified for new and higher life into the churches. W e fall I
our sins, raised again for our justification, and short of a full comprehension of the movement
now exalted to the right hand of the Majesty in if we fail to recognise that the God of all grace
the heavens as Prince and Saviour, to give re¬ and blessing was then pleased to " send a plenti¬
pentance and remission of sin and all needed ful rain to confirm H i s inheritance when i t was
grace to those who thus believe in H i m , and are weary," to grant a second Pentecost to the church,
brought into union w i t h H i m . A n d the Re¬ to make the people willing in the day of H i s
formed Church w i l l never perish or decay while power, and to pour out His Spirit in rich abun¬
it continues to set forth this Gospel, and is dance upon men.
honoured by its divine Head to bring i t home to
W i t h all the conscious and unconscious pre¬
the hearts and consciences of men, w i t h the same
paration which had paved the way for them, the
power as its first teachers were honoured w i t h in
men who were God's chosen instruments at that
the brave days of old. For i t must never be for¬
crisis were made deeply to feel and humbly to
gotten, I repeat, that the Reformation movement
own that i t was God Himself who had led them
was not only the introduction of a more scriptural
on—at times by ways they had not thought of;
and scientific method of exhibiting Christian
that i t was H e who had upheld them in their
doctrine, and simple unfolding of its teaching
extremity when all human power seemed to be

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6 The Nature and Need of the Reformation. Decay of the Medieval Church. ‫ך‬
arrayed against them ; that i t was He who, when Through our own force we nothing can,
their resources were exhausted, was pleased, in Straight were we lost for ever,
But for us fights the proper Man,
the day when they cried unto H i m , to hear their
By God sent to deliver.
prayer and revive their hopes by the plentiful Ask ye who this may be ?
outpouring of His Spirit. H o w feelingly this was Christ Jesus named is He,
acknowledged by Luther at various crises in his Of Sabaoth the Lord
Sole God to be adored,
life is known to all who are in any measure ac¬ 1
'Tis He must win the battle."
quainted w i t h his thrilling story. No one could
have more constantly in his heart or more fre¬ " If God were not upon our side
quently on his lips the Hebrew psalmist's song When foes around us rage,
Were not Himself our help and guide
of holy confidence, " G o d is our refuge and When bitter war they wage,
strength, a very present help in trouble. There¬ Were He not Israel's mighty shield,
fore w i l l not we fear, though the earth be removed, T o whom their utmost crafts must yield,
2
W e surely must have perished."
and though the mountains be carried into the
midst of the sea. . . . There is a river, the By the time at which reforming influences
streams whereof shall make glad the city of God." began manifestly to show themselves in Scotland,
There was also that other which, under reverses that grand medieval organisation, which had
and discouragements, was the solace of our own supplanted the simpler arrangements of the old
reformer, " I f it had not been the L o r d who was Celtic church, had in its turn exhausted its life
on our side, when men rose up against us : then powers, and shown unmistakable signs of deep-
they had swallowed us up quick. . . . Blessed seated corruption and hopeless decay. Whatever
be the L o r d , who hath not given us as a prey to good i t may have been honoured to do in times
their teeth." As they mused the fire burned and past,—in keeping alive the knowledge of God and
found expression in such songs of holy confid¬ of things divine i n the midst of " a darkness
ence as— which might be felt," in promoting a higher
" A sure stronghold our God is He, . civilisation than the Celtic, in alleviating the evils
A trusty shield and weapon ;
of the feudalism which Anglo-Norman settlers
Our help He'll be, and set us free
Whatever ill may happen. 1
Miss Winkworth's Christian Singers of Germany, pp. no, i l l .
‫ ־‬Ibid., p. 117.

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8 The Nature and Need of the Reformation. Lethargy of the Medieval Church. 9
had brought i n , in founding parishes and uni¬
ceremonies, which i t deemed fit books for chil¬
versities and some other institutions which, w i t h
dren and the unlearned. But i t forgot that these
a purified church and revived Christian life, were
children were growing in capacity, even i f allowed
to be a source of blessing after i t was swept away,
to grow up untrained ; that " to credulous sim¬
—yet now at last it had grossly failed to keep alive
f
plicity was succeeding a spirit of eager curiosity,
I among the common people true devotion, or to
an impatience of mere authority, and a détermina¬
give access to the sources at which the flame
tion to search into the foundation of t h i n g s " ;
might have been rekindled ; i t had failed to pro¬
and that, i f i t was to maintain its place, i t must
vide educated men for its ordinary cures, to raise
not only keep abreast but ahead of advancing
the masses from the rudeness and ignorance in
intelligence and morality. But the old church
which they were still involved, and even to main¬
began greatly to decline just as the laity began
tain that hearty sympathy w i t h them and that
to rise. Bishop Kennedy, I suppose, was almost
kindly interest in their temporal welfare which its
its last preaching bishop ; and the character of
best men in its earlier days had shown. I t con¬
the preaching, so far as preaching was still con¬
tinued to have its services in a language which
tinued by the friars and some of the inferior
had for ages been unintelligible to the bulk of the
clergy, was not generally fitted to supply the lack
laity, and was but partially intelligible to not a
of Bibles and catechisms, and other vernacular
few of its ordinary priests. I t had no catechisms
books of instruction. I t never grappled, as i t
or hymn books bringing down to the capacities
ought, w i t h the problem of lightening the burdens
of the unlettered the truths of religion, and freely
it had long exacted of the peasantry ; but refused
1
circulated among them. I t did not, when the
almost to the last moment to ease even the most
invention of printing put i t in its power, make
galling of them. I t never grappled, as i t ought,
any effort to circulate among them the H o l y
w i t h the problem of the education of the masses ;
Book, that they might read therein, in their own
and what was done for those of the community
tongue, the message of God's love. No doubt i t
in more fortunate circumstances was done more
had its pictures and images, its mystery plays and
by the efforts of a few noble-minded individuals
1
than by any corporate action of Church or State.
[Hamilton's Catechism, which was not intended for indiscrim-
mate circulation among the laity, was not published until ‫״‬15 • There is not among all its codes of canons any¬
and The Twopenny Faith was not issued until the spring of 1559 ] ' thing approaching to the clear ringing utterances

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ΙΟ The Nature and Need of the Reformation. Corruption of the Medieval Church. 11

of our First Book of Discipline concerning the and in the writings of their own best men. The 1

1
necessity and advantages of education. harsh measures to which men themselves so vul¬
Not only had the life powers of the medieval nerable had recourse to maintain their position,
church been exhausted and decay set i n , but the relentless cruelties they perpetrated on men
‫ ן‬corruption, positive and gross corruption, had of unblemished character, amiable disposition,
reached an alarming height. There were the in¬ deep-seated conviction and thorough Christian
dolence and neglect of duty which wealth too earnestness, could not fail in the end to turn the
often brings in its train ; the covert secularising tide against them, and arouse feelings of indigna¬
of that wealth, just as in the old Celtic church, tion which on any favourable opportunity would
by various devices, to get i t into the hands of induce the nation to sweep them away.
unqualified men and minors; luxury, avarice, The corruptions i n the doctrine of the church
oppression, simony, shameless pluralities, and were hardly less notable than those in the lives
crass ignorance ; and above all that celibate sys- of its clergy. The sufficiency and supremacy of
tern, which nothing would persuade them honestly 1
Because of its permanent importance, I deem it best to insert
to abandon, though it had proved to be a yoke here a note from my Introduction to ' The Gude and Godlie
they could not bear, and was producing only too Hallalis/ p. lxiv : " \Ve do not need to call in Knox, or Lind¬
say, or the satirists, in evidence of this humbling fact. The tes¬
generally results humiliating and disastrous to timony of their own councils, of the Acts of Parliament, and of
themselves and to all who came under their in¬ some of their best men, as Principal Hay in his congratulatory ad¬
fluence. The proof of this does not rest merely dress to Cardinal Betoun, and Ninian Winzet in the sad appeals and
confessions inserted in his ' Tractates,' as well as that of impartial
or even mainly on the statements of Knox, modern historians like Tytler and Dr Joseph Robertson, is more
Alesius, and Spottiswood, nor on the représenta¬ than sufficient to establish it beyond contradiction. The testimony
of Conreus, who died when about to be raised to the purple, covers
tions of Lindsay and the Wedderburns. The
almost all that Alesius and Knox have averred : ' In multorum
fact, as both the late D r David L a i n g and D r sacerdotum aedibus scortum publicum . . . nec a sacrilego quorun-
Joseph Robertson have shown, and the late dam luxu tutus erat matronarum honos aut virginalis pudor.' More
notable still is the representation given in the ' Memoire ' addressed
Bishop Forbes has sorrowfully acknowledged, is
to the Pope by Queen Mary and the Dauphin, evidently at the in¬
confessed and deplored i n the canons of their stance of Mary of Guise, in which the spread of heresy is expressly
councils, in the Acts of the Scottish Parliament, attributed to the ignorance and immorality of the clergy. See
Appendix B, vol. ii., of Mr Hume Brown's recent biography of
1
[For these utterances see infra, chap. viii. sec. iv.] Knox."

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12 The Nature and Need of the Reformation. The Reforming Priests. !3
the written W o r d of God were denied, and co- doing so w i t h many of their younger comrades,
^ ordinate authority was claimed for tradition. The and only made up their minds in the end to
'/ Virgin Mary and the saints departed were asserted abandon the old church when all their efforts
to share the office which Scripture reserves for for its revival proved vain. Nay, the men who
the one Mediator between God and man. Pen- initiated and carried to a successful issue the
/ ances and other external acts of work-righteousness struggle for a more thorough reformation than
were alleged to co-operate in the pardon of sin the others desired, the martyrs, confessors, and
w i t h the "one obedience" by which " m a n y are exiles, were almost all from the ranks of the
made righteous." The sacraments were asserted priesthood of the old church—from the regular
to produce their effect ex opere operate,—not by the as well as from the secular priesthood ; from the
working of the Spirit in them that by faith receive Dominican and Franciscan monasteries as well
them. Belief in the literal transubstantiation of as from the Augustinian abbeys ; and from none
the bread and wine in the Lord's Supper was more largely than the Augustinian Priory of St
rigidly enforced and substituted for that spiritual Andrews, and the College of St Leonard founded
presence and spiritual manducation which the in connection w i t h i t , notwithstanding that its
earlier church had maintained. The doctrine of prior for the time being was so far from what he
a purgatory after this life was invented, and the ought to have been. A t least twenty priests
virtue of masses for the dead therein detained was joined the reformed congregation of St Andrews
persistently taught and required to be believed. in 1559-60, and among them more than one who
The Roman church was affirmed to be the mother had sat in judgment on the martyrs and assisted
and mistress of the churches, and its head to be 1
in their condemnation. A much larger number
the successor of St Peter and the Vicar of Christ. were ultimately admitted as readers in the
Yet i t must never be forgotten that, even in Reformed Church.
these degenerate days, there were those among
1

the ministers of the church who wept in secret [So early as the 23rd of June 1559, Knox wrote to Mrs Anna
Lock : " Diverse channons of Sanct Andrewes have given notable
over the abominations that were done, who confessiouns, and have declared themselves manifest enemies to the
longed for the dawn of a better day, and, in pope, to the masse, and to all superstitioun " (Laing's Knox, vi. 26).
In all probability some of these canons were included among the
their parishes or cloisters or colleges, sought to
fourteen canons of St Andrews Priory who are mentioned as Protes¬
prepare the way for i t , and who succeeded in tants in January 1571-72, and of whom twelve were then parish

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14 The Nature and Need of the Reformation. Precursors of the Reformation. ‫ז‬5
How was the great revolution which was to priests, when persecuted in the south, naturally
bring the church back from these corruptions of sought shelter among the moors and mosses of
life and doctrine prepared for ? Ebrard supposes the north. The district of Kyle and Cunningham
that witnesses for holy living and simple faith, was " a receptakle of Goddis servandis of o l d , "
but partially connected w i t h the dominant church, where their doctrines were cherished t i l l the dawn
were never from Celtic times entirely wanting in of the Reformation. I n 1406 or 1407 James
B r i t a i n ; and i t may have been that, through Resby, one of these priests, is found teaching as
Richard Rolle and a few other hermits, the feeble far north as Perth, and for his teaching he was
spark in the smoking wick continued to smoulder accused and condemned to a martyr's death. A
on t i l l i t was blown into a flame by Wycliffe. A t similar fate is said to have befallen another in
any rate i t was blown into a flame by h i m and Glasgow about 1422, in all probability the Scot¬
his poor priests; and from their time witness tish Wycliffite whose letter to his bishop has
after witness arose to contend for the right of the recently been unearthed in a Hussite MS. at
laity to read the W o r d of God, and to maintain Vienna ; and in 1433 Paul Craw or Crawar, a
that men were saved by the merits of Christ and Bohemian, for disseminating similar opinions,
should pray to H i m alone, that there was no was burned at the market cross in St Andrews.
purgatory in the popish sense, and that the pope These were not in all probability the only grim
was not the Vicar of Christ. Wycliffe's poor triumphs of Laurence, Abbot of Lindores, one of
the first rectors in the University of St Andrews,
ministers ('Booke of the Universall Kirk,' Bannatyne Club, i. 222).
who during so many years " gave no rest to
None of these fourteen is found signing the General Band of 13th
u 1
J 'y S59. which in St Andrews was adopted as "the letters of junc- heretics," but they are all of whom records have
tioun to the Congregatioun " ; but eighteen priests did sign it ; and of been preserved to our time. The fact that every
the other thirteen ecclesiastics who there made sweeping recantations,
at least six may be held to have joined the congregation, for they not Master of Arts in the University of St Andrews
only confessed that "we haif ower lang abstractit ourselfis and beyne had to take an oath to defend the church against
svveir in adjuning us to Christes Congregatioun," but they promised 1
the Lollards, and the other fact that the Scottish
"in tyme cuming to assist in word and wark with unfenyiet mynde
this Congregatioun" ('Register of St Andrews Kirk-Session,' Scot. Parliament in 1425 enjoined that every bishop
Hist. Soc, i. 10-18). In 1573 it was stated that "the most part should make inquiry anent heretics and Lollards,
of the persons who were channons monks and friars within this
realme have made profession of the true religion " (' Booke of the 1
[Enacted by the University on 10th June 1416 (M'Crie's Mel¬
Universall Kirk,' i. 280).] ville, 1S24, i. 420).]

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16 The Nature and Need of the Reformation.
J01111 Major. ‫ז‬7
and that where any such were found, they should
1
part in the proceedings of the latter, though the
be punished as the law of holy church requires,
Scottish Church, like the others, ultimately fell
speak more significantly of the alarm they had
away from that council and the pope elected by
occasioned than these sporadic martyrdoms. Still
it, and under Bishop Kennedy was reconciled to
more, perhaps, does the abuse Fordun, or rather 1
the Roman See and to Pope Eugenius. Scotland
his continuator, heaps on them, bear witness to
had had no Grosteste, no Anselm or Bradwar-
the alarm they had caused. Yet at the very close
dine among its prelates in the middle ages, no
of the century, and in the old haunt, we find no
Wycliffe among its priests. Duns Scotus, the one
fewer than thirty processed, and through the
theologian before the sixteenth century who
kindness of the king more gently dealt w i t h than
claimed Scottish birth and European fame,
the ecclesiastical authorities wished ; three of the
never seems to have taught in his native land.
most resolute —namely, Campbell of Cessnock,
Chief among its doctors in the beginning of the
his noble wife, and a priest who officiated as their
sixteenth century stood John Major, a native of
chaplain and read the New Testament to them
East L o t h i a n , who taught w i t h distinguished
— being released when at the stake.
success, first in Paris, then in Glasgow, after
Reforming tendencies in the sixteenth century,
that in St Andrews, then once more in Paris, and
it has been said, first showed themselves in Scot¬
finally in St Andrews again. Melanchthon, while
land in the reassertion of "those principles,
ridiculing his scholastic ways, places him at the
catholic but anti-papal," which had been main¬
head of the doctors of the Sorbonne. The re¬
tained in the preceding century in the Councils
membrance of his early labours in Montaigu
of Constance and Basle. The decisions of the for¬
College had not died out when Calvin entered
mer were received in Scotland in 1418, and allegi¬
2
it, and probably he had returned to i t before
ance to Benedict X I I I . was finally renounced.
3
Calvin left. Patrick H a m i l t o n and Buchanan
A Scottish d o c t o r had taken a rather prominent
may possibly have been brought into contact
1
[Enacted by Parliament on 12th March 1424-25 (Acts of Parlia¬ w i t h h i m while there, as they, Alesius, and John
ment, ii. 7).]
2
Robertson's Concilia Scotiœ, vol. i. p. Ixxviii. 1
3 [The bull of Eugenius the Fourth, addressed to Bishop Ken-
[For an account of this Scottish cleric—Thomas, Abbot of Dun-
‫״‬edy, and dated 6th July 1440, orders the excommunication of the
drennan—who so greatly distinguished himself at the Council of
followers of the anti-pope, Felix the Fifth, elected by the Council
Basle, see 'Concilia Scotise,' vol. i. pp. xcvii-xcix.]
‫ '>׳‬Basle, to be published in Scotland (Ibid., p. c.)]

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18 The Nature and Need ofthe Reformation.
19
Wedderburn afterwards were in St Andrews, and
John Hamilton and Knox in Glasgow. H e was
a true disciple of D ' A i l l y and Gerson, but like
them was warmly attached to the dominant
church and opposed to the heretics of his time.
H e taught, as they had done, that the church,
assembled in general council, may judge and
even depose a pope and reform abuses in the CHAPTER I I .
church ; that papal excommunications have no
force unless conformed to justice, and do not P A T R I C K HAMILTON.
necessarily prevent a man who dies under them
from going to heaven. He sharply censured the I T has not been very clearly ascertained how or
vices of the Roman court, and of the bishops and when the opinions and writings of Luther were
clergy of his time, particularly those of his native first introduced into Scotland. M . de la Tour,
land. He is especially severe in censuring their who in 1527 suffered in Paris for heresy, was ac¬
immorality and ignorance; and, like Wycliffe, cused of having vented various Lutheran opinions
condemns the monks and friars for inveigling while in E d i n b u r g h in attendance on the Duke
into their order young novices who had no voca¬ of Albany. T h i s , of course, must have been
tion for a celibate life, and ought rather to have before 1523. On the gth June 1523, the same
been encouraged to enter into honest wedlock. day that John Major was received as Principal
But he was a stern opponent of heresy—Luth¬ of the Paedagogium, or St Mary's College, Patrick 1

eran as well as Wycliffite—a subtle defender of H a m i l t o n was incorporated into the University
Roman doctrine ; and in dedicating to Archbishop 2
of St Andrews ; and on 3rd October 1524 he
Betoun his Commentary on St Matthew's Gospel, 1
See Appendix A.
he congratulated him on the success of his cruel ‫[ ־‬The entry in the Register of the University occurs at the bottom
1
measures against Hamilton and the heretics. ‫ י• י״‬I«KC, and preceded and followed by entries of 1521, as if it
I S

• ‫ ״ ץ ׳‬inserted there to save space. The entries of 1 21 are S

1
*l‫״‬1ct and easily read, but in this of !523 the ink is very faint, and
[Dr Mitchell, no doubt, had the Commentary itself before him. !‫ יי‬surface of the vellum has a rubbed appearance. It runs thus :
Those who have not access to it will find the dedication in the Ap¬
pendix to Constable's 'Major,' Scot. Hist. Soc, pp. 447, 448.] v.-‫״‬, r Γ'Γ " • ' " ‫י‬ 85 J
° ‫״‬ ‫״‬
‫"י‬ ‫״‬ a n n D 0 m
J incorporalus erat i n i 1 V ‫״‬ x x i i

UKrab.hs . r Magister noster Magister Johannes Major doctor


v

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20 Patrick Hamilton. His Studies. 21
was admitted as a member of the Faculty of to enable h i m to maintain himself in comfort
Arts. I f he did not from the latter date act as while continuing his studies abroad. Like many
a regent in the University, he probably took of his aristocratic countrymen he went first to
charge of some of the young noblemen or gentle¬ the University of Paris, and probably to the
men attending the classes. A t that date he was College of Montaigu, where Major, the great
probably more Erasmian than Lutheran, though Scottish scholastic doctor, was then teaching
of that more earnest school who were ultimately w i t h much eclat, and gathering round him there,
to outgrow their teacher, and find their congenial as afterwards at St Andrews, an ardent band of
home in a new church. youthful admirers, several of whom in the end
Patrick Hamilton was born in 1503 or 1504 at were to advance beyond their preceptor, and to
Stonehouse in Lanarkshire, or at Kincavel near lend the influence of their learning and piety to
Linlithgow. His father, a natural son of the the side of L u t h e r and the reformers. Before
first L o r d H a m i l t o n , had been knighted for his the close of 1520 he took the degree of M . A . at
bravery, and rewarded by his sovereign w i t h the University of Paris, and soon after left Paris
the above lands and barony. His mother was for Louvain, to avail himself of the facilities for
a daughter of Alexander, Duke of Albany, the linguistic studies provided there, or to enjoy
second son of James I I . , so that he had in personal intercourse w i t h Erasmus, the patron of
his veins the noblest blood in the land. H i s the new learning. He is said while there to
cousins, John and James H a m i l t o n , were in due have made great progress in the languages and
time raised to episcopal rank in the unreformed in philosophy, and to have been specially at¬
church of Scotland, and several others of his tracted towards the philosophy of Plato. W i t h
relations received high ecclesiastical promotion. the Sophists of Louvain, as Luther terms them,
Marked out for a similar destiny, Patrick was he could have had no sympathy. But there were
carefully educated, and, according to the corrupt some there, as well as at Paris, whose hearts
custom of the time, was in his fourteenth year God had touched, to whom he could not fail
appointed to the Abbacy of Ferne in Ross-shire, to be drawn. H e may even have met w i t h those
Augustinian monks of Antwerp whom these So¬
theologus in Parisiensis et thesaurarius Capelle regis. Eodem die phists so soon after his departure sent to heaven
incorporât! sunt Magister Fatricius Hamilton et Magister Roherlus
Laudar in nostra Université" (•‫)־>'״‬.] m a chariot of fire, and whose martyrdom un-

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22 Patrick Hamilton. Parliament and Heresy. 23
sealed in Luther's breast the fount of sacred seems to imply that he had never been author¬
song. I n the autumn of 1522, or the spring of
ised to preach at all.
1523, he returned to Scotland, and, after a brief
The years 1525 and 1526 were very unquiet
visit to his relatives in Linlithgowshire, appears
years in Scotland, various factions contending
to have come on to St Andrews. Probably,
with varying success for the possession of the
along with Alesius, Buchanan, and John Wedder-
person of the young king. I t was on the 17th
burn, he there heard those lectures on the Gos¬
July of the former year that his Parliament passed
pels which Major afterwards published in Paris
its first A c t against the new opinions, in which,
and dedicated to the Archbishop of St Andrews
after asserting that the realm had ever been clean
and other prominent churchmen i n Scotland.
" o f all sic filth and vice," i t enacted, " t h a t na
B u t his sympathies were more w i t h the young
maner of persoun strangear that hapnis to arrife
canons of the Augustinian priory than w i t h the
w i t h their schippis within ony part of this realm
Old Scholastic; and probably i t was that he
bring w i t h thaim ony bukis or werkis of the said
might take a place among the teachers of their
Lutheris his discipillis or servandis, desputt or
daughter college of St Leonard's that he was
rehers his heresyis or opunyeouns bot geif [i.e.,
received as a member of the Faculty of Arts.
unless] i t be to the confusioun therof, and that
Skilled in the art of sacred music, which the
be clerkis in the sculis alanerlie, under the pane
alumni of that college were bound specially to
of escheting of ther schippis and gudis and put¬
cultivate, he composed what the musicians call 1
ting of ther persouns in presoun." I n conse¬
a mass, arranged in parts for nine voices, and
quence of a letter from the pope, urging the
acted himself as leader of the choir when i t was
young king to keep his realm free from stain of
sung in the cathedral. He is said to have taken
heresy, the scope of the Act was extended in 1527
on him the priesthood about this time, that he
by the chancellor and Lords of Council so that
might be formally admitted " t o preach the word
it might apply to natives of the kingdom as well
of God." But he was not then of age for priests'
as to strangers resorting to i t for purposes of
orders, and D r David Laing is doubtful i f he 2
commerce.
was in orders at all, and certainly no mention
is made of his degradation from orders before 1
Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 295.
2

his martyrdom, and the final summons of Betoun [The Act as thus extended was ratified on the 12th of June 1535
(Ibid., ii. 342).]

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24 Patrick Hamilton.
James Bctouiis Mothves.
I n 1526 the primate, Archbishop James Bctoun,
truths, for which ultimately he was to be called
uncle of the cardinal, having taken a keen part
to lay down his life. His conduct could not long
in the political contentions of the day w i t h the
escape the notice of the returned archbishop.
faction which lost, had to escape for a time from
I do not suppose that he was naturally cruel,
St Andrews, and, disguised as a shepherd, to
nor after his recent misfortunes likely, without
tend a flock of sheep for three months on the
consideration, to embroil himself w i t h the Ham-
hills of Fife, on the high grounds of Kennoway,
iltons, w i t h whom i n the tortuous politics of the
immediately to the east of where the railway now
1
times he had often acted. But he had those
reaches its summit level. I t was at this juncture
about h i m who were less t i m i d and more cruel,
that copies of the New Testament of Tyndale's
especially his nephew, the future cardinal. He
translation were brought over from the L o w
was himself ambitious and craft)/, and about
Countries by the Scottish traders to the seaports
this very time was exerting all his influence to
of Aberdeen, Montrose, St Andrews, and L e i t h .
obtain special favours from the pope without the
Most of them are said to have been taken to St 1
sanction of the king. He knew that the holy
Andrews and put in circulation there in the ab¬
father had written the sovereign requiring him
sence of the archbishop. One was present there
to keep his realm free from heresy, and no doubt
at that time who had long treasured the precious
he and his scheming nephew thought that by
saying of Erasmus, " L e t us eagerly read the
their zeal in this matter they would discredit
Gospel, but let us not only read, but live the
the opposition of the king and his advisers to
Gospel ‫ ; ״‬and who seized the golden opportun¬
their ambitious schemes at the papal court.
ity to impress the saying on others, and invite
Still, he was anxious to perform the ungrateful
longing souls to quench their thirst at those wells
task i n the way least offensive to the Hamiltons.
of living water which had so marvellously been
So while issuing his summons against the re¬
opened to them for a season. During the months
former to appear and answer the charges which
when the primate was in concealment, and i n
had been brought against h i m , he did not at-
those which followed his return, Patrick Hamilton
came out more earnestly than he had done be¬ 1
Soliciting legatine powers over the whole of Scotland, instead of
fore as an evangelist and an advocate of the great over his own province of the archdiocese, so as to render nugatory
1
the exemption granted to the king's old tutor and favourite prelate
I'itscottie's History, 1778, p. Lesley's History, p. 136.
2 t 6 ;
the Archbishop of Glasgow.

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26 Patrick Hamilton. Final Return to Scotland. 27
tempt at once to restrain his personal liberty; publicly disputed, those theses that most fully
he would rather, i f he could, r i d the kingdom
and systematically set forth the doctrines which
of his presence without imbruing his hands in
he mainly taught, and for which at last he suf¬
his blood. And that was the result actually
fered. H e was warmly beloved by Lambert of
attained.
Avignon, who was then the most distinguished
Some of Hamilton's opponents even, touched theological professor i n the infant university, as
by his youth, his illustrious descent, his engaging well as by others w i t h whom he was brought
manners and noble character, joined w i t h his into contact ; and he would have been gladly
friends in urging h i m to avoid by flight the retained by them, could he have been persuaded
danger which impended. H e yielded to their to remain i n Germany : but his heart yearned
counsels, and, along w i t h two friends and a ser¬ to return to his native land, and once more pro¬
vant, made his escape to the Continent. The claim there the truths which had now become
story of his residence there has been graphic¬ to h i m more precious and engrossing than before.
ally told by Principal Lorimer and D r Merle His faith had been confirmed, and his spirit
D ' A u b i g n é ; and the latter has the merit of ex¬ quickened, by living for a time among earnest
plaining why Hamilton did not carry out his and decided Christians ; and in the autumn of
original intention of visiting Luther and Mel- 1527 he set out once more for Scotland, pre¬
anchthon at Wittenberg, as well as F r i t h , T y n - pared for any fate that might await h i m , not
dale, and Lambert at Marbourg. A t the very counting even life dear unto h i m i f he might
time he arrived on the Continent, the plague was finish his course w i t h joy, and bear faithful wit¬
raging in Wittenberg. " T w o persons died of ness to his Master's t r u t h , where before he had
it i n Melanchthon's house." Luther himself was shrunk back from an ordeal so terrible. He ap¬
suddenly taken i l l . " A l l who could do so, and pears first to have resorted to his native district,
1
especially the students, quitted the t o w n . " Thus and made known to relatives, friends, and neigh¬
the absence of documents bearing on his alleged bours about L i n l i t h g o w that Gospel of the grace
sojourn at the Saxon university is naturally ex¬ of God which gave strength and peace to his own
plained. He went to the younger University of spirit. I n his discourses and conversations he
Marbourg in Hesse, and prepared there, and dwelt chiefly on the great and fundamental truths
1
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 42, 43. which had been brought into prominence by the

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28 Patrick\Hamilton. hi St Andrezvs. 29
reformers, and avoided subjects of doubtful dis¬
chiefs of the church on such points as might
putation. His own gentle bearing gained favour
seem to stand in need of reform, and that Ham¬
for his opinions and success in his labours, and
ilton accepted the invitation. A t first, i t has
it won for him the heart of a young lady of noble
been said, he was well received : " A l l of them
birth, to whom he united himself in marriage,
displayed a conciliatory spirit ; all appeared to
following in this the example of Luther and others
recognise the evils in the church ; some of them
of the German reformers.
seemed even to share on some points the senti¬
Archbishop Betoun being then on the other ments of H a m i l t o n . " 1
He left the conference
side of the Forth, in the neighbouring abbey of not without hope of some other than the sad
Dunfermline, could not fail to hear of his doings issue he had at first anticipated. He was per¬
or to desire to silence h i m . But neither could mitted for nearly a month to move about w i t h
he fail, in the state of the political parties in freedom i n the city, to dispute in the schools of
Scotland at the time, to recognise " that a heretic the university, and privately to confer w i t h all
with the power of the Hamiltons at his back was who chose to resort to him at the lodging which
more to be dreaded than Luther himself," and had been provided for h i m . I t was evidently
must be dealt with very cautiously. I t was long the intention of those who were deepest in the
supposed that, i f not at the king's express desire, plot against h i m , that he should have ample time
1
as Bishop Lesley seems to suggest, then certainly allowed h i m to express his sentiments fully and
from his own wariness, the archbishop did not unmistakably, and even should be tempted by
at first venture formally to renew his old sum¬ dissemblers, like Friar Campbell, to unbosom
mons, but invited the reformer to St Andrews himself in private on matters as to which he
to a friendly conference w i t h himself and other refrained from saying much in public—the many
1
[The only passage, so far as I know, in which Lesley speaks alterations required in doctrine and in the ad¬
01 the king in connection with the martyr is the following : "Suae ministration of the sacraments and accustomed
pertinaciae, ac llagitii poenas igni luebat, adhortante magno Catho-
licae Religionis protectore Rege ipso, quem et sanguinis propin-
rites.
qmtate attigerat ‫( ׳׳‬Lesley's ' De Origine,' 1578, p. 427 ; 1675 Ρ I t is said that the archbishop still desired that
407). This is rendered by Dalrymple : " For his obstinacie 'and
wickednes committed, he is burnte at command of the king selfe
he should again save himself by flight, and there
gret Catholik protectour, to quhom Ferne als was neir of kin and is nothing i n the summons flatly inconsistent
bluid" (Dalrymple's Lesley, Scot. Text Soc, ii. 215, 216).] 1
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 57,

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3ο Patrick Hamilton. His Martyrdom. 31
1
w i t h t h i s ; but he and his friends took the credit Among the articles w i t h which he was charged,
of the terrible deed as promptly as i f they had and the t r u t h of which he admitted and main¬
planned and intended i t from the first. They tained, the most important were : " T h a t a man is
also assembled their armed retainers, that when ,
not justified by works, but by faith alone ; ‫ " י‬T h a t
the days of truce had expired they might be able faith, hope, and charity are so linked together,
to hold their prisoner against all attempts to that he who hath one of them hath all, and he
rescue h i m . The reformer refused to flee, affirm¬ that lacketh one lacketh a l l ; " and " T h a t good
ing that he had come to the city for the very works make not a good man, but that a good
purpose of confirming, i f need be, by the sacrifice man doth good w o r k s . " 1
On being challenged
of his life, the doctrines he had taught. He even by his accuser w i t h having avowed other heretical
anticipated the time fixed for his appearance, and opinions, he affirmed it was not lawful to worship
had one more conference w i t h the archbishop images or to pray to the saints ; and maintained
and his doctors, who even then had come to a that " i t is reason and leisome to all men that ‫ן‬
formal decision that the articles charged against have a soul to read the W o r d of God, and that i
him were heretical. The same evening he was they may understand the same, and in special
seized and imprisoned in the castle, and next the l a t t e r - w i l l and testament of Christ Jesus." 2

day was brought out for public trial and con¬ These truths, which have been the source of life
demnation in the Abbey Church or cathedral of and strength to many, were to h i m the cause of
St Andrews. condemnation and death ; and on the last day
of February 1527-28, the same day the sentence
Γη an old manuscript 1,00k of forms used in ecclesiastical pro¬ was passed, i t was remorselessly executed before
cesses by the archbishops of St Andrews before the Reformation I
found and have been able to decipher the recorded copy of the sum¬
the gates of St Salvator's College. " Nobly," as
mens issued by Archbishop James Betoun against Hamilton after I have said elsewhere, " did the martyr confirm
his return from Germany. It is addressed specially to the Dean of the minds of the many godly youths he had
the Lothians, and refers only to the preaching of the reformer in
West Lothian, so that there can no longer be any doubt that his gathered round h i m , by his resolute bearing, his
compearance in St Andrews before the date appointed in the sum- gentleness and patience, his steadfast adherence
mous must be regarded as a resolute avowal of his determination to
to the truths he had taught, and his heroic endur-
defend his teaching at all hazards. The summons is inserted at
ength 1n Appendix li. [For an account of the manuscript Form,,- 1
Spottiswoode's History, i. 124, 125.
laie see Robertson's ' Concilia Scotiic,' vol. i. pp. exev, exevi ] 2
l'itscottie's History, 1778, p. 206,

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32 Patrick Hamilton.
Effects of his Constancy. 33
ance of the fiery ordeal through which he had to
truths he taught was only the more confirmed by
pass to h.s rest and reward." The harrowing 1
witnessing their mighty power on h i m .
details of his six long hours of torture have been
1

preserved for us by his friend Alesius, himself a The older sources for the facts of Patrick Hamilton's career and
martyrdom are the references to them by his friend Alesius in two
sorrowing witness of the fearful tragedy. « He or three of his works, and especially in his ' Commentary on the
was rather roasted than burned," he tells us It First Book of Psalms,' under Psalm xxxvii. ; by Lambert in his
' Commentary on the Apocalypse' ; and by Gau in the latter part of
may be that his persecutors had not deliberately
his treatise on ' The Rieht Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine ' ; and
planned thus horribly to protract his sufferings- after those by Foxe, Knox, Calderwood, Pitscottie, and Spottis-
though such cruelty was not unknown in France woode in their histories. The only satisfactory formal biography of
him is that by Principal Lorimer entitled, ' Patrick Hamilton, the
either then or in much later times. They were as
first Preacher and Martyr of the Scottish Reformation.' His story
yet but novices at such revolting work, and all has also been told by Dr Merle D'Aubigné, in his own dramatic way ;
things seemed to conspire against them. The and still more recently it has been made the subject of a veritable
drama by the Rev. T. P. Johnston, minister of Carnbee.
execution had been hurried on before a sufficiency
of dry wood had been provided for the fire
t h e fury of the storm, which had prevented the
martyr's brother from crossing the F o r t h w i t h
troops to rescue him, was not yet spent. W i t h a
herce wind from the east sweeping up N o r t h
street, it would be a difficult matter in such a
spot to kindle the pile and keep it burning, or to
prevent the flames, when fierce, from being S O

blown aside as to be almost as dangerous to the


surrounding crowd as to the tortured victim.
They did so endanger his accuser, the traitor
Campbell, and "set fire to his cowl, and put him
in such a fray, that he never came to his right
m i n d . " But, through all his excruciating suffer-
mgs, the martyr held fast his confidence in God
and in his Saviour, and the faith of many in the

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34 Henry Forrest. 35

the truths he had taught i n his life. This was


especially the case w i t h the younger alumni in the
colleges, and the less ignorant and dissolute in¬
mates of the priory and other monastic establish¬
ments in the city. As at a later period i t was felt
certain that a stern Covenanter had been detected
when a suspected one refused to own that the
CHAPTER I I I . killing of Archbishop Sharp was to be regarded
as murder, so in these earlier days i t was thought
THE OPPRESSED AND THE OPPRESSORS. a sufficient mark of an incipient Lutheran i f he
could not be got to acknowledge that H a m i l t o n
ARCHBISHOP BETOUN thought that by Patrick had deserved his fate. On the charge that he
Hamilton's death he had extinguished Luther- had a copy of the English New Testament, and
anism in Scotland. The University of Louvain had been heard to say that H a m i l t o n was no here- .
applauded his deed ; and so also, I regret to say, tic, H e n r y Forrest was subjected to a rigorous
did John Major, the old Scottish Gallican, then imprisonment and a violent death. Forrest was
resident at Paris, and preparing for the press his a native of the county of L i n l i t h g o w , and had
Commentary on the Gospels, the first part of associated w i t h H a m i l t o n in St Andrews, and
which was to be dedicated to his old patron i n was the first to share his bloody baptism there.
Scotland, and was emphatically to express his He was burned at the north kirk-style of the
approval of what that patron had done to root out Abbey Church, that the heretics of Angus might
1
1
the tares of Lutheranism. But, according to the see the fire and take warning from his fate. One
well-known saying, " the reek of Patrick Hamilton for simply touching in his sermons w i t h a firm
infected all on whom i t did b l o w . " 2
His martyr hand on the corruptions of the clergy had to
2
death riveted for ever in the hearts of his friends escape for his life. Another, whose history after
being long forgotten has been again brought to
1
Supra, p. 18, n.
a
[The saying in slightly different forms may be found in Laing's 1
[Various dates, ranging between 1529 and 1533, have been
Knox, i. 42 ; Calderwood's History, i. 86 ; Spottiswoode's History, assigned for Forrest's martyrdom.]
i. 130.] 2
[William Arth.]

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36 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
Alesius and the Scriptures. 37
light in our own day, for a similar offence was
great movement of the age. But to be appreci¬
subjected to cruel imprisonment, and at last forced
ated it must be told i n detail, and as most of his
to flee from his native land.
work was done out of Scotland, I have decided
The name of this confessor was AlexandetAlane,
to reserve it for a supplementary lecture. I must
and it is so entered in the Registers of St Andrews
not, however, omit to mention here one special
University ; but i t is by the name of Alexander
service which he was honoured to do for the
Alesius, imposed on h i m by Melanchthon, that he
cause in his native land soon after he left i t , as
has been chiefly known to posterity. I t may
it casts fresh light on the origin of the Reforma¬
admit of some doubt whether he was absolutely
tion in Scotland. H i s first publication, printed
the first after the death of Hamilton to abandon ‫״‬

1
i1533 » was entitled 'Alexandri Alesii Epistola
his c o u n t r y and all he held dear, rather than
contra decretum quoddam episcoporum in Scotia,
renounce the faith the martyr had taught h i m ,
quod prohibet legere Novi Testamenti libros lingua
or crouch before the lecherous tyrant who had
vcrnacula.' I t brought into bold relief, and set
destined him to a filthy dungeon and a lingering
high above all minor issues, what had been taught
death. But it admits of no doubt that he was
by Wycliffc in the fourteenth century, and main¬
the most notable of all the band of young Scottish
tained by the Lollards of Kyle in the fifteenth,
exiles who had to leave their native country be¬
and what had actually been urged as an additional
tween the martyrdom of Hamilton and that of
charge against Patrick H a m i l t o n . Save for this
Wishart, and who were honoured to do faithful
epistle of Alesius, and the controversy i t occa¬
service in the cause of the Reformation in Eng¬
sioned, we might not have known that even in
land and on the Continent. The story of Alesius,
ignorant Scotland the bishops had been so far
of the shameless cruelties which drove h i m from 1
left to themselves as to issue such a decree. I t
his native land, of the hardships he had to bear
1

in the earlier years of his exile, of the high place [Howard and Barlo, in writing from Edinburgh on the 13th of
May 1536, say, that to the Scots the reading of God's Word "in
he gained in the affections of Melanchthon and theyr vulgare tonge is lately prohybitede by open proclamation"
Beza, and the great work he was to do by his writ¬ (Lemon's State Papers, v. 48). Norfolk, writing to Crumwell
from Berwick on the 29th of March 1539, says : "Dayly commeth
ings and prelections for the Protestant churches
unto me some gentlemen and some Clerkes, wiche do flee owte of I
of Germany, is one of the most interesting in the Scotland as they saie for redyng of Scripture in Inglishe ; saying /
1
that, if they were taken, they sholde be put to execution" (Ibid. v. !
[It was probably in 1530 that he left Scotland.]
154)• In the Epistle to James V I . prefixed to the Bassandyne

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38 The Opp)‫׳‬essed and the Oppressors. Norman Gourlay and David Stratoun. 39
is still more melancholy to think that even among the same place. The king, as the great Justiciar
the better informed controversialists of Germany of the realm, was present in his scarlet robe, and
one was found to champion their cause, and to took a prominent part i n the proceedings. Be-
maintain that there was nothing at variance w i t h toun was also present and taking part. About
sound doctrine in the decree; that nothing but sixteen are said to have been convicted and to
harm could come from the practice of allow¬ have had their goods forfeited. James Hamilton,
ing laymen to read the Scriptures in their own brother of the martyr, had been ordered by the
tongue ; and that i t could not fail to make them king to flee the country, as he could not otherwise
bad Christians and bad subjects, as Luther's save h i m . H i s sister was persuaded to submit to
translation had done in Germany. the church. T w o were reserved for a fiery death
From the time that Alesius fled from Scotland —Norman Gourlay and David Stratoun. Gourlay
down to the death of James V . in the end of was a priest i n secular orders, and " a man of
1542, there was almost continual inquisition made 1
reassonable e r u d i t i o u n , " who had been abroad,
for those who were suspected of having in their and there imbibed the new opinions. These he
possession heretical books, including the New 2
abjured, and was, i t seems, really burned for the
Testament in the vernacular, or who otherwise greater crime of having married a wife. 3
Stratoun
betrayed a leaning towards the new opinions. I n was the brother of the L a i r d of Laureston in the
1532, we are told, "there was ane greit objura-
tioun of the favouraris of Mertene L u t a r in the 1
Laing's Knox, i. 58.
2

Abbay of Halyrudhous ; " 1


and of course their [Foxe alleges that Gourlay and Stratoun were condemned and
burned, "because, after great solicitation made by the king, they
goods were forfeited to the crown. I n 1534 a refused to abjure and recant " (Cattley's Foxe, iv. 579) ; but, on the
second great assize against heretics was held in other hand, the writer of the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 18) and Bishop
Lesley (History, 1830, p. 149) assert that Gourlay did abjure.]
Bible, it is said : "The false namit clergie of this realme, abusing 3
Such was the punishment meted out to him for endeavouring
the gentle nature of your Hienes maist noble gudschir of worthie to do in a scriptural way what rulers of the church were doing in
memorie, made it an cappital crime to be punishit with the fyre disregard of the laws of Scripture as well as the laws of their church.
to have or rede the New Testament in the vulgare language." Pitscottie knew no other cause why he was burned save that "he was
One of the charges on which Sir John Borthwick was condemned, in the East-land, and came home, and married a wife contrary to
on the 28th of May 1540, was that he possessed a copy of the New the form of the pope's institution because he was a priest ; for they
Testament in the vernacular (' Register of St Andrews Kirk Session,' would thole no priest to marry, but they would punish and burn him
Scot. Hist. Soc, i. 98).] to the dead ; but if he had used ten thousand whores he had not
1
Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 15. been burnt" (Pitscottie's History, 1778, p. 236).

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4<‫כ‬ The Oppressed and the Oppressors. Fugitives and Martyrs. 41

Mearns, and had been reclaimed from his former at the king's command had exposed the hypocrisy
godless life by his neighbour, Erskine of D u n , but of the friars ; and George Wishart, who had
by some free speeches had incurred the resent¬ taught the Greek New Testament in Montrose ;
ment of the notorious Prior Hepburn. They were also Andrew Charters, John Lyne, and Thomas
burned at the Rood of Greenside, on the northern Cocklaw, John and Robert Richardson and Robert
side of the Calton H i l l . I n the same year, W i l - Logie, canons of the Augustinian Abbey of Cam-
lock, M'Alpine, and M ' D o w a l had to escape into buskenneth. Nearly all of these fugitives took
England. I n 1536, when the king and Betoun refuge in England. Cocklaw, Calderwood tells
were abroad, there was comparative peace. I n us, for marrying a wife had been mewed up within
1537 several were convicted at Ayr, and had their stone walls, but his brother came w i t h crowbars
1
goods forfeited, among whom was Walter Steward, and released h i m . H i s goods, as well as those
son of L o r d Ochiltree. I n 1538-39 many were ac¬ of his wife, were forfeited to the Crown. Large
cused and convicted in various burghs in which numbers of the wealthy burgesses, even after they
by that time reformed opinions were spreading, had consented to abjure their opinions, were
and many had to seek safety in flight. Among stripped of their possessions, among whom the
these last were Gavin Logie, principal regent burgesses of Dundee were conspicuous. " N o r
2
in St Leonard's College, who for a number of was the good town of Stirling far behind Dundee
years had been exercising a marked influence on in the same race of Christian glory. She had less
the students under him ; John Fyfe, who under wealth to resign, . . . but she brought to the
the designation of Joannes Faithus matriculated altar a larger offering of saintly b l o o d . " 1
On 1st
at Wittenberg in 1539, and under that of Joannes March 1538-39, no fewer than four of her citizens
Fidelis was incorporated into the University of were burned at one pile on the Castle H i l l of
Frankfort on the Oder, and appointed Professor Edinburgh. O n the same day w i t h them, and in
of Divinity there in 1547 ; George Buchanan, who the same place, perished one of the most sainted
1
and interesting of Scotland's martyrs—Thomas
[In the letter, dated 29th December 1537, granting his escheat to
his father, he is described as "ujnquhill Walter Stewart " (M'Crie's Forret, canon of the Augustinian Abbey of Inch-
Knox, 1855, p. 316). Calderwood places his recantation and acci¬ colm, and thereafter vicar of Dollar, who was
dental death in 1533 (History, Wodrow Society, i. 104).]
2
universally admired for his attractive character.
[Gavin Logie is usually spoken of as Principal of St Leonard's
(Laing's Knox, i. 36, n.).] 1
Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, p. 51.

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42 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
Cardinal Betoun. 43
He taught his parishioners the ten command¬
be absolutely devoted to h i m . David Betoun
ments, penned a little catechism for their instruc¬
offered himself. The pope created h i m cardinal
tion, and caused a child to commit i t to memory
in December 1538, and thenceforth the red—a
and to repeat it publicly, that i t might be im¬
colour thoroughly congenial w i t h him—became
pressed on the hearts of his parishioners who
his own, and, as i t were, his symbol. Not that
could not read. He succeeded in leading several
he was by any means a religious fanatic : he was
of the younger monks in the abbey to more evan¬
versed neither in theology nor in moral philosophy.
gelical views ; but the old bottles, he said, would
He was a hierarchical fanatic. T w o points, above
not take in the new wine. He preached every
all, were offensive to h i m in evangelical Christians :
Sunday to his people on the epistle or gospel for
one, that they were not submissive to the pope ;
the day, and showed them, in opposition to the
the other, that they censured immorality in the
teaching of the friars, that pardon for sin could
clergy, for his own licentiousness drew on him¬
only be obtained through the blood of Christ.
self similar rebukes. He aimed at being in Scot¬
During all these anxious years the severe
land a kind of Wolsey, only w i t h more violence
measures against the reformers had really been
and bloodshed. The one thing of moment in his
directed by the man who comes more prominently
eyes was that everything i n church and state
into public view toward their.close. This was
e t o u n t h e n e
should bend under a twofold despotism. En¬
‫^־‬IËJ? ‫׳‬ p h e w of the primate, and,
dowed w i t h large intelligence, consummate ability,
like h i m , aybunger scion of the house of Balfour
and indomitable energy, he had all the qualities
in Fife, who by this time was not only Abbot of
needed to ensure success i n the aim on which
Arbroath and Bishop of Mirepoix i n France, but
his mind was perpetually bent without ever being
also coadjutor to his aged uncle in the Arch¬
diverted from i t . Passionately eager for his pro¬
bishopric of St Andrews, and cardinal, w i t h the
jects, he was insensible to the ills which must
title of St Stephen on the Cœlian Mount. " Paul
result from them. One matter alone preoccupied
I I I . , " says D'Aubigné, "alarmed at seeing the
him, the destruction of all liberty. The papacy
separation of England from Rome, and fearing lest 1
divined his character and created him cardinal ! "
Scotland—as she had a nephew of Henry V I I I . for
her king—should follow her example, was anxious 1
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 131.—Like
to have in that country one man who should his predecessor Archbishop Forman, who—thirty years before, in the
interests of France, which had richly rewarded him with the Arch-

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44 The Oppressed and the Oppressors. Cardinal Betoun. 45
This is one of the few attempts made fairly to the papacy nor any others needed to divine his
estimate the character of the man whom one party character. Betoun was a man not only of large 1

seemed to have thought they must make out to intelligence, high ability, unremitting energy, and
be a very monster of iniquity, and of whom the unbounded ambition, but also of considerable
other party seemed to have felt that the less they scholarly attainments. He did not belong, i t is
said the better ; and to a certain extent D'Aubigné's true, to the school of Pole and Contarini, who
estimate is correct, but i t requires to be supple¬ would have made concessions to the reformers
mented. The cardinalate was rather eagerly in regard to doctrine, nor to that of the disciples
sought by him and his friends on the ground of ,
of D A i l l y and Gerson, who were pressing for a
what he had already done, and was expected yet reformation w i t h i n the old church in regard to
to do, for pope and king, than voluntarily offered morals. H i s associations and sympathies were
by the pope. Two, i f not three, letters, extremely rather w i t h the laxer Italian and French humanist
urgent, were written regarding i t by the king to school, both in their virtues and vices, and he
the pope, to the King of France, and to Cardinal seems to be lightly referred to in their gossip as
Farnese, in the favour of all of whom he stood Me latinus Juvenalis. 1
He was a great stickler
1
high. The pope consented to bestow on him for the liberties of holy church, and for years
the cardinalate he so much coveted; but the refused to pay the tax imposed on him for the
office of legate a latere, without which the other support of the College of Justice. 2
I t was no
was rather an office of dignity than of power, doubt by his counsel that heretical processes from ‫י‬
was not granted t i l l 1544,2 by which time neither the first were carried on under the canon law,
bishopric of Bourges-had so cruelly embroiled Scotland with Fng- and that that code and French consuetudinary
land and almost courted the disaster of Flodden, Betoun never ceased
ecclesiastical law were more completely natural- /
other during the life or after the death of James V. to sow the seeds (

of discord between the two realms, and so to court reverses to the ised in Scotland than they had been before. Most ‫־‬
Scottish arms, and destruction to the Scottish monasteries near the of his time from 1514 to 1524 was passed abroad
southern border. He shunned no risk, shrank from no cruelty to
—the later years in the diplomatic service of his
remove out of the way those who thwarted his schemes or favoured
the better policy which in the end was to carry the day. country ; and he had acquitted himself with much
1
Thciner's Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Sco'torum, 1864
pp. 608-612. 1
[There is such a reference to him in Theiner's Vetera Monu-
2
[lïetoun's Commission as Legate is dated 30th January 1543-44 menta, p. 608.]
(Lemon's State 1'apers, v. 443 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 46).] Robertson's Concilia Scotia.', vol. i. p. exxxvi, n.

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46 The Oppressed and the Oppressors.
The Cardinal and James V. 47
credit and success. He had been subsequently
tion of the old church or the building up of an¬
employed in the negotiations for the marriage of
other on her ruins. I f we may not say that he
the king, first with the daughter of the King of
had sold himself to France—which had pensioned
France, and after her death w i t h Mary of Guise,
him w i t h a rich bishopric and helped h i m to his
and in both missions had given high satisfaction
honours—we must say he had lived so long in
to his sovereign. H e had no sooner returned
it, and had got so enamoured of i t , that he was
home in 1524-25, than the same measures of cruel
at any rate three parts French, and all popish.
restraint against the reformers began to be
He had mingled not only w i t h her scholars but
adopted here which had already been put in
with her nobles, loved and determined to imitate
practice in France; and he was a member of
their ways even down to their scandalous laxity
the various Parliaments in which the rigour of
of morals and merciless treatment of so-called
these measures had been increased. Even some
heretics. He made no earnest effort to reform
of the hardest sayings of the Scottish king against
the old church, and so help her to weather the
heretics were but the echo of those of his father-
gathering storm ; and i t was not t i l l towards the
in-law, the King of France.
close of his life that he laid out on the building
L i k e too many of the high dignitaries of the of St Mary's College part of the money which
Scottish church of his time, Cardinal Betoun was his uncle had carefully hoarded for that purpose.
1
of notoriously incontinent h a b i t s ; but he was For the forcible suppression of the new opinions
never, so far as I know, guilty of such shameless the cardinal needed the unflinching support of
excesses as were the boast of his comrade, Prior his sovereign, and he spared no efforts to gain
Hepburn, nor did he ever allow himself to sink him over completely to his side, and to detach
into the same indolence and unredeemed sensu¬ him from his nobility,—turbulent and self-willed,
ality. He was above all a " hierarchical fanatic," but fondly clinging to what remnants of liberty
devoted to the cause of absolutism, who would were still left to them,—and to alienate h i m from
shrink from no measures, however cruel, to pre¬ his uncle, not unfrequently well-meaning but al¬
serve intact the privileges of his order, and to ways over-impetuous, and often i n his later years
stamp out more earnest and generous thought, selfish and untrustworthy. There was much in
whether that thought was aiming at the reforma- the king's character to encourage such efforts.
1
See Appendix C. W i t h good natural abilities and a frank and ami-

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48 The Oppressed and the Oppressors. James the Fifth. 49

able disposition, he had for their own selfish ends a certain age to hold even the highest offices in
been encouraged by his early guardians in sensual the church. I n this way they largely added to
pleasures, and never to the last freed himself from his revenues during the minority of his sons,
his evil habits. "Dissolute as a man, prodigal and buoyed h i m up w i t h the hope that when
as a king, and superstitious as a Catholic, he could these sons came to years, and were formally in¬
not but easily fall under the sway of superior vested w i t h their dignities, he would have wealthy
1
m i n d s , " who undertook to free h i m from the allies on whom he could thoroughly depend in
worries of business, to provide him w i t h money, his contests w i t h his nobles.
and to regard his failings w i t h indulgence, and But though James showed little indulgence to
on easy terms to absolve h i m from those grosser the reformers, and little favour for their doctrines,
excesses which could not fail at times to trouble he seems to the last to have had less real liking
his conscience. These things Betoun and his for the priests of the old faith. No bribery, no
clerical party endeavoured to d o ; and, lest he flattery, no solicitations could reconcile h i m per¬
should be tempted to follow the example of his manently to those who for their own selfish ends
uncle, and appropriate the property of the mon- dragged h i m into courses from which his own
astéries and other religious institutions, or set better impulses at times made h i m revolt. " H e
the church lands to feu, as he had threatened, incited Buchanan to lash the mendicant friars i n
they once and again presented lists to him ‫ ־‬of the vigorous verse of the ' Franciscanus.' He
those who were suspected of heresy, urging that encouraged by his presence the public performance
they should be prosecuted without delay, and of a play " which, by its exposure of the vices of
their goods, on conviction, be escheated to the the clergy, contributed greatly to weaken their in¬
Crown. They made large contributions from fluence. " H e enforced the object of that remark¬
their own revenues to aid him in the wars w i t h able drama by exhorting the bishops to reform
England, which obedience to their counsels had their lives, under a threat i f they neglected his
brought on h i m . They procured dispensations warning that he would deal w i t h them after the
from the papal court to enable his sons, though fashion of his uncle of England " or his cousin of
illegitimate and infants, to hold any ecclesiastical Denmark. " He repeated the exhortation in his
benefices inferior to bishoprics, and on reaching last Parliament, declaring that the negligence, the
1
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 132.
ignorance, the scandalous and disorderly lives of

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5ο The Oppressed and the Oppressors. Arrans Deceit. 51

the clergy, were the causes why church and the people to have and to read the Scriptures of
1
churchmen were scorned and despised." the O l d and New Testaments in the vulgar tongue,
So, notwithstanding all measures of repression, and despatched messengers to all the chief towns
the desire for a reformation quietly grew and to make public proclamation of the Act. The
spread throughout the nation, especially among little treatises of Alesius had thus done their
the smaller landed proprietors i n Angus and work, and he himself thought of returning and
Mearns, in Perthshire and Fife, in Kyle and Cun¬ completing what he had so well begun.
ningham, as also among the more intelligent The friends of the Reformation imagined that
burgesses in the various burghs, and, above all, the hour of their t r i u m p h was at hand. They did
among the elite of the younger inmates of the not know on what a treacherous prop they were
monasteries and of the alumni of the University. leaning, or what sore trials were yet in store for
When the poor monarch, as much sinned against them ere that t r i u m p h should be gained. They
2
as sinning, at last died of a broken heart, and the knew the regent to be weak and t i m i d ; they did
E a r l of Arran, who claimed the regency, looked not know h i m to be deceitful—so deceitful that,
âBout for trusty supporters to defend his claims w i t h i n six weeks after the last of the messengers
against the machinations of the cardinal and the were despatched w i t h the above-named proclama¬
queen dowager, he deemed i t politic to show not tion, immediately on the return from France of
a little countenance to the friends of the Reforma¬ his brother, the Abbot of Paisley, others were
tion and of the English alliance. W e are not secretly sent off to inform the holy father of his
warranted to assert that he meant to declare him¬ accession to the regency, to put himself and the
self a Protestant; but he chose as his chaplains kingdom under his protection, and to ask permis¬
preachers who showed themselves favourably in¬ sion to have under his control the income of the
clined to the new faith. He encouraged the benefices of the king's sons t i l l they should come
chief men among the Protestants to frequent his of age. 1
The love of money was w i t h h i m the
court, and he ventured to lay hands on the un¬ root of this evil ; as the fear of man was of others
scrupulous cardinal, who had striven to exclude which soon followed, and were fraught w i t h dire
him from the regency. He consented to pass calamities to the nation. A n d so he went from
through Parliament an Act expressly permitting 1
[His letter to the Pope is dated 10th May 1543 (Theiner's Mon-
1
Concilia Scotix, vol. i. pp. cxxxix, cxI. 2
[14th Dec. 1542.] unienta Ilihernorum et Scotorum, pp. 614, 615).]

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52 The Oppressed and the Oppressors. The Perth Martyrs. 53

bad to worse, t i l l in the dim light of the Francis¬ grct murmure that heretikis mair and mair risis
1
can chapel at Stirling, " that weak man, to whom and spredis w i t h i n this realme, sawand dampnable ;
people had been looking for the triumph of the opinionis incontrar the fayth and lawis of Haly
Reformation in Scotland, fondly fancying that he Kirk, actis and constitutionis of this realm " ; and :
was performing a secret action, knelt down before exhorted all prelates and ordinaries " t o inquir
the altar, humbly confessed his errors, trampled upon all sic maner of personis and proceid aganis
under foot the oaths which he had taken to his thame according to the lawis of H a l y K i r k " ;
own country and to England, renounced the evan¬ promising to be ready himself to do therein at all
1

gelical profession of Jesus Christ, submitted to the times what belonged to his office. This promise
pope, and received absolution of the cardinal." 2 he was soon obliged cruelly to fulfil.
h e s e t o u t i n

Even in June he had entered in the books of On the 20th January ‫־‬154344
the Privy Council an Act against Sacramentaries company of the cardinal, the L o r d Justice and
holding opinions on the effect and essence of the his deputy, w i t h a band of armed men and artil¬
Sacraments tending to the enervation of the faith lery, to Perth, where a great assize was held.
catholic, in which they were threatened w i t h Several were convicted of heresy, and their goods ^
"tinsale of lif, landis, and gudis." 3
He had not forfeited. Several were condemned to die. The *
dared to proclaim this openly, though perhaps his governor himself was inclined to spare their lives,
ally, Henry V I I I . , would not have blamed h i m but the cardinal and the nobles who were w i t h
greatly for doing so. But no sooner was he in him threatened to leave h i m i f he did this. So
league w i t h , and under the power of, the cardinal, on St Paul's day (25th January) ‫־‬154344> Robert j
than he showed in open Parliament " how thair is Lamb, James Hunter, W i l l i a m Anderson, and
James Ranaldson were hanged ; and the wife of
1
[On the 8th of September "he was enjoyned to passe to the this last, who had refused when i n labour to pray
Freres in Stirling, . . . and there received open pennance and a
J solempne othe, in the presence and hereing of all men that was to the V i r g i n Mary, was denied the consolation of
there, that he shulde never doo the same againe, but supporte and being suspended from the same beam w i t h her
! défende the professon and habit of mounkes, freres, and such other ;
husband, and put to death by drowning, after she
! and therupon, being absolved by the Cardinall and the Busshoppes,
herde masse and received the sacramente " (Hamilton Papers, ii.
had consigned to the care of a neighbour the
38)·] 1
Acts of Parliament, ii. 443. [This was on the 15th of December
2
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 206.
3 '543 1
Concilia Scotise, ii. 294.

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54 The Oppressed and the Oppressors. The Balance of Parties. 55

infant she carried in her arms. Dundee was next came to them from abroad—and i n particular
visited, but it was found that the suspected citi¬ from his holiness, when almost all their other
zens—who in the previous autumn had sacked friends were growing cold,—it would be hard for
and destroyed the Grey Friars and the Dominican them to maintain the struggle against the English
monasteries—had taken the alarm and fled from king. The balance of parties at this critical
their homes. juncture was more nearly equal than is generally
The weak and inconstant man continued to be supposed. " A n active minority of the nobles and
regent in name, but from that hour he was domin¬ gentry saw i n the government of Beaton not only
! ated by the imperious cardinal almost as completely their own personal ruin, but the giving away of
1
as K i n g James had been. He wrote to the pope the country to a power more dangerous to its
that the cardinal's devotion to the holy see and liberties than England itself. . . . W i t h those
to the interests of his native country was so great who favoured England were naturally associated
that he deserved the praise, or at least no small those who desired a reformation of religion,—a
part of the praise, of preserving its liberty and body now so numerous i n the opinion of a papal
extinguishing heresy. 1
That last work, however, legate [ G r i m a n i ] who visited the country i n 1543,
was by no means so nearly accomplished as the that, but for the interposition of God, Scotland
regent in his letter to the pope had boasted. would soon be i n as bad a case as England
1
I n fact, within two months after we find the itself." These appeals for foreign help, and the
cardinal himself confessing in a letter to the hopes raised by them, intensified the struggle,
pope that he was still in the thick of the fight, and retarded for years the triumph of a really
and all but worn out—" vigiliis, laborious, atgue national party resolved to set the interests of
sumptibus " — not only in contending w i t h foes Scotland above those of France and Rome as
without, but also w i t h traitors w i t h i n , the camp. 2
well as of England.
The regent himself was obliged to confess, in a
1
Hume Brown's Knox, i. 64, 65. Grimani's opinion, as sent
subsequent letter, that they were then in a miser¬
from Stirling, is thus summarised by Father Stevenson : " The realm
able p l i g h t ; and that, unless material assistance is in such confusion, so divided, so full of heresy that, but for the
interposition of God, it will soon become as bad as England. The
1
[This letter is dated 20th May 1545 (Theiner's Monumenta ρ queen and the cardinal have spent all their money in the common
616).] cause ; and the clergy are unable to assist, for the fruits of their
2
Theiner's Monumenta, p. 617. [This letter is dated 6th July benefices have been seized by the Lutherans" (Mary Stuart, 1886,
1545·] p. S i ) .

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56 Summoned for Heresy. 57

of Montrose. The earliest notice we have of h i m


is as attesting a charter granted in favour of
1
Erskine. T h i s lends confirmation to the tradi¬
tion which Petrie, himself a native of the town,
says he had heard from ancient men (who in
their youth had seen and known the reformer)
that then, or soon after, he was employed as as¬
CHAPTER IV. sistant or successor of Marsillier, the Frenchman
Erskine had brought from France to teach the
G E O R G E WISHART. languages, and that, like h i m , he read the Greek
New Testament w i t h some of his pupils. John
I T was about this time that a new evangelist Hepburn, then Bishop of Brechin, would not nat¬
arrived in the country, singularly fitted to im¬ urally have been quick-scented to detect heresy
press on the hearts of men the lessons of the in one who stood so high with his good friend
H o l y Book to which they had now access in Erskine of D u n ; but David Betoun, Abbot of
their native tongue. This was George Wishart, Arbroath, often resided at the mansion-house of
a younger son or nephew of Sir James Wishart, Ethie, h a l f - w a y between Arbroath and Mon-
laird of Pittarrow i n the Mearns. H e appears trose, and he was both more l y n x - e y e d and
to have been born about 1512-13, and to have more anxious to stamp out any approach to
received his university training in King's College, heresy, and he urged the bishop on.
Aberdeen, then presided over by a distinguished Wishart i n consequence was summoned by
humanist skilled both i n L a t i n and Greek. He Hepburn, but instead of appearing in answer to
acquired a knowledge of Greek—at that time a the summons, he, like many others in that year
very rare accomplishment in Scotland — either of grievous persecution, sought safety in England,
from the Principal of King's College, or from and i t is said that he was forthwith excommuni¬
a Frenchman teaching languages i n Montrose. cated and outlawed. H e found shelter under
F r o m his early years he seems to have been in¬
1
[The charter is dated at Montrose on the 20th of March ‫־‬153435-
timate w i t h John Erskine, laird of D u n , and at
The Martyr's signature, as " M. Geo. Wischert," proves that he had
that time also provost of the neighbouring burgh already taken his degree (Register of Great Seal, iii., No. 1462).]

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5S George Wishart. His Appearance and Habits. 59

Bishop Latimer, whose diocese comprehended pupil during the year he was in residence there,
Gloucester and Bristol, as well as Worcester; that we are indebted for our fullest description
but in the following year he fell into fresh trouble of his appearance and habits. He was, he tells
at Bristol—not, as was at one time supposed, by us, " a m a n of tall stature, polled-headed, and ,
denying the merits of the V i r g i n Mary, but by on the same a round French cap of the best ;
denying the merits of Christ Himself. For this judged to be of melancholy complexion by his
he was duly convented before Archbishop Cran- physiognomy ; black haired, long bearded, comely
mer, and, after conference w i t h him, was per¬ of personage, well spoken after his country of
suaded to recant and bear his faggot. Soon after Scotland, courteous, lowly, lovely, glad to teach,
the enactment of the bloody statute of the six desirous to learn, and was well travelled ; having
articles, he, like most of the Scottish refugees, on him for his habit or clothing never but a
left England and sought shelter among the re¬ mantle or frieze gown to the shoes, a black
formed churches on the Continent, especially Millian [i.e. Milan] fustian doublet, and plain
those of Zürich, Basle, and Strassburg, and black hosen, coarse new canvas for his shirts,
brought home with h i m , and ultimately trans¬ and white falling bands and cuffs at his hands,—
lated into English, the First Helvetic Confes- all the which apparel he gave to the poor, some
1
sion, composed and agreed on by the chief weekly, some monthly, some quarterly, as he
theologians of these churches. liked, saving his French cap, which he kept the
He returned to England about the close of whole year of my being w i t h h i m . . . . His
1542, and soon after entered into residence in charity had never end, night, noon, nor day, . . .
Corpus Christi or Benet College, Cambridge, infinitely studying how to do good unto all, and
1
w i t h the view of studying and teaching there. hurt to n o n e . "
I n one of the windows of the common-room i n Such, according to his pupil, was the evangelist
that college, above the arms of archbishops and who—in 1543 according to some, in 1544 accord¬
nobles, distinguished alumni of the college, stands ing to others—returned to his native land, and
the name of George Wishart, w i t h the martyr's for two years testified of the gospel of the grace
crown over i t ; and it is to Emery Tilney, his of God throughout Angus and Mearns, Ayrshire
1
and the Lothians, but whose favourite fields of
[His translation is reprinted in the Wodrow Miscellany, pp.
1
7-23-1 Cattley's Foxe, v. 626.

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6ο George Wishart. A Protestant Pasquil. 61

labour were to be central Angus and Mearns, beautiful white palfrey, finely caparisoned, held
the towns of Montrose and Dundee. A portrait by some persons who were well dressed, but un¬
of h i m , as well as one of his great opponent, has covered. Beyond them was the Cathedral of St
been preserved in the Roman Catholic College of Peter, the doors of which appeared to be open.
Blairs, and the expression of the face harmonises Below the picture were written the following
well w i t h the description his pupil gives of h i m .
lines :—
Another portrait, deemed by D r Laing not un¬ " I N PAPAM.

worthy of Holbein, is in possession of a descend¬


1
‫ '־‬Laus tua, non tua fraus, virtus non gloria rerum
ant of the Wisharts. Scandere te fecit hoc decus eximium ;
I t is supposed that for a short time after his Pauperibus dat sua gratis nec munera curat
Curia Papalis, quod more percipimus.
return to Scotland he lived quietly at Pittarrow, 1
Haec carmina potius legenda, cancros imitando."
in the parish of Fordoun, where the shrine of St
Palladius was preserved ; and being an accom- 1
[Cook's History of the Reformation, 1811, i. 272, 273 ; 1819, i.
pushed artist, occupied himself w i t h adorning the 273. Dr Cook says that Dr Leslie, minister of Fordoun, "got a
short view of them," and favoured him with the account which he
ancestral mansion w i t h several beautiful fresco wrote. In a very similar notice of the paintings by Dr Leslie, it is
paintings, which, after being long covered over stated that they were discovered when the old house of Pittarrow
by the wainscot, were again brought to light in was being pulled down in 1802 (' New Statistical Account of Kincar-
dineshire,' p. 81).] As Dr Cook long ago surmised, the lines of
the present century, but unfortunately were de¬ covert sarcasm on the pope are not original. One evening as I re¬
stroyed before their value was perceived. D r turned to Guildford Street after a long day in the British Museum,
I had occasion to pass through Red Lion Square and the alley to
Leslie of Fordoun, who saw them, has thus de¬
the east of it, where I saw exposed in a pawnbroker's window a
scribed the most remarkable of them : " Above little antique volume, in a very dilapidated state, opened at the
the largest fireplace in the great hall was a paint¬ page which contained these lines almost verbatim. I at once pur¬
chased it, and on further examination I found it had been published
ing of the city of Rome, and a grand procession at Basle in 1537—i.e., a few years before Wishart was there. [The
going to St Peter's. . . . The Pope, adorned w i t h little collection which Dr Mitchell thus refers to bears the title :
the tiara, and mounted on horseback, was at¬ " Pasqvilli de Concilie Mantuano Iudicium. Qverimonia Papistarum
ad Legatum Pontificium in comicijs Schmalcaldianis. Mantua use
tended by a large company of cardinals on foot, miseris niinium uicina Papistis. M D X X X V I I . "
richly dressed, but all uncovered. A t a little dis¬ The colophon runs thus: "Impressum Romae in porta Ange-
tance, directly in front of the procession, stood a lorum. M.D.xxxvii."
Wishart evidently found his lines in the following :—
1
[This is now in the National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh.] " Lavs Romani Pontifias. Scripta ad placitum Romanae curiae per

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62 George Wishart. Preaches at Dundee. 63
Wishart began his work as a preacher i n Mon- Montrose ; and a reformation, as it was called—
trose, the scene of his early scholastic labours, including the sacking of the monasteries in the
expounding the rudiments of the Christian faith town and neighbourhood—had taken place in the
and practice as set forth in the Ten Command¬ autumn of 1543· The governor confessed, when
ments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles' Creed. put to penance, that this had been done w i t h his
At that time Montrose was frequented by many of permission. 1
The martyr cannot with any cer¬
the landed gentry in the surrounding districts tainty be connected w i t h i t , much less made to
who were favourable to the Reformation and the bear the blame of i t ; though another George
English alliance, and their hearts could not fail Wishart, a citizen and bailie of Dundee, w i t h
to be cheered and their courage raised by the whom the martyr has been recklessly confounded,
exhortations of the evangelist. Dundee, however, was afterwards put on his trial for having taken
was the chief and favourite scene of his ministra¬ 2
a leading part in i t . I f the martyr could, his
tions ; and i t was from the great success attend¬ enemies would hardly have failed to have brought
ing them that it gained the name of the Scottish it against h i m at his trial.
Geneva. I t was even more decidedly attached to He preached for a time in Dundee w i t h great ac¬
the new opinions and the English alliance than ceptance, expounding systematically that Epistle
to the Romans, the full significance of which the
uenerabilem dominum Doctorem Ioannem Cochleum, Theutonicae recently published Commentary of Calvin had
Doctor Rotzloffel, et Georgium VVicelium cognomento, Meister
Lugenmaul, Romanae Ecclesiae propugnatores egregios. deeply impressed on the minds of his co-religion¬
"Pauperibus sua dat gratis nec munera curat
ists in various lands where Wishart had been.
Curia Papalis quod modo percipimus At length he was charged by one of the magis¬
Laus tua non tua fraus, Virtus non copia rerum
Scandere te fecit, hoc Decus eximium trates in the queen's name and the governor's to
Conditio tua sit stabilis nec tempore paruo
Viuere te faciat hic Deus omnipotens. desist from preaching, to depart from the town,
and trouble i t no more. This was intimated to
"Quos uersiculos pessimus quidam haereticus, Lutheranus, iu-
uenilis fortasis Poeta VVittembergensis, ita de uerbo ad uerbum him when he was in the pulpit, surrounded by
inuertit.
a great congregation, and w i t h a significant re-
" Percipimus modo quod Papalis curia curat
Munera, nec gratis dat sua pauperibus
Eximium decus hoc fecit te scandere rerum 1
Hamilton Papers, ii. 38.
Copia, non uirtus, fraus tua, non tua laus. 2

Omnipotens Deus hic faciat te uiuere paruo Maxwell's Old Dundee prior to the Reformation, 1891, pp. 92,
Tempore, nec stabilis sit tua conditio."] 395·

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64 George Wishart.
Succours the Plague-stricken. 65
minder that he had already been put to the horn,
think compassionately of his friends who were
and that there was no intention to relax the law
now in trouble, and stood in need of comfort.
in his favour. Thereupon he called God to wit¬
He returned to the afflicted town, and its in¬
ness that he intended not their trouble but their
habitants received h i m w i t h j o y . He announced
comfort, and felt sure that to reject the W o r d of
without delay that he would preach to t h e m ; but
God, and drive away His messenger, was not the
it was impossible he could do so in a church.
way to save themselves from trouble ; adding,
Numbers were sick of the plague; others in at¬
" God shall send unto yow messengeris who w i l l
tendance on them were regarded as infected, and
not be effrayed of hornyng nor y i t t for banish-
1
must not be brought into contact w i t h those who
ment." He left the town forthwith, and w i t h
were free from infection. The sick were crowded
all "possible expeditioun passed to the west¬
2
in and about the lazar-houses near St Roque's
land." There he pursued his labours in the
Chapel, outside the East or Cowgate Port of the
same kindly spirit, refusing to allow his follow¬
town. Wishart chose as his pulpit the top of
ers to dispute possession of the churches by force
that port, which, in memory of the martyr -
of arms w i t h the authorities, and choosing rather
preacher, has been, i t is said, carefully preserved,
to preach in the open air wherever he found
though — like Temple Bar, so long tolerated in
a convenient place and audience fit to listen to
London—it is now i n the heart of the town, and
him. 1
an obstruction to its traffic. The sick and sus¬
Soon after he left Dundee, the plague, which
pected were assembled outside the port, and the
that year was raging in several of the towns of
healthy inside. The preacher took for the text
Scotland, extended its ravages to that place.
of his first sermon the words of Psalm cvii. 20 :
This naturally led the citizens to bethink them¬
" H e sent H i s word and healed t h e m ; " and,
selves of the treatment they had allowed the evan¬
‫[ י‬Knox calls it "the East Porte of the Toune" (Laing's Knox, i.
gelist, who had laboured so devotedly among
129). Maxwell says that the Port which stood in the Seagate would
them, to suffer at the hands of his enemies, as alone correspond to that described by Knox ; and he adds : "The
the news of what they were suffering led h i m to Port yet standing in the Cowgate—which, because of its association
with the honoured name of George Wishart, only was left when some
1
of the others were demolished—really cannot be identified as his
Laing's Knox, i. 126. [Calderwood (i. 186) and Spottiswoode
preaching-place, and should not carry the inscription which has been
(i. 150) have burning {ox hornyng.}
2
recently put over its archway " (' History of Old Dundee,' 1884, pp.
Laing's Knox, i. 126. 220-222).]

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66 George x Wishart. His Fearless Devotedness. 67

starting on the key-note that it was neither herb stances i n which they originated—in a plague-
nor plaster, but God's W o r d which healeth all, stricken town which had just before been occupied
" He maist comfortablie did intreat [i.e. treat o f ] by the soldiers of the cardinal and the regent,
the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis W o o r d ; the and might well dread a similar visitation for its
punishment that cumis for the contempt of the determined adherence to the new evangelist.
same ; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such
as trewlye turne to H i m ; yea, the great happynes " Thocht pest or sword wald vs preuene,
Befoir our hour, to slay vs clene,
of thame whome God tackis from this miserie Thay can nocht pluk ane lytill hair
evin in H i s awin gentill visitatioun, which the Furth of our heid, nor do vs deir.
1
malice of man cane neyther eak nor paire." By
Quhen fra this warld to Christ we wend,
this sermon, Knox tells us, he so raised up the
Our wratchit schort lyfe man haif end
hearts of all who heard h i m , that they regarded Changeit fra paine, and miserie,
not death, but judged those more happy that T o lestand gloir Eternallie.
should depart than those that should remain be¬
E n d sail our dayis schort, and vaine,
hind, considering that they knew not whether they
And sin, quhilk we culd nocht refraine,
should have such a comforter w i t h them at all Endit salbe our pilgremage,
times. And bracht hame to our heritage." 1

No doubt John Wedderburn, as well as the


others who had been suspected of heresy and had Wishart concerned himself not only about the
fled from the town in the persecution of 153g, souls but also about the bodies of his hearers in
had before this time returned, and were co-oper¬ that sad time, fearlessly, like Luther on a similar
ating with Wishart in his work ; and then, in all occasion, exposing himself to the risk of infection,
probability, was prepared that beautiful funeral that he might minister to the diseased and the
hymn which passed from the Bohemians to the dying, and taking care that the public funds for
Germans, and from the Germans to the Scotch ; the relief of the destitute should be properly ad¬
and which, in addition to the original stanzas, ministered. H e forgot himself only too much,
contains in the Scottish version certain new verses and the terrible risks to which, as an excom¬
having unmistakable reference to the circum- municated and outlawed man, he was exposed
1
Laing's Knox, i. 130. 1
Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, p. 165.

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68 George Wishart.
His Innocence. 69
in so near proximity to the cardinal, who was
Like Drs L a i n g , Lorimer, and Weir, I cannot
so eager to get h i m out of the way.
persuade myself that the man who spoke and
One day as the people were departing from the acted thus is the same as " a Scottish man called
sermon, utterly unconscious of the peril menacing Wysshert," who is mentioned in a letter of the
their favourite preacher, Knox tells us that a E a r l of Hertford in A p r i l 1544, a s
P ivy to a r

priest, bribed by the cardinal, stood waiting— conspiracy to apprehend or assassinate Cardinal
w i t h his whinger drawn in his hand under his Betoun, and as employed to carry letters between
gown — at the foot of the steps by which the the conspirators and the English court. There 1

preacher was descending from the top of the port. were other Wisharts in Scotland. Yea, as D r
Wishart, most sharp of eye and swift of judg¬ Laing has shown, another George Wishart in
ment, at once noticed h i m , and, as he came near, Dundee, who was a zealous friend of the English
said, " M y freind, what wald ye do ? " and at alliance—not only after the conspirators got pos¬
the same moment seized the hand in which he session of St Andrews castle, but from the earlier
held the dagger, and took i t from h i m . The date when the monasteries in Dundee were de¬
priest fell down at his feet and confessed the 2
stroyed and sacked. There was probably another
whole t r u t h . Immediately the rumour spread about St Andrews who, while the martyr was yet
that a priest had attempted to assassinate their a boy, was called in to attest a charter by the
favourite preacher, the sick outside burst open notorious friar Campbell in 1526. I w i l l not
the gate, crying, " Deliver the tratour to us, or venture to affirm that, w i t h all his gentleness,
ellis we w i l l tack him by forse." But the
preacher put his arms around his would-be assas¬ those ministering in Dundee in 1550 (' Old Dundee prior to the Re¬
formation,' 1891, p. 87, n.) The James Wichtand who was reader
sin, exclaiming, " Whosoevir trubles h i m shall at Inchture and Kinnaird in 1574 (Wodrow Miscellany, p. 353) is
truble me, for he has hurte me in nothing, bot said to have held a chaplaincy in Dundee before the Reformation.
Rut Dr Laing holds that there was a Sir John Wighton, a chaplain
. . . hes lattin us understand what we may in Dundee, who obtained the vicarage pensionary in the parish
feare in tymes to come " ; and so, says Knox, he church of Ballumby in 1538, and who appears to have been incar¬
saved the life of h i m that sought his. 1 cerated in St Andrews Castle in the cardinal's absence in 1543
(Laing's Knox, vi. 670).
1
Lemon's State Papers, v. 377.
1
Laing's Knox, i. 130, 131. The name of this priest is given as Laing's Knox, i. 536. [Maxwell gives a detailed account of
Sir John Wightone, or Weighton, by Knox, Calderwood, and this other George Wishart in his ' Old Dundee prior to the Reforma¬
Spottiswoode. Maxwell cannot find a priest of this name among tion,' 1S91, pp. 91-95.]

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7ο George Wishart. His Constancy. 71
Wishart might not have been tempted to main¬ confession, and, when they failed to do so, al¬
tain that violence and murderous intent—such as lowed W y n r a m to go, as the reformer had re¬
Betoun had twice shown to get r i d of him privately quested. W y n r a m , after hearing i t , returned to
—might be lawfully met and restrained by force, the cardinal and his abettors, and assured them
though even that is hardly in keeping w i t h all we that W i s h a r t was innocent. This can only refer to
know of his gentle ways ; but we may be sure that such a suspicion of conspiracy, not to the charge
had such thoughts been cherished by h i m , he, like of heresy which was confessed and acknowledged ;
Knox, would have said this openly, and not have and M r Andrew L a n g has failed as completely as
engaged in any secret reprisals. As an outlawed the cardinal in his laboured attempt to produce
man he came down to Scotland under protection, a tittle of evidence against h i m .
and never seems to have travelled in it save under F r o m the time of Wighton's attempt the re¬
protection ; and so he was one of the last men former had a clearer view of the perils which beset
likely to be chosen for a secret mission to Eng¬ h i m , and a mournful conviction of the issue which
land. I f anything more than the able essay of awaited h i m i f he would not flinch or flee. B y
the late Professor Weir in the ' N o r t h British his success i n Dundee the rage of his adversaries
Review ' for 1868 were needed to prove that the was lashed into a fury which appalled his friends
" pure lustre of the martyr's fame is still un¬ in various districts ; but none of these things
sullied," i t seems to me to be supplied by himself moved h i m that he might finish his course w i t h
in his affecting address at the stake. " I beseech joy, and make full proof of his ministry. As soon
Thee, Father of heaven ! to forgive them that as the plague abated in the city, heedless of the
have of any ignorance, or else have of any evil new proofs he then had of the cardinal's relentless
mind, forged any lies upon me. I forgive them determination to capture or trepan him, and the
1
w i t h all my heart." The cardinal was not ig¬ earnest warnings of his northern friends that they
norant of the volcano on which he was sitting or could not be answerable for his safety, he took
of the plots that had been hatched against h i m ; his last farewell of his kirks in Montrose and
and he may have suspected Wishart of being i n Dundee. A t all hazards he was determined to
the conspiracy. T h a t may have been the reason fulfil his engagement to meet his western friends
why he sent two friars to h i m to get his last in Edinburgh, to prosecute his work there under
1
Cattley's Foxe, v. 635. their promised protection, and to seek a public

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2
7 George Wishart. His Martyrdom. 73
disputation w i t h some of the popish clergy who strances of the regent and the murmurs of the
about that time were to meet in Synod in the people, but w i t h the assent of the Council which
capital. Disappointed of the presence and pro¬ he had adjourned from Edinburgh to St Andrews,
tection of the western men, he laboured for a brief condemned h i m to the stake. Throughout all
season in Leith, Inveresk, and East Lothian with- these t r y i n g scenes he comported himself as nobly
‫ •ן‬out much success. A t last, forsaken by many of as Patrick H a m i l t o n had done ; and not less plenti¬
' those who should have stood by h i m , he was fully did his blood prove the seed of the church,
seized at Ormiston, under cover of night and verifying his words, that few would suffer after
promise of safe keeping, by the E a r l of Both- him before the glory of God evidently appeared.
well, Sheriff Principal of the county. The Earl No doubt his cruel martyrdom hastened the re¬
pledged his honour not to give him up to his moval of that tyrant who set himself above all
enemies, but was soon persuaded to deliver him restraint of civil law, and breathed forth threaten-
to the governor, as was the governor to hand him ings against the saints of God,—though that re¬
over to the cardinal, though he finally protested moval had not been plotted by h i m , nor would
against his being tried or condemned by the have been approved by h i m . The words attrib¬
churchmen in his own absence. A full account uted to h i m at the stake by Buchanan and
of his labours during these days of despondency Lindsay of Pitscottie, foreshadowing his perse¬
has been given by Knox, who got from him, it is cutor's approaching fate, are not generally regarded
said, the first rudiments of Greek, and who— as authentic. Knox says nothing of them, nor
having rendered his first service to the cause of Foxe, nor Spottiswoode ; nor does Sir David
the Reformation by bearing the two-handed sword Lindsay, i n his ' Tragedy of the Cardinal,' make
for his protection—was dismissed on the night any reference to them. I t seems better authenti¬
of his betrayal w i t h the significant words, " One is cated that he made the following general state¬
sufficient for one sacrifice," showing what fate he ment : " I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to
now anticipated for himself. exhort your prelates to the learning of the W o r d
I cannot enlarge on these things, nor on the of God, that they at the last may be ashamed to
sad scenes which took place at St Andrews on the do evil and learn to do good, and i f they w i l l not
last day of February and 1st of March 1545-46, convert themselves from their wicked error, there
when the cardinal, regardless of the remon- shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God,

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74 George Wishart. Church Organisation. 75
1
which they shall not eschew." I t is easy to see forth immediately to wield the spiritual sword
—especially after the events which so speedily which had fallen from the master's grasp, and to
occurred—how a statement which referred to the
wield i t w i t h a vigour and trenchant execution
prelates generally should come to be applied 1
superior even to h i s . "
specifically to their imperious chief, just as the
I t may not be inappropriate to state how far
example of E l i had, in a well-known ballad, been
the organisation of the Reformed Church had by
similarly used for warning by the Reformation
this time advanced i n Scotland. Patrick Hamil- -
poet to the aged James Betoun for his weak in¬
ton seems to me to have laboured to the last for
dulgence to his nephew and the younger Prior
the revival of Scriptural teaching and Christian '1
Hepburn, notwithstanding their scandalous ex-
2
living w i t h i n the old church rather than apart !
cesses.
from her. Alesius, and some others of his dis- \
Such was the end of the life and ministry of ciples, were for a time reluctant to separate from
George Wishart, one of the most zealous and her, i f her rulers could have been persuaded seri¬
winning evangelists, and one of the most heroic ously to set about repairing acknowledged evils
and steadfast confessors, that our country has ever and defects. B u t Wishart, and those who came
produced. The remembrance of h i m was fondly under his influence, seem to have abandoned this
cherished, especially in that district where he struggle, and to have striven for the formation of
chiefly laboured, and where he wrought a work a new organisation apart from the old one. He _
not less memorable than that which M'Cheyne formed kirks or congregations—at least in Mon-
and Burns were honoured to do in our own day. trose and Dundee ; the former consisting probably
His influence was but deepened by his cruel fate, mainly of the lesser gentry in the adjacent dis¬
and he " l i v e d again," as D r Lorimer has elo¬ tricts of Angus and Mearns, and the latter chiefly
quently said, " in John Knox. . . . The zealous of the substantial burghers of the town of Dundee.
disciple, who had counted i t an honour to be I suppose that some forms of discipline began to
allowed to carry a sword before his master, stood be put i n practice i n the Dundee congregation,
1
and that i t was on that account, as well as from
Cattley's Foxe, v. 635. [Foxe i s h e r e ^ ^
q u o t j n g. m ‫״‬

the black-letter tract printed in or about 1547, which Knox deemed


the remarkable revival which had taken place
important enough to copy from Foxe into his own pages.] under his ministrations, that the town came to
2
Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, p. 180. 1
Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 153, 154.

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;6 George Wishart. Plelvctic Confession and Communion Office. 77

be spoken of as " t h e Scottish Geneva." The ished. A nearly complete copy of the edition of
New Testament of Tyndale's translation had been 1567 •has, however, been preserved, and now at
introduced both there and in Montrose as early last reprinted. 1

as 1526 ; and by this time the subsequent editions The translation of the First Helvetic Confession,
had been largely imported, and since 1543 might which W i s h a r t made, was no doubt meant as the
1
be openly read. John Wedderburn was then in Confession of the churches he formed, though
his native city, and I suppose by that date had it may only have been extant then in manuscript,
published, in its most rudimentary form, his and not published t i l l 1548. That fragment of
' Psalms and Spiritual Songs,' largely translated the Communion Office which was used by Knox
from the German. John Scott, the printer, was in the administration of the Lord's Supper at
also there, and under suspicion of the authorities Berwick in 1550, and perhaps had been used by
in Edinburgh. O f the psalms and hymns, one, him at St Andrews in 1547—and which was re¬
as I have already mentioned, bears unmistakable cently brought to light again by D r Lorimer from
reference to the pest then infesting the town of among the MSS. in D r Williams' library in
Dundee; another was sung by Wishart that even¬ 2
L o n d o n — w a s almost certainly derived from
ing on which he was apprehended in East Wishart, for part of i t is translated from the Office
L o t h i a n ; a third is certainly referred to in the of the Church of Z ü r i c h , w i t h which he could not
' Complaynt of Scotland,' which, being published fail to have become acquainted during his resi¬
as early as 1549, is a guarantee for the earlier dence there, and part from other German Offices,
2
existence of the h y m n . This rudimentary col¬ which were more likely to have fallen in his way
lection of 'Psalms and Spiritual Songs' was the (who had been a traveller on the Continent) than
book of praise in family and social gatherings of in Knox's. I t may even have been used by Wish-
the reformed until the 'Genevan Psalter' came
3
ately, and that the first part of the following entry may refer to it :
into use. The earliest editions of i t have per- "The catéchisme in two paries ; the first in Scotch poetry, having
a kalender before it. The second part in Latin and Scotis prose,
1
Wedderburn and Wishart seem also to have been acquainted entituled Catechismus ecclesiae Geneuensis. . . . Edinburgh :
with Coverdale's Bible of 1535. Imprinted by John Ross for Henrie Charteris, 1574" (Dickson
2
See my Introduction to 'The Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' 1807 and Edmond's Annals of Scottish Printing, 1890, p. 334)·
p. xxxviii, n. ‫יי‬ 1
[Reprinted under the editorial care of Dr Mitchell in 1897 for
3
No doubt the initial Catechism was in use also. It has been the Scottish Text Society.]
conjectured that the Catechism may even have been printed separ- 2
Lorimer's Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 290-292.

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78 George Wishart. 79
art i n 1545, when he dispensed the communion
in both kinds at D u n . The same may be said of
that interesting burial-service which purports to
have been used in the kirk at Montrose, and has
been reprinted in the Miscellany of the Wodrow
1
Society ; though probably this, as we now have
it, may not be the original form, but a recension C H A P T E R V.
of i t , made later, under the auspices of Erskine
of D u n , superintendent of Angus and Mearns. KNOX AS L E A D E R O F OUR R E F O R M A T I O N .
The foundations of the superstructure that was
to be were thus laid by Wishart. I t was reserved As stated towards the close of my last lecture, the
to his successor to raise i t , as the martyr had pre- sword-bearer of Wishart stood forth at once " t o
dieted it would be raised, even to the copestone. wield the spiritual sword which had fallen from
1
Wodrow Miscellany, pp. 295-300.
the master's grasp, and to wield it w i t h a vigour
and trenchant execution superior even to his."
At this time Knox was full forty years of age,
having been born at Giffordgate, in Haddington,
in 1505. He probably received the rudiments of
his education there, and matriculated at the Uni¬
versity of Glasgow in 1522. Some suppose that
he may have followed Major to St Andrews in
1523, or may have come there later, to study
theology or to act as a private tutor to some
young men studying at that university. But
there is no reference to him in the university
books, nor mention of his presence by any one
then resident. F r o m 1522 up to 1545-46, when
he appears as sword-bearer to Wishart, his life
is to us almost a blank. But as Minerva was
said to have come full armed from the brain of

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8ο Knox as Leader of our Reformation. Tragedy of the Cardinal. 81
Jupiter, so did Knox then start up as leader of regent, and shortly after, being inhibited to
our Reformation, fully equipped and singularly preach, retired into England. 1
The good seed
matured. Whatever his early training may have sown by h i m was watered by Wishart, and
been, he had by that time thoroughly mastered grew up apace, " f i r s t the blade, then the ear,
the subjects in controversy between the two after that the full corn i n the ear."
churches, and possibly, as Bayle supposes, had On 29th May 1546, while the applause of priests
made himself aquainted in his retirement w i t h and friars was still ringing in his ears, and he was
the writings of that great doctor of the western proudly congratulating himself on the progress of
church to whom Luther, Calvin, and Alesius his new fortifications, and the success of all his
were largely indebted. I believe no man in measures to secure the t r i u m p h of his party and
recent times has in brief space sketched his char¬ his own complete personal ascendancy, the car¬
acter, both on its brighter and darker sides, with dinal was suddenly surprised by conspirators in
less partisan feeling than D r Merle D'Aubigné, his stronghold, and cut off by " a fate as tragical
when he says: " T h e blood of warriors ran in the and ignominious " as almost " any that has ever
veins of the man who was to become one of the been recorded i n the long catalogue of human
most intrepid champions of Christ's army. . . . crimes." 2
Only the deep feeling of relief thus
He was active, bold, thoroughly upright and per¬ given from merciless oppression could prompt or
fectly honest, diligent in his duties, and full of excuse the lines of Sir David Lindsay—
heartiness for his comrades. B u t he had in him
also a firmness which came near to obstinacy, an " A s for the Cardinal, I grant
He was a man we weill culd want,
independence which was very much like pride, a
And we'll forget him sune ;
melancholy which bordered on prostration, a But yet I think the sooth to say,
sternness which some took for insensibility, and Although the loon is weill away,
3

a passionate force sometimes mistakenly attributed The deed was foully dune."
1
to a vindictive temper." According to Calder-
1

wood, he received his first "taste of the truthe " Calderwood's History, i. 155, 156, 160; Laing's Knox, i. 95,
96, 105. [Calderwood says that Williams was born " beside Elstone-
from the preaching of his fellow - countryman, funic, in East Lothiane."]
Thomas Guilliame or Williams, a black friar, 2
Larimer's Scottish Reformation, pp. 155, 156.
who in 1543 became one of the chaplains of the D hough these lines are continually attributed to Lindsay, I do
not remember to have ever seen them in any edition of his works,
1
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 17. or quoted as his by any earlier writer than Wodrow.]

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82 Knox as Leader of onr Reformation His Call to the Ministry. 83
When i t became known that the conspirators to the services in the chapel of the castle ; and
who assassinated Betoun meant to hold the John Rough, the chaplain of the garrison, under
castle of St Andrews, they were joined by a con¬ the powerful protection he enjoyed, occasionally
siderable number of their friends from among the forced his way into the parish church and
reforming gentry of Fife, and gradually by others preached there to the assembled citizens.
from a greater distance who were friendly to the Knox was no sooner settled in St Andrews than
Reformation and the English alliance, and in he resumed the system he had followed w i t h good
consequence were then being subjected to many effect i n East Lothian, causing his pupils to give
annoyances at the hands of the regent and account of their catechism in public to all who
his new following. Among these last, about chose to come, and opening up in a plain and
Pasche 1547—in charge of his pupils, the sons of colloquial manner the Gospel of St John. His
certain lairds in East Lothian—came John Knox, great ability and success as a teacher, and his
whose life, ever since he had cast in his lot with wonderful gift of persuasive speech, thus became
Wishart, had been made so miserable to him by generally known. After private but unsuccessful
1
the regent's bastard brother —the aspirant to the efforts had been made by Balnaves and others to
vacant archbishopric — that, but for this refuge induce h i m to become colleague to John Rough,
unexpectedly opened to h i m , he would have found a formal call to the ministry was, w i t h the counsel
it necessary to leave his native land and follow 1
of Sir David Lindsay, publicly addressed to him
Alesius, Fyfe, and others to Germany or Switzer¬ from the pulpit by Rough, in the name of the rest,
land. A t the time when he arrived in St Andrews and he was solemnly adjured not to despise the
there was a truce between the regent and the voice of God speaking to h i m . Thus honourably
occupants of the castle, and w i t h the latter the called to assume the office of a public preacher in
inhabitants of the city had pretty free inteï- that reformed congregation, he at last entered on
course. The reforming citizens resorted at times the work w i t h all his heart, and made full proof
1
of his ministry before the assembled citizens in
[According to Knox, though "called bastard brother to the
governour," many deemed him to be a son of "the old Bischope their parish church, as well as before the rude
of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun " (Laing's Knox, i. 105). Buchanan
says he was " first callid Cuningham, esteniit Cowane, and at last 1
[Laing's Knox, i. 186. Though the Lyon King was then in St
Abbot Hamilionn" (Admonition to the trew Lordis). In a trans¬ Andrews, he was not one of those who were sheltering in the castle
script used by Ruddiman, Givaue occurs instead of Ctnuaiie.] (Laing's Lindsay's Poetical Works, 1879, vol. i. pp. xxxix, xli).]

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84 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
A Galley-slave. 85
garrison in the castle chapel. He administered
the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in the simple their co-religionists abroad — chief among them
form he always used, and continued the public being a militant ecclesiastic entitled Prior of
catechising of his pupils, which the people of Capua—and the succour promised to the garrison
the town heard repeated t i l l they had the sub¬ by England having been again and again delayed,
stance of his teaching by heart, and thus was they were obliged to surrender the castle to the
1

spread a knowledge of Gospel truth even among representative of the French king. The occu¬
those who could not read. A very graphic account pants of the castle—those who had come to it for
is given in his History of the sermons, catechis- shelter, as well as those who were really guilty of
ings, and disputations he held w i t h the popish the murder—were deprived of liberty, and dealt
champions, by means of which the new doctrines with as criminals of the worst class. For nineteen
2

gained a hold on the minds of the citizens of St m o n t h s our reformer had to work as a chained
Andrews which they never wholly lost. But slave on board the French galleys, generally at
times of trial were to come ere the cause should Rouen or Dieppe, though sometimes a cruise was
finally triumph in that city, or in his native land ; taken to more distant waters. Once, at least, he
and the earnest preacher, whose mouth God had was brought w i t h i n sight of the towers of the city
opened in that old parish church, was to be taught where he had begun his m i n i s t r y ; and then he
by sad experience how hard i t is to leave all and solemnly affirmed that he believed God would
simply follow Christ, ere he was to be privileged once more allow h i m to proclaim His word there.
to see the full fruit of his labours. Even then he maintained unshaken faith in God,
and at times indulged in sallies of pleasantry
Those who had presumed to take into their
against his popish custodiers ; but he would have
hands " t h e sword of G o d " as they called i t , and
been more than human i f the iron had not entered
to mete out to the tyrant cardinal the punishment
into his soul, and i f traces of the sternness thence
which human justice was too weak to award, were
arising had not long been visible in his character.
made to feel that they who take the sword must
Early in 154g he was, by English influence, re-
expect to suffer from the sword. They had been
1

able to withstand the power of the regent and [Knox says that the castle was rendered "upone Setterday, the
I:>st of Jiilij" (Laing's Knox, i. 205) ; Bishop Lesley says "the xxix
the attacks of his unskilful captains ; but help of Julij " (Lesley's History, 1830, p. 195). In 1547, the last of July
and skill at last came to the aid of these from Γ0Π not on Saturday but on Sabbath.]
Laing's Knox, vi. 104.

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86 Knox as Leader of our Reformation. His Work in England. 87

leased from his captivity in the French galleys, and Northern Council, the idolatry of the mass ; and
1
from his exile. He proceeded first to London, in the spring of 1551 he removed his head¬
and thereafter to Berwick, w i t h the approval of quarters to that more central and influential
the English Privy Council. There he was as town, extending his labours at times, no doubt,
near to his persecuted fellow-countrymen as it into Yorkshire, as well as into Northumberland
was safe for him to go, and there many of them and Cumberland.
might resort to h i m ; and in fact so many did His fame as an eloquent preacher, and able and
so, that the president of the English Northern ready defender of the doctrines of the Reforma¬
Council became anxious for his transference tion, spread southwards ; and at the close of 1551, ]

farther south. There also, through the ap¬ or early i n 1552, he was appointed one of the royal
pointment of the Privy Council, a wide field of chaplains of Edward V I . I n the autumn of 1552
usefulness was opened to him among the English. he was summoned to the south, and preached
Into this he entered w i t h his whole soul, preach¬ w i t h great power and faithfulness before the king
ing the Gospel w i t h great boldness and success and his court. He persistently advocated, along
not only to the garrison and citizens of Berwick, w i t h the other royal chaplains, those thorough¬
but also in the surrounding districts ; and proving going Protestant doctrines which, in the north,
himself a true successor of those early Scottish he had previously held and taught and carried
missionaries who had originally won over to the out in practice. I n conjunction w i t h the other
Christian faith the heathen Saxons of Northum- five royal chaplains, he was called to give his opin¬
bria. A t Newcastle, in 1550, he discussed, before ion of the Articles then proposed to be adopted
Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, his doctors, and the as the creed of the English Church, and of the
1
revised Communion Office then prepared to take
[The negotiations for the release of the captives seem to have
dragged their weary length along very slowly. So early as the 29th the place of that of 1549. His objections to the
of March 1548, Huntly wrote thus to Somerset : "The governor act of kneeling i n receiving the elements in the
has agreed to exchange the men in the castle of St Andrews with
Lord's Supper helped to procure the insertion of /
Scots prisoners conform to your desire, and has sent me commission
therein, as I shall show you at my coming to London: or if you that rubric which high-churchmen term "the black
send your mind to my Lord Warden, I shall appoint with him. rubric." H e refused both an English bishopric
The governor; has written to the king of France to send the men
taken in St Andrews to Rouen, to be ready for the exchange" and a London rectory, and continued to labour
(Bain's Calendar, 1543-67, p. 104).] on, faithfully and devotedly, as a preacher unat-

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88 Knox as Leader of our Reformation. Visits Scotland. 89
tached. He had a presentiment that the time at the earnest invitation of the reforming party,
he would have to do so would be brief, and he he paid a visit to his native land — a visit
improved it to the uttermost. The Reformation which was memorable for its immediate, and
in England at that date had been forced on by still more for its ultimate, results. For several
its courtly patrons and their earnest preachers years the cause of the Reformation had been
beyond what was warranted by the hold it had making quiet progress. Those who could read
as yet gained on the mass of the people. W h e n the Scriptures had been drinking the waters of
1
the good King E d w a r d was succeeded by the life from the fountain-head. Those who could
b
i g p t e d Mary, nothing remained for the Protes¬ not, drank from the streams opened by the Refor¬
tant bishops and preachers but either to prove mation poets, whose verses were carefully com¬
the sincerity of their convictions in prison and at mitted to memory. Then came the voice of the
the stake, or to leave the country and reserve living preacher, accompanied, as it had never yet
themselves in exile for happier times. Knox, as been in Scotland, with the demonstration of the
a foreigner, was especially warranted to choose Spirit and w i t h power from on high. The re¬
the latter course; and at the urgent request of former wrote that he would be content to sing his
his friends in the north he did so, when it was nunc dimittis after forty such days as he had had
only not yet too late to escape. three of i n Edinburgh. He prolonged for six
The five years of the reformer's life which fol¬ months a visit which he had intended to complete
lowed were not less eventful for himself nor for in as many weeks ; and, when he was at last re¬
those of whom he now became the chosen leader. called to Geneva by the urgent letters of the con¬
After an unsuccessful attempt to set up a sub¬ gregation there, he promised to his friends i n
stantially Puritan church among the English Scotland that he would return whenever they saw
exiles at Frankfort, W h i t t i n g h a m and he ob¬ meet to summon h i m and to assure him of pro¬
tained at Geneva, through the favour of Calvin, tection from persecution.
an asylum for themselves and their like-minded The few quiet years which Knox and his fellow-
fellow-exiles, where they might be allowed peace¬ exiles passed at Geneva were to be richly blessed
fully to carry out their own forms of worship and to themselves and to their fatherland. He, at
discipline. But he had not been long there t i l l , least, had not gone there to have his views of
1
[Edward died July 6, 1553.] Christian doctrine or church order formed or

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90 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
Genevan Benefits. 91
materially changed. He went to see the pure
a form of church constitution which eliminated
reformed faith (which he and Calvin in common
sacerdotalism, and taught the members of the
believed, and independently had drawn from the
church their true dignity and responsibility as
H o l y Scriptures and from the writings of the
priests to God and witnesses for Christ in the
great doctor of the ancient church) exhibiting its
world. There was first used that Book of Com¬
benign influence in quickening to higher life, and
mon Order which was long to be the directory
moulding into a united community the volatile
for public worship i n the fully reformed Church
citizens of Geneva. He came to have his wearied
of Scotland, and whose simple rites Bishop
spirit revived and refreshed by communion w i t h
Grindal was forced to own, in his controversy
devoted Christian brethren ; and, by witnessing
w i t h the English Puritans, he could not reprove.
the success of their labours, to be nerved for
There was nearly completed, after the model of
further achievements in the service of their
the French version, the English Metrical Psalter.
common L o r d and for the good of his native
There was planned and executed a translation of
land. ^j^k.
the Scriptures into our mother tongue, which for
I t was there that Puritanism w ^ & ^ n i s e d as nearly half a century continued to hold its place
a distinct school, i f not also as a distinct party, alongside of others executed at greater leisure and
in the church. I f i t had done nothing more than 1
more favoured by authority. That was how our
what it was honoured to do in the few peaceful 1
[The first edition of the Genevan version was printed at Geneva
years our fathers were permitted to spend in that by Rouland Hall in 1560. "The changes made in the Geneva
much loved city by the bright blue waters of the Bible were the adoption of Roman type instead of the black letter,
Leman Lake, it would have done not a little for in which all English Bibles had previously been printed, and the
division of the chapters into verses. These changes were the
which the church and the world would have had principal cause of the wonderful popularity of this version, of which
cause to be grateful to i t still. There were first about 200 editions are known. From 1560 to 1616 no year passed
without one or more editions issuing from the press, in folio, quarto,
clearly proclaimed in our native language those
or octavo. In 1599 no less than ten distinct editions were printed,
principles of constitutional government, and the each of which consisted of a large number of copies. The last
limited authority of the "upper powers," which quarto printed in England is dated 1615, and the last folio 1616.
After this time a great many editions were printed at Amsterdam
are now universally accepted by the Anglo-Saxon by Joost Broerss and other Dutch printers ; the last folio bears the
race. There was first deliberately adopted and imprint of Thomas Stafford, and the date 1644. . . . 150,000
resolutely put in practice among British Christians copies were imported from Holland after this version had ceased
to be printed in England. . . . Owing to the vast number of copies

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92 Knox as Leader of our Reformation. Returns to Scotland. 93
reformer and his tireless associates occupied them¬ of the translators, appears to have left Geneva
selves when left freely to follow their own bent. among the earliest. I n February 1558-59 we find
1 hat was how he was ultimately prepared for that he had gone to Dieppe, whence, while assist¬
the great work he was to accomplish in his native ing i n the French Protestant services, he sent a
country when finally invited to return to i t request to Cecil for leave to pass through Eng¬
Immediately after the accession of Elizabeth land on his way to Scotland, and to converse
1
to the English throne in the autumn of « . δ w i t h him on some matters which deeply con¬
the English exiles on the Continent began to cerned the welfare of the Protestants in both
break up their congregations and return to their realms. 1
B u t his ' First Blast of the Trumpet '
native land. Those at Geneva were among the was an insult which Elizabeth could not brook,
first who commenced to do so; but those of them and so, after waiting in vain for the desired per¬
who had been occupying themselves in that trans¬ mission for a reasonable time, he set sail from
lation of the Bible into English which was to Dieppe for Scotland, and arrived in Edinburgh
prove c h a blessing to their countrymen de¬
S U on the 2nd of May 1559, much to the con¬
cided to remain where they were u n t i l they had sternation of the popish council then assembled
2
finished that work. Those who returned were in the city. I t dissolved forthwith ; but care was
at first favourably received by the queen and her taken to get Knox's name, as that of an already
advisers and taken into service in the reconsti¬ condemned heretic, added to the list of Protestant
tuted church ; but when i t was found that t h e v preachers then under summons to appear before
were generally averse to comply fully h the w i t the queen regent and her council to answer for
ceremonies which she fostered, a change took their persistence in preaching. 2
Knox at once

1
[After making two requests by messengers, Knox wrote to Cecil
Knox, who does not seem to have been one
from Dieppe on the 10th of April 1559, and on the 22nd sent from
>n circulation during the three-quarters of a century that tM the same town a duplicate of that letter with a postscript added
was the household Bible of England it t 7u V e S
'' '° n
(Laing's Knox, ii. 15-22, vi. 15-21).]
2
[The Provincial Council is said to have closed on the 10th of
April (Robertson's Concilia Scotiœ, ii. 151, 176 ; Lesley's History, p.
271) ; but Knox says that it sat until he arrived in Scotland (Laing's
Knox, i. 291) ; and that the date of his arrival was the 2nd of May
; [Mary Tudor died on the t h of Novemie, , « 1
I 7 8
(Ibid., i. 318, vi. 21) ; and an anonymous writer alleges that the
‫! ־‬rouble, at Frankfort, Petheram's reprint, pp. c j , c x c i , council broke up when assured that Knox had come (Wodrow Mis-

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94 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
Preaches in St Andreros. 95
resolved to throw in his lot w i t h his brethren
their favour. Knox, along w i t h Moray, went to
and went north to Dundee where the zealous
Fife as soon after as i t became apparent that
Protestants of Fife, Angus, and Mcarns were
forcible measures must be taken to secure toler¬
already assembling, determined to make common
ation for the Protestants. After a few brief
cause with their preachers, and to go forward
visits to other towns he presented himself at the
in peaceful form to Stirling in order that they
public preaching-place in St Andrews. Modern
might do so, and leave the queen and her council
historians w i l l not allow us to say that it was
in no doubt as to the position which they were
in that city that he had received his university
henceforth to occupy towards her and them.
training, or had first listened to the preaching of
They accordingly marched forward from Dundee
the reformed doctrines, or been brought to a
to Perth, and sent on Erskine of D u n to Stirling
personal knowledge of the truth ; but they leave
to apprise the queen and council of their attitude
untouched, as previously stated, the more im¬
and intentions. I t is said that she promised
portant facts that i t was there, when in charge
Erskine that the prosecution of the preachers
of his pupils at the university, that he had first
would be abandoned, but they were condemned
ventured at the hazard of his life openly to make
in absence and outlawed, and the breach between
known to others that which had been blessed of
the two parties thus became irrevocable. Nothing
God to the quickening of his own soul, and
remained for the queen, from her point of view,
publicly to exert in the cause of the Reformation
but to prosecute the matter to the bitter end, i f
those rare gifts of telling argument and persuasive
thereby she might succeed in silencing and re¬
speech which were destined so signally to con¬
pressing the Protestants.
tribute to its ultimate and permanent triumph
After the regent's falsehood to Erskine and throughout the land. I t was there, probably in
persistence in her fatal policy, the reformers pro¬ the old parish church, that he had been first
ceeded at once to set about such reform as they solemnly called to the ministry of the W o r d in the
desired, and commenced rather roughly at Perth, reformed church ; and there, in the chapel of the
where they had the majority of the population in old and now ruined castle, that he had first cele¬
brated the Lord's Supper w i t h the same purity
cellany pp. 56, 57). M'Crie suggests that, although the Acts were
concluded on the !oth of April, the council y not have then
m a
and simplicity w i t h which it was afterwards
closed (Ufe of Knox, 1855, p. !26, n.).] observed in the fully reformed Church of

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96 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
The Victory. 97
1
Scotland. Even in exile and working as a
slave in the galleys his heart had turned w i t h the magistrates of the burgh, as well as before
special pleasure to the scene of his first labours, more humble citizens, that doctrine of the grace
and he had cherished the confident expectation of God which had long been his own solace
that God would again bring h i m to the place and support, and was then being more generally
where he had first opened his mouth, and permit recognised and embraced by his countrymen.
him again to preach from its pulpit the precious H a v i n g thus seized the opportunity and improved
truths of His H o l y W o r d . 2 it to the utmost, his efforts were so abundantly
blessed by God that the cause of truth and right
This expectation he believed that God had then
finally triumphed there. The reformed worship
fulfilled, and neither the threats of adversaries
was by general consent peaceably set up, and the
could make him quail from his purpose, nor the
authority of the archbishop was virtually ended
counsels of timid friends move h i m to let slip
in the very stronghold of his power. That which,
the opportunity which he believed God had then
w i t h the divine blessing, the reformer's preaching
given him of bearing full and faithful testimony
3
then accomplished in St Andrews, was by the
to the truth of God i n that important c i t y . He
same or similar means effected in the chief cities
therefore boldly proclaimed before the dignitaries
of the kingdom, and throughout the greater part
of the church, the doctors of the university,* and
of the lowlands, almost within the compass of a
1 single year. I n fact, four months after his arrival,
[While it is apparent from Knox's own narrative that his first
public sermon was delivered in the parish church of St Andrews he could write to his friends : " Nothwithstand-
(Laings Knox, i. 189), it is not quite so clear whether Rough ing the fevers have vexed me, . . . yitt have I
addressed the call to him in ,hat church or in the chapel of the
castle, though it rather appears to have been in the former (Ibid travelled through the most part of this realme
1. 186-188); and the precise building in St Andrews in which hé where (all praise be to His blessed Majestie)
(/bid f Γόο L r d
° ' S S U P P 6 r S e 6 m S t 0 m e t 0 b e als
° u n c e ‫ ״‬a i
" men of all sorts and conditiouns embrace the
2 1 Truthe. . . . W e doe nothing but goe about
112 5 1
I if/ ' ' ‫׳ד‬f 3
™d., i. 348, 349 ; vi. .
2S
Jericho, blowing w i t h trumpets as God giveth
[Many members of the university became Protestants The
twenty-one men in St Andrews, whom the first General Assembly strenth, hoping [for the] victorie by His power
deemed qualified "for ministreing and teaching," were with few
exceptions professors, or regents. For the number of the ecclesi
ast.cs who joined the congregation at St Andrews in the early 1566, St Andrews was emphatically declared to be "the most
months of the Reformation, see supra, p. 13. !‫ ״‬September flourishing city as to divine and human learning in all Scotland "
(Laing's Knox, vi. 546).]

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98 Knox as Leader of our Reformation.
99
1
alone." The reformer's expectation of victory,
and of victory by the persuasive means which
Bishop Hooper affirmed were alone legitimate
and in accord w i t h Christ's w i l l , was neither
disappointed nor long deferred. The great body
of the nation, w i t h unexampled rapidity and
unanimity, embraced the truth, and submitted to
the discipline of their teacher, and under its
CHAPTER VI.
salutary influence, as Stähelin in his 'Johannes
C a l v i n ' affirms, from being one of the rudest,
most ignorant, indigent, and turbulent peoples, T H E OLD SCOTTISH CONFESSION OF 1560.
grew to be one of the most civilised, educated,'
prosperous, and upright which our family of KNOX, in his ' History of the Reformation,' has
nations can show. stated that the preparation of this Confession
was entrusted to the same six ministers who
Believing that we have no cause to be ashamed
were commissioned to draw up the Book of Dis¬
of the great revolution which was thus effected,
cipline — viz., W y n r a m , Spottiswoode, W i l l o c k ,
or of aught which has legitimately followed from 1
Douglas, Row, and himself. I t has been fre¬
it, but that we need to have our pure minds
quently taken for granted that the Confession
stirred up by way of remembrance of the great
was prepared and revised w i t h i n four days after
things the L o r d has done for us, I proceed to
the formal charge to frame i t was issued by the
direct attention to the distinctive characteristics
Parliament, and that the Book of Discipline
of the Scottish Reformation in respect of doctrine,
was not ordered to be prepared till after the
worship, government, discipline, and church life,'
Parliament of 1560 was adjourned. I t is evident,
and the lessons which such a review should tend
however, from the dates specified in the Intro¬
to rivet on the hearts of those who still hold fast
duction, and at the conclusion of the copy of the
its principles and long to see them more fully 2
Book of Discipline engrossed by Knox, that
carried out.
1
the original charge to frame i t had been granted
Laing's Knox, vi. 78.
on the 29th A p r i l 1560, or just two days after the
1
Laing's Knox, ii. 128. 2!‫^ן‬ ‫־‬ jg 3> 2 ^‫_ך‬

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ΙΟΟ The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Alleged Omission of a Chapter. ΙΟΙ
nobles and barons signed one of those " g o d l y
1
time-serving and vacillating L a i r d of Lethington,
bands" or covenants by which they pledged
who softened many harsh expressions in i t , and
themselves to stand by each other i n setting
even recommended the omission of a chapter or
forward the Reformation of religion according
part of a chapter from i t . This they say was a
to God's W o r d ; and it can hardly be supposed
chapter bearing the title, " O f the obedience and
that that book should have been taken in hand 1
disobedience due from subjects to magistrates."
some months before the Parliament met, and that
But the chapter on the " C i v i l Magistrate" still
no attempt should have been made in this interval
found i n the Confession treats so fully and ex¬
to prepare materials for the < Confession of Faith.'
pressly of the obedience due to magistrates, that
Besides, Knox has not stated that within four
it is difficult to see how place could ever have
days after the charge was formally issued the
been sought for an additional chapter on the
Confession was prepared, but only that i t was
same subject. There may possibly at first have
Presented, so that we may hold w i t h D r M'Crie
stood i n the chapter still retained some such
that " t h e ministers were not unprepared for
clause or sentence regarding the limits of obedi¬
this task," which was then formally devolved
ence as we find in the corresponding chapter of
on them by the Parliament. Knox has further 2
some of the Genevan symbolical books, and
stated that the Confession was accepted by
this may have been the matter deemed unfit to
the Parliament in the form in which i t was laid
2
be "entreated o f " at that time, and recom¬
before them without change of a single sentence
mended by the revisers to be omitted ; or i t may
Others supplement his statement by explaining
be that, after all, their recommendation and the
that before it was publicly presented i t was sub¬
suggestions of the English ambassador on the
mitted privately to certain lords of Parliament
subject were not followed in this instance, and
and by their direction was handed for revision to
the rather time-serving W y n r a m and the anon 1
[These statements are based on the information which Randolph
sent to Cecil on 7th September 1560 (Laing's Knox, vi. 120, 121).]
2
1
[For this band, see Laing's Knox, ii. 61-64.] "At vero in praefectorum obedientia unum semper excipiendum
2
["Quhilk thay willinglie acceptit and within foure dayis pre- ne ab ejus obedientia nos deducat, cujus decretis regum omnium
sentit th,s Confession as it followis, without alteratioun of any jussa cedere par est. . . . Adversus ipsum si quid imperent nullo
ane sentence" (Laing's Knox, ii. 92).] 7
sit nec loco nec numéro, sed ilia potius sententia locum habeat,
obediendum Deo magis quam hominibus."

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102 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Character of the Confession. 103
that we have the chapter still as i t was originally
1
hesitate to own that i t holds a distinguished
framed by Knox and his associates.
place among the Confessions of that age, and is
I n endeavouring to form an estimate of the real
a credit to our reformer and his associates. Coin¬
merits of this Confession, we must make due
ciding not infrequently in expression and agree¬
allowance for the circumstances in which i t was
ing generally in its definitions of doctrine w i t h
composed. Even though we suppose that the
the other Reformed or Calvinistic Confessions (an
materials of it had been collected beforehand,
agreement which its framers explicitly testified
only four days seem to have been allowed to
by inserting among the subordinate standards
the committee to put them into final shape.
of their church, first Calvin's Catechism, and
W e must not look either on the one hand for
a few years after the Later Helvetic Confession
an exhaustive and logical elaboration of the
and the Heidelberg Catechism), the Scottish
several doctrines of the system and nicely
Confession of 1560 had characteristics of its
balanced statement of complementary truths, or
own,—a framework rather historical than dog¬
on the other for a careful avoidance of incidental
matic, and a liberal and manly, yet reverent and
expressions which seem dogmatically to deter¬
cautious spirit. I t probably contributed to mould
mine points not fully or directly handled in
the early Scottish theology into a form some¬
the places where we should have expected them
what less minute and rigid than the Swiss, yet
to be so. Yet, i f we make such due allowance,
considerably less vague and indefinite than the
look at i t from the proper point of view, and
earlier English.
peruse the work not only in the now obsolete
T h e first topic deserving of notice, from the
Scotch, but also in the neat L a t i n version which
place i t holds both in the preface and in the
often accompanies i t , and is said to have been
2
body of this treatise, is the distinct and hearty
the work of Archbishop Adamson, we shall not
acknowledgment of the supreme authority of the
‫™ !״‬I T ? ‫יי ל‬ 1
° ° P i n i 0 n
£ ( f
' ° r k s , vi.D i L a i n K n o x s W
written W o r d of God, or " the buiks of the Auld
121, η.) Indeed one can hardly read chapter xviii. without having and New Testamentis," which books are briefly
a suspicion induced that Knox may have proved too strong for them
m regard to some of what they termed the more harsh expressions but sufficiently defined as those " q u h i l k of the
m the treatise, as well as in regard to the particular chapter in ancient have been reputed canonicall." I n these 1

1
question.
T h e h n d L a t i V e r s i n S a r e r i n t e d i n a r a I :
n , ^ , ? ‫״‬ ° P P ^ columns 1
" Libros, qui ab infantia usque ecclesiae semper habiti sunt
η Dunlop s 'Collection of Confessions ' ii. 13.98.]
canonici" (Latin version, Dunlop, ii. 70).

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104 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
The Fall and the Remedy. 105
they affirm " t h a t all thingis necessary to be
In subsequent chapters the divinity of our blessed
beleeved for the salvation of mankinde is suffi¬
L o r d is fully asserted, and the " heresies of Arius,
ciently expressed," and to these they desire in
all things to conform, protesting that, i f any man Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, and sik uthers as
should note any article or sentence in their Con¬ either did denie the eternitie of His Godhead, or
fession contrary to the Scriptures, and should the veritie of His humaine nature, or confounded
" o f his gentleness" admonish them of the same, them or zit devided them," are specifically re-
1

they " d o promise unto him satisfactioun fra the jected. The second chapter treats of the creation
mouth of God, that is, fra His Haly Scriptures, and fall of our first parents, while the t h i r d treats
or else reformation of that quhilk he sal prove of the effects of the fall in language no less ex¬
to be amisse." 1 plicit than that of the other Protestant Confes¬
sions, Lutheran and Reformed ; and as it not only
In the opening chapter the unity and attri¬
clearly embodies the teaching of our reformers on
butes of God, and the t r i n i t y of persons in the
2
this subject, but gives a brief summary of their
Godhead, are briefly but definitely treated of.
1
views regarding the application of the Gospel
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 1 , ; Laing's Knox, ii. φ
7 1 8 A

similar protestation is made in the Preface to the First i L k of remedy, i t may be as well I should quote i t at
D1sc.pl.ne (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. ! 8 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 5) 1 8 4 length. I t is as follows: " B e quhilk trans-
The sources from which this chapter was taken can still be gressioun, commonlie called original sinne, mes
pretty clearly traced. I place in parallel columns its statements and
thcee of the two Confessions from which it was probably taken • _ the image of God utterlie defaced in man, and he
Weconfesseandacknawledge " J e confesse qu'il y a u n s e u l and his posteritie of nature become enimies to
ane only God to whom only we Dieu auquel il L u s faut tenif 2
God, slaves to Sathan, and servandis unto sin.
must cleave, whom onelie we must pour le servir, adorer, et y 2ί
serve, whom onehe we must wor- notre fiance et refuge "Leon I n samekle that deith everlasting hes had and sail
^put‫״‬o‫״‬:trust.
:tr homoneliewem‫״‬st fession s u b s c r i b e d have power and dominioun over all that have
l n A c a d J n G e n e v a <
1
Who .s e email, infinit, un- " I beleve and confesse mv This also comes from a Genevan source :—
measurable, »compréhensible, Lorde God eternal, infin te uJ " We condemne the damnable " Idcirco detestor omnes haer-
omnipotent, invisible: ane in measurable, incompreh^' and pestilent heresies of Arius, eses huic principio contrarias
•bstance, and z.t distinct in and invisible, one in substance Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, puta Marcionis, Manetis, Nes-
thre personnes, the Father, the and three in persone Father' and sik uthers."—Old Scottish torii, Eutychetis, et similium."—
Sone a n d t h e _ ‫ _ ״‬Sonne, and HolyGhoste'Ccon
H 0 1 i e G o s t Confession, as above, ii. 31. Genevan Confession.
Ο IdScott:,sh ConfSession, in Dun- fession of E n g l L Congrega^on' Extraneum ab omni benedictione Dei, Satanae mancipium, sub
lop s Confesses, 1,. ‫ ״‬, ‫ ״‬. a t , g j ^ «
G e n e v a > i ‫״‬ L a i n g s
peccati jugo captivum, horribili denique exitio destinatum et jam
169 ; Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 3. implicitum.—Calvin,

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106
The Old Scottish Confession 0/1560.
The Eternal Decree. 107
not been, ar not, or sail not be, regenerate from
dignity and constitution of H i s person, His in¬
above: quhilk regeneratioun is wrocht be the
carnation, sufferings, and death, His resurrec¬
power of the Hohe Cost, working in the hartes
tion and ascension, and the blessed effects re-
of the elect of God ane assured faith in the
suiting from them to H i s people. I n another
promise of God reveiled to us in His W o r d , be
of these chapters distinct reference is made to
quhilk faith we apprehend Christ Jesus w i t h ' t h e
1
" the eternall and immutable decree " from
graces and benefites promised in H i m . "
which the appointment of the God - man as
After this follow several chapters on the history
our Redeemer, and " al our salvatioun springs
of the promises of redemption, the preparation 1
and depends " ; and in another all that is
for the coming of the promised Redeemer, the
good in us is traced up to that decree of the
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 24, 2 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 98.
S I t has eternal God who of mere grace elected us in
been questioned if this description of faith is one which Calvin and Christ Jesus His Son before the foundation of
his stricter followers would have used. But nothing is more com¬
mon even in the earliest edition of his Institutes, than to find him the world was laid. The same mysterious sub¬
describing faith as the apprehension of Christ with His gifts or ject is again referred to in the sixteenth chap¬
graces, as well as with His righteousness: « Apprehendimus' ac
ter, which treats of the church, and, like the
obtmemus et . . . Christi dona amplectimur, quod ipsum est
habere veram, ‫״‬t decet fidem." ‫ ״‬Haec omnia nobis a Deo offer- earlier Confession used by Knox's congregation
untur ac dantur in Christo Domino nostro nempe remissio pecca- at Geneva and our later Confession, identifies
torum gratuita, . . . dona et gratia* Spiritus Sancti si certâ fide ea
that invisible but real church, which is " the
an.plect.mur.» In one of these chapters [of the Scottish Confession]
relating to the incarnation of Christ Jesus, He is spoken of not only bodie and spouse" of Christ Jesus, with the
as m most of the Protestant Confessions, as the promised Messiah,' elect of all ages, nations, and tongues, so that
the just seed of David, the Immanuel, or God in our nature-God
and man in one person-but also as the Angel of the great counsel of "as without Christ Jesus there is nouther life
God [Dunlop s Confessions, ii. 31 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 99]. This ex¬ nor salvation, so sal there nane be participant
pression is no doubt a translation of the eyaX
ß VS ßovK s ayy^os of
V
therof bot sic as the Father hes given unto His
he Septuag.nt, and is the more remarkable, not only as showing 2

familiarity on the part of some of the framers of the Confession with Sonne," and who i n time come unto H i m . Many
a somewhat unusual rendering of one of the most explicit Messianic individual expressions occurring in these chapters
prophecies of Isaiah, but also as showing that they had perceived
can be clearly traced to one or other of Calvin's
the true significance of an expression which last century gave rise to
no httle discussion and misconception. So far as I can remember Confessions, or to the earliest edition of his
h.s remarkable expression does not appear in any other of the
1
I rotestant Confessions of that age. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 32 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 100.
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 60, 61 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 108.

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108 The Old Scottish Confession 0/1560. Alascds Influence. 109
1
Institutes; but the only Confession I can re¬ given, is the ' Summa Doctrinae ' of John Alasco, 1

member in which a similar, though shorter, history which may be regarded as the Confession of
of the preparation for the coming Redeemer is F a i t h , not only of the ministers but also of the
1
The following are a few spec!mens of close verbal coincidence
members of the church of the foreigners in Lon¬
between the Scottish Confession
and the first edition of Calvin's
don. Knox was brought into contact w i t h them
Institutes :—
both i n London and in Frankfort, agreed w i t h
1· " I t behooved that the Filii Dei sumus quod naturalis
Sonne of God sulci descend unto Dei Filius sibi corpus ex corpore them generally i n opinion, and largely adopted
us, and tak himself a hodie of nostro, carnem ex carne nostra their forms and arrangements in matters of wor¬
our bodie, flesh of our flesh, and ossa ex ossiLms nostris composuit
bone of our bones, and so he- ut idem nobiscum esset.
ship and discipline.
2
come the Mediator betwixt God A group of chapters treats of the nature and
and man, giving power to so
work of the H o l y Spirit, the cause of good works,
many as beleeve in Him to be
the sonnes of God." —Dunlop, the works which are reputed good, the perfection
·''· 33. 34·
uther, to wit, of the God-head,
2. "Quhatsaever wee have
Ut quod in Adamo penlidimus suld triumph and purchesse to us
tynt in Adam is restored unto us Christus restitueret.
life, libertie, and perpetuall vie-
agayne."—Dunlop, ii. 34.
tory."—Dunlop, ii. 35, 36.
3· " It behooved farther the Praeterea sic nostra referebat, 4. " That Hee being the Judicis scilicet sententia dam-
Messias and Redemer to be very verum esse Deum et hominem
cleane, innocent Lambe of God, natus pro nocente et malefico ut
God and very man, because He qui Redemptor noster futurus
was damned in the presence of apud summi judicis tribunal ejus
was to underlie the punischment esset. . . . Prodiit ergo verus
an earthlie judge, that we suld damnatione absolveremur.
due for our transgressiouns, and homo, Dominus noster, Adae
be absolved befoir the tribunal
to present himselfe in the pre¬ personam induit . . . ut Patri
seat of our God."—Dunlop, ii.
sence of His Father's judgment se obedientem pro eo exhiberet
37, 38·
as in our persone to suffer for our ut carnem nostram in satisfac-
transgression and inobedience, tionem justo Dei judicio statueret 5· "Suffered . . . the cruell Crucifixus in cruce quae Dei
be death to overcome him that ac sisteret, ut in eâdem carne death of the Crosse, quhilk was lege maledicta fuerat.
was author of death. I50t be¬ peccati poenam accursed be the sentence of God."
persolveret. —Dunlop, ii. 38.
cause the onely Godhead culd Quum denique mortem nec solus
not suffer death, neither zit culd Dens sentire, nec solus homo 6. " Suffered for a season the Divini judicii horrorem et
the onlie manhead overcome the superare posset, humanitatem wrath of His Father quhilk sin- severitatem sensisse . . . luens
samin, He joyned both togither cum divinitate sociavit ut alterius ners had deserved. Bot zit we poenas non suae . . . sed nos-
in one persone that the imbecil- imbecillitatem morti in poenam avow that He remained the only trae iniquitati. Neque tamen
Htie of the ane suld suffer and persolveret, alterius virtute ad- wel-beloved and blessed Sonne intelligendum est patrem il Ii
be subject to death quhilk we versus mortem in victoriam lue- of His Father, even in the mid- unquam iratum fuisse. Quomodo
had deserved : and the infinit taretur. dest of His anguish and tor- enim dilecto filio, in quo illi com-
and invincible power of the ent."—Dunlop, ii. 38. placitum est, irasceretur.
1 2
Alasco's Works, ii. 296, 298. Chapters xii.-xv.

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I ΙΟ The Old Scottish Confession of 1560. Justification. II I

of the L a w of God, and the imperfection of man. altogether passive therein until, being quickened
Those who have overlooked the explicit state¬ and renewed by the Holy Spirit, he is thereby
ment in the third chapter concerning the enabled to answer this call, and to embrace the
depravity of man have generally overlooked or Grace offered and conveyed in i t . " 1
The last of
failed to perceive the full significance of the this group of chapters contains the fullest and
emphatic statements in the twelfth chapter most direct exposition the Confession embodies
regarding our entire dependence for spiritual of the views of its framers in the article of Jus¬
renovation, and all good, on the H o l y Spirit. tification. I t is as follows : " I t behovis us to
The words are : " O f nature we are so dead, so apprehend Christ Jesus w i t h His justice and
blind, and so perverse, that nether can we feill satisfaction, quha is the end and accomplishment
when we ar pricked, see the licht when i t shines, of the L a w , be quhome we ar set at this liberty
nor assent to the w i l l of God when i t is reveiled,' that the curse and malediction of God fall not
unies the Spirit of the L o r d Jesus quicken that upon us, albeit we fulfill not the same in al
quhilk is dead, remove the darknesse from our pointes. For God the Father, beholding us in
myndes, and bowe our stubburne hearts to the the body of His Sonne Christ Jesus, acceptis our
obedience of His blessed w i l l ; " * and again, " As imperfite obedience as it were perfite, and covers
we willingly spoyle ourselves of all honour and our warks, quhilk ar defyled w i t h mony spots,
gloir of our awin creation and redemption, so do w i t h the justice of His Sonne." 2
T o the same
2
we also of our regeneration and sanctification."
These statements, however they may be viewed 1
Westminster Confession, chap. x.
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 58, There is hardly one of these ex¬
by others, seem to me no less explicit than those
pressions that may not be found in Calvin's Institutes :—
of the later Confession, which have been some¬
It behoves us to apprehend Confiteor nos justificari per
times contrasted w i t h them. " T h i s effectual Christ Jesus with His justice and fidem quâtenus per earn appre-
call is of God's free and special Grace alone, not satisfaction. hendimus Jesum Christum.
We are set at this liberty Omni execratione quae nobis
from anything at all foreseen in man, who is that the curse and malediction incumbebat eximeremur dum in
1
of the law fall not upon us. eum traduceret. Fides, in Christi
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 46. ‫ ״‬Sunt autem dona Spiritus
Sancti, per quem regeneramur, e diaboli potestate et vinculis damnatione absolutionem, bene-
exphcamur, m filios Dei gratuite adopta«,«,, ad omne opus bonum dictionem in maledictione, ap-
;

sanctificamur."—Calvin. prehendit.
2
God the Father, beholding Ubi nos in filii sui com-
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 47. us in the body of His Son Christ munionem semel recepit, opera

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112 The Old Scottish Confession 0/1560. Justification. 113
effect i t is said in chapter xxv. that " a l b e i t declared of the Later Helvetic Confession—which is
sinne remaine and continuallie abyde in thir our admitted to contain what has been termed " the
mortall bodies, zit i t is not imputed unto us, bot Lutherano-Calvinian v i e w " of justification—that
1
is remitted and covered w i t h Christ's justice." therein was " most faithfully, holily, piously, and
I t has been questioned, however, whether we indeed divinely explained " what they themselves
have in these statements the doctrine taught had for eight years been constantly teaching, and
generally in the reformed churches regarding still by the grace of God continued to teach, and
the articulus stantis vel cadcntis ecclesiœ. This that i n consequence they felt constrained not
can be a question only w i t h those who forget that only to express their approval, but their "exceed¬
the church which received this Confession, and ing commendation of every chapter and of every
required her adult members to assent to the sentence," save the one relating to holidays. I t 1

heads of i t , appointed for the instruction of her may be taken for granted that they knew their
youth the Catechism in which this doctrine of own meaning, and that of their Swiss brethren ; 2

Calvin is stated in his own words ; and that the


1
2
very m e n who in 1560 drew i t up, in 1566, along Laing's Knox, vi. 546-548.
2
Considerable ingenuity has been expended in the attempt to
w i t h their brethren of the General Assembly, show that the words "who is the end and accomplishment of the
law " are to be understood in some other than their most obvious
and commonly received meaning. Without questioning the com¬
Jesus, accepts our imperfect nostra grata acceptaque habet
petency of such ingenious rather than ingenuous exposition, were a
obedience as it were perfect. non quod ita promereantur sed
case raised before the judicial committee of a modern privy council
quia condonatâ eorum imperfec-
to have the expounder tried and condemned as a heretic, I venture
tione, nil in illis intuetur, nisi
quod a Spiritu suo profectum, to think that when the matter to be determined is rather what, in
purum ac sanctum est. point of fact, did Knox and his associates hold and teach, the fol¬
Covers our works, which are Nullae nostrae sordes aut lowing brief quotation from the "godly and perfect" treatise of
defiled w,th many spots, with immunditiae imperfectionis im- Balnaves on Justification must go pretty near to settle it : "Christ
the justice of His Son. p u t a n t u r > s e d i l l a p u r i t a t e c h r i s t j is the end of the law (unto righteousnes) to all that beleeve—that
ac perfectione velut sepultae con- is, Christ is the consummation and fulfilling of the lawe, and that
teguntnr. Cujus perfectione tega- justice whiche the lawe requireth ; and all they which beleeve in
tur nostra imperfectio. See also Him are just by imputation through faith, and for His sake are
Calvin's Catechism in Dunlop's repute and accepted as just" (Laing's Knox, iii. 492). If more
Confessions, ii. 175. than this has been taught in recent times, I should be greatly
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 95 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 119. inclined with Principal Lee to trace it to Jonathan Edwards, or
2
[Of the six, all save Willock sign the letter to Beza on t h 4 perhaps even to the great Independent, Dr Owen, rather than to
September 1566 (Laing's Knox, vi. 548-550).] the Westminster divines, or the earlier Scottish.
H

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114 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Notes of the True Church. 115
the more especially as in our day Stähelin, whose
impartiality and historical reputation w i l l not Lee has so pithily expressed i t , "have been
be challenged, has adduced the statement in almost as disagreeable to some Episcopalian
chapter xv. as one of his proofs that Calvin writers as they were to tlje most servile ad¬
himself could not have framed the Scotch Con¬ herents of the pope. I t is thought a most
fession otherwise than Knox has done. 1 dangerous omission to make no mention of
The nature of the church, and the notes by uninterrupted succession and conveyance of
which the true church is to be discerned, are authority from the apostles. This omission has
explained in chapters xvi. and xviii. As i n most been somewhat incorrectly charged against the
of the other Reformed or Calvinistic Confessions, reformers of our church. They do certainly
greater prominence is assigned to the Invisible mention lineal succession, but they mention i t
Church, consisting of the elect of all times and only to disown i t . They say that though the
nations, than to the general visible church sub¬ Jewish priests in our Saviour's time 'lineally
sisting at any particular time in the world and descended from Aaron,' yet no ' m a n of sound
embracing all who profess faith in Christ and judgment w i l l grant that they were the Church
1

submit to the godly discipline He has prescribed. of G o d . ' " They further assert that wherever
The notes by which i t may be discerned whether the three notes given above are found and con¬
any branch of the professing church is indeed tinue for any time (be the number never so few
part of the true K i r k of Christ are stated nega¬ above two or three), there without all doubt is the
tively—not to be " antiquitie, title usurpit, lineal true K i r k of Christ, who according to His promise
descente, place appointed, nor multitude of men is in the midst of t h e m ; and in this they are
approving," as Roman Catholics were wont to borne out not only by Calvin but by Luther,
allege ; and positively to be " the trew preaching who boldly affirmed : " Were I the only man on
of the W ö r d e of God," " t h e right administra¬ earth that held by the W o r d , / alone would be
tion of the Sacraments," and "ecclesiastical the church, and I would be justified in pronounc¬
discipline uprightlie ministred as Goddis W ö r d e ing of all the rest of the world that i t was not
prescribes." 2
"These articles," as Principal the church."
The only other parts of the Confession I deem
1
Stähelin's Johannes Calvin, ii. 88.
1
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 66-68 ; Laing's Knox, ii. no. Lee's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland,
i. 124, 125.

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116 The Old Scottish Confession 0/1560.
Two Sacraments only. 117
it necessary to refer to in this review of i t are the
sacraments by the Romanists. But in the copy
chapters relating to the sacraments and the right
of the Confession reprinted i n D r Laing's edition
use of them. I t was asserted some years ago
of Knox's H i s t o r y the word chief is omitted in
by a leader of modern thought in Scotland that
the second instance, and the clause runs two
Knox did not go beyond the Zwinglian doctrine re¬
1
sacraments only. Perhaps i t w i l l be accepted as
garding the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper ; and
some confirmation of the correctness of this read¬
that his Order for the administration of i t was a
ing that i t is identical w i t h that found in Alasco's
bold protest against the " mystical jargon " which
' Epitome Doctrinse Ecclesiarum Frisiae Orient¬
Luther employed, and from which Calvin was
alis,' from which treatise the opening sentence
not free. When he made this assertion he seems
of chapter x x i . of the Scottish Confession may
to have forgot that the address in Knox's Order for
2
possibly have been taken, though the verbal
the administration of the Lord's Supper was little
coincidence w i t h the early edition of Calvin's
else than a translation of that in Calvin's Liturgy,
Institutes is in some respects more marked.
and teaches exactly the same mystical doctrine!
This doctrine is no less explicitly taught in the Such are the main contents and general
Confession ; and Stähelin, whose competence to bearing of this ancient Scottish Confession.
judge in the matter cannot be questioned, main¬ Notwithstanding the confident assertions to the
tains that the Zwinglian doctrine is as explicitly contrary made of late both w i t h i n and without
rejected as the Romano-Lutheran; and that the the Presbyterian churches, I venture to think
language as well as the doctrine closely resembles that no one who, w i t h a good conscience and
Calvin's. The text of the common editions of 1
Laing's Knox, ii. 113. [In the Confession, as printed in the
the Confession speaks of two chief sacraments Acts of the Parliaments of 1560 and 1567 ratifying it, the word
chief is retained (Acts of Parliament, ii. 532 ; iii. 20). The Con¬
only as being appointed under the New Testa¬ fession of 1616 bears that: "We believe that there be only two
ment as well as under the O l d . F r o m this sacraments appointed by Christ under the New Testament,
Baptisme and the Lord's Supper" ('Booke of the Universall
expression, some, who are more familiar w i t h
Kirk,' iii. 1137). Concerning the sacraments the First Book of
Anglican than w i t h Calvinistic formularies, have Discipline says: "They be two, to wit, Baptism and the Holy
concluded that Knox, like several of the earlier Supper of the Lord Jesus" (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 520; Laing's
Knox, ii. 186).]
English reformers, attributed a ? ^ - s a c r a m e n t a l 2
Hujus generis duo praecipua in vetere ecclesiâ fuerunt circum-
character to some of the other rites regarded as cisio et agnus paschalis. Nos illorum loco duo etiam habemus
baptismum et caenam domini.

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118 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Type of Scottish Theology. 119
honest intent, could sign that Confession, and
judicial calmness, and intimate acquaintance with
answer in the affirmative the questions regarding
early patristic theology which characterise that
election put to candidates for the ministry at their
mature product of the faith and thought of the
ordination, need hesitate to put his name to that
more learned Puritans of the south. I am not
which in 1647 was received as " in nothing con¬
ashamed to avow that i t has long appeared to
trary " to the former, and held its place alongside
me that there is somewhat to be said in favour
of i t even after the restoration of Charles I I , and
of the opinion that Scottish presbyterianism
under the episcopal regime} Most assuredly at
gained quite as much as, nay, more than, it lost,
least no one need hesitate to do so who would
by being brought into contact w i t h the broader,
have put his name to that Confession which was
2
richer, and decidedly more catholic spirit of the
drawn up in the time of the first episcopacy, and
south, and adding to its earlier symbolical books
which is quite as distinctively Calvinistic as the
those which i t still holds in common with almost
Westminster Confession, while i t ventures in¬
all the orthodox presbyterians of the Anglo¬
cidentally to determine some points the West¬
3
Saxon race. No one who w i l l take the trouble
minster divines have wisely left undetermined.
to read the report of the discussion on Arminian-
The old Confession can advance no claim to the 1
ism in the Scottish General Assembly of 1638
terse English style, the logical accuracy, the
w i l l , I am sure, be so bold as to affirm that the
1
type of theology then prevalent among Scottish
"The Confession of Faith made by Mr Knox, and ratified in
Parliament by King James V I . , together with the Westminster ministers was in any material respect different
Confession (both agreed on by the General Assembly of Presbyters) from that which was set forth in the Confession
are owned next to the Word of God, by both parties, "as the
Standard of the doctrine of our Church " (Case of Suffering Church of 1647, and which has never since, either under
ot bcotland). episcopal or presbyterian regime, been set aside
* It is printed at length in Calderwood's History, vii. « - 2 4 2 ·
2 in the National Church. The teaching of the
and also m the « Booke of the Universal! Kirk,' iii. 1 1 3 2 - ‫ ״‬, ‫ ״‬. L '
is supposed to have been mainly the work of Howie, Melville's
latest of our symbolical books imposes nothing
2
successor at St Andrews. in regard to the doctrines known as Calvinistic
3
[In speaking of this Confession of 1616, Dr Grub says, that it but what is explicitly contained or fairly deducible
agrees with the old one in all important points, the chief differ¬
ence being m its more marked enunciation of the doctrine of 1

Calvin in regard to election and predestination" (Grub's History Printed in Peterkin's Records of the Kirk, pp. 155-160.
2

11. 306).] Generally so designated, but really as old as the days of Paul
and Augustine.

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I20 The Old Scottish Confession of 1560.
Unmeasured Language. 121
from the earliest Confession drawn up for the
that date, indulges when referring to the teaching
English church at Geneva, of which Knox was
of the members of the pre-Reformation church.
pastor, and adopted (along w i t h the larger one
No doubt i t might be deemed sufficient proof of
on which I have been commenting) at the begin¬
this to subjoin the examples furnished in chapter
ning of the Reformation in Scotland, and printed
1
xviii. on the " Notis " or marks by which " t h e
in Scotch psalm-books as late as 1638, in which
trewe K i r k is decernit fra the false," where the old
it is asserted " which church is not seene to man's
church is designated the "pestilent synagoge,"
eye but only knowne to God, who of the lost
" t h e filthie synagogue," and " t h e horrible harlot,
sonnes of Adam hath ordained some as vessels 1
the kirk malignant " —the last words no doubt
of wrath to damnation, and hath chosen others
meant as a translation of the Vulgate rendering
as vessels of His mercy to bee saved, the which 2
of Psalm xxvi. 5, ecclesiam malignaniium, trans¬
also in due time He calleth to integritie of life and
lated " the congregation of evil doers " in our
godly conversation to make them a glorious
2 authorised English version. B u t I may add, in
church to Himselfe."
corroboration, that in chapter x x i . on the true
Probably, however, the main argument against
uses of the sacraments, the papists are charged
recurring to the old Scottish Confession of 1560
w i t h having " perniciouslie taucht and damnablie
is that derived from the unmeasured language of
beleeved " the transubstantiation of the bread into
vituperation in which i t , as well as the contem¬
3
Christ's natural body and of wine into his natural
porary forms of recantation required of priests at 3
blood, and that in the last chapter the language
of Rev. xiv. 11 ( " t h e smoke of their torment
[After 1564-65, the Book of Common Order was usually printed
with a complete metrical version of the Psalms (Laing's Knox, vi 1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 65, 66; Laing's Knox, ii. 109, no.
279, 280, 284) ; and was comprehended under the name < Psalm 2
The designation is undoubtedly Knoxian, as it occurs in his
Book {tnfra, p. 128). Mr Cowan, of 47 Braid Avenue, Edinburgh
dispute with Friar Arbuckill in 1547. To the reformer's assertion
informs me that the Confession, drawn up for the English congrega¬
tion at Geneva, appears in every edition of the Book of Common "that the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against
Order which he has examined, from the Geneva edition of 15 the Word of God," the Friar replied, " Y f so be, ye will leave us
down to the edition printed by Evan Tyler in 1644.] na kirk;" and to that the reformer rejoined, " I n David I read
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 8; Laing's Knox, iv. 171, 172 that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, Odi ecclesiam
[These forms of recantation may be seen in the Maitland Mis¬ malignantium. That church ye may have without the Word, . . .
cellany, iii. 215-221 ; and in the Register of St Andrews Kirk- of that church yf ye wilbe, I can not impead yow " (Laing's Knox,
session, Scot. Hist. Soc, i. 11-18.] i. 200).
3
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 80; Laing's Knox, ii. 114.

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122 The Old Scottish Confession of 1 560.

ascendeth up for ever and ever : and they have no


rest day nor night, who worship the beast and his
image " ) is adduced in proof of the ultimate fate
1
of those who delight in superstition or idolatry.
The same unrestrained spirit is shown in some
contemporary Confessions, notably in the earliest
Danish one, the framers of which seem to have
kept closer to Luther than to the more gentle
CHAPTER VII.
Melanchthon : but however excusable i t may
have been in the fierce battle then forced on
THE BOOK OF COMMON ORDER.
them, there can be no doubt that the calmer
and more measured language of the later Con¬
T H I S , though in point of time the first com¬
fession is a decided improvement on the state¬
posed of the symbolical books of the Scottish
ments of the earlier one ; and I do not hesitate
Reformation, was the last to be formally assigned
to say that, w i t h the simpler formula of 1693-94
its honoured place. The title i t commonly bore
recently restored, and the explanatory act which
in that age was the Book of Common Order.
accompanies it—emphasising the distinction be¬
I n the First Book of Discipline i t is called " t h e
tween matters of minor importance and the
Order of Geneva " and " the Book of our Com¬
great doctrines of the faith—the position of the 1
mon O r d e r . " I n recent times i t has been more
ministers of our church in these respects is
generally designated as Knox's L i t u r g y . I t has
as nearly what it should be as is that of
usually been deemed sufficient to say that i t
the ministers in any of the allied Presbyterian
was drawn up and first privately and then pub¬
churches.
licly printed at Geneva, and was directly taken
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 96, 97. from the liturgy then used there, as well as
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 520, 583; Laing's Knox, ii. 186, 239.
[In another passage it is spoken of as "the Booke of the Common
Order, called the Order of Geneva " (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 548 ;
Laing's Knox, ii. 210).] The Book of Common Order, which has
been frequently reprinted, is included in vols. iv. and vi. of Dr
Laing's edition of Knox's Works.

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124 The Book of Common Order.
At Frankfort. î 2 ç
approved by Calvin. But this is only partially
to implement the stipulation for conformity w i t h
true. The first English congregation on the
the French i n ceremonies as well as in Confes¬
Continent which invited Knox to be one of its
sion of F a i t h , and i t seems to have been mainly
pastors was that formed at Frankfort in 1554
owing to Knox that i t was not adopted at
and admitted to hold its services in the same
once, but that time was given for circulating
church as the congregation of French-speaking
and examining i t . Unfortunately the ambitious
exiles on condition of using the same cere¬
1
plan was taken of inviting the English exiles
monies and Confession of Faith as the French.
at Strassburg and Zurich to j o i n w i t h them i n
The minister and other office-bearers accord¬
their proposed action, which led to those un¬
ingly signed the Confession of Faith along w i t h
fortunate disputes, chronicled at length in the
those of the French congregation, and i t was
'Troubles at Frankfort,' and to the departure of
ultimately incorporated into the Book of Com¬
a large number of the English exiles to Geneva,
mon Order as the exposition of the Apostles'
where through the kindness of Calvin a hos¬
Creed in the baptismal service. The first draft
pitable reception was promised them, and the
of the Book of Common Order was drawn up
Church of Marie la Neuve was assigned for
before the end of 1554, and privately printed,'
their services and those of the Italian exiles,
1
The extract from the minutes of the city council embodying but without any hampering clause about identity
these condrüons, which I found in Withof's < Verteidigung of ceremonies or Confession of Faith. The con¬
commumcated to Dr Hume Brown, was printed by him I n 2 gregation which shared with the English exiles
J 0 h n d i S
A Ï ' - ^ heret
the church of " t h e white ladies," or Cistercian
At 1
J ‫ " ״‬Γ^· U

,
a g r e e d t h a t t h e 0 r d e r o f
Geneua (whiche nuns, at Frankfort, consisted chiefly of the
-ΊηΐΓΪ
them) shulde akeΤ""
place ‫י‬as an Order moste ‫ ״ ״‬4 eoff
11 E
° godly and fardeste n S H S h e a n d S m e t h e r e
company of French-speaking exiles which had
° ^ M a i S t e r
»P0k‫ ״־‬u n t o , T L „ K n X been originally gathered at Strassburg by Farel,
1156 3 t 0 m i n i s t 6 r t h e
ο do îh t '‫י ׳ " ' י י יי‬ ‫״״״«״־‬nion, refused tended for several years by Calvin, and then
to do ether the one or the other, affirming* that for manie con

Î1: d ; 0
rî r
ns
t ° ^ *‫^«״‬
n o n s e n t e that the s a m e

practised, till the lerned men off Strausbrough, Zurik, Emden


Maister Gilby, Maister Fox and Maister T. Cole shulde drawe
forthe some Order meete for their state and time : whiche thinge
m a C e n V y & i e f D i
F r ^ ' P ( — of the Troubles begun « was by them accomplished and offred to the congregation (beinge
Frankfort ,‫ ״‬the year !554, Petheram's reprint, p. x i i ) ? Xv W the same Order off Geneua whiche is nowe in print). This Order
ha e^ h e follow, ‫״‬g addit ional entry: ‫ ״‬After longe debaingeto was verie well liked off many, but suche as were bent to the Booke
and fro, ‫ ״‬was concluded .hat Maister Knox, Maister Whittingham of Englande coulde not abide it " (Ibid., pp. xxxvi, xxxvii).

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126 The Book of Common Order.
Its Authority. I2 p7
by Poullain, or Pollanus, under whom, when
have passed through the alembic of Pollanus
the Interim was imposed on the city, they had
and been modified and supplemented by h i m .
to seek a new home. This they ultimately This w i l l appear from several of the notes
found i n England, to which Bucer and Martyr subjoined, and w i l l be more fully shown in
from the same city had already been invited the Appendix. 1

and had gone. Glastonbury Abbey was as¬


The exclusive authority of this book—previously
signed for their residence by the king and
drafted but first used in Knox's congregation at
council, and there they lived in peace and
Geneva—was not asserted by the General As¬
quiet t i l l the close of the reign of Edward V I .
sembly t i l l 1564 : nevertheless, even in 1560, the
I n 1551 Pollanus published the first edition
Book of Discipline indicated a very marked pref¬
of his ' L i t u r g i a Sacra seu Ritus ministerii i n
erence for its regulations, speaking not only of i t
ecclesia peregrinorum profugorum propter Evan¬
as the book of our Common Order, already used in
gelium Christi Argentinas.' No doubt he had
some churches, but specially commended its form
heard that the favour shown to Alasco and
for administration of the Lord's Supper; and in
his congregations of French and Flemings i n
giving directions for the celebration of the sacra¬
London was intended to help on further refor¬
ments and marriage, and for the burial of the
mation in the Church of England also, and so
dead, i t followed closely the regulations of this
in a lengthy dedication to the king he bespeaks
book. I n 1561 Quintine Kennedy, Abbot of
his favour not only to his congregation but also
Crossraguel, in his oration against the Protestants,
to their book, affirming " ut in cultu Dei ex-
alluded to it in such a way as implied that i t was
terno ita etiam i n disciplina morum nullam
already well known and in general use i n Scot-
esse puriorem aut quae propius accédât ad illam 2
land. I n 1562 the General Assembly enjoined
quae fuit temporibus Apostolorum." No doubt
the observance of a uniform Order in the adminis-
it was i n a similar spirit and i n similar terms
that he pressed the forms of his book on the 1
[It is greatly to be regretted that Dr Mitchell does not seem to
acceptance of the English exiles at Frankfort, have been able to prepare the Appendix to which he here refers ;
but after this lecture had left his hands he expressed his "strong
and to a great extent w i t h success. Their Book
conviction that the words and matter of Knox's Latin Prayer Book
of Common Order is founded on Farel's and of 1556 were derived directly from the Liturgia Sacra of Pollanus."
Calvin's services, but is so after these services On this point he entertained "no doubt whatever."]
2
Laing's Knox, vi. 162.

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128 The Book of Common Order.
Early Practice in Scotland. 1g
2

tration of the sacraments and the celebration of


marriage according to the " Booke of Geneva " — tinued to be so used for a year or two after¬
i.e., the Order used by Knox's congregation there ; 1
wards, though no formal sanction was ever given
and in 1564 i t further ordained that " everie by the General Assembly even to those parts of
minister, exhorter, and reader sail have one of that book, still less to the other parts to which
the Psalme Bookes latelie printed in Edinburgh, Knox's party had always objected. But i t is
and use the Order contained therein [that is, now ascertained that as early as 1556, or at least
the Order in Knox's Book] in prayers, marriage, 1557, Knox had recommended, and that soon
and ministration of the sacraments." 2 after some of the more fully organised congrega¬
tions adopted, a form of service more simple, and
There seems sufficient reason to believe that
more nearly resembling the Genevan than the
for some years before the establishment of the Re¬ 1
Anglican. I t is known that when the treaty of
formed Church, the morning and evening prayers,
peace between France, England, and Scotland
along w i t h the lessons from H o l y Scripture, as
was being negotiated in July 1560, the ministers
contained in the Second Prayer Book of Edward
and congregation of Scotland, thinking their own
V I , were used at least i n part of the assemblies
profession after the order and discipline of Geneva
held by the reformed for worship and mutual
3
to be more pure than the Anglican, as containing
edification ; and perhaps they may have con-
no other ceremonies than are expressly mentioned
1
Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 30. 2
Ibid., i. 54.
in the Scriptures, " wald not ressave or admitt any
2
3
[The grounds on which this opinion is usually based are given uther."
in Laing's Knox, vi. 277, 278. To these may be added the terms
of the summons raised by Sir James Archebald, Vicar of Lintrathin, Randolph, the English ambassador, in his let¬
against his parishioners, on the 27th of May 1560, for payment of ters to his Government, not only admits that they
his teinds, &a, on the plea that he "is lauchfullie providit be the
lawis and practik of oure realme, observit in tymes past, of the said
were " lothe to remytte anie thing of that that
3
vicarage, and hes bene in possessioun of the samyn thir divers yeris thei have receaved," but also leads us to conclude
bigane, and hes causit the commone prayeris and homilies be red that the practice of their leading ministers in
owlklie to the parrochinaris of the said parrochin, and uther wyiss
is content to abyde sik reformatioun as the Lordis of our Secreit public worship at this early date was not very
Counsale plesis mak thairintill, and als is adjonit to Goddis con- 1
Laing's Knox, iv. 137-139. a i n g gives the th of July 1556
[L 7

gregatioun, and takis part with the saidis Lordis in setting fordwart as the correct date of this letter, and says that it is by some over¬
the commone caus, to the gloir of God and commone Weill of our sight that M'Crie in the later editions of his 'Life of Knox has
realme " (Spalding Miscellany, iv. 120). dated it th July 1557 (Ibid., iv. 140).]
7

Lesley's History, p. 292. ‫ ־‬l. ing' Knox, vi


a s
119.

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!30 The Book of Common Order.
Knox and the English Liturgy. \3!
dissimilar to that of their successors in the next
to his discretion when a sermon or other divine
century. " T h e Byshop of Athens," he says,
ordinance was to follow. He had a sort of sane-
"preacheth earnestly, and prayethe hartely for
tion for any neglect of minuter directions as to
the Queene's Majestie our Soveraigne, and greatly
kneeling, crossing, & c , from a general rubric
extollethe her benefyttes ; M r Wyllocke specially
which intimated that these things were to be left
by name prayethe both for France and Englande ;
free "as every man's devotion serveth." He had
M r Knox, universally for all Prynces lyvinge in the
also a pretty full indulgence practically conceded
feare of God, desyring H i m to turne the hartes of
1
for deviating from the strict injunctions of the
other, and to sende them in the rycht w a y . "
book in regard to surplices and other ecclesi¬
About the same period, in one of his letters to 1
astical vestments, which were never adopted or
Mrs Lock, Knox links together " M r Parson's
tolerated by Knox and his associates, the rigid
pattering of his CONSTRAINED prayers" and " t h e
enforcement of which in the days of Queen Eliza¬
masse-munging of M r Vicar and of his wicked
beth produced great misery and discontent at the
companions," in such a way as shows that he was
2
time, and paved the way for more and greater in
no great admirer of the one or the other. In
the days of James and Charles, her successors.
tolerating for a little the use of the morning and
I t is by no means so clear as some have recently
evening services of the Prayer Book of Edward
asserted i t to be, that Knox used this liturgy
V I . , our reformers can be judged inconsistent
habitually when he was in England, acting as
only by those who do not know that in the time
one of the court chaplains and special preachers
of the good King Edward considerably greater
in the time of Edward V I . The observance of
latitude was allowed in the celebration of those
the liturgy was not enforced in the northern part
services than has ever since been suffered in
of the kingdom when Knox began his labours
the sister church. The minister, for instance,
there. A n d even at the time when he removed
was expressly permitted to shorten them according
to the southern province i t was not necessary
1
Laing's Knox, vi. n8. This evidently shows that they used that he should use the liturgy in the office he
not the ipsissima verba of the prayer for all estates, but variant words, held, as the special preachers of that day, and
"like in effect." [Randolph's letter is dated 25th August 1560'.
Alexander Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, was titular Archbishop of even the lecturers for long after, often delivered
Athens.]
2
Laing's Knox, vi. 13. [This letter is dated 6th April 1559.] Liturgies of Edward V I . , Parker Society, pp. 157, 158. [The
"certain notes " thus referred to pertain to Edward's First Liturgy.]

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2
13 The Book of Common Order. A Guide or Moael. 133
their discourses in the open air, and used before what is known as Archbishop Laud's Liturgy,
them only free prayer or a short prayer similar and then by an injunction of the disappointed
to that which is still employed by the university prelates, which required that, t i l l further order
preachers at Oxford and Cambridge. I t was not should be taken, neither the new nor the old
t i l l a considerably later period that " t o gall liturgy should be used in the public services, in
tender consciences " it was required of all lecturers Edinburgh, but only those prayers which the
and special preachers that they should also per¬ ministers had been accustomed to make before
sonally read the liturgy so many times every year. and after their sermons. 1
Thus the bishops them¬
D r Lorimer has proved that Knox used at Ber¬ selves were the unwitting instruments of first
wick a simpler form of communion service, setting aside a partially liturgie, and introducing
moulded so far as yet traced on Swiss and Ger¬ instead a wholly extemporary, form of worship
1
man offices. A n d i t can be established on the into Scotland. There is no reason, however, for
best of all authority — Knox's own testimony maintaining that the Book of Common Order,
—that he neither approved of nor was willing while it continued in authority, was regarded as
to conform to the communion office. Then no more than a guide or model, at least to the
sooner was he beyond the restraint of English law ordained ministers, or can be so regarded by any
than he proposed for adoption in his congrega¬ one who studies w i t h care its rubrics and general
tion, first at Frankfort and then at Geneva, the
form ultimately adopted in Scotland after his 1
[On the 29th of July 1637—six days after the riot in St Giles—it
return thither. was reported to the Privy Council by Archbishop Spottiswoode, for
himself and in name of the remanent bishops, that it seemed ex¬
As has been already mentioned, the exclusive pedient to them "that there should be a surcease of the service-
authority of the Book of Common Order, as a booke " till the king signified his pleasure as to the punishment of
"that disorderlie tumult"; and "that a course be sett down for
guide and aid to ministers i n conducting public the peaceable exercise thereof." He also reported that "the saids
worship and administering the sacraments, was bishops had appointed and given order that, in the whole churches
asserted by the General Assembly in 1564. I t of this citie [i.e., Edinburgh], sermon sail be made at the accus¬
tomed times, by regular and obedient ministers, and that a prayer
continued to hold the place thus given to i t down sail be made before and after sermon, and that neither the old
w h e n
to 1637, i t was superseded, i n so far as the service nor the new established service be used in this interim." The
Council remitted to the bishops "to doe therein according to the
king and his council were concerned, first, by
power incumbent unto thame in the dewtie of thair office " (Peterkin's
1
Lorimer's Knox and the Church of England, 1875, pp. 29-32. Records of the Kirk, p. 52).]

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34 ‫ז‬ The Book of Common Order. Its tolerant Rubrics. 135
contents, far less was observed as a rigid liturgy, Christ had not put some word of exhortation or
every word of which must be repeated unvaryingly vouchsafed some gift of expounding and preaching
by the officiating minister. I t has indeed been 1
the W o r d of God, and they expressly encouraged
maintained, even i n recent times, and by ministers their ministers to look for their Master's aid and
of the National Church, that " t h e idea of extern- guidance i n praying as well as in preaching.
poraneous prayer as an appropriate vehicle of
Hence throughout their Book of Common Order
public devotion was one quite unknown to the
they carefully abstained from imposing the
Reformation." B u t this cannot be made good
ipsissima verba of particular forms as rigidly bind¬
w i t h respect to any of the Reformed or Calvinistic
ing, or even from encouraging their ministers to
churches, and certainly least of all w i t h respect
rest contented w i t h the stated repetition of them.
to the National Church of Scotland at any period
" W h e n the congregation is assembled," run its !
of its history.
tolerant rubrics, " the minister useth one of these
Our reformers laid it down in their First Book two confessions, or like in effect." 2
" This !
of Discipline as a fixed principle that " i t is done, the people sing a psalme altogether in a
! neither the clipping of their crownes, the greasing plain tune, which ended, the minister prayeth for
1
of their fingers, nor the blowing of the dumb the assistance of God's Holie Spirit as the same
dogges called the bishops, neither the laying on shall move his heart, and so proceedeth to the
‫ ן‬of their hands, that maketh true ministers of sermon. The minister, after the sermon, useth
I Christ Jesus. But the Spirit of God, inwardly this prayer following, or such like." 3
" T h e n the
! first moving the heart to seeke to enter in the holy people sing a psalme, which ended, the minister
! calling for Christ's glory and the profite of H i s pronounceth one of these blessings, and so the
} Kirk, and thereafter the nomination of the people, congregation departeth." 4
Such are its few and
ι the examination of the learned, and publick admis- simple directions for the ordinary form of public
2
jsion, . . . make men lawfull ministers." They worship ; and as i f even these might fail to beget
distinctly taught that no one was to be regarded in the minds of some of the old priests a sense
as a lawful minister of Christ into whose mouth 1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 526, 530, 532, 536, 603 ; Laing's
Knox, ii. 191, 194, 196, 199, 255.
1
[In Knox's version—" the crossing of thair fingaris" (Laing's 2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 417 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 179 ; vi. 294.
Knox, ii. 255).] 3

2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 421 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 182; vi. 297.
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 603. 4
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 425 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 185 ; vi. 298·

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1
36 The Book of Common Order.
Calderwood's Testimony. 137
of their freedom from minute restrictions and a
special services and in the most solemn part of
burdensome ritual, i t is added : " I t shall not be
it, the prayer of thanksgiving and consecration
necessarie for the minister daylie to repeat all
in the communion, the rubric is : " The minister
these things before mentioned; but, beginning
. . . giveth thanks either in these words following
w i t h some maner of confession, to proceede to the 1
or like in effect." The same thing is confirmed
sermon, which ended, he either useth the prayer
by many of the rubrics of the other occasional
for all estates before mentioned, or else prayeth as 2
services in the Book of Common Order, and by
the Spirit of God shall move his heart, framing the
the express testimony of Calderwood, Row, and
same according to the time and matter which he
others who officiated as ministers of the church
hath entreated of." 1 T o the same effect, in the
while the book was in use. The first named of
First Book of Discipline, after recommending that
these, though entertaining so strong a regard for
in all the large towns there should every day be
its venerable forms that even on the approval of
either sermon or common prayers w i t h reading
2
the Westminster Directory in 1645 he is said to
of Scriptures, i t is said : " W h a t d a y the publick
have opposed the adoption of any Act expressly
sermon is, we can neither require nor greatly approve
abrogating the Book of Common Order, had not
that the common prayers be publickly used lest
hesitated when contrasting it w i t h the English
that we should either foster the people in super¬
L i t u r g y thus to speak of the nature and extent
stition, who come to the prayers as they come to
of the submission expected to be given to i t :
the masse; or else give them occasion, that they
" Habemus quidem nos etiam in Ecclesiâ nostra
think them no prayers which be made before and
3 1
after sermons." Even in the most solemn of its Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 450 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 194.
2
^ In the Order of the General Fast it is stated : "The exhorta¬
tion and prayers of everie several exercise we have remitted to be
' Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 426. There is a similar rubric in the
Litui^y of Pollanus ‫" ־‬Minister, nomine Domini invocato, ‫״‬t gathered by the discrete ministers, for time preased us so that we
Spintu Sancto adjutus, possit digna Deo atque salutaria ecclesiae culd not frame them in such order as wes convenient, nether yit
eloqm récitât textum." e
thought we it so expedient to pen prayers unto men, as to teach
2
them with what hart and affection and for what causes we shuld
The Liturgy of Pollanus appoints sermons to be preached on
pray, in this great calamitie ‫( ״‬Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 695 ; Laing's
the mormngs of Tuesday and Thursday. The service is to begin
Knox, vi. 421). See also Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 698; Laing's
with a psalm, which being sung, the minister having invoked fhe
Knox, vi. 470. Even the Order of Excommunication might be " en¬
Holy Spmt recites his text and proceeds with his sermon He
larged or contracted as the wisedome of the discreit minister shall
concludes with some shorter prayer "prout animus tulerit "
thinke expedient " (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 746 ; Laing's Knox,
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 583; Laing's Knox, ii. 238
vi. 470).

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r
38 The Book of Common Order.
Row's Opinion. 139
Agendas, et ordinem in sacris celebrandis ser-
words of Holie Scripture, y i t i t is not lawfull
vandum, sed nemo alligatur precibus aut exhorta-
to introduce a reading ministrie, and to stint
tionihts liüirgiae nostrae, proponuntur tantum ut
men (gifted of God, who has the spirit of their
pèradigmata, quibus precum aut exhortationum
calling, able ministers of the gospell who hes
materia et forma quoad substantialia indicantur,
the Spirit of adoption teaching them to pray,
non ut eisdem verbis adstringantur ministri.
Gal. iv. 6; Rom. v i i i . 26; and to whom God
Totos ego tredecim annos, quibus functus sum
hes opened a doore of utterance, to speak the
ministerio, sive in sacramentis, sive in aliis sacris
gospell w i t h boldness, haveing touched their
celebrandis, exhortationibus aut precibus quae
lips w i t h a coall from His awin altar) to such
extant in Agenda nostra, nunquam usus sum. Sic
a Liturgie as is to be made the onlie forme of
etiam alii complures ; et omnibus etiam liberum
1
God's publict worship. For though I confess
est idem facere." W h i l e in regard to the
good use may be made of a formed Liturgie
Liturgy by which i t was attempted in 1637 to
and publict service, to serve for a rule to other
supplant the Book of Common Order, Row thus
kirks to fall on the like way, finding it warranted
expresses himself : " Though they amend all those
by the W o r d , and to be as a monument to the
errours, and that in all the Service Book there
posteritie, who thence may learn what forms
were no materiall errour at all, neither masse nor
have been, are, and ought to be used ; and that
popish c é r é m o n i e ; and though they should read
it may lead the way, and be a directorie to those
nothing but Canonicall Scripture, yea say that
that are beginning in the ministrie ; yit certainlie
all their prayers and exhortations were merelie
reading of prayers and exhortations is not the
1
Caldervvood's Altare Damascenum, 1623, p. 613. In this and way whereby the L o r d in His W o r d has appoynted
the preceding pages I have made use of materials contributed by
me to a Report anent Innovations in Public Worship, presented to
His servants of the ministrie to worship H i m , or
the General Assembly in 1864. [Elsewhere, Calderwood says : to convert, édifie, and comfort, or strengthen
"None are tyed to the prayers of that book; but the prayers are soulls ; but seing they have receaved gifts for
set down as samplers" (Calderwood's History, 1678 ed., p. 25).
Principal Baillie's evidence is to the same effect : "The Warner is praying and preaching, they ought to stirre up
here also mistaken in his beliefe that ever the Church of Scotland the gift of God, and putt the talent to use ; and
had any liturgy ; they had and have still some formes for helpe and
though in their privat studies they may borrow
direction but no tie ever in any of them by law or practise"
(Review of Bramhall's Faire Warning against the Scots Discipline, some help from other men's gifts and labours,
1649- p. 57)•] yit neither is it lawfull for a man to tye himself, or

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14° The Book of Common Order.
Practice in other Reformed Churches. 141
for bishops to tye all ministers, to a prescript and
1
Reformed churches had adopted at least parti¬
stinted forme of words in prayer and exhortation.‫י י‬
ally. I n almost all the Reformed or Calvinistic
Henderson says that while they had their Direc¬
liturgies the prayers are left partly free, and in
tory and prescribed Order, they were " not tyed
2
several of them no form is furnished even as a
to set formes and w o r d s . "
guide or model for the prayer immediately pre¬
I t is plain, therefore, that the General Assembly,
ceding the sermon (and the same might be said of
by the sanction i t gave to the Book of Common some of the earlier Lutheran Agend-biicher). I n the
Order, did not mean to restrict its ordained min¬ churches of Basle, which probably in this respect
isters to the use of a certain unvarying form of only followed the general practice of the churches
words, but to provide such a Directory or model of East Switzerland, Hagenbach informs us that
as would guide them in " the substance and right there was for fifty years after the Reformation no
ordering of all the parts of divine worship," as form of prayer, before or after sermon, imposed
well as guide the readers and others not fully by public authority, and for fifty years longer
admitted to the ministry of the W o r d , through only the prayer after sermon for all estates
whose special aid alone they were able, in a time 1
and conditions of men. W h a t , therefore, dis¬
of so great dearth of qualified ministers, to supply postulat. Neque enim ullâ praescriptione formularum alligandus
in part the spiritual destitution of their country¬ est Spiritus Dei ad eum verborum numerum, cui non liceat subjicere
men. Nor in granting such an amount of liberty, vel supponere si meliora suggérât. . . . Hae formulae serviunt
at least to their ordained ministers, did they tantum rudioribus. Nullius libertati praescribitur, tantum ne ab
follow a course which was, as has been so con¬ eâ ratione discedatur quam nobis Jesus Christus praescripsit. . . .
fidently asserted, altogether novel, but rather, Cumque is (scilicet Spiritus Sanctus) apud tribunalia subministret
as in several other things, carried out more quae dicenda sint, non deerit nobis [si] cum verafidecoram Deo nos
3
thoroughly and consistently what others of the sistemus sensu orationis excitati."
1
" Von vorgeschriebenen Kirchengebeten vor und nach der
1
Row^s History, Wodrow Society, pp. 403, 404. Predigt finden wir keine Spur, vielmehr das sichere Gegentheil.
2 . . . Ums Jahr 1589 finden wir zuerst das sogenannte Lob und
Order and Government of the Church of Scotland, 1641 : Address
to the reader. Dankopfer und die daran gehängten Fürbitten für die Obrigkeit,
3 und die übrigen christlichen Stände. . . . Erst nach der Mitte des
Certainly not more consistently than Pollanus in the following
siebzehnten Jahrhunderts . . . suchte man auch im Liturgischen
rubric: "Hae sunt precationum in liturgiis certae formulae, quae
die Willkür der einzelnen in engere Schränken zurückzuführen "
tamen sequilur minister suo A R M T R I O ut tempus fert et res
(Geschichte der ersten Basler-konfession, S. 249-251).

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142 The Book of Common Order. Prayers of the Readers. 143
tinguished our reformers from their successors, reality the declaration of some of his prelates, is
and from the English Puritans of the seventeenth only intelligible on this supposition. And the 1

century, was not that the former disapproved of Assembly, as I read their deliverance, rather
or curtailed free prayer while the latter advocated deny that the prayers of the readers were of
and encouraged i t , but that the former retained the particular character charged than affirm they
in their Book of Common Order a variety of were the identical prayers contained in Knox's
forms, not only as models, but also as aids to the Book. 2

officiating minister, while the latter put their 1


[The charges are in the alleged causes which led James V I . ,
Directory into such a shape that even the " h e l p immediately after his accession to the English throne, to endeavour
and furniture" it provided required the exercise to bring about uniformity in the services of the church throughout
the whole kingdom, and run thus: "That diversitie, nay defor-
of thought and care on the part of the minister to
mitie, which was used in Scotland, where no set or publike forme
adapt i t for use. This certainly was no great of prayer was used, but preachers or readers and ignorant school¬
divergence, considering how thoroughly both masters prayed in the church, sometimes so ignorantly as it was a
shame to all religion to have the Majestie of God so barbarously
parties were agreed, on the one hand, as to the
spoken unto, sometimes so seditiously that their prayers were plaine
liberty which should be left to ordained ministers, libels, girding at soveraigntie and authoritie ; or lyes, being stuffed
and, on the other, as to the limitations w i t h i n with all the false reports in the kingdome " (Large Declaration,
1639, p. 16).]
which i t should be confined. 2
[The committee appointed by the General Assembly to examine
From the notices given in his 'Order and the Large Declaration describe it as dishonourable to God, to the
king, and to the kirk; and as "stuffed full of lies and calumnies."
Government of the Church of Scotland,' and
Concerning this part in particular they say: " T o the great dis¬
from the specimens of Henderson's prayers which honour of this kirk [it] is affirmed in this Declaration• that there is a
accompany his printed discourses, it is further great deformitie in our service — no forme of publict prayer, but
preachers, readers, and ignorant schoollemasters, praying in the
evident that he, like Calderwood, habitually used
church, sometymes so ignorantlie," &c. (Peterkin's Records of the
free prayer both before and after sermon. There Kirk, pp. 265, 266).]
seems reason to suppose that in not a few cases
the readers also before 1638 took the liberty of
varying from the forms in Knox's Book and
exercising their own gifts. The charges made
against the character of their prayers, in what is
called the King's Declaration, but what was i n

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144
Knox's part in its preparation. 145

the Augustinian Monastery at St Andrews. One


can hardly doubt that the rest, i f not actually
drafted by Knox, was carefully remoulded by
him ; and i t bears evidence of acquaintance with
books which were far more likely to have been
known to h i m than to any of the others —as
Herman of Cologne's Book of the Reformation,
CHAPTER VUE L a t i n versions of some of the earlier Kirchen-
b û c h e r or Kirchenordnungen of the German
THE FIRST •BOOK OF DISCIPLINE ; OR, Protestants, and probably of the famous Ordon¬
THE BOOKE OF T H E POLICIE OF THE CHURCH. nances of Calvin, as drafted at Geneva after his
return from exile.
I REGARD the First Book of Discipline as, in
several respects, the most thoughtful, judicious,
practical, and comprehensive of the documents I . The Government of the Church.
connected with the organisation of the Reformed
The opinions of our reformer and his asso¬
Church of Scotland. I t was drawn up by the
1
ciates respecting the government and discipline
same six m e n who were subsequently entrusted
of the church are gathered partly from the open¬
w i t h the preparation of the Confession of Faith ;
ing chapters of the Book of Common Order, but
and i t has been said that they first settled the
mainly from the treatise ultimately entitled the
titles of the several chapters, and then appor¬
First Book of Discipline. I believe that a careful
tioned the preparation of so many of them to
study of these w i l l lead to a pretty definite con-
each. But this is matter of pure conjecture.
elusion as to what these opinions actually were,
The portion on the universities, from the mul¬
and to a pretty decided conviction that, like their
titude of its practical details, we cannot but
opinions respecting matters of doctrine and ritual,
assign mainly to Douglas, the Principal of St
they were substantially in harmony w i t h those to
Mary's College, and W y n r a m , the sub-prior of
which the Scottish nation has been so long and
' [The six were John Wynram, John Spottiswoode, John Willock, firmly attached. I t may be admitted that there
John Douglas, John Row, and John Knox [supra, p. ) . ]
9 9
were some of Knox's associates who, whatever
κ

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146 The First Book of Discipline. Permanent Office-bearers. 147
may have been their own private sentiments, understand rightly, are now abandoned by their
would, on grounds of expediency, have been con¬ ablest men ; and it was full time that they
tented to retain the former hierarchical govern¬ should be so. The works of Whitgift, which
ment of the church ; and i f on such a point any have been republished in our own day and made
weight is to be allowed to the assertions of Spot- more generally accessible, clearly show that the
1
tiswoode, the popish Archbishop of St Andrews controversy about the presbyterian government
might possibly in that case not have refused to of the church had been formally raised even in
follow the course taken for a time by his relatives England at least as early as 1568; while the
in St Mary's College, and to remain at his post Later Helvetic Confession, approved by the
at the head of the reformed church. B u t from Church of Scotland in 1566 at the request of
the disastrous issue of the compromise in their 1
Knox himself, as clearly shows that the prin¬
case, as well as from what is known and indis¬ ciples on which the controversy fell to be
putable of his own history and character, there decided had been generally adopted by the fol¬
is no reason to suppose that anything was lost, lowers of Calvin even at an earlier date. These
but on the contrary that incalculable gain ac¬ principles were : First, that the names of bishop
crued to the reformed church from this tempta¬ and presbyter are in Scripture used indiscrimin¬
tion not being put in his way. I t was long ately to denote the holder of the same office;
maintained by the leaders of the Scottish epis¬ second, that the only office-bearers of permanent
copalians that Knox himself, to a certain extent, divine appointment in the church are the pastor,
yielded to the wishes of his less thoroughgoing the doctor, the elder, and the deacon. I n fact,
associates, and was implicated w i t h them in at the head of Calvin's Ordonnances Ecclesias¬
certain attempts to continue or restore the sem¬ tiques, drawn up, i f not printed, as early as
blance of a hierarchy in the new church. In 1
154 » we find the following: " I l y a quatre
fact, some of them went so far as to assert ordres d'offices que notre Seigneur a institue
that i t was not t i l l after his death that con¬ pour le gouvernment de son église, premièrement
troversy arose as to whether the episcopal or les pasteurs, puis les docteurs, après les ancients,
presbyterian form of government was the more quatrement les diacres," which passed substan¬
primitive and scriptural. These views, i f I tially into the Book of Common Order in 1556.
1
Spottiswoode's History, Spot. Soc. ed., i. 371, 372. 1
Supra, pp. 112, 113.

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148 The First Book of Discipline. Superintendents temporary. 149

This being the case, we are not guilty of 'any for the introduction of either bishop or superin¬
anachronism in attributing substantially presby¬ tendent as an essential and ordinary office-bearer
terian opinions to our reformer, even i f we have in the church on the pretext that, even i f he ·
to grant that the particular church court first were so, he could be of little use in the single
1
known as the greater eldership or presbytery, English congregation at Geneva. " Wee are
and now exclusively enjoying the title of près- not ignorant," i t is said, " t h a t the Scriptures
bytery, existed at that time only in a rudimentary make mention of a fourth kind of ministers left
form. to the church of Christ, which also are verie
The Book of Common Order of 1556 is the profitable where time and place doth permit ;
earliest authentic document casting light on the but for lack of opportunity in this our dispersion
opinions of our reformers respecting the govern¬ and exile we cannot well have the use thereof,
ment and discipline of the church. The intro¬ and would to God i t were not neglected where
ductory part of the book treats at length of better occasion serveth. These ministers are
the permanent office-bearers of the church, the called teachers or doctors, whose office is to
manner of their election, the duties of their instruct and teach the faithfull i n sounde doc¬
respective offices, and the assemblies they were trine, providing w i t h all diligence that the puritie
to hold in common for government and dis¬ of the Gospel be not corrupt either through
2
cipline. The enumeration of the office-bearers ignorance or evill opinions." Now, can it be
and the description of their duties is quite in supposed that Knox would have said all this of
harmony w i t h what the Books of Discipline the doctor and not a word of the superintendent,
subsequently laid down. The office - bearers if he had deemed both to be of like permanence
recognised are the minister, the elder, the and necessity in the church of Christ ; or that
deacon, and the doctor; and the duties as¬ he would have devoted several pages to explain
signed to each are such as have generally been the duties of the office-bearers, and their assem-
allotted to these functionaries in the presbyterian 1
The appointment of such an official as chief minister of the
churches. The terms in which the last - named English congregation of Frankfort had, however, been urged by
of them is referred to are specially deserving of Knox's opponents there, but was refused by his party (Discourse
of Troubles at Frankfort, pp. xiv, xlvii, cxvii, cxxxv-cxxxviii, cxlvi,
notice. They effectually close a loophole, that
cxlvii).
might otherwise have been imagined to be left, 2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 409, 410; Laing's Knox, iv. 177.

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150 The First Book of Discipline. Necessity of Preaching. 151

blies for the interpretation of the Scriptures and specting the ministers and office-bearers of the
the administration of discipline, and not have church. Even the ordinary ministers of the
uttered one word about the bishop, had he be¬ church must all be well qualified to preach the
lieved that that official was the chief or even gospel of salvation, as many of the common people
1

an essential minister of the church ? Can it be were unable to read, and could only be saturated
supposed likely that he would have been so w i t h its teaching by the living voice of the
silent, even i f there had been no bishop, as preacher who, by sermons and catechising on the
confessedly there was no doctor, among the Lord's day, and in the towns also by the sermon
English in Geneva; or possible that he could during the week, was to his utmost to carry home
have been so w i t h Miles Coverdale, a regularly1 the t r u t h to their hearts. Our reformers judged i t
consecrated bishop attending on his ministra¬ necessary " that His Gospell be truely and openly
tions and acting as an elder in his congregation, preached i n every church and assembly of this
2

unless he had regarded (and wished i t to be realme " ; that no one " unable to édifie the
known that he regarded) the simple presbyter church by wholesome doctrine" should be pro¬
as jure divino on a level w i t h the diocesan moted to or retained in ecclesiastic administra¬
3

bishop, to say nothing of the fact that his tion ; and held that the sacraments cannot be
party at Frankfort had refused to have a bishop " r i g h t l i e ministred by h i m in whose mouth God
4

or superintendent over their congregation ? hath put no sermon of exhortation." Instead


of entrusting parishes, as was so often done in
This examination of the introductory chapters
England, to men able only to read homilies pre¬
of the Book of Common Order w i l l enable us
pared by others, they affirmed that i t was alike
the better to understand and explain the parts of
to have no minister at all and to have an idol in
the Book of Discipline drawn up in 1560 re-
place of a true minister, yea, in some cases i t was
1
The great services Coverdale had rendered to the cause of
1

Protestantism by his translation of the Scriptures did not suffice Even in St Andrews, with all its equipment of schools and
to blot out from the minds of Elizabeth and her ministers the colleges, the common people are represented in 1547 as welcoming
remembrance of his connection with Knox and Goodman. He was Knox's offer of a public disputation, because though they could not
welcomed at the consecration of Archbishop Parker, though he all read his papers they could understand what he addressed to
came in his black gown, for they could not well do that without them vivâ voce (Laing's Knox, i. 189).
2
him ; but all Grindaus efforts failed to secure for him a Welsh Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 518 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 185.
3
bishopric, or even to get him left unmolested in the parochial Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 526 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 191.
4
benefice he conferred on him. Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 530; Laing's Knox, ii. 194·

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‫ז‬

15 2
The First Book of Discipline. Readers. 153
1
worse. Men of best knowledge of God's W o r d Readers, or exhorters, were to be provided for
and cleanest life were to be nominated annually those churches which could not presently be sup¬
2
for election as elders and deacons. The former plied w i t h ministers. These readers were to be
were to assist the minister in all affairs of the men judged most apt distinctly to read the com¬
kirk, to hold meetings w i t h him for judging mon prayers and the Scriptures, but they were
of causes, admonishing evil livers, yea, to take to be encouraged and urged so to exercise their
heed to the life, manners, diligence, and study of gifts that they might grow in knowledge and
3
the ministers, as well as of the flock. The utterance, and in time might come to be entrusted
deacons were to assist in judgment, but chiefly w i t h the power of preaching the W o r d , adminis¬
to collect and distribute what was provided for tering the sacraments, and discharging all the
the poor. They might also, as in the French functions of the ordinary pastor. 1
Special pro¬
Church, be admitted to read the Scriptures and vision was made for the spiritual improvement
common prayers in the congregation i f required of these readers or exhorters in those weekly
4
and qualified to do so. Besides ministers, meetings for the interpretation of Scripture which,
elders, and deacons, generally recognised in the originally introduced among the exiles at Frank¬
reformed churches as holding offices of divine fort and Geneva, were after their return set up by
institution, and being of " t h e m i n i s t r y " or con¬ them in England under the name of prophesying,
sistory of the church, certain other functionaries and i n Scotland under the name of the exercise. 2

are mentioned in 'this Book of Discipline, to


The portion of the book relating to the super¬
whom special duties are assigned, at least for a
intendents opens w i t h a statement of the reasons
time. These are the readers, or exhorters, and
which had led its framers " t o make difference
the superintendents, and both classes appear to be 3
betwixt preachers at this time." These last
spoken of in such a way as to make i t clear that
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 532 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 195, 196.
they were not to be permanently retained as
[Readers who were able to exhort and explain the Scriptures were
orders of office-bearers in the church distinct to have their stipends augmented until they attained the honour
from those above named. of a minister (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 536, 537 ; Laing's Knox,
1
ii. 199, 200).]
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 530 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 194. 2
' [The readers who had "any gift of interpretation " were to take
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 577 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 233. part in these meetings (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 590 ; Laing's
3
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 578 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 234, 235. Knox, ii. 244).]
4
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 581 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 236, 237. 3
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 539 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 202.

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154 The First Book of Discipline.
Superintendent and Bishop compared. 155
words, as has often been remarked, would have
as the English had done of the former popish
been unmeaning had they regarded the super¬
incumbents, they deemed i t most expedient that ‫׳‬
intendent's office as by divine institution per¬
these should, for a time at least, be restricted to
manent in the church and superior to that of
the humbler duties of readers ; and that from the
the ordinary minister. Accordingly, when they
whole number of godly and learned men then in
proceed to state in detail the reasons which in¬
the realm ten or twelve should be selected, and
duced them to sanction such a difference, these
one of them assigned to each of the proposed
are found to be—not, as in the Anglican Ordinal,
provinces, which he should visit annually through
that there have always been in the church of
1
its whole extent, preaching from time to time
Christ distinct orders of bishops and presbyters,
i n every parish not provided w i t h an ordained
nor even as in Alasco's book that such offices
and preaching minister, seeing to the adminis¬
were in some sort necessary, though, save in
tration of the sacraments and of church discipline
matters executive, in no way superior to their
in such parishes, and presiding at the meetings
brethren the ordinary ministers of the church,
of the provincial synod, and at the examination
but—that the dearth of qualified preachers or
and admission of ministers and readers appointed
ministers at that time i n Scotland was so great,
to serve at the churches.
that i f each were to be settled in a single town
I t used to be maintained by Scottish episco¬
or parish, and allowed to make continual residence
palians, and has been reiterated even in our own
therein, the larger part of the realm would be left
day, that there is hardly any difference to be
altogether destitute of that efficient spiritual in¬
discerned between these superintendents and the
struction, oversight, and training which the people
old bishops save the substitution of a name which
themselves eagerly longed for, and the reformed
is bad L a t i n for one which is good Greek. This
leaders earnestly desired to provide for them. T o
is more smart than true. The following very
meet this emergency, without being obliged to
material differences w i l l at once occur to any one
avail themselves so generally and unrestrictedly
acquainted w i t h the First Book of Discipline, and
w i t h the constitution and practice of episcopal
1
[" It is evident unto all men, diligently reading Holy Scripture
churches. (1) The bishop in the latter must be
and ancient authors, that from the apostles' time there hath been
these orders of ministers in Christ's church : bishops, priests, and consecrated to his office by three, or at least two,
deacons" (Liturgies of Edward VI., Parker Society, p. 331).] bishops who have derived their office in the like

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56 ‫ז‬ The First Book of Discipline. Superintendent and Bishop compared. 157
lineal succession from their predecessors; while reasons assigned for the institution of their office,
the superintendent, according to the practice of that the Gospel might be preached from time to
the Church of Scotland, and the constitution of time in all those parishes not provided with a
the Church of the Foreigners in London, might more stated ministry, and that thus men in every
be set apart to his office by a simple presbyter or corner of the land might attain some knowledge
ordinary minister of the church. (2) The dis¬ of the truths of our holy religion, as well as some
tinctive duties of the bishop are such as, accord¬ feeling of godliness. (4) Finally, the bishop in
ing to the practice of the churches recognising all episcopal churches, so far as my knowledge
the necessity of his office, cannot be delegated extends, is allowed to claim a negative voice in
save to one of his own order, while there was synods of his clergy, and can in no case be taken
no duty entrusted to the superintendent in the under discipline and judged by them, but only by
Church of Scotland which might not be devolved a synod of his own order; while the superin¬
on a mere presbyter; and i t was the custom of tendent in the Scottish Church was merely the
the General Assembly to delegate to ordinary permanent Moderator of Synod, and was bound
ministers the whole functions of visitation and to give effect to the decision of the majority, or
superintendence in provinces not provided w i t h a to carry it by appeal before a higher court ; and
permanent superintendent, and to do so at times he was not only liable to be judged and punished
even in the case where the former popish bishop for neglect of duty and for personal misconduct
of the diocese had joined himself to the Reformed by the General Assembly, but was also liable to
Church. (3) I t is not generally recognised in be charged w i t h such offences before his own
episcopal churches as a duty specially incumbent synod, and to be judged and punished by i t . On
on the bishop to preach regularly in the several these grounds I am so far from admitting that the
churches of his diocese (certainly i t was not superintendent was in all respects identical with
expected of the English bishops who were con¬ the bishop, that I am inclined to hold that it was
1
temporary w i t h the Scottish superintendents) ; just because he was so completely stripped of all
but i t was one of the main duties expected of real episcopal power that, when the hierarchy was
these superintendents, and one of the chief revived, even the most moderate of the bishops
1
found they could not contain themselves within
The jest attributed to Queen Elizabeth that she had made a
bishop but marred a good preacher shows this. the limits prescribed to the superintendents in

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8
!5 The First Book of Discipline.
Gradation of Church Courts. \ 59
the First Book of Discipline ; and that one of the
name ; but even the germ of this was implanted
main obstacles in the way of their success in
in that weekly meeting of ministers and elders
the struggle with their refractory presbyters was
for the interpretation of Scripture termed the
occasioned by their own hasty promise to observe exercise, which was authorised both by the
the caveats founded on the previous practice in Book of Common Order and the First Book of
the case of superintendents, and especially by Discipline. 1
I t was soon established in all the
their promise to be subject to the judgment and considerable towns i n Scotland where there was a
censure of the General Assembly. fully constituted reformed church, and though at
The form of church government in Scotland first it may possibly have confined itself to the
was still further connected w i t h that of the object it was immediately intended to serve, and
Calvinistic churches on the Continent (par¬ may have intervened only by advice in matters of
ticularly that of France) by the establishment discipline, yet i t was not in the nature of things
and gradation of church courts —the General that such a gathering of ministers and elders
Assembly having jurisdiction over the whole from neighbouring churches should take place
church, the provincial synod over the ministers from week to week without such cases as
and congregations w i t h i n a particular province, occupied the attention of parochial consistories
and the session or lesser eldership or consistory being discussed and advised on, as well as the
1
over one or more neighbouring congregations. doctrinal and critical questions arising out of
What afterwards came to be known as the greater their exercises, which they were expressly em¬
2
eldership, or presbytery, or classical consistory, powered to dispose of. The tendencies of the
does not appear at first under that distinctive institution were so manifest, and the powers i t
1
speedily assumed so undisguised, that Queen
^ In the chief towns, just as in Geneva, there seems from early
times to have been a common or "general session," although there Elizabeth became alarmed, and insisted on the
were several congregations in each, as in Edinburgh, Glasgow, suppression of i t throughout the province of
Dundee, and Perth.
2
Even the Second Book of Discipline does not sharply dis¬ 1
[The Book of Common Order distinguishes between the weekly
tinguish between the lesser and greater eldership or presbytery;
meeting of the ministers and elders in their assembly or consistory,
and Gillespie admits they were not distinguished in the primitive
and the weekly meeting of the congregation for the interpretation
church, though he holds that both were needed in Scotland to do
of the Scriptures (Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 411-413 ; Laing's Knox,
the work which the one presbytery did in the primitive church
iv. 177-179). For the nature and object of the exercise see infra,
{infra, pp. 230-233).
pp. 170-173.]

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160 The First Book of Discipline. The General Assembly. 161
Canterbury, notwithstanding the remonstrances ally and chiefly for legislative purposes, that is,
and entreaties of the good Archbishop Grindal, authoritatively to explain the church's creed and
and his repeated and urgent petitions that she enact canons to regulate the administration of
would rather endeavour to confine i t to the discipline, but frequently and at short stated
original purpose, in which i t had been of great intervals to review the proceedings of the inferior
service, than suppress i t altogether. I n the judicatories of the church, as well as to legislate
province of York, where the institution had taken regarding matters of doctrine and discipline.
firmer root, and where the contentions between Whether its peculiar vitality in the Scottish
Papists and Protestants had gained more pro¬ Church is to be ascribed to its popular constitu¬
minence than those between Puritans and anti- tion, or to the fact that i t has in general faithfully
Puritans, i t was tolerated for a considerably represented the national sentiments in those con¬
longer period. W h e n in 1581 Scotland was troversies which in successive generations have
regularly divided into presbyteries, the exercises been agitated in our country; or whether the
previously existing in particular towns were groundwork of it had not been laid long before i n
merged i n , and their work devolved on, these; those national councils of the church which the
and in the beginning of the seventeenth century, popish ecclesiastics had, under the bull of Pope
when episcopacy was restored, the name of 1
Honorius I I I . , deemed themselves warranted to
presbytery was again frequently exchanged for hold every year, and at which the king and his
that of exercise. nobles appear often to have been present, and
Of these several church courts perhaps the most whether, therefore, in the maintenance of this
distinctive as well as the most important was the quasi-Gallican liberty, as well as in some minor
General Assembly, which was originally held to matters enumerated by L o r d Hailes, there may
represent the whole church ; and which may still, not have been a closer and more real connection
after the lapse of ages, be held substantially to do between the pre- and post - Reformation church
so — h a v i n g representatives not only from each in Scotland than has been commonly admitted,
of the presbyteries but also from each of the it would now, perhaps, be very difficult to deter-
universities and royal burghs in the kingdom. I t
1
[The bull, which is printed in Concilia Scotia;, ii. 3, is dated
has been wont to meet not (as such national
"xiiij kalendas Junij pontificatus nostri anno nono," i.e., the 19th
synods have generally done elsewhere) occasion- of May 1225.]

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162 The First Book of Discipline. . Νature and Ends of Discipline. \ 63
mine. But i t w i l l be allowed on all hands that Even Luther, who began so well, hesitated and
this venerable court—which was so early estab¬ . quailed before the claims of the civil powers, and
lished and has subsisted almost uninterruptedly left i t to Calvin to carry out his own earlier
since the Reformation, and has exercised such conceptions, and those of the Hessian Synod of
extensive legislative and judicial powers—is the 1
1528. Our reformers, however, boldly laid down
most distinctive characteristic of the Scottish the absolute necessity of i t in their Book of
Church, and has had great influence in the Common Order, and named in their Confession
development of Scottish opinion and religious as one of the three distinctive marks of a true
life. church of Christ, "ecclesiastical discipline up-
rightlie ministred as Goddis W ö r d e prescribes,
I I . The Discipline of the Church. 2
whereby vice is repressed and vertew nurished."
The opinions of our reformer and his associates Not content to exercise such a discipline merely
regarding the discipline and practical organisation under this clause of their State-ratified Confession,
of the church have hardly ever been made a they sought and obtained an explicit acknowledg¬
subject of serious controversy, even by those who ment of the church's privileges in special Acts of
have so long called in question the generally Parliament, which continue in force at the present
received ideas regarding his opinions on the day, and have enabled the Church of Scotland to
government of the church. That which marked maintain a stricter and more efficient discipline
out the early Reformed Church of Scotland most than any other established church has ventured
distinctively among the churches of the Reforma¬ to aim at.
tion was the fact that she advocated, and re¬ The nature and ends of this discipline are
solutely carried into practical operation, that' pretty fully explained in the introductory chapters
" g o d l y discipline" which they all admitted had of the Book of Common Order, in the Book of
been used in the primitive church in her best Discipline, and the Order of Excommunication
and purest days, and the restoration of which, and Public Repentance. " A s no citie, towne,
they perhaps ventured to hint, was much to be house, or family," i t is affirmed in the first of
desired, but which yet they had not the courage
to demand from the civil power as of essen¬ 1
See Schenkel's article, "Kirche," in Herzog's Real-Encyklo-
pädie.
tial concern to the wellbeing of their churches. 2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 68 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 110.

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164 The First Book of Discipline.
Order of Excommunication. 165
these treatises, " can maintaine their estate and
may be induced to repent and amend. This is
prosper without policy and governance, even so
said to be the object even of excommunication—
the Church of God, which requireth more purely
the highest censure the church can inflict on an
to be governed than any citie or family, cannot
offending brother—that he, being brought to a
without spirituall policy and ecclesiastical dis¬
1
due sense of his sin and misery, may be saved
cipline continue, increase, and flourish ; and as
in the day of the L o r d . I t is expressly provided
the W o r d of God is the life and soule of this
that, in regard to this last and highest censure,
church, so this godly order and discipline is, as
nothing is to be attempted without the détermina¬
it were, sinews in the body, which knit and joine
tion of the whole church—i.e., of the ordinary
the members together w i t h decent order and
members of the church—and they are affection¬
comelinesse ; it is a bridle to stay the wicked from
ately reminded that i t is their duty to take good
their mischiefs, i t is a spurre to pricke forward
heed " that they seeme not more ready to expell
such as be slow and negligent ; yea, and for all
from the congregation than to receave againe
men i t is the father's rod, ever in a readiness
those, in whom they perceave worthy fruits of
to chastise gently the faults committed, and
repentance to appeare," and " t h a t all punish¬
to cause them afterward to live in more godly
2
ments, corrections, censures, and admonitions
feare and reverence." Three causes are assigned
stretch no farther than God's W o r d with mercy
why such discipline should be retained and 1
may lawfully beare."
practised in the church—viz., that evil men may
The Order of Excommunication and Public
not be numbered among God's children, that the
Repentance, sanctioned by the General Assembly
good may not be infected by association w i t h the
in 156g, long continued to be used as a directory
ungodly, and that the individual taken under dis¬
in the administration of discipline. I t was com¬
cipline may be made ashamed of his fault, and so
piled by Knox, or rather abridged by him from
1
See Calvin's Institutes, book iv. chap. ii.—"As no city or Alasco's ' Modus ac Ritus Excommunicationis '
village can exist without a magistrate and government, so the and his ' Forma ac Ratio Publicse Penitentiae,'
Church of God stands in need of a spiritual polity of its own. This
1
is altogether distinct from the civil government, and is so far from Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 414-417; Laing's Knox, iv. 204-206.
hindering or impairing it, that it rather does much to aid and If this humanity is not observed in private as well as in public,
promote it." there is danger lest instead of discipline we fall into a kind of
2
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 413 ; Laing's Knox, iv. 203. Gehenna, and instead of correctors and educators become execu¬
tioners of the brethren (Calvin).

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166 The First Book of Discipline. Discipline tmder Prelacy. 167
used w i t h the approbation of Edward V I . in hands, the strict exercise of such discipline
the Church of the Foreigners in London. I t became specially odious to the king and his
breathes throughout a spirit of tender regard gay courtiers, and incessant efforts were made
for erring brethren and earnest longing for to relax its rigour. These, however, were in
their recovery, quite as strongly as i t manifests general directed to effect this object rather by
a spirit of holy zeal for the glory of God and means of than in spite of the church, by secur¬
the purity of His church. I n all save the ing that cases involving the sentence of ex¬
most notorious and urgent cases, the offender communication should be reserved for the
was to be dealt w i t h repeatedly both in private determination of the higher courts of the
and in public to confess his aggravated offence church, on which the king and his friends
before the extreme penalty was inflicted on h i m . could bring their influence to bear w i t h most
I f these dealings and admonitions proved in¬ effect. Even during the domination of the
effectual, the minister was once more to explain Second Episcopacy i t is well known, from
the nature of his offence, and the frequency of records still extant, that kirk-sessions and près-
the public and private admonitions addressed byteries were continued, and were allowed, w i t h
to h i m , was then to appeal to the elders and the sanction of the bishop, to maintain a dis¬
deacons to confirm the t r u t h of what he said, cipline which in the present day would not be
and finally was to ask of the whole church generally accounted lax. The grotesque pen¬
if they thought such a contempt should be ances so often resorted to in the times imme¬
suffered amongst them, and only in the event diately succeeding the Reformation, and for the
of no man making further intercession for the use of which our forefathers have been subjected
erring and obstinate was the minister to pro¬ to so much abuse and ridicule, were by no
1
ceed to pronounce the fearful sentence. means confined to them, and probably had been
I n the times of declension which arose after suggested by similar grotesque ones in use be¬
James V I . took the government into his own fore, and were employed by the Court of H i g h
1
The form of absolution then appointed to be used was, with Commission, by the Church of England, and by
consent of Henderson, modified by the Westminster divines into other churches too, in so far as they ever
the shape in which it appears in their Directory for Church Gov¬
ernment and Excommunication, and as modified was afterwards
ventured to exercise discipline on notorious
inserted in our Form of Process of 1707. offenders. Even those melancholy trials of

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168 The First Book of Discipline. The People remoulded. 169

witches, for which they have been so severely accomplished what was proposed. I n less than
blamed, were not originated by them, and were three generations the Genevese [and' Lowland
countenanced quite as much by their opponents, Scots] were entirely remoulded. T o frivolity
and by no one more than by the pope and and licentiousness succeeded that somewhat
his entourage, as well as by James V I . , the austere strictness of morals which in earlier
great patron of the bishops, and for long were days distinguished the disciples of the re- !
clamoured for by the people. former[s]. History tells of only two [three] j
To us, living in the light and glorying in the men who have been able permanently to im- \
toleration of the nineteenth century, some of press their stamp on an entire people—Lycurgus j
these disciplinary provisions may seem harsh, and Calvin [and Knox], whose characters in fact \
several of the details frivolous, others inquisi¬ have much in c o m m o n . " 1
The Athenians made
torial ; and the very principle of such a close merry over the black broth of the Spartans ;
identification of the ecclesiastical and civil, as but Sparta conquered Athens. H o w many ac¬
that all offences against morality and church cusations and witticisms have been launched
discipline were to be also dealt w i t h and pun¬ against the Calvinistic spirit, and yet Calvinistic
ished by the state, more than questionable. countries led the way in Christian activity and
But to men living in the sixteenth century and civil freedom, and to them even those who
just emerging out of the ignorance and licence abuse them are largely indebted for their
which the old church had tolerated, and long¬ blessings.
ing to be moulded into a community really
holy and self-denying and quickened to a higher
III. The Prerogatives and Duties of Church
life — enthused w i t h a longing to reach loftier
Members.
heights in i t — t h e iron discipline of Calvin and
Knox was welcome as requiring only what they The thorough agreement of our reformers' ideas
felt to be their duty and their true interest. respecting the nature of the church with those of
W e may extend to the disciple what the his¬ the apostles and primitive Christians comes out
torian of French Protestantism has said of the even more emphatically in the statements they
master, and so far varying the words of Haag make i n the First Book of Discipline and the
affirm : " The institutions of Calvin [and Knox] 1
La France protestant, deuxième édition, iii. 530.

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170 The First Book of Discipline.
The Exercise. !‫ ך‬j
Book of Common Order about the ordinary
Alasco, and Knox. · The paragraph is as fol¬
members of the congregation, and the arrange¬
lows: " T o the end that the kirk of God may
ments there recommended for promoting their
have a tryall of men's knowledge, judgements,
spiritual welfare, and calling forth all their gifts.
graces, and utterances; as also, such that have
Not only are they to be allowed a voice in the
somewhat profited in God's W o r d may from time
choice of their ministers, elders, and deacons, in
to time grow in more full perfection to serve the
the exclusion of members from the church and
kirk as necessity shall require ; i t is most expedient
their readmission into i t , and through their rep¬
that i n every towne where schooles and repaire
resentatives in the government of the church
of learned men are, there be a time in one certain
generally; not only are they to have week-day
day every week appointed to that exercise which
and Sabbath services, and frequent communions
S. Paul calls prophecying ; the order whereof is
for their edification and growth in grace,—but in
expressed by h i m in thir words : ' Let the
the principal congregations there are to be weekly
prophets speak two or three and let the other
meetings for the study and interpretation of the
judge, but i f anything be revealed to another that
Scriptures. A t these meetings every man was
sitteth by, let the former keep silence; for ye
to be allowed to speak his mind and propose
may one by one all prophesie that all may learne,
his doubts, to exercise his gifts for the edifica¬
and all may receive consolation.' . . . By which
tion of the brethren, or to " inquire as God shall
1
words of the apostle, i t is evident that in the
move his heart and the text minister occasion."
K i r k of Corinth when they did assemble for that
The opening paragraph of chapter x i i . of the
purpose, some place of Scripture was read, upon
First Book of Discipline shows us whence this
the which one first gave his judgement to the
remarkable institution was derived, and proves
instruction and consolation of the auditors ; after
clearly that Neander was not the first in post¬
whom did another either confirme what the
Reformation times who discovered the full signifi¬
former had said, or added what he had omitted,
cance of certain well-known passages in St Paul's
or did gently correct or explaine more properly
First Epistle to the Corinthians, but only a re¬
where the whole verity was not revealled to the
storer of the long-forgotten teaching of Calvin,
former; and i n case things were hid from the
1
Book of Common Order, in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 412 ; one and from the other, liberty was given for a
Laing's Knox, iv. 179.
t h i r d to speak his judgement to the edification

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17 2
The First Book of Discipline. The Exercise. 173

of the k i r k . " The exercise or practice here joyn themselves w i t h the session and company
authorised by the apostle, i t is next affirmed, is of interpreters. . . . For no man may be permitted
a thing most necessary for the kirk of God this as best pleaseth him to live within the kirk of God,
day i n Scotland, " for thereby, as said is, shall but every man must be constrained by fraternall
the kirk have judgement and knowledge of the admonition and correction to bestow his labours,
graces, gifts, and utterances of every man within when of the kirk he is required, to the edification
1

their bodie, the simple and such as have somewhat of others." Such was the remarkable provision
profited shall be encouraged daily to studie and made by our reformers, that every adult member
to proceed in knowledge, and the whole kirk of the church should enjoy such means of grace
shall be edified ; for this exercise must be patent to as were fitted to promote his growth in Christian
such as list to hear and learne, and every man shall knowledge as well as in spiritual life, and should
have liberty to titter and declare his minde and know¬ have reasonable opportunity of using for the glory
ledge to the comfort and consolation of the Kirk." 1 of God and the good of his brethren the gifts
Then after appointing some prudent regulations w i t h which the Spirit of God had furnished h i m .
to prevent this liberty of prophesying from en¬ I t may be questioned whether some such institu¬
croaching on the province of the regular ministry tion is not as much needed in the present day, i f
of the church, or degenerating into a school for the members of the church are to be preserved
the encouragement of rash speculation instead of from the temptations to doubt w i t h which they
ministering to the comfort and godly edifying of are surrounded, and i f they are to be encouraged
the brethren, directions are given that the minis¬ to supplement the labours of their ministers and
ters of the landward parishes adjacent to every elders i n winning back those who have been
important town, together w i t h the readers w i t h i n seduced into the paths of error or sin; and
six miles, should assist those that prophesy within whether its influence, i f it were only set about
the towns, that they themselves may learn or w i t h earnestness, would be less powerful to pre¬
others may learn from them. " A n d moreover," serve and reclaim than it was in those earlier
it is again repeated, " m e n in whom is supposed times.
to be any gifts which might édifie the church i f Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 590, 591 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 244, 245.
they were well imployed must be charged . . . to
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 587-589 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 242, 243.

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174 The First Book of Discipline.
Schools. 175
so we ought to be carefull that they have know¬
I V . Education of the Young and University Reform. ledge and erudition to profit and comfort that
which ought to be most deare to us, to wit, the
The care and anxiety of our reformers were 1
kirk and spouse of our L o r d Jesus." T o secure
not confined to the adult members of the church.
this noble end i t was deemed necessary that,
They were extended in a special manner to the
besides the readers' schools, every considerable
young, and were manifested towards them, i f pos¬
town should have at least one schoolmaster
sible, w i t h more intense earnestness and loving
appointed who was competent to teach grammar
tenderness. Though parish schools, in the later
and the L a t i n tongue; and that in the more
sense, were not yet devised, detailed arrange¬
notable towns, especially the old cathedral cities,
ments were made that the readers at the several
where the revenues of the prebendaries or of
kirks should impart religious knowledge and the
the monks might be made available, there should
elements of primary education to the young of
be a college in which at least logic, rhetoric,
the flock, and that those who showed an aptitude
and the languages—i.e., L a t i n and Greek—should
for learning and capability of being trained to be
be taught by competent masters, for whom and
of service to kirk or common-weal should have
for the poorer scholars attending them suitable
access at various centres to higher training.
stipends and bursaries should be provided out of
"Seeing," they say in their importunate plead¬
the aforesaid revenues. The fruit of such an
ing w i t h the nobles on their behalf, " t h a t God
organisation, i t is affirmed, would soon appear.
hath determined that H i s kirke here in earth shall
" F o r first, the youthhead and tender children
be taught not by angels but by men, and seeing
shall be nourished and brought up in vertue in
that men are borne ignorant of God and of all
presence of their friends, by whose good attendance
godlinesse, . . . of necessity i t is that your
many inconveniences may be avoyded in which
honours be most careful for the vertuous educa¬
the youth commonly fall either by overmuch
tion and godly upbringing of the youth of this
libertie which they have in strange and un-
realm, i f either ye now thirst unfainedly [for] the
knowne places while they cannot rule them¬
advancement of Christ's glorie or yet desire the
selves, or else for lack of good attendance and
continuance of His benefits to the generation
of such necessaries as their tender age requires.
following ; for as the youth must succeed to us,
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 547 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 209.

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176 The First Book of Discipline.
Value of Learning. ^‫ךך‬
Secondly, the exercise of children in every kirke
supported at the charge of the kirk. The sons
shall be great instruction to the aged and un¬
neither of rich nor poor are to be permitted to
learned," who had never been taught to read,
reject learning i f they develop any aptitude for
and in whose presence in the Sunday afternoon
it, but are to be "charged to continue their
service they were examined. Lastly, " t h e great
studie that the commonwealth may have some
Schooles called the Universities shall be replen¬
comfort by them." T o secure this object, discreet
ished w i t h these that shall be apt to learning;
and learned men are to visit the schools every
for this must be carefully provided that no
quarter, and examine what proficiency the pupils
father, of what estate or condition that ever 1
have attained.
he be, use his children at his own fantasie especi¬
To these suggestions regarding primary and
ally in their youthhead ; but all must be compelled
secondary schools succeeds a very detailed state¬
to bring up their children in learning and
ment of the changes desired in the universities
vertue." Thus boldly did our reformers lay
to adapt them to the new order of things. And
down the principle of compulsory education,
then they conclude as follows : " A l l other things
which men in our own day have only hesitat¬
touching the books to be read in ilk classe, and
ingly adopted, but w i t h greater consistency or
all such like particular affaires, we referre to the
daring than our contemporaries have yet evinced,
discretion of the masters, principals, and regents,
for they proposed to apply the principle to the
w i t h their well-advised counsel ; not doubting but
children of the rich and potent, as well as to
if God shall grant quietnesse, and give your wise-
those of the poor and vicious. Those higher
domes grace to set forward letters in the sort
classes, they say, " m a y not be permitted to
prescribed, ye shall leave wisdome and learning
suffer their children to spend their youth in
to your posterity—a treasure more to be esteemed
vaine idleness as heretofore they have done,
than any earthly treasure ye are able to amasse
but they must be exhorted, and by the censure
for them, which without wisdome are more able
of the kirk compelled, to dedicate their sonnes by
to be their ruin and confusion than their help and
training them up in good exercises to the profite
comfort. A n d as this is most true, so we leave i t
of the kirk and commonwealth." This they
w i t h the rest of the commodities to be weighed
expect the rich to do at their own expense,
by your honours' wisedome, and set forwards by
while they desire the children of the poor to be
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 548-550; Laing's Knox, ii. 209-211.
M

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178 The First Book of Discipline.
Oppression of the Poor. \ ‫ך‬g
your authority to the most high advancement of
1
masses, closely together in the bonds of mutual
this commonwealth committed to your charge." Christian affection and true patriotism.
These touching appeals were not made alto¬
gether in vain. Though neither quietness nor a
large measure of grace was granted to the rough V . Care of the Poor.
barons so earnestly and tenderly addressed, yet
I must still add that the same enlightened
the goodly fabric of our church and common¬
principles which guided them to make careful
wealth was reared up in those troublous times.
provision for these important objects, led them
The full and liberal adoption of the plan of
also to take a kindly interest in the humbler poor
national education sketched by our reformer and
and aged, and to urge both on the state and on
his associates still remains in part to be desider¬
the members of the church the duty they owed
ated, and is worthy to be striven for by the
to this long despised and neglected class of the
churches which claim to represent them. The
population. First, for the poor peasantry who
partial carrying out of their views, more than any
were not paupers, but who, they allege, had been
other influence that can be named, has conduced
grievously oppressed by the exactions of the
to elevate our people and raise Scotland to the
clergy in the times immediately preceding, they
rank it now holds among the nations; and we
present the following earnest plea: " W i t h the
can hardly doubt that the more complete réalisa¬
griefe of our hearts we heare that some gentle¬
tion of them in the careful Christian training of
men are now as cruell over their tenants as ever
the young and the adult members of the church,
were the Papists, requiring of them (the tiends
and the extension of the blessings of education
and) whatsoever they afore payed to the kirk,
and religion to the masses so long left to grow
so that the Papistical tyrannie shall onely be
up in ignorance and vice, would tend greatly to
changed into the tyrannie of the lord and laird.
bring back the disaffected to the paths of peace
W e dare not flatter your honours, neither yet
and life, to raise the members of the church in
is i t profitable for you that we so doe : (for neither
the scale of intelligence and virtue, to make the
shall we,) i f we permit cruelty to be used ; neither
nobles more than ever heretofore the decus et
shall ye, who by your authorise ought to gaine-
tutamen patrice, and to bind all, both classes and
stand such oppression, nor yet they that use the
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 561 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 220, 221. same, escape God's heavie and fearfull judge-

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180 The First Book of Discipline.
Exactions of the Medieval Chtirch. 181
merits. The gentlemen, barones, earles, lords,
tude of other imposts, which, although their very
and others must be content to live upon their
names are now almost forgotten in Scotland, had
just rents, and suffer the kirk to be restored to
been long felt to be a grievous oppression. Was
her (right and) liberty ; that by her restitution,
it any wonder that those crushed and down¬
the poore, who heretofore, by the cruell Papists,
trodden classes should rally round their pro¬
have been spoiled and oppressed, may now receive
tectors, and under their kindly and godly training
some comfort and relaxation, and their tiends and
should grow up to be a strength to the church
other exactions be cleane discharged and no more
and a power i n the state ? Charming fancy
taken in time comming. The uppermost claith,
pictures are still sometimes drawn of the stately
corps-present, clerk-maile, the pasche-offering,
1
monastery—with its handsome church and kindly
tiend-ale, and all handlings upaland can neither
2
and cultured monks—as a centre of civilising and
be required nor recieved of good conscience."
Christianising influences to the district in which
The history of the world, the history of the ‫ן‬
it was erected. These influences no doubt had
Christian church, has few passages more noble
a certain reality in the early ages of the church,
than this, where these poor ministers, not yet
and even in the days of the good Queen Mar¬
assured of decent provision for their own main¬
garet; but in Scotland, at least, these days had
tenance, boldly undertake the patronage of the '
long passed away before the sixteenth century;
peasantry, and say they would rather suffer them¬
and the monasteries, as a whole, had become a
selves than ask that teinds should be exacted
source of weakness and scandal, rather than of
from those who had been so long ground down,
strength and honour to the dominant church.
not only by the exaction of these from their crofts
I n fact, their wealth, being to a large extent
and even from their gardens, but also by a multi- \
derived from the teinds of parishes, should have
1
[Dr Mitchell seems to have thought that handlings should be been devoted to the spiritual interests of these
read haldings. ]
2
parishes, whereas the vicars appointed by them
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 562, 563. [The words which in this
quotation are enclosed in parentheses are not in the copy of the t
being generally put off w i t h a miserable pittance
Book of Discipline preserved by Knox (Laing's Knox, ii. 221, 222). and left largely dependent on these hated and
Instead of the words, "if we permit cruelty to be used," that copy
oppressive exactions—corpse presents, uppermost
reads, "ifyou permit suche creualtie to be used"; and after the
words, "comfort and relaxation," is the clause, " Concludit be the cloth, Pasche-offerings—could not fail to alien¬
Lordis."] ate the peasantry from the monasteries and their

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182 The First Book of Discipline. The Oppressors relentless. 183

rural representatives. Such charges of oppres¬ tions is known to be true to the life ; and con¬
sion could never have been so publicly made tributed greatly to the overthrow of the merciless
against them had they not been notoriously true. oppressors who, until the very eve of the triumph
And i f further evidence were needed, it may be of the Reformation, could not be persuaded either
found in abundance in the poems of Sir David to abolish or abate their dues. 1

Lindsay and the Wedderburns. The picture the 1


[In the Articles addressed by some of the temporal lords and
former has drawn of the poor peasant driven out ( barons to the queen regent, and sent by her to the Provincial
1
of house and holding by these oppressive exac- Council convened in Edinburgh a few weeks before the Reforma¬
1
tion burst like a tempest upon the country, it was requested that
The pauper comes on the stage with the words—
"the corps présentes, kow, and [um]est claith, and the silvir com-
" O f your almis, gude folks, for God's luife of heavin,
‫י‬ monlie callit the kirk richts, and Pasch offrands quhilk is takin at
For I have motherles bairns either sax or seavin ; "
Pasch fra men and women for distribution of the sacrament of the
and proceeds in piteous strain— blessit body and blood of Jesus Christ," should no longer be ex¬
"Gude man, will ye gif me of your charitie, torted under pain of excommunication or debarring from the sacra¬
And I sail declair yow the black veritie.
My father was ane auld man, and a hoir,
! ments, but left to the free will of the givers (Concilia Scotiœ, ii. 148,
And was of age four seoir of yeirs and moir. 149). The Council met this demand for reformation by enacting
And Maid, my mother, was four seoir and fyfteine, that in future the poor should be freed from mortuary dues, while
And with my labour I did thame baith susteine.
those not quite so poor were only to pay them in a modified form ;
Wee had ane meir, that caryit salt and coill,
And everie'ilk yeir scho brocht us hame ane foill. and the small tithes and oblations were to be taken up before Lent
Wee had thrie ky, that was baith fat and fair, ' so as to avoid the appearance of selling the sacrament (Ibid., ii. 167,
Nane tydier into the toun of Air. 168, 174). When, on the 27th of May 1560, the reforming vicar of
My father was sa waik of blude, and bane,
That he deit, quhairfoir my mother maid gret maine :
Lintrathin raised a summons against his parishioners for payment of
Then scho deit, within ane day or two ; his teinds, " the cors present and umest clayth of all yeris and termes
And thair began my povertie and wo. bigane restand unpayit " were specially excepted from his claim
Our gude gray meir was baittand on the feild,
(Spalding Miscellany, iv. 121).]
And our Land's laird tuik hir for his hyreild,
The vickar tuik the best cow be the heid,
Incontinent, quhen my father was deid.
And quhen the vickar hard tel how that my mother
Was deid, fra hand he tuke to him ane uther :
Then Meg, my wife, did murne baith evin and morow,
Till at the last scho deit for verie sorow :
And quhen the vickar hard tell my wyfe was dead,
The thrid cow he cleikit be the heid.
Thair umest clayis, that was of rapploch gray, ‫ו‬
The vickar gart his clark bear them away.
Quhen all was gane, I micht mak na debeat,
Bot with my bairns past for till beg my meat.
Now, haif I tald yow the blak veritie,
How I am brocht into this miserie. "
—Laing's Lindsay's Poetical Works, 1879, ii. 99, 102, 103.

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184
Assassination of the Good Regent. 185

cruelty, hurled from her promising position, sadly


crippled in numbers and influence, permanently
weakened and cast down, though not crushed or
1
driven to despair. This decade was especially
memorable in the history of the Reformed Church
of Scotland as having witnessed the removal of
the ablest arid best of the lay defenders of the
CHAPTER IX.
Reformation, the death of our great reformer him¬
self, and the return to Scotland of the intrepid
THE LAST DAYS OF JOHN KNOX.
and devoted man who was to take up and com¬
plete the work, from which failing health and
T H E eighth decade of the sixteenth century was
a grieved spirit had obliged Knox to withdraw.
memorable in the history of Protestantism in its
The assassination of the Good Regent (as the
Presbyterian or Calvinistic form, and the year
Earl of Moray was deservedly surnamed) was
1572 has been termed its annus mirabilis. It
unquestionably the most disgraceful of all the
marked a crisis in the long and bloody struggle
murders perpetrated in Scotland in the interests
of the Protestants in the Netherlands w i t h their
of faction during those years of confusion and
Spanish oppressors—a struggle which issued i n 2
strife. I t brought no permanent advantage to
securing the independence of the D u t c h people,
the party of reaction. I t wrought much woe
and settling on a Calvinistic basis the Reformed
to the country, which under his firm yet kindly
Church of Holland. I t formed the turning-point
rule had begun to settle into order and to recover
in the tragic fortunes of the Reformed Church of
its prosperity.
France, at which, from being able to claim as
This great national calamity preyed on the
adherents a majority of the landed gentry and
spirit and broke the already waning strength •of
a large minority of the more intelligent and 3
Knox. I n the month of October in that year
wealthy bourgeois in the provincial towns, and
1
Dr Lorimer in British and Foreign Evangelical Review for
being only weak among the citizens of the capital 1872, p. 758.
and the peasantry of northern and central France, 2
[The Good Regent was assassinated on the 23rd of January
she was, by an act of base treachery and fiendish 156970.]
•‫[ י‬1570.]

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186 The Last Days of John Knox. He leaves Edinburgh. 187

he had a stroke of paralysis or of apoplexy, which their treachery and discrediting their proposals.
for a time laid him aside altogether from work, Threatenings were uttered against his life i f he
and permanently enfeebled his constitution. As persisted in his course ; protection seems to have
in the case of Wycliffe in the fourteenth century, ‫ן‬ been refused h i m by the party against the violence
his opponents exulted over his misfortune, and of their lawless followers ; and one evening (as
circulated maliciously exaggerated accounts of had often happened to Calvin in his years of
his condition, on which probably their more conflict) a musket-ball was fired in at the window
malicious and notoriously fictitious accounts of of his house, and lodged i n the roof of the apart¬
his last illness were founded. But this first ment in which he was sitting. Again and again
seizure was not so severe as to put a final arrest faithful citizens, an attached kirk-session, and
on his activities. Before many weeks were over John Craig, then his colleague in the ministry,
he had so far recovered as to be able, in part entreated him to remove for a time to some place
at least, to resume his labours. He was able in ! where his life would be safe from violence, and
a measure to continue them through the anxious whence he could return to his loving and beloved
and unquiet months of the succeeding winter flock as soon as the prevailing faction should be
and spring — bearing faithful testimony to the ( put down, or should vacate the city. But he
principles, religious and political, which he had heard them all unmoved, until at last they were
long professed ; standing up resolutely in defence constrained to tell h i m plainly that i f he was
of the authority of the young prince, when many, attacked they had made up their minds to peril
who had formerly sworn allegiance to h i m , led their lives in his defence, and i f they were com¬
by the intriguing laird of Lethington and the pelled to shed blood in the contest i t must lie
" fause " house of Hamilton, went over to the ( on his head. Thus " sore against his w i l l , " as 1

party of his popish mother. He exposed their one of the earliest historians of his declining years
sophistries, and fearlessly rebuked their defection, tells us, and " almost thrust out by the authority
even after they had gained for the time the k
2
of the church c o u r t , " as another of them has i t ,
supremacy in Edinburgh. Others might truckle he, on the 5th May 1571, took farewell of Edin¬
to them or quail before them, but that palsied burgh for a time, and crossing the F i r t h of Forth
old man, w i t h all his former plainness and much 1
Bannatyne's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 118.
of his former fire, persevered in denouncing 2
See Laing's Knox, vi. 651.

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188 The Last Days of John Knox. His preaching in St Andrexvs. 189
at Leith moved on by short and easy stages fluential persons who had more sympathy w i t h
through Fife to the city i n which " God had first their late chief and w i t h the selfish and crooked
opened his m o u t h " to proclaim His truth, and policy of the Hamiltons than w i t h the straight¬
for which to the last he, as well as the Good forward course and steadfast fidelity of the
Regent, cherished a special affection. As M r dauntless reformer, and who would have little
John Davidson, then a teacher i n one of the relish for his earnest warnings and stern re¬
colleges, has expressed i t in homely Scotch:— proofs. The notices preserved to us regarding
" Thou knawis he lüde the by the lave, this last and, so far as is yet known, longest
For first in the he gave the rout visit of Knox to St Andrews are both detailed
Till Antéchrist that Romische slave,
and interesting. From the simple and loving
Preicheing that Christ did only save.
Bot last of Edinburgh exprest, Memorials of his attendant, Richard Bannatyne,
Quhen he was not far fra his grave we learn that all the time he was there—i.e.,
1
He came to the by all the rest." from the beginning of July 1571 to the 17th
of August 1572—he preached every Sunday, and
I n St Andrews the reformer was sure to be
expounded the prophecies of Daniel to the
free from personal danger, and on the whole to
middle of the ninth chapter, applying the words
have the sympathy of the citizens; though i t
of the prophet to the circumstances of Scotland
was not to be supposed t h a t — i n the city and
at the time, and inveighing in the strongest
university where the late Archbishop Hamilton
terms against " the bloody house of Hamilton "
had been long supreme, and had recently been
and its abettors for their deceit, treachery,
claiming to exercise the authority of Chancellor
and turbulence, their base murder of the Good
of the University, and new founder of St Mary's
2 Regent, and cunning plot to restore a popish
College, and where he had left behind several 1
queen. These themes, to which in the appli¬
relations and dependents more compliant w i t h
cations of his sermons he ever and anon re¬
the new order of things than himself—there
turned, woke up all the fire and fervour of the
were not to be found in this crisis several i n - ‫י‬
old man eloquent ; and i f i t might not be said,
1
M'Crie's Knox, 18 , p. 459; Rogers' Three Scottish Re¬
SS
as in earlier days, that every sermon was of
formers, p. 97.
2
_ [Archbishop Hamilton was hanged at the market cross of Stir¬ more value to the cause he defended than five
ling on the 7th of April 1571.] 1
Bannatyne's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 255.

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190 The Last Days of John Knox. Melville's sketch of Knox. 191

hundred armed men, yet the report of his un¬ popery, and that hatred of its cruelty and
t i r i n g zeal and unswerving fidelity would still tyranny, which distinguished them to the last.
contribute greatly to animate and cheer the James Melville, whose plastic nature and
adherents of the young prince and of the new gentle spirit retained through life the impres¬
regent in all parts of the land. sions then made, supplements in his Diary the
As I have hinted, there were some in the notices i n Bannatyne's Memorials, and, in a
city to whom such discourses could not fail to passage which has been often quoted, gives a
be distasteful—some who refused to attend on very fresh and vivid sketch of the old reformer.
his ministry, and were perhaps so stung by " B o t of all the benefites I haid that y e i r " —
what was reported of his sharp but not unde¬ the first year he was a student in St Andrews,
served reproofs that they were compelled to and had " drunk of St Leonard's well " — " the
throw off the mask they had hitherto worn, greatest," he tells us, "was the coming of that
and soon after openly to apostatise from the maist notable profet and apostle of our nation,
faith which for several years they had professed Mr Jhone Knox, to St Androis ; wha be the
and taught. But the effect on many of the faction of the Quein occupeing the castell and
young men in attendance on the university, or town of Edinbruche was compellit to remove
acting as regents in its colleges, was salutary thairfra w i t h a number of the best, and chusit
and enduring ; and perhaps i t was not with¬ to com to St Androis. I hard h i m teatche ther
out special intention that, when the door was the prophecie of Daniel that simmer and the
shut against him in Edinburgh and the ears of wintar following. I haid my pen and my litle
the men in power there were closed against his book, and tuk away sic things as I could com¬
counsels, he betook himself to what was still prehend. I n the opening upe of his text he
the principal university in the realm, and made was modérât the space of an halff houre ; bot
his last appeals to the rising hopes of the when he enterit to application he maid me sa
church and country there. Such discourses as to grew and tremble that I could nocht haid a
he then delivered, coming from one they had pen to wryt. I hard h i m oftymes utter these
already learned to venerate, could not fail to thretenings [against the faction then] in the
form or foster in their ingenuous minds that hicht of their pryde, quhilk the eis [i.e., eyes]
fidelity to the reformed faith, that jealousy of of monie saw cleirlie brought to pass within

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192 The Last Days of John Knox.
Opposition in St Andrews. 193
few yeirs upon the captean of that castle, the
exercises] efter denner and soupper. . . . M r
Hamiltones, and the Quein hirselff. He ludgit
1
Knox wald sum tymes com i n and repose him
down in the Abbay besyde our Collage." So
in our Collage yeard [that is the gardens im¬
far was i t from being true, as is commonly as¬
mediately to the west of the novum hospitium,
serted, that he had caused the destruction of
adjoining St Leonard's College], and call us
the abbey and of the abbey church or cathedral
l n 1
schollars unto h i m and bless us, and exhort
559* that in 1571 he found a habitable build¬
us to knaw God and His wark in our contrey,
ing there, in which he, a frail old man, with
and stand be the guid cause, to use our tyme
his wife and children, could pass the winter
weill, and lern the guid instructiones, and fol¬
in comfort. I t , we know from a letter of his 1
low the guid exemple of our maisters." No
antagonist, Archibald Hamilton, was " t h e new
2
wonder, in these circumstances, that he is able
ludgene of the abbey," or novum hospiiium, built
to add, " O u r haul collage, maisters and schol¬
for the reception of Mary of Guise, the queen
3
lars, war sound and zelus for the guid cause,"
of James V . I t was in the immediate vicinity
or that we can now still further add that
of St Leonard's College, and our diarist further
thence proceeded several of the men who were
tells us : " Our regents, M r Nicol Dalgleise, M r
to uphold i t most resolutely i n the evil days
Wilyeam Colace, and M r Jhone Davidsone,
which followed.
went in ordinarilie to his grace [or devotional
I n the New College we are told, "whowbeit
1
Melville's Diary, Wodrow Society, p. 26. M r Jhone Dowglass, then Rector [and Principal]
2
[Archibald Hamilton's letter or protestation is in Bannatyne's was guid aneuche," yet the " u t h e r maisters and
Memoriales, pp. 262, 263.]
3
[According to Martine, it was built, not for the reception of sum of the régentes war evill - myndit," and
2
Mary of Guise, but when James V. was married to Magdalene, the · "hated M r Knox and the guid c a u s e " ; and two
fair daughter of Francis I . , in 1537, the tradition being that the
of them, Archibald and John Hamilton, soon
physicians chose this place as peculiarly suitable for such a delicate
creature; and that "so many artificers were conveened and em¬ after apostatised, betook themselves to the Con¬
ployed, and the materials so quicklie prepared, that the house was tinent, and rose to high office in the Universities
begun and finished in a month" (Reliquke Divi Andreœ, p. 190).
There is better evidence to show that Mary of Guise spent her of Louvain and Paris, where the one in not
honeymoon within its substantial walls in the summer of 1538 inelegant L a t i n , and the other in courtly Scotch,
(Lesley's History, pp. 155, 156; Pitscottie's History, 1778 pn
V y
sought to vindicate their conduct, and to traduce
2S0, 251).] •
1 2
Melville's Diary, p. 26. jy^
Ν

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194 The Last Days of John Knox. Patrick Adamson. !95

and refute their former co-religionists. Some of " He haid then in hand," Melville tells us, " Mr
the masters of the O l d College also, as Bannatyne Patrik Constant's [or Adamson's ] Catéchisme 1

has recorded, hated the plain-speaking reformer, of Calvin, converted in L a t i n heroic vers, quhilk
though " be outward gesture and befoir his face w i t h the author was mikle estimed o f " ; and 2

thei wald seime and apeir to favore and love deservedly so, for Adamson was an accomplished
1
h i m above the rest." The Hamiltons especially scholar, was using his scholarship for the church's
seem to have given h i m considerable occasion to good, was eulogised by Lawson, Knox's colleague
complain of their bitter and unguarded criticisms, and successor, and had not yet developed that
and one of them, stung by his denunciations, spirit of subserviency to the powers that be which
challenged h i m to defend his doctrine in the afterwards proved his ruin.
schools of the university. This he at first The printer had also the honour of publishing
refused, maintaining that the pulpit was not to in St Andrews the last work which engaged the
be controlled by the university schools, nor the thoughts of the reformer. This was his ' Answer
church put into subjection to the academy. to a letter of a Jesuit named Tyrie.' I t had been
St Andrews at that time was the rendezvous of drawn up some years before, but was now care¬
others of the adherents of the young prince, who fully revised and enlarged, and exhibited his
did not feel themselves safe under the faction matured views respecting several of the most
then i n possession of the castle and city of notable subjects of controversy between the
Edinburgh. One of these, M r John Durie of reformed and unreformed churches. Possibly i t
L e i t h , was " f o r stoutness and zeall in the guid 1
[In the rather scurrilous Legend of the Bischop of St Androis,
cause mikle renouned and talked of." H e was an it is said :—
" Ane baxters sone, ane beggar borne,
enthusiastic leader of the volunteers of his day. That twyse his surnaime hes mensworne ;
" The gown was na sooner af and the Byble out To be called Constene he thocht shame,
He tuke up Constantine to name.
of hand fra the kirk, when on ged the corslet,
2
Thinking that poore professione vaine,
and fangit was the hagbot, and to the fields." He changed his surname ower agane ;
Now Doctor Adamsone at last,
Another was Robert Leckprevick, the famous Whairthrow he ower to Paris past."
—Dalyell's Scotish Poems, 1801, ii. 30g, 310.
printer, who brought his types and printing-press
w i t h h i m , and so did notable service to the cause. He inherited both names from his ancestors, who were called
Constantine or Adamson (M'Crie's Melville, 1856, p. 461).]
2
1
Bannatyne's Memoriales, p. 256. 2
Melville's Diary, p. 32. Melville's Diary, p. 32.

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1
196 The Last Days of John Knox.
The St Andrews Assembly. 197
may have been because he had detected through
the persecutioun of Steaphen," and an earnest
all their disguises the secret leaning of the two
petition that God would grant them one day to
Hamiltons to Romanist or semi-Romanist views
meet in glory, he entreats the brethren to pray for
regarding the apostolical succession, the nature
‫ן‬ him, that God " i n His mercy w i l l pleis to put end
of the sacraments, and the unfailing visibility and
to my long and panefull battell," as he was unable
perpetuity of the church, that he now so fully
to fight as erewhile he had done, and longed for
entered into a controversy which previously he
; release, though still resigned to bear patiently
had been inclined to shun. Perhaps this is what
whatsoever God saw meet to lay upon this, his
is hinted at in the preface, in which he says : 1
" wicked carkase."
" W o n d e r not, gentill reidar, that sic ane argu¬
I n March 1572 the General Assembly was held
ment suld proceid fra me in t h i r dolorous days
at St Andrews i n the schools of St Leonard's
after that I have taken gude-night at the warld 2
College. This place was no doubt chosen i n
and at all the fasherie of the same. . . . There
ί part at least for the convenience of the aged
ar sevin yeares past sen a scrole send from a
reformer, whose counsel in that time of trouble
J é s u i t e to his brother was presented unto me be
was specially needed. I t was the last Assembly
a faithfull brother requyring sum answer to be
\ at which he was able to be present, and probably
maid to the same. . . . Amongs my other caires
the first witnessed by Davidson and Melville.
I scriblit that which followis, and that in few
" T h air," the latter narrates, " was motioned
dayis; which being finished I repented of my
the making of bischopes, to the quhilk M r
laubour, and purposed fullie to have suppressed 3
Knox opponit himselff directlie and zealuslie";
i t . W h i c h , na dout I had done, i f that the devil
and thus probably were implanted in the
had not steirit up the Jésuites of purpois to
trouble godlie harts, w i t h the same argumentis * youthful student's mind the germs of those
which Tyrie usis, amplified and set furth w i t h all presbyterian principles which were nurtured
the dog eloquence that Sathan can devyse for by intercourse w i t h his uncle Andrew Melville,
<t
suppressing of the free progrès of the Evangell and were retained by him to the last with
of Jesus Christ." Then, after a touching refer¬ heroic tenacity.
ence to the hard lot of his dispersed flock " suffer¬ 1
Laing's Knox, vi. 481, 482.
ing l y t i l l les calamitie than did the faithfull efter 2
[This Assembly met on the 6th of March 1571-72.]
3
Melville's Diary, p. 31.

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198 The Last Days of John Knox. Three Kinds of Bishops. 199

Two months before this a convention at L e i t h to the giver, anathema to the receaver," who 1

had given its sanction to a sort of mongrel as rector and principal had already far more to
episcopacy, nominally to secure the tithes more do than such an aged man could hope to over-
completely to the church, but really to secure take. 2
I t was i n reference to the same appoint¬
the bulk of them by a more regular title to ment that Adamson, as yet uncorrupted by Court
certain covetous noblemen who sought in this influences, had a few days before in a sermon
way to reimburse themselves for their services from the same pulpit given utterance to his
1
in the cause of the Reformation. Chief among famous distinction of three kinds of bishops, my
these noblemen was the E a r l of Morton, then ,
lord bishop, my lord s bishop, and the Lord's
one of the chief supporters of the young prince, bishop, the first of whom had been in time of
and soon after regent of the kingdom. Having popery, the second was now brought in merely
secured a presentation to the Archbishopric of to enable my lord to draw the kirk rents, and the
St Andrews for M r John Douglas before men¬ t h i r d was the evangelical pastor as he should be
tioned, he came over to the city, had h i m elected in times of thorough reformation. 3

by the chapter i n terms of the convention, and 1


Calderwood's History, iii. 206.
on the 10th of February inaugurated into his 2
[Dr Laing has not only indicated that there has long been much
office. This function was performed by W y n r a m , uncertainty and speculation as to the parentage and social status of
John Douglas, but has stated that he "was descended from the
Superintendent of Fife, according to the Order Douglasses of Pettendreich " (Laing's Knox, i. 286 n.) Principal
followed in the admission of Superintendents, Lee has said : " A l l the accounts of Douglas which I have ever seen
save that the Bishop of Caithness, the Super¬ in modern books abound with errors. He is represented as having
been an obscure Carmelite friar whom the Earl of Argyle chose
intendent of Lothian, and M r David Lindsay, to employ as his chaplain, and for whom the Archbishop of St
who sat beside Douglas, laid their hands on his Andrews expressed the strongest aversion. He was quite a different
man—a man of family undoubtedly, and most probably related to
head. Knox had preached that day as usual;
James Douglas the Earl of Morton, son of Sir George Douglas of
but, as Bannatyne is careful to tell us, had Pinky, and, like him, a branch of the great family of Angus " (Lee's
"refuised to i n a u g u r â t the said bischope " ; 2
Lectures, ii. 3). When working in the Register House, I found
unimpeachable evidence concerning his parentage. On the 2nd of
and as others add had "denounced anathema
January 1563-64, letters of legitimation were granted in favour of
Mr John Douglas, Rector of the University of St Andrews, bastard
1
[This convention was held in January 1571-72. See Booke of son natural of quondam Robert Douglas in Langnewtoune (Register
the Universall Kirk, i. 203-236 ; Calderwood's History, iii. 168-196.] of Privy Seal, xxxii. 23).]
2
Bannatyne's Memorials, p. 223. 3
Melville's Diary, p. 32 ; Calderwood's History, iii. 206.

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200 The Last Days of John Knox.
His Message to Charles IX. 201
One more brief sketch from the Diary of the 1
part of the nave of St Giles. But not even so
quaint but graphic chronicler on whom I have were his services to be long available. On one
repeatedly drawn may conclude our notice of occasion only after his return may i t be said that
these last labours of the reformer, and bring us the old fire burst out w i t h all its former fierceness
to his last illness and death. " T h e town of and brilliancy. This was in September, when
Edinbruche recovered againe [out of the hands tidings reached him of the bloody massacre of
of the queen's faction] and the guid and honest St Bartholomew's day in France. " B e i n g con¬
1
men therof retourned to thair housses, M r Knox veyed to the pulpit," D r M'Crie tells us, " a n d
w i t h his familie past hame to Edinbruche." summoning up his remaining strength, he
During the time of his residence in St Andrews thundered the vengeance of God against ' t h a t
he was very weak. " I saw h i m everie day of cruel murderer and false traitor, the K i n g of
his doctrine," says Melville, " g o hulie and fear France,' and [borrowing the language of the O l d
w i t h a furring of martriks about his neck, a Testament prophets] desired Le Croc, the French
staff in the an hand, and guid godlie Richart Bal¬ ambassador, to tell his master that sentence was
landen, his servand, halding upe the uther oxtar, pronounced against h i m in Scotland, that the
from the abbey to the paroche kirk ; and be the divine vengeance would never depart from h i m
said Richart and another servant lifted upe to nor from his house, i f repentance did not ensue ;
the pulpit, whar he behovit to lean at his first but his name would remain an execration to
entrie ; bot or he haid done w i t h his sermont he posterity, and none proceeding from his loins
was sa active and vigorus that he was l y k to ding should enjoy his kingdom in peace." The only 2

2
that pulpit in blads, and fly out of i t . " further notice of his work is by Melville, who
Soon after his return to Edinburgh he found simply informs us that after " i n s t i t u t i n g in his
himself quite unable to preach in the large roum, be the ordinär calling of the kirk and con¬
church which he had formerly occupied, and a gregation, M r James Lawsone, a man of singular
smaller one was fitted up for him i n the western
1
[Dr Cameron Lees says that the Tolbooth, in which Knox
1
preached for some little time and where he delivered his last
These honest men earnestly implored their pastor to return also sermon, was "the portion of St Giles which had been cut off the
to Edinburgh, if he could do so without serious injury to his western part of the nave, and was used for meetings of the Council"
health.
a
(St Giles', 1889, p. 157).]
Melville's Diary, p. 33. 2
M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 269.

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202 The Last Days of John Knox.
Popish Calumny. 203
learning, zeal, and eloquence, . . . he tuk h i m
tives of Bannatyne and Smeton, the former of
to his chamber and most happelie and comfort-
1
whom was an eye-witness, and the latter of whom
ablie departed this lyff." 1
had full information from Lawson, who also was
W i t h this kindly notice by his youthful admirer
an eye-witness of all. This, I feel assured, is all
this lecture would have ended, had I not promised
that is required to set matters in their true
to the late Dean Stanley several years ago that,
light.
when a suitable opportunity occurred, I would
The vague charges of immorality brought
not fail publicly to advert to a shameless mis¬
against the reformer by those calumniators,
representation of the closing scene to which he
ancient and modern, may be dismissed at once
had directed my attention. This originated w i t h
as nothing more than the stock-in-trade of hard-
Archibald Hamilton, already referred to as one
pressed controversialists in the sixteenth century.
of the two masters of the New College, who
Had there been the slightest foundation for them,
apostatised from the Protestant faith, and after
some of Knox's many opponents in Scotland—
his flight to the Continent published the most
Ninian Winzet, or the Abbot of Crossraguel, or
barefaced lies of his old antagonist and the noble
Tyrie the Jesuit, or Hamilton himself before he
men who were associated w i t h h i m in his hard
\ left the country—would not have scrupled openly
battle and well-earned triumph. These lies were
to upbraid him w i t h them. Neither would the
exposed and refuted at the time by Principal
culprits among the Protestant clergy and laity,
Smeton of Glasgow, himself a convert from that
whom at various times he subjected to so rigorous
Society of Jesus which Hamilton ultimately joined.
a discipline, have borne this patiently at his hands
But as they have been revived i n our own day,
had he himself been a known offender. I t was
and distributed in the form of a tract by Popish
‫י‬
his character which gave him his influence both
emissaries at the doors of Protestant churches in
London, and as one of a series bearing the sensa¬ ‫ן‬ at home and abroad, both w i t h friends and with
tional title of "Death-bed Scenes," I shall, in foes, and could i t have been successfully assailed,
fulfilment of my promise, subjoin a brief account ‫י‬ i t would not have been left to two Jesuits in a
of the reformer's last illness and death, taken
1
[In the opinion of Dr David Laing, Lawson was the author of
almost exclusively from the contemporary narra- the Vera Historia extremae vitae et obitus eximii viri Joannis Knoxii,
1
appended to Smeton's Responsio ad Hatniltonii Dialogum, in 1579
Melville's Diary, p. 33.
(Laing's Knox, vi. 646).]

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204 The Last Days of John Knox. His last Lllness. 205
foreign land to lead the assault after he was 1
dark ages. Some would persuade us that the
silenced in death. time has come when we might afford to forget
Such, however, I hardly need to assure you was old controversies and to shake hands with our
not the end of the restorer of a really holy church former antagonists, but such occurrences as these
in Scotland, i f aught of credit is to be given to tend to show that such forgetfulness and affecta¬
the unanimous testimony of those who attended tion of cordiality is likely to be all on one side.
him during his last illness and witnessed its clos¬ A n d now let me simply set over against these
ing scene, though i t may have been the end which fables, i n as abridged form as I can, the unvar¬
Popish controversialists in the sixteenth century nished statements of Bannatyne and Smeton, the
deemed meet for him—as well as for Luther and latter of which was published in reply to Hamil¬
Calvin and many more of whom the world was ton who first gave shape to these charges, and
not worthy—as i t is in one of the foulest legends which hitherto has been deemed a conclusive
w i t h which their successors in the nineteenth refutation of them. 2

century think i t fair to supplement the legends On the 10th of November, the day after he
of their predecessors in the sixteenth. According inducted Lawson as his colleague, he was seized
to them Luther was the child of a demon, not w i t h a violent cough and began to breathe w i t h
figuratively but literally ; Calvin was eaten up of difficulty. Many, who desired ardently, if i t were
worms, like Herod who slew the children of possible, to detain h i m a little longer here, advised
Bethlehem and was smitten by the judgment of 1
Walsingham's abuse of Wycliffe. [Thomae Walsingham, His-
God, because (though apparently in this they con¬ toria Anglicana, ii. 119, 120; and Ypodigma Neustriae a Thoma
found him w i t h a later Herod) he affected divine Walsingham, p. 340 ; Rolls series. Translations will be found in
Vaughan's John de Wycliffe, 1853, pp. 468, 469; and in Lechler's
honours. T o mention such slanders, as the
Wycliffe, Relig. Tract Soc, p. 423.]
sceptical Bayle has said w i t h special reference 2
[For the substance of Archibald Hamilton's account, see
to the case of Knox, is all that is needed to refute M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 405. Bannatyne's account is in both
editions of his work (Journal of Transactions, 1806, and Memoriales
them. They are the product of malignity so
of Transactions, 1836). It is likewise in Laing's Knox, vi. 634-645 ;
evident that i t defeats itself. I know but one and there (pp. 649-660) is also given a translation of Smeton's (or
parallel to them in our literature, and i t has the Lawson's) account. The accounts of Bannatyne and Smeton do
not always agree as to the exact day on which certain events
excuse that it has come down to us from the happened. ]

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206 The Last Days of John Knox. His Dying Exhortations. 207
him to call in the assistance of skilful physicians. Steward to send for some of i t as long as it lasted,
He readily complied w i t h their advice, though for he should not tarry t i l l i t was done. L i t t l e
he felt that the end of his warfare was now nigh is recorded of him for several days after this, but
at hand. Next day he caused the wages of all it was probably in this interval that he was visited
his servants to be paid, and earnestly exhorted by many of the chief of the nobility, including
them all to be careful to lead holy and Christian the E a r l of Morton, so soon to be created regent, 1

lives. On the 13th, being obliged by the increase and by many members of his congregation. A l l
of his malady to leave off his ordinary course of of these he " solidly exhorted " and comforted.
reading in the Scriptures (for every day he had On the 20th or 21st he gave orders that his coffin
been wont to read some chapters of the O l d and should be prepared. On the 22nd he sent for
New Testaments, especially some of the Psalms the ministers, elders, and deacons of the church,
and Gospels), he directed his wife and servant to that he might give them his last counsels and
read to him each day the 17th chapter of St John's
1 take final farewell of them. I n the brief but
‫ ן‬Gospel, one or other of the chapters of St Paul's
solemn address which he delivered to them he
Epistle to the Ephesians, and the 53rd chapter
called God to witness, whom he served in the
of Isaiah. On the 14th he rose early, apparently
Gospel of His Son, that he had taught nothing
supposing i t had been the Lord's day, and being
but the pure and solid doctrine of the Gospel
asked why he did so when he was so i l l , he re¬
of the Son of God, and had never indulged his
plied that he had been meditating all night on
own private passions, or spoken from any hatred
the resurrection of the L o r d (the subject which
of the persons of those against whom he had
would have fallen to be treated next i n . order by
denounced the heavy judgments of God. He
h i m in his ministry), and that he was now pre¬
exhorted them to persevere in the t r u t h of the
pared to ascend the pulpit to communicate to
Gospel and i n their allegiance to their young
his brethren the consolation he had enjoyed i n
sovereign, and dismissed them w i t h his solemn
his own soul. Next day, though very sick, he
s blessing. T o Lawson and Lindsay, whom he
prevailed on Durie, already mentioned, and an¬
other friend, Steward by name, to remain to 1
[Morton was elected regent on the 24th of November 1572, the
dinner w i t h h i m , ordered a hogshead of wine i n day on which Knox died (Acts of Parliament, iii. 78 ; Bannatyne's
his cellar to be pierced for them, and desired Memoriales, p. 280). Bannatyne places Morton's visit on the 19th ;
Smeton leaves the day uncertain.]

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208 The Last Days of John Knox.
His Consolation. 209
asked to remain behind, he gave a last earnest
Apostles' Creed, adding certain paraphrases of
message for his old friend Kirkaldy of Grange, the
his own on each petition of the prayer and article
commandant of the castle, who had gone over
1 of the creed to the great comfort of those who
to the party of the queen, and whose soul, not¬
stood by ; and then lifting up his hands to heaven
withstanding, he said, was dear to him—as being
he once more said, " L o r d , into T h y hands I
one of his congregation in the castle of St
commend my spirit." During the succeeding
Andrews, and a sharer in his hard lot in France
night he caused the 15th chapter of 1st Cor¬
—so that he would not have i t perish i f by any
inthians to be read and re-read to h i m , and re- \
means he could save i t . " Go and tell h i m , "
peatedly said to himself; " O ! how sweet and I
he said, " that neither the craggy rock in which
salutary consolation does the L o r d provide for i
he miserably trusts, nor the carnal prudence of
me in this chapter." The following day, about ‫'׳‬
that man whom he regards as a demigod, nor
noon, he once more sat up in bed, but owing to
the assistance of foreigners, as he falsely flatters
his extreme weakness was not able to remain
himself, shall deliver them, but he shall be dis¬
long in that posture. About three in the after¬
gracefully dragged from his nest to punishment
noon one of his eyes failed, and his tongue per¬
and hung on a gallows in the face of the sun,
formed its office less readily than before. About
unless he speedily amend his life and betake him¬
six in the evening he again said to his wife, " Go, \
self to the mercy of God."
read where I cast my first anchor," referring to
On the 23rd the difficulty of his breathing had 1
the instructions he had given on the 13th.
greatly increased, and he seems to have thought
that his end was near at hand. T o one of his When this had been done, he continued for
most intimate friends who asked h i m i f he felt some hours i n troubled slumber. I t is in this
great pain, he replied that that was not reckoned occurrence alone that there can be got the
as. pain by him which would be the end of many slightest foundation for the slanders which his
miseries and the beginning of perpetual j o y . A n d traducers have circulated. A n d i t is only neces¬
soon after, apparently supposing his end was sary to quote the account given of i t by those
come, he repeated the Lord's Prayer and the who witnessed i t to show that i t was as honour¬
able to the dying confessor as the gross mis-
1
For a defence of Kirkaldy see Barbé's Kirkaldy of Grange,
Famous Scots Series, pp. 108-124. 1
For a different interpretation see Taylor Innes's John Knox,
Famous Scots Series, pp. 30, 31.
Ο

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2 ίο The Last Days of John Knox, Ηis Peaceful Death. 211

representation of i t was dishonourable to his life for an immortal and blessed life through Jesus
opponents. During these hours he uttered fre¬ Christ."
quent sighs and groans, so that those who stood This persuasion of his speedy and happy
by could not doubt that he was contending w i t h departure was soon to be justified by the event.
some grievous temptation. W h e n he awoke they After evening prayers D r Preston, his physician,
asked him what was the cause of his distress. asked h i m whether he had heard them, when he
He answered that in the course of his life he had replied, " I would to God that ye and all men
had many contests w i t h his spiritual adversary. heard them as I have heard them, and I praise
Often he had been tempted to despair of God's God for that heavenly sound." Shortly after
mercy because of the greatness of his sins, often the signs of immediate dissolution appeared, his
ί also tempted by the allurements of the world to friends gathered round his bed, and his faithful
forget his calling to endure hardness as a good servant addressed him : " Now, sir, the time that
soldier of Christ Jesus. But now the cunning you have long called to God for, to w i t an end
! adversary had assailed him in another form, and of your battle, is come. And seeing all natural
endeavoured to persuade h i m that he had merited power now fails, remember those comfortable
heaven itself and a blessed immortality by the promises, which often times ye have shown to
faithful discharge of the duties of his high office. us, of our Saviour Jesus Christ. And that we
\ " But blessed be God," exclaimed the dying re¬ may understand and know that ye hear us, make
former, " who hath brought seasonably to my us some sign." A n d so he lifted up one of his
mind those passages of Scripture by which I was hands, and incontinent thereafter rendered up
enabled to quench the fiery dart, ' W h a t hast his spirit apparently without pain or movement,
thou, that thou hast not received ? ‫ ' י‬B y the grace so that he seemed rather to fall asleep than
of God I am what I am,' and ' N o t I , but the to die.
grace of God i n me ' . . . wherefore I give thanks Such was the account of his last illness and
to my God by Jesus Christ who has been pleased death transmitted by those who attended on him
to grant me the victory. A n d I am firmly per¬ and witnessed i t , a death worthy of his noble life,
suaded that . . . in a short time, without any and fully justifying the brief comment of Smeton,
great bodily pain, and without any distress of " Surely, whatever opprobrious things profane
mind, I shall exchange this mortal and miserable men may utter, God hath in him given us an

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212 The Last Days of John Knox. The Scottish Nation his Monument. 213

example of the right way as well of dying as of benefits he has been honoured to confer on them,
l i v i n g . " I t is true, as his heartless traducer takes this attack on his fair fame w i l l have been over¬
care to remind us, no dirge was chanted over his ruled for good.
remains, no mass of requiem was celebrated for \ But his real monument w i l l never be one
his soul. He and his countrymen had long ceased graven by art or man's device. I t is one more
to believe in the worth of such priestly cere¬ noble, more lasting far. I t is to be found in
monies, or to imagine that their eternal state • the life God enabled him to live, and the work
could be affected by them, or by aught save God honoured h i m to do. I t is to be seen in
Christ's finished work and their own faith and the plans he devised, in the institutions he
repentance while God's day of grace was pro¬ founded, in the people he moulded anew, when
longed to them here. The brief eulogy pro¬ the old church had confessedly failed in its
nounced over his grave by the stern and reserved mission. And while the Scottish nation con¬
1
regent was a truer and more impressive testimony ‫ז‬ tinues tc* retain these institutions, and to bear
to his worth than the most gorgeous celebration this impress, i t w i l l continue the grandest, as i t
of Romish rites which he could but have shared is the most telling, monument to the memory of
w i t h a Borgia or a Betoun. The stern simplicity ^ its noble-hearted and single-minded reformer.
of his grave, which, like his master Calvin's, was
t i l l lately preserved in the memory of men with¬
out stone or bronze to mark i t out, tells a tale
very different from that his traducer hints at ;
and i f his bitter taunts shall lead the reformer's
countrymen now to erect a material monument ^
to him in some measure corresponding to the

1
[Morton's testimony to Knox, as recorded by Melville, was :
"That he nather fearit nor flattent anie fleche" (Diary, p. 60).
As recorded by Calderwood : " Here lyeth a man who in his life
never feared the face of man ; who hath beene often threatned with
dag and dager, but yitt hath ended his dayes in peace and honour.
For he had God's providence watching over him in a speciall maner,
when his verie life was sought" (History, iii. 242).]

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214 The Two Books Compared. 215

Second Book is more a book of constitutional


law ; and aims, as the Principal says, at elabo¬
rating a system from the New Testament with¬
out reference to circumstances, and bears far
more resemblance to the Ordonnances of Calvin
than to the less ambitious and more compre¬
CHAPTER Χ. hensive Church Order Books of Germany. But
the Second Book of Discipline has even fewer
THE SECOND BOOK OF DISCIPLINE. practical details than the ordinances of Geneva.
Of course, so far as i t actually abolished or
IN a previous lecture I have endeavoured to modified the regulations of the First Book,
give a pretty full account of the First Book these fell to be disused ; but in so far as i t d i d
of Discipline. I t remains yet to say a few not actually do so, they still had a certain
words about the Second Book of Discipline. validity: and even i n the Covenanting times i t
is generally the Books, not the Book of Dis¬
Principal John Cunningham has said : " The
cipline, to which reference is made in Acts of
First Book exhibited a system of polity saga¬
Assembly.
ciously suited to the circumstances of the
country and the church : i t seemed to grow out No one i n our times, perhaps, has shown a
of the t i m e s . " 1
I w i l l add that i t was not more thorough appreciation of the real merits
only suited to the times, but to many of the of the First Book than the Duke of Argyll in
practical needs of the church of all times. I his well - known essay on " Presbytery." Mr
therefore hold that even yet i t is worthy of H i l l Burton, who depreciates i t in comparison
a higher place than to be deemed merely a w i t h the Second, makes far more than is war¬
" collection of parchments and coins deposited ranted of the strong language in which i t occa¬
beneath i t [i.e., the Second Book] by which sionally indulges against the old church, w i t h
future generations may read the story of the which he contrasts the more restrained and
1

times in which the building was begun." The 2 balanced utterances of the Second Book. I
1
do not yield to many i n my admiration of the
Cunningham's Church History of Scotland, 1859, i. 444.
1
2
Ibid., i. 445· Hill Burton's History of Scotland, 1876, v. 203.

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216 The Second Book of Discipline. The Supreme Power. 1‫ך‬
2

courage and calmness of Melville; but I could They, who had been obliged long to contend
no more think of placing h i m , scholarly and w i t h a corrupt and obstinate clergy which would
bold, yet calm, as he generally was, nor the grant no real reform i n doctrine, no substantial
Book attributed to h i m , more logical and un- concessions for the alleviation of practical griev¬
impassionately didactic though i t be, before the ances, boldly laid down the principle that
eager, impetuous, yet sagacious Knox, w i t h his " t o kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates . . .
wealth of rude eloquence and thrilling tender¬ chieflie and most principallie the conservation
ness, and his Book in which these qualities of * and purgation of the religioun apperteinis ; so
head and heart are so clearly mirrored, than I that not onlie they are appointed for civill
would think of placing Calvin, highly as I policie, but also for maintenance of the trew
honour him, before Luther, or his Catechism religioun, and for suppressing of idolâtrie and
before the Wittenberg hymn-books. superstitioun whatsoever. . . . And therefore wee
I do not believe that the principles of the ‫ן‬ confesse and avow that sik as resist the supreme
two Books are so widely different as they have power doing that thing quhilk appertains to his
sometimes been represented to be, or that the charge, do resist Goddis ordinance, and there-
grand ideas of Knox concerning the place of ^ fore cannot be guiltles." 1
Melville, who was
the laity in the church, the education of the called to contend w i t h a king bent on securing
young, and the support and kindly treatment autocratic power in the church as well as in the
of the aged poor, were meant to be rejected state, laid down, w i t h the utmost precision, the
or ignored by his great successor; but I do principle in chapter x., " A l t h o u g h kings and
think these matters fall considerably into the princes that be godlie, sumtymes be their awin
background. Some of the noblest conceptions ‫ן‬ authority whan the kirk is corruptit and all
of the earlier Book are narrowed, and the whole things out of ordor, place ministers and restore
system stiffened; and in the contests i n which the trew service of the L o r d efter the examples
the church had then to engage w i t h the young of sum godly kings of Juda and divers godly
monarch, i n vindication of her independence in empereurs and kings also in the light of the
her own province, positions were laid down which
were soon pressed to consequences from which 1
Confession of 1560, in Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 92, 93. [In
Knox and his associates would have shrunk. Laing's Knox, ii. 118, it is reformation η and purgation η instead of
conservation and purgation.]

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218 The Second Book of Discipline. Limits of Ecclesiastical Power. 219

New Testament; y i t quhair the ministrie of the over by the L o r d Jesus Christ as the representative
kirk is anes lawfullie constitute and they that of the Godhead on earth—it would be difficult
are placeit do thair office faithfullie, all godlie to refuse assent to what follows. Nothing can
princes and magistratis aucht to heir and obey be more perfect than the analysis by which the
thair voice, and reverence the majestie of the two ruling powers are separated from each other,
1
Son of God speiking be them " ; or, as i n and the ecclesiastical set above the secular." If 1

chapter i . , where i t is laid down, " As ministeris this is not quite borne out, one can hardly help
are subject to the judgement and punishment feeling that more care should have been taken
of the magistrat in externall things i f they offend, to mark out the limits of ecclesiastical authority,
so aucht the magistratis to submit themselfis to and to show that the power of ministers and
the discipline of the kirk gif they transgresse in elders was as distinctly limited by the laws of
2
matteris of conscience and r e l i g i o u n . " Christ as that of kings and magistrates ought to
H i l l Burton sarcastically remarks that " i f we ‫׳‬ be by the laws of the l a n d ; or, in other words,
grant that those who prepared i t were what they that ministers and elders may err in interpreting
called themselves—the Church of God, presided the laws of Christ, just as civil rulers may err
in interpreting the laws of the land. No doubt
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 788, 789. [The Second Book of ^
the limitation contended for is in words admitted,
Discipline has been frequently printed. It is in Calderwood's
History, Wodrow Society ed., iii. 529-555 ; Spottiswoode's History, " t h e magistrat neither aucht to preich, minister
1655, pp. 289-302; Spottiswoode Society ed., ii. 233-256; Booke the sacraments, nor execute the censuris of the
of the Universall Kirk, Bannatyne Club ed., ii. 488-512; Peterkin's
ed 6
kirk, nor y i t prescrive any rewll how i t sould be
-> PP• ‫־‬5375 3 ; Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 757-805. The quota¬
tions in the text are from Dunlop.] done; bot command the ministeris to observe
2
Ibid., ii. 764. Melville afterwards more pithily expressed the the rewll commandit i n the W o r d , and punish
same principle in his sovereign's presence : " Thair is twa kings
the transgressours be civill means. The min-
and twa kingdomes in Scotland. Thair is Chryst Jesus the King,
and His kingdome the kirk, whase subject King James the Saxt is, isteris exerce not the civill jurisdictioun, bot
and of whase kingdome nocht a king, nor a lord, nor a heid, bot teich the magistrat how i t sould be exercit
a member ! And they whome Chryst hes callit and commandit to I 2
according to the W o r d . " " I t is proper to
watch over His kirk, and governe His spirituall kingdome, hes
sufficient powar of Him and authoritie sa to do, bathe togidder and kings, princes, and magistrates to be callit lordis
severalie ; the quhilk na Christian king nor prince sould controll
1
and discharge, but fortifie and assist, utherwayes nocht fathfull Hill Burton's History of Scotland, v. 203.
2
subjects nor members of Chryst " (Melville's Diary, p. 370). Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 763.

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22ο The Second Book of Discipline. Rutherfurd s Opinion. 221

and dominators over their subjectis, whom they right or wrong, as Papists teach that the magis¬
govern civilly ; bot i t is proper to Christ onlie to t r ä t e is to execute the decrees of their Popish
be callit L o r d and Master in the spirituall govern¬ councels w i t h blind obedience, and submit his
ment of the kirk, and all utheris that beiris office ! faith to them, because he is a layman and may
therein aucht not to usurp dominion therein, nor not dare to examine whether the church doth
be callit lordis, bot onlie ministeris, disciples, and erre or not, is clear. 1. Because, i f in hearing
servantis. For it is Christis proper office to the W o r d all should follow the example of the
command and rewll His kirk universall, and men of Berea, not relying on the testimony ot
every particular kirk, throw H i s Spirit and Paul or any preacher, [and] try whether that
1
W o r d , be the ministrie of m e n . " But i t is which concerneth their conscience and faith be
not made sufficiently prominent anywhere i n the agreeable to the Scriptures or no, and accordingly
Book that these men are only entitled to un¬ receive or reject; so in all things of discipline
reserved obedience when they truly speak Christ's the magistrate is to try by the W o r d whether
mind and truly follow His W o r d . Those who he ought to adde his sanction to these decrees
have made most of the Book have neither clearly which the church gives out for edification, and
perceived this nor have they realised the full whether he should draw the sword against such
meaning of the lucid and explicit statement made a one as a heretick and a perverter of souls. B u t
by Rutherfurd when he was contending against the former is true; the magistrate's practise i n
the Erastians and Independents of England. adding his civill sanction and in punishing here-
H a d they done so, I cannot but think that the ticks concerneth his conscience, knowing that he
bitter divisions among Scottish Presbyterians must do i t i n faith as he doth all his moral
would have been fewer, and that there would ! actions ; ergo, the magistrate must examine what
have been far less occasion for the reproach often
he practiseth in his office according to the W o r d ,
cast on them, that new presbyter is but old priest
and must not take i t upon the meer authority
w r i t large.
\ of the church, else his faith in these moral acts
" That the magistrate is not obliged," R ü t h e r - ! of his office should be resolved ultimate on the
furd affirms, " to execute the decrees of the church authority of the church, not on the W o r d of God,
without further examination, whether they be which, no doubt, is Popery, for so the warrant
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 762. ; of the magistrate's conscience should not be ' thus

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222 The Second Book of Discipline. Gillespie's Opinion. 223

saith the L o r d , ' but ' thus saith the church in their so many evils. " I dare confidently say," he
decrees.' 2. The magistrate and all men have a affirms, " that, i f comparisons be rightly made,
command to try all things, ergo, to t r y the decrees presbyterial government is the most limited and
of the church, and to retain what is good (1 Thes. ‫ן‬ the least arbitrary government of any other in
1

v. 21) ; to try the spirits even of the church in the w o r l d . " A n d , after entering into details to
their decrees (1 John i i i . 1). 3. W e behooved make good this affirmation i n regard to the papal
[in that case] to lay down this Popish ground that and prelatical forms of government, he proceeds
. . . the church cannot erre in their decrees. . . . to maintain that Independents " m u s t needs be
Its against Scripture and reason that magistrates, supposed to exercise a much more unlimited or
and by the like reason all others, should obey the arbitrary power than the presbyterial churches
decrees of the church w i t h a blinde faith, without do," because they exempt individual congrega¬
inquiring in the warrants and grounds of their tions from all control and correction by superior
decrees, which is as good Popery as, Magistrates ‫י‬ courts, and because i t is " one of their three
and all men are to beleeve as the church be- grand principles which disclaimeth the binding
leeveth, w i t h an implicite faith, so ignorance shall of themselves for the future unto their present
be the mother of devotion. Whoever impute judgement and practice, and avoucheth the keep¬
2
this to us—who have suffered for nonconformity, ing of this reserve to alter and retract." Some
and upon this ground, that synods can erre, re¬ who think that, after all recent changes, they
fused the ceremonies—are to consult w i t h their more truly hold the opinions of Gillespie than
own conscience whether this be not to make us we do, have laid i t down very dogmatically that
appear disloyall and odious to magistracy in that even although the constitution of a national
which we never thought, far lesse [presumed] to church were in all other respects scriptural, yet
teache and professe i t to the w o r l d . " 1
if i t did not reserve this power to alter and
retract without let or hindrance, i t would still
Even more notable are the utterances of George
be at variance w i t h the tenets of the Covenanting
Gillespie, when vindicating against the Erastians
times; but you see here that Gillespie affirms
of the south that more free government of the
that that was a principle of the Independents, not
church by its own courts from which they feared
1
1
Rutherfurd's Divine Right of Church Government, 1646, pp. Aaron's Rod Blossoming, 1646, p. 177·
2
1 Ibid., pp. 180, 181.
596, 597· t John iii. 1 is a misprint in the original for I John iv. 1.]

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224 The Second Book of Discipline. Its Influence not unmixed. 225
1
of the Presbyterians, and c l a i m s i t as a special also that, in ordinary cases, he is free to act as
merit of the latter that they were willing to ex¬ his own conscience directs in giving or refusing
plain their doctrine and discipline to the civil his sanction to the government and discipline of
authorities, and, getting these sanctioned, to abide the church ; and that i f he is offended with any
by them t i l l they were again altered by consent sentence of its courts, " they ought to be ready,
of church and state. He denies that in claiming in all humility and respect, to give h i m an account
a distinct government for the church the Presby¬ and reason of such their proceedings, and by all
terians meant to deprive the Christian magistrate means to endeavour the satisfaction of the magis¬
of that power and authority in matters of religion t r ä t e his conscience, or otherwise to be warned
which the W o r d of God and the earlier Con¬ and rectified i f themselves have erred." 1

fessions of the Reformed churches recognised as H a d the principles thus laid down been more
belonging to his office. On the contrary, he clearly kept in view by the framers of the Second
maintains that not only in extraordinary cases Book of Discipline, its influence for good on
when church government doth degenerate into Scottish Christianity would have been more un¬
tyranny, or those who manage it make defection mixed than i t has been. Had they been more
from the truth, " t h e Christian magistrate may consistently acted on by Rutherfurd and his
and ought to do diverse things in and for religion, associates, who consented to their formal inser¬
and interpose his authority diverse wayes so as tion in our later standards, many sad troubles
doth not properly belong to his cognisance, de¬ which then and afterwards befel the church, for
cision and administration ordinarily, and in a which they lived and laboured, would have been
2
reformed and well constituted c h u r c h " ; but altogether avoided, or more easily provided
1
[Dr Mitchell may have found such a claim elsewhere in Gil-
against; but as i t is, great misunderstandings
Iespie's^ works; but it is not distinctly made in that chapter of have certainly arisen. The two Books of Dis¬
'Aaron's Rod Blossoming ' from which the quotations in this para¬ cipline have been too much read apart, instead
graph are taken, although perhaps it may be held to be implied
in the words: " By which it appeareth that their [i.e., the Inde¬ Λ of being regarded as complementary each of the
pendents'] way will not suffer them to be so far moulded into an other; and while all that is liberal and pro¬
uniformity, or bounded within certain particular rules (I say not
with others, but even among themselves) as the Presbyterian way
gressive tends, I think, more and more to rally
will admit of" (Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 12,1).] round the one, I believe that much that is nar-
2
Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 182. 1
Aaron's Rod Blossoming, p. 183.

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1

i
226. The Second Book of Discipline, Its Theory of the Church. 227

rower, but still earnest and resolutely Christian, actually inserted i n the Act of Parliament could
w i l l continue to draw its inspiration from the be so regarded, and i t has since been maintained
by M r Peterkin that the alleged notes of agreement
other.
, between the king and the church's commissioners
The Second Book of Discipline, as well as ‫י‬
are not actually found in the manuscript copy of
the First, failed to commend itself to the ruling
. the History which is preserved in the Advocate's
powers, and to obtain a place in its full form on 1
J Library. The general theory of the church, how¬
the statute book. Those of its clauses relating
ever, which may be said to underlie the most
to the functions of the several church courts were
important statement of the Second Book of Dis¬
inserted almost word for word i n the Act of the
cipline, is not materially different from that which
Scottish Parliament of 1592, reckoned the charter
finds expression in the First. " The kirk of G o d , "
of the presbyterian church. I t was, however,
it is said, " i s sumtymes largelie takin for all I
several times ratified by the General Assembly,
j them that professe the Evangill of Jesus Christ, /
and was partially carried out by its authority from
i and so i t is a company and fellowship, not onely
the time of its ratification ; and to this extent
of the godly, but also of hypocrites professing
it, as well as the First Book of Discipline, appears
alwayis outwardly ane true religion. Uther tymes
to have been fully recognised. The question of
I i t is takin for the godlie and elect onlie, and sum-
its authority was very fully argued in the famous
Auchterarder case. The counsel for the presby¬ j tymes for them that exercise spiritual function \
tery and the minority of the judges did not 1
‫ן‬ Peterkin's Booke of the Universall Kirk, 1
venture to argue, however, that as a whole the late Bishop Russell, after examining the four MS. copies of Spot-
tiswoode's History, came to the conclusion that the one in the
Second Book of Discipline had received the sane-
Advocates' Library is only the first and incompleted draft of the
tion of the state save in irregular times ; but they work, and that the one in Trinity College, Dublin, is the one
contended that the notes, contained in Spottis- which Spottiswoode himself prepared for the press. Bishop Russell
accordingly followed the Dublin MS. in his edition of the History
woode's History, of the clauses respecting which printed for the Spottiswoode Society, and that edition (as well as
the king and the commissioners of Parliament ! the old folio edition) contains the notes of agreement and disagree¬
had come to agreement w i t h the ministers, ment. Peterkin has printed the Second Book of Discipline, from
an attested copy publicly read on the 29th of September 1591 "in
should be accepted as determining the extent to
the elderschip of Haddingtoun," and "subscryvit be the brethren
which i t was law. I t was affirmed, however, by thairof." Of the ten subscribers, nine write minister after their
the majority of the judges that only the clauses names; the other simply signs, " M r L . Hay, Bass."]

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228 ' The Second Book of Discipline. Institution of the Presbytery. 229

\ amongis the congregation of them that professe onlie . . . quhilk the Scriptures gevis unto them, [
» the t r u t h . " 1
These last, ministers, doctors, as these quhilks import labour, travell and wark ; '
1
elders, and deacons, are taken to represent the and ar names of offices and service, and not of
church i n its wider sense, and must have a lawful : idlenes, dignitie, warldlie honour or preheminence,
calling from i t . This lawful calling is said to quhilk be Christ our Maister is expresslie reprovit
consist of two parts—viz., election and ordination. and forbidden. . . . A n d generallie thir twa
Election is defined to be the choosing out of a things aught they all to respect, the glorie of
person or persons most able for the office that is God, and edifieing of His kirk, in discharging
1
vacant, by the judgment of the eldership and their dewties in their callings."
consent of the congregation to which the person I t is generally supposed that i t is in this Second
or persons are appointed. Ordination is defined Book of Discipline that we have the first clear
as the separation and sanctifying of the person institution of that church court which we now
appointed of God and H i s kirk after he be well 1 call the presbytery, and i t admits of no dispute
tried and found qualified. The ceremonies of that i t was in the year 1581, after the final adop¬
ordination are declared to be fasting, earnest tion of the Book by the Assembly, that an attempt
prayer, and imposition of the hands of the elder¬ j was made, w i t h consent of the crown, regularly
ship. Then follow two of the most important to divide the country into presbyteries. These,
paragraphs in the Book, which come nearest to however, though marked out on paper in that
supplying that which I deem defective i n i t , a year, were in point of fact only gradually set up,
clear and distinct admission that human rulers and i n general they arose out of, and absorbed
in the church as well as in the state have but into themselves, the previously existing exercise,
limited powers. " A l l thir [i.e., those various ' which the First Book of Discipline had sane-
kinds of office-bearers], as they must be raisit up tioned and recommended to meet weekly for the
be God and be H i m made able for the wark study and interpretation of the Scriptures. The 2

quhairto they ar callit, so aught they [to] knaw introduction of what are called, but erroneously,
their message to be l i m i t i t w i t h i n God's W o r d , 3
lay elders to the place they have so long worthily
without the quhilk bounds they aught not to
1 2
passe. A l l thir sould tak these titils and names Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 769. Supra, pp. 170-173.
5
L" Some reproachfully and others ignorantly call them lay
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 759, 760. elders. But the distinction of the clergie and laity is popish and

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23ο The Second Book of Discipline. Eldership or Presbytery. 231
1
assigned to the presbytery. This question has
filled in the presbyteries was a still more gradual
been keenly debated down to our own day. The
process. The presbytery of St Andrews, even
weight of authority is certainly very decidedly in
down to the close of the sixteenth century,
favour of the opinion which identifies this elder¬
appears to have contained no elders save the
ship w i t h the presbytery. Among recent author¬
doctors, under which name were comprehended
ities we have D r David Laing and Dr Cook of
the masters of the university, both professors of
Haddington on this side, in opposition to the
divinity and professors of philosophy, and even
late Principal Cunningham of St Andrews; and
the doctor or master of the grammar-school.
among those of a somewhat earlier time we have
The question, however, has been raised whether
Principal Lee, D r M'Crie, and the late D r George
it is really the presbytery or the kirk-session
Cook of St Andrews pronouncing in favour of the
which is meant by the word eldership, which is
same view. I f we go to older authorities again,
generally applied in the Second Book of Dis¬
we have Spottiswoode, the episcopal historian,
cipline to that court to which i t asserts that i t
and Calderwood, the presbyterian, at one in sup¬
belongs to see that the W o r d of God is purely
porting i t . I know of no considerable authority
preached w i t h i n its bounds, the sacraments
in the seventeenth century which has been
rightly administered, the discipline maintained,
adduced on the other side, save that of Hen¬
and the ecclesiastical goods rightly distributed;
derson, whose statement, however, is rather
to take care that the ordinances made by pro¬
inferential than direct. I n fact, the eldership is
vincial, national, and general assemblies are
used in the Second Book of Discipline itself as a
duly executed; and also to make constitutions
1 convertible term w i t h presbytery, and is often so
which concern το irpéirov i n the k i r k , — a l l which
used in the acts of contemporary assemblies.
duties by the Act of Parliament are expressly
W h e n presbyteries came to be set up, they are
sometimes designated by the name of eldership,
anti-christian ; and they who have narrowly considered the records
of ancient times have noted this distinction as one of the grounds and sometimes by that of presbytery ; and where
whence the mystery of iniquity had the beginning of it. The name our present authorised version of Scripture reads
of clergie appropriate to ministers is full of pride and vaine-glory,
" w i t h the laying on of the hands of the presby¬
and hath made the holy people of God to be despised, as if they
were prophane and uncleane in comparison of their ministers'' tery," the Genevan version reads, " w i t h the
(Gillespie's Assertion of the Government, 1641, p. 3)·] 1 2
1
Dunlop's Confessions, ii. 779, 780. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, iii. S4 •

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232 The Second Book of Discipline. The Kirk-Session. 233

laying on of the hands of the companie of the remarkable if, w i t h M r Cook, we hold that what
1
eldership." the framers of the Second Book of Discipline
The only other alternative is that suggested really designed was one presbytery or eldership
by the late Procurator Cook, that in the Second governing a larger or smaller number of churches
Book of Discipline the functions of the two courts in common ; and that we owe the distribution of
were as yet undistributed ; and that when they the power between the two courts rather to the
came to be legally distributed by the Act of Act of Parliament than to the Second Book of
Parliament of 1592, those which the framers of Discipline. I agree w i t h Gillespie, however,
the Second Book assigned to the eldership were that in the circumstances of the church in a
in nearly its very words appropriated to the thoroughly Christianised country i t would have
presbytery, and a much more limited province been a matter to be regretted i f every congrega¬
assigned to the kirk-session—the court called by tion had not had its session or lesser presbytery,
the Puritans of the south by the name of the w i t h such definitely limited powers as by the Act
Lesser Presbytery. Perhaps i t may be regarded of Parliament, and by the later acts of the church,
as a rather curious confirmation of this theory of are entrusted to i t ; and I am not sure that we
Procurator Cook's, that what he supposes to have do not owe this arrangement to the episcopal
been first intended by the framers of the Book as rather than to the presbyterian party, and that
a common court is asserted by Gillespie, the it was a concession made by them as the only
ablest of their successors in the following century, presbytery they could well acknowledge, i f they
to have been really characteristic of the presby¬ were to leave any function for the bishop at all
tery of the primitive church. Whatever may be in this court. A t least the rough draft of the
thought of his argument in vindication of what clause of the subsequent Act of Parliament in
he calls the two presbyteries, the fact remains regard to the kirk-session appears first in the
that he explicitly admits there was but one in the conference held between the two parties, and is
2
primitive church ; and this w i l l be all the more then noted as having had the express approval of
1

1
the king and commissioners of Parliament, which
[In some editions of the Genevan version the word "elder¬
ship" is thus explained in the margin : "Under this name he con- 1
[It is not quite clear which conference Dr Mitchell is here
taineth the whole ministerie of the church which was at Ephesus."] referring to. In the conference held at Stirling in December 1578,
2
Assertion of the Government of the Church of Scotland, 1641, the Second Book of Discipline was discussed section by section.
pp. 128-130, 136-147. The results are preserved not only by Spottiswoode, as mentioned

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234 The Second Book of Discipline. Westminster Theory of the Church. 235

was not at that time, nor t i l l considerably later, faith in Christ are to feel that they belong, and
secured to the clauses in the Act affirming the w i t h the members of which they are bound, as
powers of the larger presbytery. God gives them opportunity, to cultivate union
I have said elsewhere that in chapters xxv. and communion. " The catholic or universal
and xxvi. of the Westminster Confession of church, which is invisible, consists of the whole
Faith we have a doctrine affirmed as to the number of the elect that have been, are, or shall
church and the communion of saints which be gathered into one, under Christ the head
seems to me to be more thoroughly catholic thereof ; and is the spouse, the body, the ful¬
than that which is set forth i n the Articles of ness of H i m that filleth all in all. The visible
, the Irish Episcopal Church, of the teaching of church, which is also catholic or universal under
! which the compilers of our Confession have so the Gospel (not confined to one nation as before
i largely availed themselves. I n addition to one under the law), consists of all those throughout
\ invisible church to which all the true elect the world that profess the true religion, and of
of God are affirmed to belong, and particular their children, and is the kingdom of the L o r d
visible churches composed of professing Christ¬ Jesus Christ, the house and family of God, out
ians in particular nations (both of which are of which there is no ordinary possibility of
expressly owned in both formularies), the West¬ salvation. U n t o this catholic visible church
minster Confession recognises one visible church Christ hath given the ministry, oracles, and
to which all throughout the world who profess ordinances of God for the gathering and per¬
fecting of the saints in this life to the end of
above (p. 227 n. ), but also by Calderwood (iii. 433-442), neither of
whom, however, says that these results were then noted as having the w o r l d ; and doth by H i s own presence and
been expressly approved by the king. The heads agreed upon at Spirit, according to His promise, make them
the Holyrood conference on 17th February 1585-86 do not include
effectual thereunto. This catholic church hath
anything which can be regarded as the draft of the clause of the
Act of 1592 concerning the power and jurisdiction of " particulare been sometimes more, sometimes less, visible ;
kirkis" (Calderwood's History, iv. 491-494). The articles defining and particular churches which are members
the jurisdiction of provincial assemblies, presbyteries, and particular
kirks, agreed on by the king in conference with some of the brethren
thereof are more or less pure, according as the
sent to him by the General Assembly in May 1586, are transferred doctrine of the Gospel is taught and embraced,
almost verbatim to the Act of Parliament of 1592 (Booke of the ordinances administered, and public worship
Universal! Kirk, Bannatyne Club edit., ii. 665, 666; Calderwood's
History, iv. 567, 568; Acts of Parliament, iii. 541, 542).] performed more or less purely in them. . . . A l l

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236 The Second Book of Discipline. Ideal Presbytery. 237

saints that are united to Jesus Christ their land, in the full extent of i t , may become the
head, by His Spirit and by faith, have fellow¬ kingdom of our L o r d and of His Christ."
ship w i t h H i m in H i s graces, sufferings, death, The sum of all this may be given in the
resurrection, and glory. And, being united to words of Henderson, i n the conclusion of his
one another in love, they have communion in treatise on ' T h e Government and Order of the
each other's gifts and graces, and are obliged Church of Scotland,' the only other treatise
to the performance of such duties, public and which has any right to be set alongside of
private, as do conduce to their mutual good." the Books of Discipline. " I n the authoritie of
I n other words, every true member of the these assemblies, parochial, presbyteriall, pro¬
church, be he hearer or office-bearer, holds his vinciall, and nationall, and in the subordination
place in the body for the good of all, and is of the lesser unto the greater, or of more par¬
bound to use his gifts and opportunities to ticular elderships to the larger and generali
promote, as far as he can, the spiritual and ‫ן‬ eldership, doth consist the externall order,
temporal good of all. A single sentence from | strength, and steadfastnesse of the Church of
the Westminster Directory for Church Govern¬ Scotland. . . . Here there is a superiority with¬
ment is all I need to give, in supplement of this out tyrannie, for no minister hath a papall or
statement of the Confession, to put you in full monarchicall jurisdiction over his own flock, far
possession of their authors' views and aspirations. lesse over other pastors and over all the con¬
" W h e n their number [i.e., the membership of a gregations of a large dioces. Here there is
congregation] is so great that they cannot con¬ paritie without confusion and disorder, for the
veniently meet i n one place, i t is expedient that pastors are in order before the elders, and the
they be divided according to the respective bounds I elders before the deacons; the church [i.e., each
of their dwellings into distinct and fixed congre- congregation] is subordinate to the presbyterie,
gâtions for the better administration of such the presbyterie to the synod, and the synod to
ordinances as belong unto them, and the dis¬ the nationall assembly. One pastor also hath
charge of mutual duties; wherein all, according f priority [of esteem] before another, for age, for
to their several places and callings, are to labour \ zeale, for gifts, for his good deservings of the
to promote whatever appertains to the power of church, each one honouring him whom God
godliness and credit of religion, that the whole hath honoured, and as he beareth the image of

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2 8 The Second Book of Discipline.
3
239

God which was to bee seen among the apostles


themselves. But none hath power or jurisdic¬
tion above others : even as in nature one eye
hath not power over another, only the head
hath power over a l l , even as Christ over H i s
church. . . . A n d lastly, here there is a
subjection without slaverie, for the people are
subject to the pastors and assemblies, yet there CHAPTER XI.
is no assemblie wherein everie particular church
hath not interest and power ; nor is there any¬ ALESIUS.
thing done but they are, i f not actually, yet
1
virtually called to consent unto i t . " This is W E owe it to the Rev. Christopher Anderson, the
presbytery in theory, and there is no reason author of the 'Annals of the English Bible,' that
why we should not approximate to the ideal in attention has been once more turned to the
practice more closely than some recent repre¬ deeply interesting story of Alexander Alane, or
sentations imply, save that we come short of Alesius. Principal Lorimer, in his ' Scottish
what we ought to be as men and as Christians, Reformation,' has thrown further light on h i m .
and that would suffice to mar any form of And D r Merle D'Aubigné, who appears to have
government that could be devised by the w i t minutely examined most of his tracts and com¬
of men. mentaries, has wrought into his graphic but
1
imaginative narrative much of the information
The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland, 1641,
pp. 60, 64, 65. which they have been the chief means of handing
down to us. I t was after his expatriation that he
received from Melanchthon the name of Alesius,
or the wanderer.
This highly distinguished but long forgotten
alumnus of St Andrews University was born in
Edinburgh on the 23rd of A p r i l 1500, of honest
parents, and received the first rudiments of his

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240 Alesius.
His miraculous Escape. 241
education in his native city. I t was probably
attracted them. One day, i t was in 1 ! Alex
while he was still there that he had vouchsafed 5 a

ander and his friends, having betaken themselves


on his behalf those wonderful interpositions of
to the last-named h i l l , amused themselves by
Providence, which remained through life engraven
rolling over and over down a slope which ter¬
on his heart, and which he thus relates in his
minated in a precipice. Suddenly the lad found
preface to his Commentary on the Second Epistle
himself on the brink ; terror deprived him of his
of Paul to Timothy, published at Leipzig in 1551.
senses; some hand grasped him and placed him
" Certe ab infantia [Diabolus] me saepe incautum
in safety, but he never knew by whom or by
opprimere voluit, et perdere non tarn insidiis et
what means he had been rescued. The priests
crudelitate hostium, quam praecipitio in ignem
gave the credit of this escape to the paper w i t h
et aquam. Verum ille, qui servavit me inter
which they had provided h i m , but Alexander him¬
omnia pericula et infantem de gradibus patris 1
self attributed i t to God and his father's prayers."
mei cadentem in acervum lapidum advectorum
ad extruendum supremum tabulatum in oedibus, D
‫״‬VA ^ | ' U b E n ë S R e f o r m a t i o n i n
the Time of Calvin, vi. ‫״‬ I 4

[DAub,g e is here following, or rather embellishing, the account


et reptantem manibus in cacumine altissimi n

which Alesius thus g.ves in another of his works: " Pueri me


montis, ex cujus declivi vel praerupto, divinitus adhuc puero, quasdam sententias excerptas ex Joanne, scriptâs in
in alterum latus in quo facilis erat descensus, membrana, ut illam, in principio erat verbum, Ecce agnus Dei &c
1 Sic Deus dilexit mundum, Ego sum resurrectio et vita &c ac
subito perveni." W i t h even more than his usual similes, vel auro et argento inclusas circa collum gestabant, non km
licence, D r D'Aubigné thus recounts this adven¬ ornamenti causa, quam quod magnam vim et virtutem in his collo-
t u r e : He "was fond of going w i t h other boys of carent contra incantationes et pericula, in quae diabolus saepe pueros
mcautos solet conjicere. Memini frequenter, et quoties reminiscor
his own age to the heights which environ Edin¬ toto corpore cohorresco, me in praerupto altissimi montis manibus
burgh. The great rock on the summit of which et pedibus reptantem, ac proximum praecipitio, subito translatum
nesc.o a quo aut quomodo, in alium locum : et alia vice ex emin
the castle stands, the beautiful Calton H i l l , and ention deambulacro aedium patris cadentem inter acervum lapidum
the picturesque hill called Arthur's Seat, in turn pohendorum ad aedificium, servatum esse divinitus.
"Non tribuo banc salutem sententiis ex Joanne, quas forsan
1
[Alesius thus proceeds: " E t in mari inter tempestates et 18 ahorum puerorum more circumferebam : sed fidei parentum qui
diebus subtus terram in teterrimo specu inter bufones et serpentes liarum sententiam mente circumferebant, et pro me orabant. ' Sed
custodivit (oportet enim me haec alicubi commemorare pro grati- tarnen ut m!h1 videtur, magis deceret nobilitatem Christianam, has
tudine erga Deum). Hie igitur Salvator omnium, maxime fidelium, et similes sententias in auro et lapidibus preciosis insculptas à collo
perficiet id quod per me facere instituit " (In Alteram ad Timotheum dependentes circumferre, quam ethnicorum Regum ac Caesarum
expositio. Autore Alexandra Alesio. D. Lipsiae, 1551, sign. A 2 ) . ] imagines‫( ״‬Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Basileae ‫״ ״‬
Epistola Dedicatoria, pp. 14-16).] '

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242 A Icsius. Discussions zvith Patrick Hamilton. 243

Alesius, or Alane as he was still called, being opinions which at this period of his life he showed.
of good abilities, was early sent to the university, D'Aubigné says : " His keenest desire was to
and seems to have been one of the first set of break a lance w i t h Luther. . . . As he could not
students who entered St Leonard's College (the measure himself personally w i t h the man whom
college founded by Prior John Hepburn, w i t h the he named arch-heretic, Alesius had refuted his
consent of Archbishop Alexander Stuart) after its doctrine in a public discussion held at the uni¬
opening in 1512. His studies appear to have versity. The theologians of St Andrews had
been prosecuted there in the usual way, and i n 1
covered him w i t h applause. . . . Alesius, alive
1515 he became a determinant, or took the de¬ to these praises and a sincere catholic, thought
1
gree of B . A . ; and, probably after acting for a that i t would be an easy task for him to convince
few years as a regent in the college, he was young Hamilton of his errors. . . . Armed
drafted as a novice into the priory, and ultimately cap - a - pie, crammed w i t h scholastic learning,
became one of its canons. W h e n John Major and w i t h all the formulae ' quo modo sit, quo
came to St Andrews in 1523 as principal of the modo nonsit,' " he had various discussions w i t h
Psedagogium, he, like H a m i l t o n and some others him. " H a m i l t o n had before him nothing but
who ultimately shared the same opinions, studied the Gospel, and he replied to all the reasonings
theology under h i m , and made great progress, of his antagonist w i t h the clear, living, and
especially in the study of the schoolmen and the profound word of the Scriptures. . . . Alesius,
fathers of the Christian church. He was, like struck and embarrassed, was silenced, and felt
most of the young scholastics of his time, fond as i f ' the morning star were rising in his heart.
of disputation ; and i f he listened to those lectures I t was not merely his understanding that was
on the gospels which Major gave to the press convinced, the breath of a new life penetrated
some years after, he probably imbibed from his his soul." 2
He continued from time to time to
teacher that combative attitude towards the new visit the reformer while he lived, and to cherish
1
[In a list of names without a heading, he appears as " Alexr. 1
He himself at a later period ingenuously acknowledges that his
Allane na. Lau.," which shows that of the nations into which the arguments in great part were borrowed from the treatise of an
members of the university were then classified, he belonged to English bishop, namely Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, who at the
Lothian. In the list of determinants he appears as " Allexr. Alan." request of Henry V I I I . had replied to Luther's attack on that
Opposite his name and the names of his class-fellows is the word monarch.
" pauperes," which shows that they paid no fees.] 2
D'Aubigné's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vi. 59, 60.

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244 Alesius. Patrick Hepburn. 245

his memory after he had been so cruelly put to graphic i f rather coarse account of the revelries
death. of this young man and his gay associates, more
When the opinions and martyrdom of Hamil¬ in keeping w i t h what we should have expected
ton were the subject of conversation among the , from the sons of Tarquin in heathen Rome than
canons, several of the younger of whom were from the élite of the young ecclesiastics of a
attached to him, Alesius refused to condemn h i m . primatial Christian city, and under the eye of
1
H e was not yet by any means, as D r Lorimer an aged archbishop. The representation of
would have i t , a Lutheran ; he was not yet pre¬ Alesius is only the more credible because i t is
pared to separate himself from the old church ; the more restrained, and the one representation
but he saw and mourned over her corruptions, corroborates the other, and proves to what a low
and longed, and i n a quiet way laboured, for the ebb morality had sunk among the ministers of
removal of them, and also yearned for the the old church in Scotland before i t was swept
revival of a more earnest Christian spirit, and ‫ן‬ away. Not only did this bold bad man set at
more correct moral conduct among those over nought the laws of God and the canons of his
whom his influence extended. From that day church, and make a boast of doing so among his
no one could induce h i m to express approval of boon companions, but even when the archbishop
the proceedings which had been taken against sought to separate him from his unlawful con¬
H a m i l t o n , or to pronounce an unfavourable judg¬ nection, the prior collected his armed retainers,
ment on the articles for which he had been con¬ and would have fought w i t h h i m had not the
demned to death. E a r l of Rothes and the Abbot of Arbroath, the
This silence brought h i m under the suspicion primate's hopeful nephew, come between the two
of his more bigoted associates, and gave special ‫ו‬ bands and patched up a sort of truce between
offence to his superior, Prior Patrick Hepburn their leaders.
(the nephew of Prior John, who had founded The Christian lives and healthful influence of
St Leonard's College), a violent, coarse, immoral < the younger canons could not but be felt to be a
young noble, emulous of the debaucheries and standing rebuke by their superior, and doubtless
vices, as well as of the cultured hauteur, of the were one main cause why he bore them so deep
young French ecclesiastics of rank among whom a grudge and gave way to such savage outbursts
his youth had been passed. Knox has given a 1
Laing's Knox, i. 40, 41.

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246 Alesius. Assaulted and Imprisoned. 247

of temper i n his intercourse w i t h them. H e is opportunity soon occurred to him of paying back
said to have denounced them, and especially w i t h interest the insult which he imagined had
Alesius, to the aged primate, and probably w i t h been done to h i m .
the view of entrapping him into some unguarded I t so happened that the whole college of
expression of approval of the new opinions, he canons resolved, for many and grave reasons, to
got h i m appointed to preach the sermon at the lodge a complaint w i t h the king respecting the
opening of a synod of bishops and priests which harshness and cruelty of their superior. When
was held at St Andrews probably in the Lent of this came to Hepburn's ears, he rushed w i t h a
the year 152g. Alesius, while carefully avoiding band of armed attendants into the sacred chapter¬
everything which might give needless offence to house where the canons were assembled, and
his hearers, thought, to use his own words, that when admonished by Alesius, who probably pre¬
in such presence, and speaking in the L a t i n lan¬ sided in the meeting, not in the heat of passion
guage, he would not discharge his duty unless he to be guilty of any foolish prank, he ordered the
earnestly exhorted those set in authority over the speaker to be seized by his armed attendants,
churches to the practice of piety, the observance and drawing his sword would have run it through
of good morals, the study of Christian doctrine, him had not two of the canons forcibly dragged
and the pious teaching and governing of their h i m back and turned aside his weapon. The
churches. He confesses that he earnestly in¬ affrighted and timid canon cast himself at his
veighed against immoral priests, but he adds superior's feet and entreated him to spare his
that as he had said nothing in a disloyal spirit, life, but i n return only received a kick i n the
or more harshly than the facts warranted, and breast which nearly proved fatal to h i m . W h e n
had attacked no one by name, the sermon gave he had partially recovered from this, and was
no offence to good men. B u t his irate and being hurried off to prison, another dastardly
domineering prior imagined that the sermon was attack was made on h i m , but that was parried
specially aimed at h i m , and was intended to hold by the prior's own retainers, who saw that he
him up to the ridicule of the assembled prelates was beside himself w i t h rage and fury. After
and clergy. Having already defied the arch¬ this all the other canons were seized and im¬
bishop, Hepburn could not brook such a liberty prisoned, but on the remonstrance of certain
on the part of one of his own subordinates. A n noble friends they were ordered to be released

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248 Alesius. His Prison changed. 249

by the king, who was then i n St Andrews and further intercourse w i t h their fellow - men. I n
was informed of what had taken place. this or some other equally horrible place the
The king's order was speedily carried out in poor canon was confined for eighteen or twenty
regard to all save Alesius ; but he, notwith¬ days ; and when, after repeated remonstrances
standing all remonstrances of friends, was not on the part of the king and the magistrates of
only detained in custody, but was even thrust the city, the prior was obliged to produce his
into a more filthy dungeon, called by the suf¬ victim, he enjoined h i m strictly on no account
ferer, in one of his treatises, teterrimo specu subtus to utter one word about the shameful maltreat¬
1
terrant inter bufones et serpentes, and in another ment to which he had been subjected. Alesius,
a latrinâ, 2
or sink, to which I know nothing however, had suffered too horribly in this place
at all corresponding in St Andrews save the to let slip the opportunity so unexpectedly pre¬
underground chamber near the college hall, and 3 sented to him of telling the worst to the friendly
the roughly-hewn cavern still subsisting in the magistrates, and entreating them to save h i m
rock to the north of the house at the end of from all further risk of a repetition of this bar¬
Castle Street, going down by the southern en¬ barous cruelty. But the magistrates, though
trance by thirty or more somewhat irregular steps friendly, were easily persuaded that all was now
through the rock, and terminating in a small to go right. As soon, however, as they were
chamber of rounded or oval form, having ah got out of the way under this persuasion, the
opening in its roof originally little more than a prior upbraided the poor canon for having
foot i n diameter, but now considerably enlarged, divulged the whole disgusting truth which he
and to which on the other side a covered pas¬ had enjoined h i m to conceal, and ordered him
sage from the castle leads down. They might to be again placed in confinement, in which he
well abandon hope who entered there, and pos¬ was left to languish for nearly a year. But
sibly one at least of its uses was for literally this confinement was i n a less objectionable
immuring those who were never again to have place, and apparently w i t h i n the precincts of
the priory ; and when the prior was absent the
1
[See it so described in the passage quoted, supra, p. 240 n. ] canons occasionally had the prisoner brought
2
[He calls it a latrinâ in his ' Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias,' out from his ward, and even permitted him, as
sign. A v. in former times, to take a leading part in the
3
[Now known as Bishop's Hall.]

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25ο A lesius. He escapes by Night. 251

services at the altar. On one occasion the then follows a parting scene only less affecting
prior, coming back unexpectedly, and seeing than that of St Paul from the disciples on the
what occurred in his absence, ordered Alesius seashore at Tyre, and proving that even yet
at once into confinement, threatening on the ‫ן‬ all good was not extinguished from the hearts
morrow to have h i m off to the old filthy place ; of those under the rule of this vicious prior,
where his life had been so nearly sacrificed J and encouraging the hope, which was after-
before, and where he was to be entrusted to ‫י‬ wards fully realised, that the best of them
the care of a more remorseless jailer. ' would ultimately find a more congenial home
As soon as their superior left them for the in a new and purified church. Only the
night the canons, satisfied that all hope of pre¬ apostle, though in a heathen land, could kneel
serving the life of their comrade in St Andrews down in open day on the seashore to pray w i t h
was at an end, and that i f he did not seek his friends, and they without challenge could
safety by instant flight horrible torments and accompany h i m to the ship which waited to re¬
certain death awaited h i m , gathered round him ceive him ; while these men, though living i n a
and urged him to escape. On his expressing professedly Christian land, had secretly to bring
a wish to consult w i t h other friends before taking out their friend from the place of confinement
1
a step so serious, they pressed h i m only the more and comfort h i m , and then send h i m away alone
urgently to flee and leave the country at once, into the thick darkness to pursue his weary
as he would certainly be pursued, and, i f over¬ journey under cover of night to that broad firth
taken, brought back for condign punishment. which bounds Fifeshire on the north, i f haply
The sequel I give in his own unvarnished state¬ he might find on its shores some boat to ferry
ment, which is to me more touching from its < h i m across, or on its bosom some friendly craft
very simplicity than the highly embellished to convey h i m without loss of time beyond
réchauffées of D'Aubigné : " E t s i maximo dolore the reach of his implacable persecutor. " Clam
afficiebar cum cogitarem mihi è patria, qua ^ igitur educunt me domo, instruunt et viatico.
nihil dulcius est bene institutis naturis, disce- I t a cum lachrymantes inter nos vale dixissemus,
dendum esse, tarnen, et nécessitât!, et tot bon- et illi suavissima commemoratione illustrium
1
orum virorum consiliis parendum d u x i . " And virorum et sanctorum qui similiter è patria
1
Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign. A vj. tyrannidi cesserunt, maesticiam meam non n i h i l

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252 Alesius. His Dundee Friends. 253

levassent, media j a m nocte in densissimis tene- fugitive. W h e n they returned without success to
bris solus iter ingredior." 1
Sadly he plodded their master, he is reported to have summoned
on his way through the darkness, oppressed before h i m a certain citizen of Dundee, whom he
w i t h forebodings, for he knew of no hospitable suspected to have aided in providing a ship for
1
retreat in other lands ; he had neither friend the canon. This merchant c i t i z e n took with
nor acquaintance among foreigners ; he could him another true-hearted favourer of the Refor¬
speak no language but his native tongue and mation, James Scrymgeour, provost of the town ;
L a t i n ; and he had some reason to fear that he and on the former denying that he had given
might be classed w i t h those vagabonds who had the assistance which he was accused of doing to
been driven out from various Continental states Alesius, and which probably he could deny w i t h
because of their fanatical opinions, and were a good conscience, his sons in St Andrews and
justly suspected even by Protestants in Ger¬ Dundee having been too prudent to involve h i m
many. But in the multitude of distracting in their little plot, the provost spoke out boldly
thoughts within h i m he encouraged himself in to the haughty prior, and said : W h y make a
the L o r d his God and in Christ his Saviour. work about this? I , myself, i f I had known that
Ere morning had well dawned his journey was Alexander was preparing to go away, would w i t h
completed, and he got safely on shipboard, the greatest pleasure have furnished him both
where, according to his own account, quidcvm w i t h a ship and w i t h provisions for his voyage,
homo germanus —that 2
is, according to some, a that he might be put i n safety beyond the reach
certain man a German ; according to others, a of your cruelty. Assuredly, had he been my
certain man a kinsman—received h i m very affec¬ brother I would long ago have rescued him from
tionately, and afterwards nursed h i m w i t h great 1
No doubt James Wedderburn, merchant at the West Kirk Style
kindness during the sea-sickness from which he of Dundee, who carried on a large trade with the Continent, and
suffered throughout the stormy vogage. was known to be friendly to those holding the reformed opinions.
One of his sons was then studying at St Andrews, and probably had
On the day following his escape, when the
been the means of communication between the canons and Dundee
vessel which sheltered him had already sailed, to secure beforehand a speedy departure for their fugitive friend.
there came horsemen to the shore, sent by the [For many interesting details concerning the sons of this Dundee
merchant, see Dr Mitchell's Wedderburns and their Work, 1867 ;
prior from St Andrews, to make search for the and also his edition of The Gude and Godlie Ballatis, 1897, pp.
1
Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, sign, A vj. 2
Ibid. xvii-xxxii, lxxxiii-civ.]

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254 Alesius. Driven by the Tempest to Malmö. 255

those perils and miseries in which you have towards his persecutors than another, or more
involved h i m . ready to yield to them in things indifferent or of
Thus Alexander Alesius was driven from his minor importance, i f only he could gain their
much-loved native land, destined never to return hearts for Christ and His cause in matters of
to i t more, or again to see the friends and rela¬ highest moment, i t was he.
tions to whom he was so warmly attached. " Could The ship in which Alesius sailed was bound
any one then have whispered i n the ear of the for France, probably for Dieppe or Rouen, w i t h
disconsolate exile that he was on the road to far which towns the trade of Scotland was carried
more extensive usefulness" and freedom; that he on, and where many Scottish merchants resided
would gain many friends in foreign lands, and or had factors ; but she had not gone far on her
would not only be spared to labour there for more way from port when a violent westerly gale carried
than thirty years, but would also be honoured to her across the German Ocean, drove her into the
be the first to plead by his writings for the free Sound, and made i t necessary to get her into the
circulation of the Scriptures in his native Scot¬ harbour at Malmö in Scania, in order to refit
land, and one of the first to help on Cranmer in her. There, as well as at the French ports
England, and Hermann von W i e d , the reforming named, there was a community of Scottish mer¬
Archbishop of Cologne, in Germany ; that he chants, probably by this time enjoying the minis¬
would be privileged to attend, as one of the Pro¬ trations of John Gaw or Gall, another St Andrews
testant representatives, many of the most import¬ alumnus,, early won over to the cause of the Refor¬
ant colloquies of the leaders of the old and the mation. The community of Malmö, a year or
new church on the Continent, to be the intimate two before, had given its adhesion to the same
friend of Luther and Melanchthon, to labour as a cause, and its leading ministers, as well as the
professor of theology in two German universities, Scottish chaplain, were, therefore, prepared to
and to live and die in the greatest honour and re¬ welcome and treat w i t h all kindness their exiled
spect among those w i t h whom he laboured,—"how co-religionist, as he himself, twenty-five years
1
incredible would i t all have seemed to h i m ! " Yet after, feelingly narrates. After being refitted
it was thus God meant i t , and thus He brought i t
1

to pass ; and i f there was one among the Scottish [In his Introduction (pp. xviii-xx) to Gau's ' Rieht Vay to the
Kingdom of Heuine,' Dr Mitchell says : " The treatise ' De
exiles of those times who was less embittered Apostolicis Traditionibus,' in which he [i.e., Alesius] has given an

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256 Alesius. Hermann von Wiechs Apologue. 257

at Malmö, the vessel proceeded on her voyage certain man of the highest learning and authority,
to France, where Alesius left, and plodding his and perceived how deeply he was grieved by the
way along the northern coast, visited Belgium, disturbed state of the church in Germany. I
where he would meet w i t h friendly Scots at began to exhort h i m to interpose his judgment in
Bruges, and probably also at Antwerp. certain matters of dispute, because I hoped that
H e then passed up the Rhine to Cologne, milder views might gain the ascendancy i f princes
where, as already suggested, he was favourably and people only had such monitors excelling in
received by the Archbishop, Hermann von W i e d , learning and authority. W h e n I had argued long
who afterwards became a friend of the Refor¬ in support of my opinion, heaving a sigh, but mak¬
mation, though at this time, like Alesius him¬ ing no formal reply to my arguments, he bade me
self, not yet decided altogether to break w i t h listen to an apologue : W h e n the lion, worn out
the old church. I t is no doubt to this visit he w i t h old age, could no longer obtain his prey by
refers in the following passage of the treatise ] hunting, he fell on the device of inviting the
from which I have repeatedly quoted: " W h e n beasts to visit h i m in his den. There came to h i m
lately at Cologne I conversed familiarly w i t h a a bear, a wolf, and a fox. The bear entered first,
and being affably received by the lion, and con¬
account of his visit, and of the manner in which he was received by
his countrymen and the reforming preachers of Malmö, is one of
ducted round the den, he was asked how he was
the rarest of his minor treatises, and is not to be found in any of pleased w i t h the^amenity of the place. Being no
our Scottish libraries, nor in the British Museum, nor even in the courtier, the bear answered bluntly that he could
library of the University of Leipsic, in which he was so long an
honoured professor. . . . Neither the name of Gau nor that of never stay i n such a filthy hole, among heaps of
any other of his countrymen then in the city is given by Alesius. decaying carcasses. The lion, enraged, chid the
Principal Lorimer has ingeniously conjectured that Gau bear for finding fault w i t h the amenity of the
may have come out to act as chaplain to his countrymen at Malmö.
And I am inclined to accept the conjecture to a modified extent. royal den, and tearing h i m up^cast away his
. . . At any rate, we find that before the close of 15 33 he was in carcass among the others. The wolf, who had
Denmark, and had got such an accurate knowledge of the Danish
! been standing by, seeing in what danger he was,
language that he had translated and published a treatise of consider¬
able length from Danish into his native Scotch." In the Appendix thought by artifice to soothe the haughty mind
to the same Introduction (p. xlv) Dr Mitchell explains that " modern of the lion. H e accordingly approached, was led
Danish scholars express doubts whether, in the early part of the 16th
century, any nation, save the German as represented by the Hans- round the den, and was asked whether the smell
eatic League, was organised as a distinct community at Malmö."] of the heap of carcasses was unpleasant to h i m .

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258 Alesius. Befriended by Melanchthon. 259

The wolf replied, i n a carefully considered speech, on from Cologne to Wittenberg, and there for a
that he had never seen anything more pleasant. time to have resumed the study of theology, as
This artifice, however, was of no avail to the wolf. well as of Greek and Hebrew, under Melanchthon
The lion meted out the same treatment to him as and the other gifted teachers in that university.
to the bear, tearing h i m up for his impudent Luther he does not seem to have met for a time,
flattery. The fox, who had witnessed all this, or to have been acquainted w i t h his writings when
1

and how both the simplicity of the bear and the he published his first treatises. Melanchthon
flattery of the wolf had given equal offence to the cherished a special affection for Alesius and the
lion, was in great perplexity what to answer when Scottish exiles who soon after followed h i m to
it came to his turn. He went forward, however, Wittenberg, believing that they were the descend¬
and being interrogated as the others had been ants of those Scoti who had sent the early Chris¬
whether the smell of the den was disagreeable, he tian missionaries to Germany, and that it became
replied modestly that he could not express any him to repay to them the great kindness the
opinion on the point, as he was labouring under heathen Germans had received from their fore¬
2

a cold in the head." Alesius waited to hear from fathers in the distant past.
his host the moral or application of the apologue, I t was while he was thus occupied that Alesius
but this was not given by h i m . He preferred to heard of the cruel edict of the Scottish bishops,
leave i t to his own good sense, merely counselling and i t hardly admits of doubt that he submitted
him to be cautious of engaging in such discus¬ to Melanchthon, and got corrected by him, his
sions for the present. Ultimately, however, both little treatise against their decree, forbidding the
came to see that there is a time to speak as well New Testament Scriptures to be used by the laity
as a time to keep silence ; and i t is interesting to 1
[This sentence is interlined, and the word which seems to be
note that to the last both observed similar first is rather indistinct.]
2
moderation in their statements of doctrine, both In the preceding narrative I have availed myself of the details
which Alesius has given us of his labours and sufferings in his com¬
evinced the same desire, by conciliation to gain
mentaries and lesser treatises, and especially in two of the smallest
opponents, rather than to provoke them, notwith¬ of them, both published in 1533, the one bearing the title—"Alex-
standing all the hard usage they both met w i t h andri Alesii Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporü in
Scotia, quod prohibet legere Noui Testamenti libros lingua ver-
from their secular and ecclesiastical superiors. nacula" ; the other " Alexandri Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei
Soon after this Alesius appears to have passed Calvmnias. "

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Cochlaeus. 261
26ο A lesius.
This able and, for the age, singularly temperate
in the vernacular. I t is a very pithy and forcible
reply made a deep impression in England as well
bit of pleading for the right of the Christian laity
as i n Scotland, and doubtless prepared the way
to possess and study the Scriptures in their own
for that offer of employment there which two
tongue. This remarkable treatise struck the true
years subsequently was made h i m by Cranmer,
key-note in the contest i t ushered i n , and helped
whom, i n his moderation and earnest desire to
it on to victory—a victory which was substantially
avoid a total rupture between the old church and
to be gained ere Knox had taken his place among
the new life, he then so much resembled. But
the combatants on the side of the Reformation
1
whatever its merits, the disputatious Cochlaeus
at a l l .
— " d e r gewaffnete mann," as Luther sneeringly
To this epistle Cochlaeus replied without loss
2
terms him—was determined that his opponent
of time, and ere the year was out Alesius re¬
3
should not have the last word in the dispute, and
joined in that Responsio ad Cochlei calumnias,
accordingly in August 1534 he published at Leip-
in which he has given so touching an account of
sic his Apologia pro Scotiae Regno adversus per-
his own maltreatment, so interesting a statement 1
sonatum Alexandrum Alesium Scotum. I n this
of his own opinions in matters of faith and church
treatise he repeats the assertion i n his previous
polity, and so trenchant a reply to the sophistries
one that Melanchthon, not Alesius, was the author
4
and slanders of his opponent.
1
of these epistles. H e charges Alesius w i t h put¬
[The nature of the arguments used by Alesius in this epistle may
be learned from the lengthy extracts quoted in Christopher Ander¬
ting lies into the mouth of a foreigner to the
son's Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 430-437.] discredit of his native country, and tells h i m that
2
[This reply by Cochlaeus, which is dated 6th June 1533, is if he had the power he would gladly send him
entitled: " A n Expédiât Laicis, legere Noui Testamenti libros
lingua Vernacula? Ad Serenissimvm Scotte Regem Iacobum V. away to Scotland w i t h his hands tied behind his
Disputatio inter Alexandrum Alesium Scotum, & Iohannem Coch- back to be ignominiously punished as a traitor
lreum Germanum. Anno dni M . D . X X X I I I . " A beautiful copy of and a public slanderer. H i s opponent's minute
this very rare work was secured at the Laing sale for the library
of the Church of Scotland. There is also a copy in the Signet and temperate narrative of facts appears to have
Library. A few extracts may be found in Anderson's Annals, ii.
1 [Dr Mitchell possessed copies of several of the other tracts of
439‫־‬441•] Cochlaeus, as well as of this : " Pro Scotiae Regno Apologia
3
[A beautiful copy of this excessively rare tract was also secured Iohannis Cochlei, adversvs personatum Alexandrum Alesium
for the Church library at the Laing sale.] Scotum. Ad Sereniss. Scotorû regë. M . D . X X X I I I I . " It ends:
4
[For a translation by Dr Mitchell of that part of the Responsio " Excusum Lipsiae apud Michaelem Blum."]
which relates to the opinions of Alesius, see Appendix E . ]

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‫ן‬

Effect of his Treatises. 263


262 Alesius.
himself in a letter to a Polish archbishop, sent
made no impression on h i m . He is content 1
him some more material tokens of his regard.
magisterially to pronounce i t absurd and incred¬
And even the messenger who had brought over
ible, and inconsistent w i t h itself as well as w i t h
the copies of his first epistle received, as i t now
probability. He appears in his ire to forget that 2
appears, a present of fifty pounds Scots. Alesius,
the king of Scots and his subjects were better able
though in quite another way, did not lack his
to judge of its truthfulness than he, a foreigner,
reward, and i t came i n the way which he valued
could be ; and that after saying all he could for
most—the treatises he had written, to a certain
the bishops and superior clergy in his former
extent at least, got into circulation both in Scot¬
reply, he had been obliged to conclude w i t h the
land and in England. They cheered the hearts
damaging admission that possibly there were
of the faithful under all the terrible trials to
" bishops and prelates who, neither in sanctity
which they were subjected in the later years of
of life nor in acquaintance w i t h sacred learning,
James's reign, when he seems to have abandoned
responded to or satisfied their dignity and office."
his former kindliness, and surrendered himself i n
The epistles of Cochlaeus, i f abusive and less
a great measure to the priests and to vicious
cogent in reasoning, as well as less relieved by
indulgences. They carried conviction to the
any sparkle of w i t or racy anecdote than those
minds of many, and gradually ripened opinion
of Alesius, are certainly written in a more easy 1
[Alesius says : " I was at Antwerp whan a contryman of myne,
and flowing L a t i n style, and, in that respect at whose name was John Foster, did send a somme of mony unto
least, the Scottish prelates had no reason to be Cochleus by a marchant from the Bisshop of S. Andrews, which
ashamed of the champion who had volunteered geveth him yerely so long as he liveth a certen stipend. And it
chanced by the goodnes of God, wherby He discloseth the
his services in their cause. Nor were they want¬ wickednes of these hipocytes (sic), that a pistle of Cochleus which
ing i n those more substantial expressions of their he sent unto a certen bisshop of Pole came unto my handes, wherin
satisfaction which Cochlaeus, like most of the he complayneth that he hath gret losse and evel fortune in setting
forth of bokes, for as moch as no man wil wetesaue to rede his
controversialists of his time, evidently coveted. bokes. And he beggeth a yerely stipend of the bisshops of Pole,
The Archbishops of St Andrews and Glasgow saing that he hath bene nobly rewarded of the King of Scottys and
of the Archbisshop of S. Andrews and of the Bisshop of Glasguo"
testified their gratitude for his services by send¬
('Of the Auctorite of the Word of God ').]
ing h i m liberal presents. The king wrote h i m 2
[From the Treasurer's Accounts, as quoted by M'Cne, it ap‫־‬
a letter, a contemporary transcript of which is pears that the servant who brought over his book received £10
still extant, and also, as is stated by Cochlaeus (M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 321 n.).]

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264 Alesius. Erasmus intervenes. 265

to demand the right to do publicly what many choly that he—who had done so much to promote
had learned to do secretly—to study the W o r d the freer circulation and profounder study of the
of God, and especially the New Testament, in Greek original of the New Testament, and had
their native tongue. This right was authorised even ventured, under the patronage of Pope
by an Act of the Scottish Parliament passed i n Leo X . , to bring out a L a t i n version of the
1 1
5 4 3 » when Cardinal Betoun was i n disgrace, New Testament more true to the original than
and the Archbishop of Glasgow was left alone the Vulgate version, that those who knew only
to protest against i t . This Act was the first real L a t i n might understand more fully the meaning
victory of the reformed party in Scotland, and of the original—in his old age, when irritated by
it was mainly due to the able and temperate the course of events, and by his controversies
pleading of Alesius that this great boon, or indeed with Luther, consented to recommend this scur¬
I may say this indefeasible right of Christian lay¬ rilous pamphleteer to his friends in Scotland.
men, was granted. The same subject had been His own letter is not now extant, or, i f extant,
reverted to by him i n his more elaborate treatise, is not at present accessible ; but the answer sent
De authoritate Verbi Dei, which was published in to h i m by the Scottish king has been preserved,
1542 in L a t i n , and some time after was translated like his letter to Cochlaeus, among the MSS. in
2
into English. the British Museum. I t is sufficient to prove
One other episode in this controversy remains the fact that Erasmus did intervene, and com¬
still to be adverted to. This is the intervention mend to his Scottish friends a writer who repre¬
of the great humanist, Erasmus, — an incident sents Luther's translation of the New Testament,
in his history on which his biographers w i t h which more than any other book has made Ger¬
one consent have observed a judicious silence. many what i t is, as the " pabulum mortis, fomes
Nevertheless, the fact is as undoubted as melan- peccati, velamen malitiae, praetextus falsae liber-
1
[15th March 1542-43 (Acts of Parliament, ii. 415).] tatis, inobedientiae praesidium, disciplinae cor-
2
[The title is: "De Avthoritate Verbi Dei Liber Alexandri ruptio, morum depravatio, concordiae dissipatio
Alesij, contra Episcopum Lundensem. An. M . D . X L I I . " The preface
. . . vitiorum scaturigo . . . rebellionis in-
is dated: " Francfordiae ad Oderam. Calend. Maijs. an. Domini
M.D.XL." The colophon is : " Argentorati apvd Cratonem Mylivm cendium . . . charitatis peremptio . . . veri-
an. M . D . X L I I . mense Septembri." The translation, which is in tatis perduellio."
black-letter, bears no date, place, or printers name. For a copy
of its title, see infra, p. 268 n.] In 1535 Alesius, having received encourage-

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266 Alesius. A t Cambridge and London. 267

ment from the agents of the English king then ously accepted the challenge ; but when the day
negotiating an alliance With the Protestant appointed for the discussion arrived, his opponent
princes of Germany, came over to England w i t h did not venture to meet h i m in open fight. He
1
a letter of recommendation from Melanchthon. preferred to plot against h i m i n secret, and to
H e was favourably received by Archbishop foment t u m u l t among the scholars, t i l l Alesius,
Cranmer, by Crumwell the Vicar-General, and finding that his life was i n danger, and that he
by the king himself, who appointed him king's could not count on the protection of the uni¬
scholar, and instructed Crumwell, as Chancellor versity authorities, deemed i t his duty to leave
of the University of Cambridge, to give h i m a Cambridge and return to L o n d o n . 1

place as a reader in divinity there. H e accord¬ For the next three years he remained there,
ingly went into residence in Queen's College, supporting himself chiefly by the practice of
the same college which shortly before had been medicine, which he studied under a London
the home of Erasmus while lecturing in the physician of note. He occasionally, however,
university on Greek, and towards the end of gave assistance to his reforming friends in the
the year he began a course of lectures on the varying fortunes of these unquiet times. He
Hebrew Psalter. He is supposed to have been did so notably i n a convocation or a meeting of
the first who delivered lectures in Cambridge on the superior clergy i n 1536 or 1537, being put 2

the Hebrew Scriptures, but he was not suffered


to do it long i n peace. I t could not be concealed 1
[He was in London during the time of the trial and execution
of Anne Boleyn. He sent Elizabeth an account of a dream or
that he was a favourer of the new opinions and a
vision which he then had. See Appendix F . ]
friend of Melanchthon, and that he had, in fact, 2
[There is " great uncertainty " as to whether this meeting
been recommended by h i m to the king and the took place in 1536 or 1537 (Hardwick's Reformation, 1883,
p. 182 n.). The year 1537 is given by Alesius in his 'De Avthor-
chancellor of the university. B y the time he had
itate Verbi Dei' (p. 18), and is repeated in the translation. In the
entered on the exposition of Psalm viii. he was latter it is said : " Contrary to all my expectacion I chanced to fall
challenged by one of the champions of the old agayn into such a disputacyon as I was in before, and in maner with
like adversarys. . . . Unto this disputacion I came sodenly unpre¬
learning to a public disputation, and courage- pared, for as I did mete bi chance in the streate the right excellent
Lord Crumwel going unto the Parlament Howse in the yeare 1537,
1
[Alesius says that he was the bearer of the Loci Theologici, he whan he sawe me called me unto him, and toke me with him to
which he had persuaded Melanchthon to dedicate to Henry V I I I . the Parlament House to Westmyster {sic), where we fownd all the
(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 525).] bisshops gathered together."]

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Returns to the Continent. 269
268 Alesius.
former moorings, and passed the bloody statute
forward by Cranmer and Crumwell as the chief
of the six articles, insisting inter alia on the
spokesman on the reforming side, the opinions of
doctrine of Transubstantiation and the celibacy
which he defended w i t h considerable force and
of the clergy, Alesius, like several other married
ability, so far as the notes of the debates pre¬
priests, had to consult his safety and that of his
served by Foxe in his ' A c t s and Monuments' 1
1 family by a hurried retreat to the Continent.
enable us to judge. His appearance on this
Among those who had to leave England about
occasion brought h i m into sharp collision w i t h 2
the same time were John M ' A l p i n e and John Fyffe
Stokesley, Bishop of London. On the other
—or, as they were henceforth to be surnamed by
hand, i t secured for h i m the warm friendship of
Melanchthon, Joannes Macchabaeus and Joannes
Cranmer and Latimer, towards both of whom he
Fidelis—both, like Alesius himself, Scotsmen, the
continued to the last to cherish a deep affection,
former having been prior of the Dominican mon¬
and of whose martyrdom he spoke w i t h so much
astery at Perth, and the latter an alumnus and
grief when he published his Commentary on the
teacher in St Leonard's College. They had,
First Book of Psalms. W h i l e in England, as
along w i t h several other known favourers of the
Thomasius tells us, he married an English
Reformation, been obliged to leave Scotland at
lady, by name Catherine de Mayn ; and when
an earlier period, and after finding a tempo¬
Henry V I I I . once more veered round to his
rary shelter i n England, apparently at Salisbury,
1
Cattley's Foxe, v. 381-384. [The whole of this account, as
under the protection of Bishop Shaxton, who was
Cattley points out, is taken by Foxe almost verbatim from a state¬
ment made by Alesius himself in his rare tract entitled, Of then a favourer of the reformed opinions, were,
the Auctorite of the Word of God agaynst the Bisshop of London, like Alesius himself, to find their ultimate home
wherein are conteyned certen disputacyons had in the Parlament
and special work on the Continent—the one in
llowse betwene the Bisshops, abowt the nomber of the Sacraments,
and other things very necessary to be known : made by Alexander the University of Copenhagen, the other in the
Alane Scot and sent to the Duke of Saxon. Christopher Anderson University of Frankfort on the Oder. They seem
?
says that this translation of the tract De Authoritate \ erbi Dei Liber
to have gone first to Wittenberg, and while the
was made by Edmund Allen. So completely had the original
name of Alesius dropped out of knowledge that Anderson actually others for a time resumed their studies there,
charges the printer with committing " a strange blunder in the title." Alesius almost immediately on his return was
Believing that Ales was the real name of Alesius, he thought
that the printer had divided the name of the author between the 1
[For the circumstances of his departure, see Appendix G.]
author and the translator ('Annals of the English Bible,' ii. ‫[ צ‬For M'Alpine, see Gau's Rieht Vay, Introd., p. xü•]
479 η.).]

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270 Alesius. Leaves Frankfort for Leipsic. 271

selected by Melanchthon to accompany h i m to of his colleagues about the propriety of attaching


the colloquy at Worms, and then to that at civil punishments to adultery and other offences
Regensburg, which were attended not only by against the seventh commandment. I n 1542, or
the Lutheran and the Catholic theologians, but early i n 1543, he resigned his professorship, and
also by Bucer, Calvin, and other reforming divines transferred his family to Leipsic. Melanchthon,
of Strassburg. So it came about that Alesius, who, though concurring i n his opinions, blamed
who had suffered exile in the cause of the Refor¬ his hasty resignation, yet exerted himself to
mation in Scotland, and still had striven to pro¬ procure an appointment for him in the great
mote i t , was probably the first of our countrymen Saxon university ; so also did Ludovicus Fachsius,
to be brought into contact w i t h Calvin, who was at once the Burgomaster and the head of the
ultimately to exercise so marked an influence on Faculty of Law, of whose kindness he makes
the form and mode of that Reformation, and who special mention in the dedication to his sons of
too was then an exile both from his native land his edition of Melanchthon's Catechism, which
and from the scene of his earlier labours. T o he had used when superintending their religious
1

the last Alesius seems to have been the one of instruction.


his pupils to whom the gentle and t i m i d Melanch- The remaining twenty-one years of his life were
thon most closely clung, and it was by his recom¬ spent busily and usefully in this famous university,
1
mendation that in the very year of his return to " I owe much," he says, "to your father, who received me
most hospitably at my first coming hither, and, in name of Duke
the Continent he was promoted to be Professor
Maurice (now Elector of Saxony), invited me to give my services to
of Divinity in the University of Frankfort on the this famous university, and retained me here some years after, when
Oder. A n d i t is something of which a Scotchman I was called elsewhere" {i.e., probably Königsberg), " promising me
the favour and grace of the most illustrious prince elector. Finally,
and a St Andrean may be proud, that the uni¬
after the war, he encouraged me, then hesitating, to write to the
versity of that little principality of Brandenburg, elector to beg the restitution of my books and other effects, which
which has since expanded into the great kingdom I had lost at the time of the siege of this city, kindly offering his
best services in rendering my supplicatory letter to the prince, by
of Prussia, was indebted for two of its first Pro¬
which, however, he only succeeded in securing that the elector,
testant professors of divinity to Scotland and to when departing from his own dominions to attend the imperial
St Andrews. diet, should give instructions on the matter to his counsellors
whom he had left at home, and should deliver to be sent on to me
His stay at Frankfort, however, was but short, a letter full of kindness through Damianus Sybothendorff, secretary
a controversy having arisen between him and one to his highness."

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2
7 2
Alesms. The Perth Martyrs. 273

though he suffered somewhat severely during the hearing the news of the favourable change which
Schmalkaldic war and the seige of Leipsic. I t had taken place i n Scotland on the death of
was there that most of his theological treatises James V . and the accession of Arran to the
were elaborated and published. He was twice regency, he, like many other Scottish exiles, had
at least chosen Rector of the university—viz., in serious thoughts of returning home, and availing
1555 and in 1561. 1
I n 1542, as already stated, himself to the uttermost of this unexpected oppor¬
he published in L a t i n the arguments he had tunity which seemed to be opening for carrying
used in his disputation w i t h Stokesley, Bishop forward the work of the Reformation in the land
of London, on the authority of the W o r d of God, which was still dear to h i m . But before he had
and against the doctrine of the seven sacraments, fully made up his mind to follow this course,
both confirming his former arguments as to the he fortunately heard that the fickle regent had
rights of the Christian laity, and maintaining the already begun to change his policy, and that
supremacy of Scripture over tradition. He had though the privilege of freely reading the Scrip¬
previously published his inaugural dissertation in tures in the vernacular, for which he had so
the University of Frankfort, ' De restituendis earnestly contended, was legally secured, the
scholis,' in which he advocated at length the triumph of the Reformation was by no means
great need for university training for the ministers so near at hand as at first he had been led to
of the protestant churches, and gave a detailed suppose. Shortly after this, roused by the tid¬
account of his own opinions, which he affirmed ings of fresh persecutions which had reached h i m
were then in full accord w i t h those of the from Scotland, and especially by the account
Lutheran churches. I n 1543, probably before he of the cruel executions of the humble martyrs
was fully settled at Leipsic, i t is said that on of Perth by the cardinal and his party on St
Paul's day, 1543-44, Alesius on 23rd April wrote
1
On the former of which occasions he inscribed the following
paragraph in the matriculation book of the university: "Anno
to Melanchthon i n the following terms :—
M D L V , die 23 Aprilis, qui Divo Georgio sacer est, et quo existimo " Three days ago there were here several
me natum esse, supputatis retro L V annis, ego Alexander Alesius,
gente Scotus, Patriâ Edinburgensis, atavis consulibus, qui duobus
countrymen of mine, who declare that the
regibus, Jacobo Quinto, et Henrico Octavo, et quatuor electoribus, cardinal rules all things at his pleasure in
Johann! Friderico, Mauricio et Augusto, Ducibus Saxoniae, et Scotland, and governs the governor himself.
Joachimo Electori Brandeburgensi inservivi, invitus suscepi offi-
cium rectoris universitatis scholae in inclytâ urbe Lipsiâ." I n the town of St Johnston he hung up four

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274 Alesius.
He pleads for National Union. 275
respectable citizens, for no other cause than
> Before the expiry of that year Alesius addressed
because they had requested a monk, in the
to the chief nobles, prelates, barons, and to
middle of his sermon, not to depart in his
the whole people of Scotland, his Cohortatio
doctrine from the sacred text, and not to mix
; ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrinse Christians
up notions of his own w i t h the words of Christ.
defensionem. This piece, D r Lorimer tells us,
Along with these a most respectable matron,
" i s instinct throughout w i t h the spirit of true
carrying a sucking child in her arms, was haled
Christian patriotism, as well as with genuine
before the tribunal and condemned to death by
' evangelical earnestness and fervour. Lamenting
drowning. They report that the constancy of
the distractions of the kingdom by opposing
the woman was such that, when her husband
political factions — the French faction and the
was led to the scaffold and mounted the ladder,
English — he [like the author of the Complaynt
she followed and mounted along w i t h h i m , and
of Scotland a few years later] implores his
entreated to be allowed to hang from the same
‫ן‬ countrymen to lay aside these divisions, and
beam. She encouraged him to be of good 1
demonstrates by many examples from classical
cheer, for in a few hours, said she, I shall
history the dangers of national disunion, and
be w i t h Christ along w i t h you. They declare
the duty of patriotic concord in defence of the
also that the governor was inclined to liberate
safety and honour of their common country.
them, but that the cardinal suborned the nobles
His expostulations against the oppression and
to threaten that they would leave h i m i f the
cruelty of the bishops, and his allusions to the
condemned were not put to death. W h e n the
martyrs who had suffered in the cause of truth,
cardinal arrived w i t h his army at Dundee,
are full of interest ; and his digression, in par-
from which the monks had been expelled, all
J ticular, upon the character and martyrdom of
the citizens took to flight; and when he saw
Patrick H a m i l t o n , is a noble burst of eloquence
the town quite deserted he laughed, and re¬
and pathos. W h e n he exhorts to national
marked that he had expected to find i t full of
, 1
union he means union i n the t r u t h — union in
Lutherans. ‫י‬
the one great work of purifying religion and
1
Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 112, 113. [The
reforming the corruptions of the church of God.
Perth martyrs are noticed above, pp. 53, 54. See also Laing's W h a t urgent need there was of such a work
Knox, i. 117, 118, 523-526.]
he demonstrates at much length, and w i t h

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276 Alesius. He repels the Cry of Innovation. 277

great freedom and faithfulness. Unless the persecuted as much as i f they had been them¬
church of Christ be reformed i t must perish selves the cause of a l l . " W i t h equal vigour he
from the earth, and those are its worst repels the cry of innovation raised against the
enemies, not its real friends, who oppose reformers and their teaching. Their work was
such indispensable r e f o r m . " 1
" Everywhere/' rather an honest attempt at restoration. W h a t
he says, " we see the church driven forward they sought, he said, " was just such a change
to such reform. Ask even those who are most as would take place i n the manners of an age
solicitous for its welfare, and they w i l l tell you if the gravity, modesty, and frugality of ancient
that the church can no longer be safe or free times were to take the place of levity, lewdness,
from troubles unless i t be strengthened by the luxury, and other vices. Such a change might
removal of abuses. I f this, then, is a measure be termed the introduction of what was novel,
of absolute necessity unless we would see the but in fact i t was only the reintroduction of
whole church go to ruin ; i f all men confess what was old and primitive. L e t us," he ex¬
that this should be done, i f facts themselves claims, " have innovation everywhere i f only we
call w i t h a loud voice that some care should can get the true for the false, seriousness for
be taken to relieve the labouring [bark of the] levity, and solid realities for empty dreams."
church, to purify her depraved doctrine, and " I t is no new doctrine we bring, but the most
to reform her whole administration, — why, I ancient, nay rather the eternal truth, for i t
demand, are those maligned and vilified who proclaims that Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
discover and point out the church's faults and came into the world to save sinners, and that
failings ? The proper remedies could not pos¬ we are saved by faith in H i m . O f H i m even
sibly have been applied t i l l the disease was Moses wrote, and to H i m give all the prophets
known ; and yet the men who point i t out, witness, that whosoever believeth i n H i m shall
warn of its virulence and danger, and wish to receive remission of sins. This is the old doc¬
alleviate or entirely remove i t , are hated and trine which runs through all the ages. Those
1
which are really new are the doctrines which
Lorimer's Scottish Reformation, i860, pp. 115, 116. [The
quotations from the Cohortatio which follow agree substantially have obscured or contaminated i t , brought in
with those given by Dr Lorimcr, but many of the variations in by those entrusted w i t h the care of the vine¬
the phraseology show that Dr Mitchell had the original as well
yard of the L o r d , and who, like the keepers
as Lorimer's translation before him when he wrote.]

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278 A lesius. Appreciation of his Services. 279

of the vineyard in the Gospel parable, have His life, especially after the close of the Schmal-
maltreated and slain many of the Lord's kaldic war, seems to have passed tranquilly and
messengers." happily at the great Lutheran University of Leip-
This was the last service, so far as we know, sic. He was loved and honoured by his col¬
which Alesius was able to render to the cause leagues and by his prince, and, as I have already
of the Reformation in his native land, and i t did hinted, he was the bosom friend and unremitting
not fail in due time to produce abundant and correspondent of Melanchthon. As his services
lasting fruit. As Major before h i m , so Knox after had been called into requisition by the Preceptor
him, strenuously contended for union of Scots¬ Germanias at the colloquies of W o r m s and Re¬
men among themselves ; and after that, but only gensburg, so were they sought and got at the
after that, for a league w i t h England rather ^ colloquy of Saxon theologians for the preparation
than w i t h France. They laboured, and others of the Leipsic Interim in 1548, at that of Naum¬
entered into their labours, and, proceeding on the burg in 1554, at that of Nuremberg in 1555, and
same lines on which they had worked, at last that of Dresden in 1561. " I n all these"—the
brought the conflict to a triumphant issue. Tid¬ Leipsic professor, who on the occasion of the first
ings of their success filled Alesius w i t h j o y i n the centenary of his second rectorship pronounced
land of his exile. Even these, however, failed in an oration on h i m , affirms that—" he so conducted
his old age to tempt h i m back to the home of his himself that no one could charge him with want
youth, or the scene of those early struggles which of perseverance i n building up the truth, or of
were so deeply engraven on his memory and judiciousness i n examining the errors of others,
heart. And, so far as we know, he received no or of faithfulness and dexterity i n the counsels he
call to return from those who were then at the gave." M'Kenzie, who has inserted a sketch of
head of affairs in Scotland, though unquestionably his career in his ' Lives of Eminent Scotsmen,'
he was more deeply read in theology than any assures us that i n the conference of Naumburg
one of them, and though, as unquestionably, the he acquitted himself to the admiration of the
faculty of divinity was for several years but whole assembly, for which he is highly com¬
poorly supplied i n the universities of Scotland, mended by Camerarius i n his ' Life of Melanch-
and preachers of ability, culture, and learning t h o n ' ; and further, that i n the year 1555 the
were very rare in the land. disciples of Andrew Oslander having raised great

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2 8 0
Alesius. His Death. 281

dissensions in the city of Nuremberg respecting letter of Alesius to Melanchthon, recently un¬
the doctrine of justification, Melanchthon made earthed, and inviting h i m and other friends in
1
choice of Alesius as the fittest person to appease Wittenberg to the wedding.
them by his wisdom and learning, and that his Alesius himself died on the 17th March 1565,
management answered Melanchthon's expecta¬ and was buried at Leipsic ; but no stone was
tions, though Alesius himself had previously taken raised, or, i f raised, now remains, to tell where
a side in the controversy. I n the Majoristic con¬ his ashes repose. I n all probability it was in
troversy, Alesius, like Melanchthon, so far sided his son's grave, in the church of St Paul,
w i t h Major as to maintain against the extreme in the city of Leipsic, that his ashes were laid
Lutherans the necessity of good works, not to to rest. The only monuments to his memory
justification, but to final salvation; and in 1560 reared at the time and still existing are those
he seems to have discussed this question i n one furnished by our own John Johnston — second
of his so-called dispntationes. master of St Mary's College, and colleague of
W i t h respect to his private life, we are told by Andrew Melville — in his L a t i n poems on the
Thomasius that he had by his English wife one Scottish martyrs and confessors, and entitled
son, whose name was Caspar, and who died while Îlept Χτβφανων, and by Beza in his ' Icones.'
still a youth, and had a monument erected by his Johnston, joining together Macchabaeus and A l -
father to his memory, bearing the simple inscrip¬ esius, says :—
tion, "Caspari. Filiolo. Alexander. Alesius. Doc¬ " Sors eadem exilii nobis, vitaeque laborumque,
tor. Lugens. Posuit." He had at least two E x quo nos Christi conciliavit amor.
Una salus amborum, unum et commune periclum ;
daughters. One named Christina, Thomasius tells
Pertulimus pariter praestite cuncta Deo.
us, was married to a German bearing the classical Dania te coluit Me Lipsia culta docentem.
name Marcus Scipio : she outlived her husband, Audiit, et sacros hausit ab ore sonus." 2

and died in 1604, in the fifty-ninth year of her


Beza says, " He was a man dear to all the learned,
age. The name of the other daughter does not
\ who would have been a distinguished ornament
seem to have been known to Thomasius, but
of Scotland i f that country had recovered the
as he states that she was given i n marriage in
1
light of the Gospel at an earlier period ; and who,
557» we can have no doubt that she is the 1
See Appendix H.
same Anna whose wedding is referred to in a 2
M'Crie's Knox, 1855, p. 462.

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2
"2 Alesius. Deserves a Memorial. 283

when rejected by both Scotland and England, and death ought to be in Edinburgh or St
was most eagerly embraced by the evangelical Andrews. " There, in reference to the cause he
church of Saxony, and continued to be warmly advocated, no inappropriate emblem " would be
cherished and esteemed by her to the day of his ‫י‬ " a father and his child reading the same
death." The man who was held in such high sacred volume ; and, for a motto, in remembrance
esteem by the reforming Archbishops of Cologne of his position at the moment, perhaps his own
and Canterbury; who was the bosom friend of memorable quotation of the Athenian, ' Strike,
1
Melanchthon ; who was highly thought of by but hear me.' "
Luther, and warmly eulogised by Beza and 1
I Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, 1845, ii. 485. For a
Johnston, was certainly not one whose memory j list of the published writings of Alesius see Appendix I .
his countrymen should willingly let die. He was
unquestionably the most cultured, probably also
the most liberal and conciliatory, of the Scottish
theologians of the sixteenth century. He was
the first to plead publicly before the authorities
of the nation for the right of every household
and every individual to have access to the W o r d
of God in the vernacular tongue, and to impress
on parents the sacred duty of sedulously inculcat¬
ing its teaching on their children, and therefore,
as Christopher Anderson has said, " t h e man who
struck the first note in giving a tone to that I
I
character," for which his native country has since
been known, and often since commended, as Bible-
loving Scotland. H a d his countrymen not so
long lost sight of him, perhaps some stone of
remembrance might have been found to his
memory in Germany ; but surely, though he was
so long an exile, the chief memorial of his birth

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‫ז‬
t

APPENDIX A (p. 19).

T H E P/EDAGOGIUM, OR S T MARY'S COLLEGE,


1
ST ANDREWS.

ST MARY'S COLLEGE, if in one sense the youngest, is in


another sense the oldest, college within the University. It
occupies the earliest site of the University, and gathers up
into itself not only the old Pädagogium, but also a still older
college. In January 1418 . . . a certain Robertus de Monte
Rosarum mortified a site on the south side of South Street,
with the buildings thereon, as a college for the study of
theology and arts. This was the strip of ground on which
the eastern portion of the Library, as well as the new south
wing, now stands, but on which, in the oldest bird's-eye view
of the city, a sort of collegiate building is represented as
standing. That was undoubtedly the College, or Hall, or
" Inns" of St John, to which repeated reference is made in
the oldest manuscript records of the University. It had
probably a lecture-room, rooms for the students to lodge in,
and a chapel also, dedicated to St John the Evangelist, in
which daily service was maintained, but, so far as we now
know, it was very poorly endowed.
In 1430 Bishop Wardlaw, the illustrious founder of the
University, mortified as a site for a Pädagogium or common
1
[This is taken from a paper on " St Mary's College," contributed by
Dr Mitchell to the " Student's Handbook to the University of St
Andrews," 1895, pp. 12-15.]

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)
286 Appendix Α. The Pœdagogium. 287

school for the faculty of arts the strip of land and buildings teinds of the church of Tannadice, in Forfarshire, and of the
thereon immediately to the west of St John's College—the wealthier church of Tyninghame, in East Lothian, to the old
frontage now covered by the western portion of the Library, foundation, and erecting it into a privileged college under the
the porch of St Mary's College, and the Principal's house. title of the Blessed Mary of the Assumption. In this college,
After the erection and endowment of St Salvator's College ‫י‬ medicine, law, and theology, as well as arts, were henceforth
by Bishop Kennedy, and of St Leonard's College by Prior to be taught, and the privilege was granted to it of conferring
Hepburn, the attendance on the Pädagogium, which was but degrees in all lawful faculties, and of conferring them on
slenderly endowed, seems to have fallen off, and the number those who had gained their knowledge elsewhere as well as
of its regents to have been curtailed. Archbishop Alexander ^ on those who had studied within the college—in fact, making
Stewart, the favourite pupil of Erasmus, and one of the most it almost a university within the University, and conceding
accomplished of our long line of chancellors, was the first to it more extensive powers than were conceded to many
who formed the purpose of enlarging and endowing Bishop universities. His first work was to replace the decaying
Wardlaw's foundation, but his life was prematurely brought buildings of the Pœdagogium by others more massive and
to a close on the fatal field of Flodden. His successor, commodious. That work was far from finished at the time
Andrew Forman, appears to have taken no interest in the of his death, and having been intermitted by his successor
work on which Stewart had set his heart. But James [the cardinal], was only completed by Archbishop Hamilton,
Betoun, who came next in succession, acted a nobler part. I who, with papal sanction, reconstituted the college and added
He brought with him from Glasgow John Major—the one to its endowments.
great schoolman of whom Scotland in the sixteenth century Early, however, in 1538, the first staff of teachers entered
u
could boast, who had upheld the reputation of his country in on their work as a college organised and equipped tit
the University of Paris as an able and successful teacher of ' militans Dei ecclesia indies abundet viris litterarum scientiâ
the philosophy and theology of the day. Major and Patrick j prœditis" and few institutions through a long and eventful
Hamilton—the one the representative of the old, the other of history have more illustriously fulfilled this object, though in
the new learning—were incorporated into the University of another sense than its founders meant, and handed on the
St Andrews on the same day (9th June 1523); and, for at torch of sacred learning from generation to generation.
least two years, the former presided over the Pœdagogium, Bannerman, who succeeded Major, had the honour of
and probably lectured both on philosophy and theology. In reorganising the old institution and starting it on its new
1525-26 he returned to Paris, partly that he might publish ! career. Archibald Hay, who came next, was the child of
there his commentaries on the Gospels, and partly that he • the Renaissance, and more in earnest about religion than
might act again as a teacher in that wider sphere ; but a few many of that school ; and, had his life been spared, and the
years later, on a vacancy occurring in the principality of St cardinal given heed to his counsels, the old Church might
Salvator's College, he returned to St Andrews, and continued \ have been able to make a better fight for privilege or for life
in that more lucrative charge till his death. in the struggle which ensued. John Douglas, his successor,
It was mainly in his last years, however, that James Betoun bridged the passage from the old to the new without any
set himself in right earnest to complete the work which violent break, probably taking part with Wynram in the
Archbishop Stewart had begun. At his solicitation Pope composition of Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism, as he did
Paul I I I . , on 12th February 1537, issued a bull annexing the afterwards in the preparation of the Reformed Confession of

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288 Appendix Α. Citatio Patricii Hamilton. 289
Faith and the First Book of Discipline. H e was a man of for their pupils, and secured in an unusual degree their
the ancient academic type, content to live in single blessed¬ reverence and affection. Both ultimately lost the favour of
ness, to treat his pupils, who also lived in college, with the the king ; and Melville, after being cruelly used in London,
familiarity and affection of a father. He had the honour of had to spend his declining years in the French Protestant
training the youthful Andrew Melville, and perhaps it was University of Sedan.
with some presentiment of his future eminence that, as he
held the precocious youth between his knees at the college
fire, he fondly said, " My sillie fatherless and motherless
chyld, it is ill to wit what God may mak of thee yit."
God watched over that weakly youth, and prospered his APPENDIX Β (p. 30).
studies at Paris, Poictiers, and Geneva, so that with a mind
stored with all the learning of his time, he returned to his CITATIO PATRICII HAMILTON
native land to complete the reformation of its universities, and Ε F 0 R M U L A R I V E T E R E A N D R E A N O .
to delight successive generations of students by his stores of
learning and wit, and by his accessibility and generosity. It Citatio super suspecto de hercsi ad faciendwn purgationem
was to meet his ideas of what a theological school should alias ad videndum [ipsu?n‫ \־‬hereticum declarari.
be that the college was set apart "allenarly" for the study
of theology, and furnished with professors of the Old and the JACOBUS etc., Decano Christianitatis nostre de L[audonia]
New Testament, who were to "expone" the various books of Universisque et singulis aliis Dominis rectoribus, vicariis
Scripture as well as to read them in the original, comparing perpetuis, capellanis curatis et non curatis per provinciam
the Hebrew of the Old Testament with the Septuagint and nostram S[ti Andrée] ubilibet constitutis, Illique vel illis ad
the Chaldee paraphrases, and the Greek of the New Testa¬ quern vel ad quos présentes litere pervenerint, Salutem cum
ment with the old Syriac translation, while the principal was benedictione divina : Quia per fidelem inquisitionem aliter
to teach the loci communes or the systematic theology of the de mandato nostra legitime receptam compertum extitit
age. The first assistants in the "wark of theology" were quendam Magistrum P[atricium] H[amilton] de heresi mul-
Mr John Robertson, who acted as professor Novi Testament!, tiplici suspectum, quem citandum et desuper accusandum
and his own nephew, James Melville, who taught Hebrew antea decrevimus, sed medio tempore relictâ patriâ ad alia
and the Old Testament, and to whom we owe that graphic et extera se transtulit loca, nuper autem vagante fama ad
diary which gives us several interesting glimpses of college aures nostras clamorosa insinuatione pervenit Ipsum nuper-
life in those early days. T o John Robertson succeeded Mr rime in patriam reversum et quod primo statim adventu
John Johnston, author of Latin poems in praise of our non débite missus nec prerogativis aut privilegiis debitis
reformers and martyrs, and of Latin verses descriptive of munitus, sed propria auctoritate et temerariâ presumptione,
the line of our Scottish kings. predicationis officium de heresi ei designata acceptare ausus
Melville was by no means an illiberal theologian, and est, et suas hereticas pravitates et perversas Martini Lutheri
he and Johnston wrote to the Protestant churches of France heretici alias ab ecclesia damnati et suorum fautorum ac
urging moderation on them in controversies which were then sequacium opiniones promulgare, docens seminansve et
being discussed with great bitterness. Both lived with and pertinaciter affirmans, ac populum Christianum de eisdem

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2QO Appendix Β. Citatio Patricii Hamilton. 291

instruere non erubescit, indeque simplices et illiteratos Ν proxime futuris, h o r â d e c i m â antemeridiana vel eo circa,
hujus regni Christi fidèles qui i n se et progenitoribus per ad respondendum nobis ex officio de et super suis per-
tanta temporis curricula, spatio viz. mille et trecentorum tinaciter dictis, affirmatis, predicatis, divulgatis, tentis et
annorum et ultra i n ecclesiâ Dei constantissime militaverunt, disputatis contra nostram orthodoxam fidem et sanctam
a vera nostra o r t h o d o x â fide et catholica ecclesia seducere, ecclesiam catholicam ; et propterea ad videndum et
et quantum i n eo est pervertere nititur et proponit, dicendo audiendum ipsum hereticum declarari, et p e n â c o n d i g n â
predicando et temerario ausu inter alia palam et publice a canonibus propterea lata et i m p e r a t â puniendum fore et
affirmando :— puniri debere ; superque a d h e r e n t i â et favoribus prestitis
Legibus, canonibus, patrum sanctionibus et decretis, peregrinis opinionibus et pravitatibus dicti M a r t i n i Lutheri,
humanis quoque constitutionibus non esse obtemperandum ; heretic! ab ecclesiâ damnati, et suorum sequacium ; ac aliis
Claves et censuras ecclesie contempnendas, nec sacramentis interrogandis similiter reddendis, et tanquam heretice pra-
ejusdem fidendum, Templa non esse frequentanda, nec vitatis fautorem et male de fide sentientem accusandum fore
ymagines adorandas, pro defunctorutn animabus non esse et accusari ac condempnari debere. Testimonia quoque et
exorandum ; nec d é c i m a s Deo et ecclesie solvendas ; pro probationes, si necesse fuerit, desuper recipi, j u r a r i , et
admitti ; ac in premissis omnibus et singulis summarie et
bonis operibus nullum fore salutis premium nec pro malis
de piano sine strepitu et figura judicii prout juris fuerit
cruciatum ; Nostras progenitores i n ecclesia Dei et ejusdem
procedendum fore et procedi debere ; V e l ad allegandum
sacramentis fidentes i n m a l â et iniquâ fide esse mortuos et
causam rationabilem quare premissa fieri non deberent ;
in inferno sepultos :—
Cum intimatione débita, ut moris est, intimamus eidem
Aliaque dictu et recitatu saltern inter Christianos et
quod sive dictis die et loco comparere curaverit sive non
fidèles horrenda et nephanda p r é d i c a t docet et affirmât in
comparuerit Nos nihilominus i n premissis omnibus et
Dei viventis claviumque ecclesie ac nostre fidei orthodoxe
singulis procedere volumus et intendimus justitiâ mediante ;
contemptum, regni et reipublice ejusdem damnum scan¬
Imprimis absentia seu c o n t u m a c i â i n aliquo non obstante ;
dalum et, digna D e i ultione, si premissis favere incipiat,
et ne periculum sit in mora, et ut interim hujus hereses i n
sperandam ruinam, animabusque perpetrantium gravissi-
hoc regno hucusque ab omni tali labe et hereticâ peste per
mum periculum nisi remedio succurratur oportuno : I n
tanta temporis spatia sano, et post Christi Salvatoris sus-
quibus omnibus et singulis idem Magister P. communi
•ceptam fidem inviolabiliter preservato, non oriantur nec per
voce et famâ ex publica et notoria ejusdem predicatione
Christi fidèles audiantur, vobis omnibus et singulis supra-
orta de heresi suspectus reputatur, habetur et divulgatur.
•dictis, modo et forma premissis precipimus et mandamus,
Consilio igitur desuper recepto ipsum citandum et de pre-
quatenus auctoritate nostra inhibentes omnibus et singulis
missis experiendum decrevimus : Quare vobis et vestrum Christi fidelibus cujuscunque dignitatis, status, gradus,
cuilibet nos precipimus et mandamus, quatenus citetis ordinis aut conditionis existant, ne dicto Magistro P. sie
legitime dictum Magistrum P. H . primo, secundo, tertio et ut premittitur, de heresi suspecto, favorem, assistentiam,
peremptorie etc. quod compareat personaliter coram [nobis] societatem, colloquium seu gratam audientiam praebeant ;
nostrisque consulibus Dnis Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, nec i n suis temerariis et insolentibus predicationibus dis-
sacrarum literarum Professoribus, et Religiosis, aliisque putationibus seu conventiclis publice vel occulte quovis
nobis pro tempore assistentibus, i n ecclesiâ nostra Metro- <quesito colore ypl ingenip conveniant seu presentiam exhi-
u

politanâ S[ti A n d r é e ] regni Scotie primatiali, die Ν mensis

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292 Appendix C. Cardinal Betoun's Incontinence. 293
béant ; sed sibi et suis saltern de premissis fautoribus resis-
On p. 482 are the words : " Pro certa summa pecunie et
tere studeant, resistentiamque faciant et procurent ; ab illo
aliis causis assedat pro toto tempore vite Mariote Ogylwy
quoque edendo, bibendo aut communicando in premissis
subtenentibus coadjutoribus et assignatis," &c. Mr M'Bain
abstineant, donec de heresi et infamia desuper ortâ
adds : " It is not known by whom Ethie House was built,
purgetur, et eundem vitent sub penâ excommunicationis
but it was [one of the mansions belonging to the abbey and]
majoris ; Quam contrarium facientes incurrere volumus et
a favourite residence of David Beaton and Marion Ogilvie,
decernimus ipso facto. E t quos vos, etc. Datum, etc.
his mistress. . . . After Beaton's death a natural daughter
of his by Marion Ogilvie laid claim to the furniture in Ethie
House, if not to the house itself. . . . But Ethie was not the
only place in the neighbourhood occupied by David Beaton
and Marion Ogilvie. In 1542 he acquired the barony of
Melgund, and erected the castle in which he and his mistress
APPENDIX C (p. 46).
and their children resided. The Beaton and the Ogilvie
arms are still to be seen in one of the rooms. The initials
CARDINAL BETOUN'S INCONTINENCE.
' D . B . ' are over one window, and ' M . O . ' over the other;
while on the corbal of the stair leading to this room are the
" W H I L E. . . he was possessed," Mr M'Bain tells us, "of
Ogilvie arms, and the initials 'M.O.' . . . David Beaton
eminent qualities, he led, in many respects, anything but a
settled the property of Melgund on his mistress in liferent,
moral life. His favourite mistress was Marion Ogilvie,
and on his eldest son David in fee" (Eminent Arbroathians,
daughter of Sir James, afterwards Lord, Ogilvie of Airlie,
PP• 3 8 3 9 ‫· ) ־‬
to whom [as Abbot of Arbroath] he granted a liferent lease
[According to D r Joseph Robertson, " Cardinal Beaton
of the lands of Burnton of Ethie, and other lands near the
had five bastards" ('Concilia Scotiae,' ii. 302). There is
place, for a small sum of money and other causes. This was
record evidence, however, to show that he had at least
on the 22nd of May 1528. On the 20th of July 1530, he
seven. On the 4th of November 1539, three of his sons
granted her a liferent lease of the Kirkton of St Vigeans,
were legitimated in the following terms : " Rex dedit literas
with the muir-fauld and the toft of St Vigeans, and a piece
legitimationis Jacobo Betoun, Alexandra Betoun et Johanni
of common land lying to the south of the church. On 17th
Betoun, bastardis, filiis naturalibus Davidis archiepiscopis
February 1533-34, she obtained a nineteen years' lease of
S. Andrée, &c." (Register of Great Seal, iii. No. 2037).
the eighth part of the lands of Auchmithie [lying to the
H e had also a son David (Ibid., No. 1931), and three
north-east of Ethie], with the brew-house there, and the
daughters, Elizabeth (Ibid., Nos. 1274, 2330), Margaret, and
lands belonging to it, and on 10th March 1534[‫־‬35] there
Agnes (Ibid., iv. Nos. 1353, 2740; 'Liber Officialis Sancti
is the record of a feu to her of a piece of land in the
Andrée,' Abbotsford Club, p. 158).]
' Sandpots,' for the construction of a toral or ustrina lying
' beyond and near the red wall of the monastery commonly
so called'" (Eminent Arbroathians, 1897, pp. 37, 38). F o r
these facts Mr M'Bain has the authority of the ' Registrum
de Aberbjrothoc,' Bannatyne Club, ii. 482, 500, 519, 521.

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Tlieologiccil Opinions of Alesius. 295
294 Appendix D.

APPENDIX Ε (p. 260).


APPENDIX D (p. 124).
T H E T H E O L O G I C A L A N D ECCLESIASTICAL OPINIONS
CONDITIONS ON W H I C H T H E USE OF T H E CHURCH O FT H E

WHITE LADIES AT FRANKFORT WAS GRANTED TO T H E


OF ALESIUS.
ENGLISH EXILES.
(From the ' Responsio ad Cochlei Catvmmas.')
" N U N war bey Ankunft der E n g e l l ä n d e r eine Kirche i n
Frankfurt, die einigen französischen Protestanten zum " W I T H all his scribbling, he [i.e., Cochlaeus] has never yet,

Gebrauch e i n g e r ä u m t war, welche nun auch zum Behuf so far as I know, disclosed what are his own opinions about
der E n g e l l ä n d e r i n Vorschlag gebracht, und am 14 Julii Christian doctrine ; and therefore his empty and scurrilous
ihnen wirklich angewiesen wurde. D o c h machte der Rath treatises miss their mark, and are justly held in derision by
gewisse Ordnungen, und suchte die Sache also einzurichten, learned men. . . . But I , renowned monarch, that you may
das allerlei Disputen, die etwa entstehen m ö g t e n , der W e g know that my alliance is w i t h the Church of Christ and not
verlaget wurde. Die vornehmsten waren diese : (a) dass with any other factions, do not refuse before you and other
die E n g e l l ä n d e r u n d Franzosen einerley Lehre und Cere- good men to give a simple and clear account of my faith as
I formerly wrote to you, for I believe the prophetical and
monien führen sollten ; Daher sollten jene (b) der Franzosen
apostolical Scriptures, and embrace the consensus of the
G l a u b e n s b e k ä n t n i s s , das diese N . B . dem R a t h überreichet
holy fathers whom the Church approves. I also reverence
hatten, unterschreiben, (c) Liessen sich die E n g e l l ä n d e r
the ecclesiastical authority, being one who, especially i n
gefallen, dass das V o l k bey dem gemeinen Gebet das
doubtful matters, w i l l obey and follow its decisions. Does
Amen nicht mehr laut sagen sollte, wie sonst i n der Kirche
Cochlaeus ask anything further? I myself will add, I
von Engelland üblich ist. (d) Dass die Prediger das weisse
approve of nothing seditious. W i t h my whole heart and
Chorhemde, nebst vielen andern in Engelland eingeführten
soul I abhor the ravings of the Anabaptists. N o new
Ceremonien abschaffen sollten, als welche den Einwohnern,
doctrine, unsupported by the testimony of the ancient
die solcher Dinge ungewohnt wären, einstossig seyn k ö n n t e n .
Church, is acceptable to me. Further still, as I do not
U n d was der gleichen U m s t ä n d e mehr waren, welche die
undertake the defence of Luther, so, on the other hand,
E n g e l l ä n d e r , um desto eher zum Stande zu kommen, frei¬
I do not approve of all the dreams of the monks which
w i l l i g eingiengen."—J. H i l d e b r a n d Withof, ' Vertheidigung
have been received, not only contrary to the decision of the
der. . . . Nachricht wie es m i t V. Pollane erstem Reform-
Scripture, but also to the authority of the ancient church.
irten Prediger zu Frankfurt-am-Mayn . . . zugegangen,'
Moreover, I cannot approve of the cruelty which is every¬
1753, folio.
where being practised against those who, following the
judgment of Scripture and of the fathers, reject or censure
any manifest abuse or error that in the course of time may
have crept into the Church. Such is my faith, Ο Cochlaeus,
use it i f you are pleased with it ; i f not, show me a better.

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296 Appendix Ε. Dream of Alesius concerning Anne Boleyn. 297

I f the unjust punishments inflicted on the truly pious afford j into one body. N o r do I doubt that good men on both
you pleasure, you are not only a miserable, but a con¬ I sides are so disposed that they would not only willingly
temptible wretch. I neither can nor w i l l ever knowingly ! proffer their opinions, but also yield their individual con¬
burden or pollute my conscience by approving of these . viciions i f they should hear more weighty reasons from the
parricides. I saw i n my own country the punishment of t other side. For i t is tyrannical, and specially unbecoming
one, born in a most honourable station, and innocent of in a theologian, to do that which the son reproves in the
any serious crime, Patrick [ H a m i l t o n ] . I saw burned at tyrant, his father, i n the tragedy. . H e wishes, the son says,
Cologne two men of pious and orthodox sentiments, and to speak but to hear nothing i n reply. A t present the good
most averse to the fanatical opinions of the Anabaptists. men who are most desirous to provide some remedy for
Nor can I express i n words how deeply I was grieved by ‫׳‬j public evils keep silence, and secretly bewail the fate of the
these mournful spectacles. A n d I did not grieve only over Church, not only alarmed by fear of those i n power, but
the fate of those who were punished, i n whom because, as ‫י‬ crushed by a sort of despair in this so great madness of
the poet says, ' grace shone through their very anguish,' slanderers, who have become so domineering that they
their singular bravery and constancy brought some allevia¬ would suffer no one but themselves to gain a hearing."
tion to my grief ; but much more d i d I grieve over the fate
of the Church, which is disordered in many ways, and
likely yet to be more so, by the practice of such cruelty.
Finally, there is no doubt that the State will, in God's
appointed time, have to suffer heaviest punishment for
its guilt in permitting such parricides ; yet I do not im¬ [APPENDIX F ( p . 267).
pugn the laws as to the punishment of heretics, i f only ).
there is due cognition of each case, and care is taken THE D R E A M OR V I S I O N OF ALESIUS CONCERNING
that those who are really innocent of perverting the true I T H E D E C A P I T A T I O N OF A N N E BOLEYN.
Christian faith may not be punished."
Then follows a paragraph of great importance in itself, I T A K E to witness Christ, who shall judge the quick and the
and of almost as much from the light it casts on its author's dead, that I am about to speak the truth. On the day upon
state of mind, and, perhaps, also on Melanchthon's, at that which the Queen was beheaded, at sunrise between two and
particular time :— ! three o'clock, there was revealed to me (whether I was
" I myself also desire moderation i n certain things on the asleep or awake I know not) the Queen's neck after her I
part of the Lutherans, and reasonableness. T o this they head had been cut off, and this so plainly that I could count \
may be recalled i f the matters in dispute are duly examined the nerves, the veins, and the arteries. \
into. I t is the duty of the bishops to do their utmost that ! Terrified by this dream, or vision, I immediately arose,
learned men of either side should lovingly confer together ! and, crossing the river Thames, I came to Lambeth (this is
on Christian doctrine, that some one certain form of doctrine, the name of the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace), and I
founded only upon the W o r d of God and the teaching of entered the garden i n which he was walking.
the primitive fathers, should be framed ; and i f this were , W h e n the archbishop saw me, he inquired why I had
done, the Church might easily be brought to coalesce again come so early, for the clock had not yet struck four. I

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298 Appendix G. The Departure of Alesius from England. 299
answered that I had been horrified in my sleep, and I told sent L o r d Pachet [i.e. Paget] from Lambeth to me at London.
h i m the whole occurrence. H e continued in silent wonder . . . H e directed me to call upon the archbishop early in
for a while, and at length broke out into these words, " D o the morning. W h e n I called upon him, " Happy man that
not you know what is to happen to-day?" and when I you are," said he, " you can escape ! I wish that I might
answered that I had remained at home since the date of do the same ; truly my see would be no hindrance to me.
the Queen's imprisonment, and knew nothing of what was You must make haste to escape before the island is blocked
going on, the archbishop then raised his eyes to heaven up, unless you are w i l l i n g to sign the decree, as I have,
and said, " She who has been the Queen of England upon compelled by fear. I repent of what I have done. A n d i f
earth will to-day become a queen in heaven.'' So great was I had known that my only punishment would have been
his grief that he could say nothing more, and then he burst deposition from the archbishopric (as I hear that m y L o r d
into tears. Latimer is deposed), of a t r u t h I would not have subscribed.
Terrified at this announcement, I return[ed] to London I am grieved, however, that you have been deprived of your
1
sorrowing. Although my lodging was not far distant from salary for three years by C r u m w e l l ; that you have no funds
the place of execution, yet I could not become an eye¬ for your travelling expenses, and that I have no ready
witness to the butchery of such an illustrious lady, and of money. N o r dare I mention this to my friends, lest the
the exalted personages who were beheaded along with her. k i n g should become aware that warning had been given
—(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i . 528).] by me for you to escape, and that I have provided you w i t h
the means of travelling. I give you, however, this ring as
a token of my friendship. I t once belonged to Thomas
Wolsey, and it was presented to me by the king when he
gave me the archbishopric."

[APPENDIX G (p. 269). W h e n I heard what the bishop had to say, I immediately
caused my property to be sold, and I concealed myself in
THE DEPARTURE OF ALESIUS FROM ENGLAND. the house of a German sailor until the ship was ready, in
which I embarked, dressed as a soldier, along with other
A s soon as the k i n g [i.e., H e n r y V I I I . ] began to hate her German troops, that I m i g h t not be detected. W h e n I
[i.e., Anne Boleyn], laws hostile to the purer doctrine of the had escaped a company of searchers, I wrote to Crumwell
Gospel appeared. W h e n I could not bear these with a (although he had not behaved well towards me) and warned
good conscience, nor could my profession allow me to dis¬ him of the danger in which he stood at that time, and about
semble them (for I was filling the office of the ordinary certain other matters. For this I can vouch the testimony
reader in the celebrated University of Cambridge by the of John Ales, Gregory, and the Secretary, and Pachet him-
king's orders), I came to the Court, and asked for m y dis¬
missal by means of Crumwell. But he retained me for 1
[In Crumwell's accounts there are payments of £ζ to Alesius on
about three years w i t h empty hopes, until it was decreed each of the following dates : 4th January 1536-37, 28th March, 28th
and confirmed by law that married priests should be separ¬ May, and 24th October 1537 ; of 10 merks, on 19th February 1537-38 ;
and of £ζ, on 13th October 1538, to Ric. Morison, which he gave "by
ated from their wives and punished at the king's pleasure.
my lord's command" to Alesius (Letters and State Papers, Henry
But before this law was published, the Bishop of Canterbury V I I I . , vol. xiv. part ii. 328-338).]

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30ο Appendix Η. The Works of Alesius. 301

self. But Christopher Mount said that Crumwell d i d not nuptiarum ultimus Augusti, circa quod tempus vos ad collo¬
dare to speak to me when I was going away and soliciting quium profectürum (sic) spero. Peto igitur reverenter et
my dismissal, nor could he venture to give me anything, amanter, ut una cum honestissima coniuge vestra, genero,
lest he should be accused to the king, but that he would filia ac nepte nuptias vestra praesentia ornare velitis. Ex-
send the sum that he owed me into Germany. 1 istimo autem magistrum Paulum, amanuensem vestrum, una
The next intelligence, however, which I heard of h i m was venturum, sed tarnen ut eum cum uxore invitetis meis verbis
that he had undergone capital punishment by order of the ad nuptias oro. Scitis autem summum sacerdotem et ponti-
k i n g ; to whom he had written, when in prison, saying that ficem nostrum filium Dei, qui primos parentes in paradyso
he was punished by the just judgment of God, because he copulavit, et non minore magnificentia quam sapientia et
had loved the k i n g more than God ; and that out of deference potencia suam ordinationem contra sophistica et tyrannidem
diaboli et multiplicem ingratitudinem nostram défendit, ut
to his sovereign he had caused many innocent persons to
totam actionem, ita etiam invitacionem hospitum et com¬
be put to death, not sparing your [i.e., Elizabeth's] most
munia officia sua presentia et primo miraculo compro-
holy mother, nor had he obeyed her directions in promoting
basse[t] ac monstrasse[t], quantum dilectetur (sic) istis con-
the doctrine of the Gospel.—(Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth,
gressibus. Nos autem parentes et amici, sponsi et sponsae,
i• 532-534)·]
una cum eis, pro hoc officio et molestia profectionis grati-
tudinem pollicemur per omnem occasionem.
E x pago Nockau postridie Laurentii 1557.

APPENDIX H (p. 281). A L E X A N D E R ALESIUS.

ALESIUS' I N V I T A T I O N OF M E L A N C H T H O N TO H I S Adresse: Clarissimo et ornatissimo viro d. Philippo M e l -


anchthoni, suo praseeptori carissimo.
DAUGHTER'S WEDDING.

NOCKAU, 11 August 1557.


A L E X A N D E R A L E S I U S A U M E L A N C H T H O N .

S.D. Quod fœlix faustumque sit. Dilectissima filia mea


Anna, cui nomen in baptismo indidit bona; memoriie primo- APPENDIX I (p. 283).
genita vestra, desponsata est honesto iuveni Martino Luxso-
lario (nam solem etiam pro insigni habet), doctoris M a r t i n i THE W O R K S OF ALESIUS.
filio, petente i d sua matre per cognatos et affines, et suaden-
tibus communibus amicis nostris. Dictus est autem dies T H E following is a list of the published writings of Alesius,
so far as I have been able to trace them :—
1
[Alesius arrived at Wittenberg on the 9th of July 1539, and from ι. Epistola contra decretum quoddam Episcoporum in
thence informed Crumwell that he was encouraged to hope that he Scotia, 1533. [ F o r a full copy of the title see p. 259 n.
would receive a post in the University there (Letters and State Papers, N o place, date, or printer's name is given on the title-page.
Henry VIII., vol. xiv. part i. 583, 584). Melanchthon wrote to the
This small 8vo consists o f only 14 leaves. I t begins :
Elector's chancellor, on the 1st of December 1539, recommending him
for the University of Frankfort (Corpus Reformatorum, iii. 842-844).] ' Inclyto Regis Scotorum D . Iacobo Quinto Duci Albania;,

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302 Appendix I . The Works of Alesius. 303
Principi Hiberniae & Orchadum Domino suo clementissimo inclyto régi Scotorum patri meas patriae, et questus sum de
Allexander Alesius S. D . " A t the end there is the date, edicto quodam, quo episcopi prohibebant lectionem sacrorum
"Anno. M . D . X X X I I I . " I n Cooper's 'Athenae Cantabrigi- librorum lingua patria."]
enses' ( i . 239), 1542 and 1543 are given as the dates of other 7. Cohortatio ad concordiam pietatis ac doctrinee Chris-
two editions.] tianae defensionem. Lipsise, 1544.
2. Responsio ad Cochlei Calumnias, 1533. [The full title 8. [ D e Argvmento Epistolae ad Romanos Dispvtatio
i s : " A l e x a n d r i Alesii Scotti Responsio ad Cochlei Calvm- prima, pvblice proposita in celebri Academia Lipsensi, et in
nias." N o place, date, or printer's name is given.] ordinaria dispvtatione defensa, praesidente Alexandra Alesio,
3. Oratio de Gratitudine et Restituendis Scholis. Lipsias (?), sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina Valenttini
1541. [ I n the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the ' O r a t i o de Papae. anno M . D . X L V I I . This small 8vo tract of 8 leaves
Gratitudine' and the ' D e Restituendis Scholis' are entered is printed in italics.]
as separate works published in Leipsic in 1541. They may, 9. Ordo Distributionis Sacramenti Altaris in Regno
however, have been also issued as one. I n the ' Corpus Angliae. 1548. [ T h i s is a translation of ' T h e Order of
Reformatorum,' x i . 251-257, is printed the " O r a t i o de Grati- the Communion,' which has been re-printed for the Parker
tudine M . Alexandri Alesii Scoti, Decani, in promotione Society in ' T h e T w o Liturgies of E d w a r d V I . ' I n the
Magistrorum anno M . D . X X X I V . " T h e full title of the other British Museum Catal., it is mentioned that the transla¬
is : " De Restitvendis Scholis Oratio habita ab Alexdro tor's address to the reader is signed : Ά . A . S. D . Th.'—i.e.,
(sic) Alesio, in celebri Academia F r â c o f o r d i a n a ad Oderam. "Alexander Alesius, Scotus, Doctor Theologiae." See also
A n . M . D . X L . Mense Iunio. Francofordise apud Ioannem Coverdale's Remains, Parker Society, p. 525 n.]
Hanaw." The dedication ends : " Francofordiae ad Oderam 10. Epitome Catechismi D . P. Melanchthonis cui addita
calêdis Iunij. A n . M . D . X L . " There are only 19 leaves in est expositio symboli et Orationis Dominicse. 1550.
this small tract.] 11. Commentarius in Epistolam Primam Si Pauli ad
4. De Auetore et Utilitate Psalmorum. 1542. Timotheum. Lipsiae, 1550.
5. De Auctoritate Verbi Dei contra Episcopum Lunden- 12. Commentarius in Epistolam Secundam Si Pauli ad
sem. 1542. [See p. 264 n.] Timotheum. Lipsiae, 1551. [The exact title of this i s :
6. O f the Auctorite of the W o r d of God agaynst the " I n Alteram ad Timotheum Expositio. Avtore Alexandra
Bisshop of London. [ F o r a full copy of the title, see p. 268 Alesio. D . Lipsiae, excvdebat Georgivs Hantzsch anno
n. This small 8vo black-letter tract of 46 leaves bears no M.D.LI."]

place, date, or printer's name. I n the British Museum 13. Ordinatio Ecclesiae in Regno Angliae. 1551. [This
Catal., Leipsic is given as the probable place of printing, is a translation of the ' F i r s t Liturgy of Edward V I . ' As a
and 1537 as the supposed date. Perhaps the date has been translation it is somewhat adversely criticised in the ' Litur¬
inferred from the opening sentence of the t r a c t : " A b o w t gical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, pp. xxiv-
V yere agone I wrote to the noble k i n g of Scottys the father xxvii. The full title is : " Ordinatio Ecclesiae, sev Ministerii
of my contry complanning of a certen proclamacyon wherin Ecclesiastici, in Florentissimo Regno Angliae, conscripta
the bisshops had forbidden the H o l y Scripture to be redd in sermone patrio, & in Latinam linguam bona fide conuersa,
the mother tong." I t is rather curious that in the L a t i n & ad consolationem ecclesiarum Christi, ubicunque locorum
version this sentence runs t h u s ; " A n t e biennium scrips! ac gentium, his tristissimis temporibus, édita, ab Alexandra

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304 Appendix I .
The Works of Alesius. ^
Alesio Scoto sacrae theologiae doctore. Lipsiae in officina
18. Omnes Disputationes Alexandri Alesii in Epistolam
VVolfgangi Gvnteri. A n n o M . D . L I . " The copy of this 4to
b i l a u h ad Romanos. Lipsiae, 1553. [The full title is-
in the Edinburgh University L i b r a r y belonged to D r u m -
Omnes Dispvtationes D . Alexandri Alesii de tota Epistola
mond of Hawthornden. I n the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,'
ad Romanos diversis temporibvs propositae ab ipso in celebri
1619 and 1690 are given as the dates of two 8vo editions.]
Academia Lipsensi, et a mvltis doctis viris expetitae, iam
14. Commentarius in Epistolam S. Pauli ad T i t u m . tandem collectae per Georgivm Hantsch, et editae in gratiam
Lipsiae, 1552. [ T h e full title of this i s : "Epistolae ad stvdiosorvm. Cvm praefatione Philippi Melanchthonis
T i t v m Expositio, in qva pleraque tractantur per quaestiones, M.D.LIII." I n the British Museum Catal. Wittenberg is
ut à pueris facilius percipi, & retineri possint. N u l l a est entered as the supposed place of publication. I n the sale
autem sententia in tota Epistola praetermissa, quae non sit catal. of the Makellar Library there is the i t e m : "Alesius
explicata : E t de Syntaxi, & Figura sermonis, ac genuina (Alex. Scotus) D e Paulina A r g u m e n t a t i o n ^ capiti secundo
significatione dictionü passim disputatur. Praelecta Lipsiae, ad Romanos, Ideo inexcusabilis es, ο H o m o quis-quis es
ab Alexandra Alesio. D . Lipsiae, in officina typographica qui Judicus (sic), Disputatio Sexta, . . . s. 1. anno 1549."
Georgii Hantzsch. M.D.LII."] See also supra, Nos. 8 and 17.]
15. Refutatio errorum Andreae Osiandri de Justificatione.
19· Primus Liber Psalmorum Davidis. Lipsiœ, 1550, 1554
Wittembergee, 1552. [The full title i s : " A l e x a n d r i Alesii
20. D.sputationes T r è s De Mediatore et Justificatione
Doctoris Theologiae diligens refutatio errorum, quos sparsit hominis. Lipsiae, 1554.
nuper Andreas Oslander in libro, cui titulum fecit : De
21. Responsio ad Tapperum de Missâ et Ccena D o m i n i
Vnico Mediatore Christo. E d i t a VVitebergae ex officina
Lipsiae. [ I n the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' 1565 is given as
Ioannis Lufftij anno 1552." I n the 'Athenae Cantabrigi- the date of publication.]
enses' it is stated that an edition was also printed at
22. Contra horrendas Serveti Blasphemias Disputationes
Leipsic in 1553.]
Très. Lipsiae, 1554. [These disputations were probably
16. Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. Lipsiae, 1552.
issued separately and were supplemented by a fourth. I n
Basilii, 1553. [ T h e full title is : " Commentarivs in Euan-
the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' there is the entry : " C o n t r a
gelium Ioannis, praelectvs in celebri Academia Lipsensi, ab
Michaelem Servetum ejusque blasphemias disp. i i i . Leipsic
Alexandre Alesio D . Theologo, anno D o m i n i 1552. Cum
8vo. 1 5 5 4 » ; and also this other: "Contra horrendas Served
locuplete rerum & uerborum memorabilium indice. blasphemias disputatio quarta. Leipsic, 8 « 1 5 5 5 •‫נ‬."]
Basileae, per Ioannem Oporinum." The colophon is :
23. Disputatio de Perpetuo Consensu Ecclesia;. Lipsiœ
" Basileae, ex officina Ioannis Oporini, anno salutis humanae
1553(?), 1556.
M.D.LIII. Mense Martio." This volume contains over 600
24. A d libellum Ludovici N o g a r o l œ comitis De Tradi-
pages.]
tionibus Apostolicis et earum necessitate Responsio Alex-
17. Disputatio in XI111, cap. Rom. Disputt. et Orr. aliquot
andri Alesii D . L i p . 1556. [ F o r the rarity of this tract see
Francoforti habitas 1540 et 1541. [ T h e full title i s : " I n
supra, p. 255 n. I n his Introduction to Gau, D r Mitchell gives
Capvt X I I I I . Epistolae Pavli ad Romanos, Dispvtatio
as the alternate t i t l e : " Apostolicae institutiones a Ludovico
Alexandri Alesii Theologiae D . Lipsiae, M . D . X L V I . " T h i s
Nogarola Com. in parvum libellum collecte et ab Alexandra
tract of 6 leaves, with the exception of the title-page and
Alesio in Disputationem propositae in celebri Academia Lipsi-
the heading, is printed i n italics.]
ensi. Lipsiae, Excudebat Georgius Hantzsch, 1556." 8vo.]
u

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306 Appendix 1. Addenda. 307
25. Responsio ad Duos et triginta Articulos Theologorum upon obedience. Translated from English to Latin." " De
Lovaniensium. Lipsiae, 1559· [ I n the sale catalogue of the Balaei Vocatione. Translated from English." " Ordina-
Makellar Library 1545 is given as the year of publication. I n tiones A n g l o r u m Ecclesiae per Bucerum. Translated from
the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses' 1549 is given.] English to Latin." I n connection with the last, see ' Litur¬
26. Assertio Doctrinas Ecclesia; Catholicas de Sancta gical Services of Queen Elizabeth,' Parker Society, p. xxv,
Trinitate, cum confutatione erroris Valentini Gentihs. n• 3·]
1564(?). [British Museum Catalogue gives Geneva, 1567·]
27. Edinburgi R e g i œ Scotorum Urbis Descriptio. Banna-
tyne Club Miscellany, vol. i . [This description of Edinburgh
was sent by Alesius to Sebastian Munster for his " Cosmog¬
raphy," printed at Basle in 1550, and republished in 1572. [ADDENDA.
There are translations of i t in Mackenzie's Lives and Char¬
acters of Scots Writers, i i . 4 ° ° 4 ° 1 ‫י‬ ; and in Chambers' P A G E 20. Patrick Hamilton's admission to the Faculty of
Minor Antiquities of E d i n b u r g h ; and i n Hume Brown's Arts in St Andrews University.—The entry in the ' A c t a
Scotland before 1700.] Facultatis A r t i u m ' runs thus: "Congregatione artium facul-
28. [Congratulatory letter to Queen Elizabeth, dated at tatis, in Nouis Scolis eiusdem tenta tercio die mensis Octo-
Leipsic, 1st September 1559. T h e original holograph of bns, anno D o m i n i millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo quarto,
twenty pages and a slip is still preserved. A translation of Magister Johannes Ba[l]four regentium senior Collegij Sancti
most of it is given in the Calendar of Foreign State Papers, Saluatoris in quodlibetarium est electus ; et Magister Patri-
Reign of Elizabeth, i . 2
‫־‬5 4534•] cius Hamiltone, abbas de Ferne, Rossensis diocesis, in
[There are copies of Nos. 5, 12, 14, 15, 16(1553), and 1 8 facultatem est receptus."
in St Andrews University L i b r a r y ; of No. 2 in the Church Page 117. Two sacraments only.—In the Preface to the
of Scotland L i b r a r y , E d i n b u r g h ; of N o . 16 (1553) in the Book of Common Order it is said that " f o r the minis¬
Signet Library ; of No. 8 in the Advocates' ; of Nos. 2, 3 tration of the two sacraments, our Booke giveth sufficient
(De Restituendis Scholis), 5, 13, 16 (1553)- and 17 in the proofe" (Dunlop's Confessions, i i . 395; Laing's Knox, iv.
Edinburgh University Library ; and of Nos. 1, 6, 7, 9, 10, 164). I n the Confession used in the English congregation
12, 13, 15, 16(1553), 18, 19 (1554), 23 (1556), and 26 in the at Geneva only two are referred to (Dunlop's Confessions,
British Museum. Nos. 27 and 28 are in all important public i i . 9; Laing's Knox, iv. 172); in " t h e Maner to Examine
libraries. A t Laing's sale, No. 1 brought £6, 5s. ; No. 2, C h i l d r e n " their number is said to be two (Laing's Knox,
£17, 17s.; N o . 5, £6; No. 6, £4; N o . 13, £10; No. 15, vi. 344) ; and in Calvin's Catechism, printed with the Book
£ζ, 17s. 6d. ; No. 16, ^5, 10s. ; and N o . 18 (with which was of Common Order, it is emphatically declared that there
bound up " Sarcerius de Scholasticae Theologiae Vanitate "), are two only (Dunlop's Confessions, i i . 233).
^6. I n the 'Athenae Cantabrigienses,' the following six Page 121. The language of Rev. xiv. 11.—In the text of the
items, which are not i n the above list, are mentioned : Confession the passage runs thus : " For sik as now delyte
" Disputatio de Justitia Dei et Justitia hominis coram Deo. in vanity, cruelty, filthynes, superstition or idolatry, sal be
Leipsic, 1553·" " D e utriusque naturae officiis in Christo." adjudged to the fire unquencheable : in quhilk they sail be
" D e distincta Christi hypostasi." "Preface to Gardiner tormented for ever, as weill in their awin bodyes, as in their

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308 Addenda.
Addenda.
309
saules, quhilk now they give to serve the devill in all abhom-
,
i n a t i o n " (Dunlop s Confessions, i i . 96, 97). As printed in ferred on Alesius the prebend of Aldenburg!!. Being in
Laing's Knox ( i i . 120) the word " inextinguishable," and in greats straits for money, and having been disappointed of
the Acts of Parliament (ii. 534 ; iii. 22) the word "unstanche- help otherw e, he was constrained to write from W i t t e n
1S

abill," is used instead of " unquencheable." I n Dunlop, berg on the 12th o f December 1533, to Spalatinus, request-
however, there is in addition, at the bottom of the page, in m g h i m to obtain payment of the moiety of the prebend
smaller t y p e : " R e v . 14. 10. The same shall drynke the (Corpus Reformatorum, i i . 690, 691).
wyne of the wrath of God, which is poured in the cuppe of Page 261. The disputatious Cochlaeus.—On the suggestion
hys wrath. A n d he shall be punyshed in fyre and brymstone of Melanchthon, an attack in verse was made on Cochlaeus
before the holy angells, and before the Lambe. A n d the for h.s injustice to Alesius ; but the timorous author so
smooke of theyr torment ascendeth up evermore, and they dreaded Cochlaeus that, instead of writing in his own name
have no rest daye nor nyght, whyche worshyppe the beast he personated Alesius (Corpus Reformatorum, iv. 1025, 1026)'
and hys ymage." Page 265. Erasmus and Cochlaeus.—Summaries o f the
letters which James V . wrote, on the 1st o f July 1534, to
Page 153. Readers or exhorters.—The name exhorter does
Erasmus, to Cochlaeus, and to the K i n g o f the Romans
not occur in the First Book of Discipline; but that "sort of are in the Letters and State Papers of H e n r y V I I I v o l '
readers" therein mentioned as having "some gift of exhorta¬ vu. p. 358.
t i o n " (Dunlop's Confessions, i l . 537; Laing's Knox, i i . 200)
soon came to be known as exhorters, and are so named in Page 267. Alesius as a physician.-" I determined with
various Acts of Assembly ; see, for example, the A c t of 1564 my self to serve the tyme and to change the preaching o f
quoted on p. 128. They are distinguished from readers in the crosse with the scyence of physic wherin I had a litle
the ' Register of Ministers, Exhorters, and Readers,' printed sight before, and thus I went unto a very w e l l - l e r n e d
for the Maitland Club ; but, as D a v i d Laing has pointed out, phisycian called Doctor Nicolas, which hath practised
the title of exhorter as indicating an advanced class seems phisyk in London thes many yeares with high prayse, whose
to have been soon and silently dropped. " O n comparing company I dyd use certen yeares, wherby I did both see
the list of the persons so styled in 1567 with that of 1574, and lern many things, even the principal poyntes concerning
we find some of them had become ministers, but the greater that science. I n so moch that at length certen of my frindes
number are entered simply as readers" ( W o d r o w Miscel¬ did move me to take in hand to practise, which thing I d i d
lany, p. 323). I trust not u n l u c k y l y " ( O f the Auctorite of the W o r d of God
agaynst the Bisshop o f London).
Page 233. Conference between the two parties.—Besides
the three conferences mentioned in the footnote, there was Page 268. Latimer and Cranmer.—For the opinion of
another held in the early summer of 1578. T h e results, as Alesius on Latimer and Cranmer, see D r Mitchell's West¬
minster Assembly, 1883, P- 14 n., and p. 23 n.
recorded in the Booke of the Universall K i r k (ii. 414, 415)
and in Caldervvood's History (iii. 412, 413), embrace nothing Page 268 n. Ales or ^ / « « « . - C h r i s t o p h e r Anderson may
about the kirk-session, beyond the perpetuity of the persons be excused for supposing that Ales was the real name o f
of the elders. Alesius ; but less can be said for those editors o f State
Papers and compilers of important Library Catalogues who
Page 259. Alesius at Wittenberg.—Through the influence
have helped to perpetuate the error long after it was pointed
of Luther and Melanchthon, the Elector of Saxony had con-
out by Principal Lorimer in his Patrick Hamilton.

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310 Addenda.

Page 269. John M'Alpine and John Fyffe.—Yxoxsx a


correction which D r Mitchell has made in his own copy of
the ' Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' 1897, p. cv, it seems that he
had come to the conclusion that it was M ' A l p i n e and Mac-
dowal, not Fyffe, who were protected by Bishop Shaxton.
Cf. Lorimer's Patrick H a m i l t o n , pp. 186, 187.]

INDEX.

CORRIGENDA.

P. 119, line 4 from bottom. After contained insert in.


Acton, Lord, quotation from at Cambridge, 266—at London,
P. 240, line 14. For oedibus read aedibus. ' Lecture on the Study of His¬ 267—his dispute with Stokesley,
tory ' by, 2 fn. ib., 268—marries Catherine de
Acts of Parliament referred to,
1
Mayne, 268—returns to the Con¬
5! 23, o, 51, 53, 226, 233,
5 tinent, 269—appointed Professor
264. of Divinity in Frankfort Univer¬
Adamson, Archbishop 102, 195, sity, 270 —Professor in Leipsic
1
\ "‫י‬ University, 271—the Perth Mar¬
A Kempis, 3. tyrs, 273—he pleads for National
Alane, Alexander, 36 39‫ י‬242—
2
Union, 275—his public and pri¬
not Ales, 268 fn. 309 — see vate life, 279—his family, 280—
Alesius. his death, 281 —his theological
Alasco, John, reference to 'Summa opinions, 295 et seq.—his dream
Doctrina'by, 109, 117—his con¬ concerning Anne Boleyn, 297—
gregation at London, 126 — his departure from England, 298
on the office of bishop, 154 —a letter to Melanchthon, 300—
— ' Modus ac Ritus Excom- his works 301 et seq.—prebend
municationis ' and ' Forma ac of Aldenburgh conferred on him,
Ratio Publicas Penitentiae' by, 309 — one writes in his name,
16 .S
ib. — he practises as a physi¬
Ales, John, 299. cian, ‫*'ן‬.—his name not Ales,
Alesius, 10, 11 fn., 17, 22, 32, 33 ib.
fn., 36 et seq., 1 , 75, 80, 239 et
5 Allen, Edmund, 268 fn.
seq.— his treatise against the de- Anderson, Rev. Christopher, refer¬
‫ ׳‬crée of the Scottish Bishops, 37, ence to 'Annals of the English
259—a miraculous escape, 240— Bible' by, 239, 260 fns., 268 fn.,
at College, 242—discussions with 283 fn.
Patrick Hamilton, 243—•his ac¬ Anderson, William, 53.
count of Patrick Hepburn, 245 Anselm, 3, 17.
—assaulted and imprisoned, 247 Arbuekill, Friar, 121 fn.
—his escape, 251—at Malmö, Archebald, Sir James, vicar of Lin-
255 — at Cologne, 256 — be¬ trathin, 128 fn., 183 fn.
friended by Melanchthon at Wit- Argyll, the Duke of, 215.
tenberg,259,308—his controversy Arminianism, discussion on, 119.
with Cochlaeus, 260 et seq.—the Arran, Earl of, 50 et seq., 273.
intervention of Erasmus, 264— Arth, William, 35 fn.

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312 Index.
Index.
Assembly, General, 160-162. fn., 39 fn., 59 fn., 70 fn., 74 fn.,
313
Augustine, 3, 119 f .n
268 fn. Cook s History of the Reforma¬
Charters, Andrew, 41. tion ' referred to, 6r fn. Dore's O l d Bibles' quoted, r 9

Baillje, Principal, 138 fn. Church, the medieval, corruption Coverdale, Miles, 150.
Bain's Calendar quoted, 86 fn. Craig, John, 187. Douglas, John, , .
9 9 I 4 4
and decay of, 7 et seq.—the re¬ made Archbishop, ! ç S - h i s par!
Balnaves on Justification quoted, forming priests of, 12 et seq. Cranmer, Archbishop, 58 254
113 fn. Cistercian Nuns, or White Ladies, 266, 268 282, 297, 298, 299, 309! entage, 199 fn.-Principal of St
Bannatyne's Memoriales, 187 fn., at Frankfort, 125, 294. Craw or Crawar, Paul, 15. Mary s College, 287, 288.
189, 192 fn., 194 fn., 198 fn., Cochlaeus, 260 et seq., 295, 309. Croc, Le, 20 r. Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow
205 fn. et seq. Cocklaw, Thomas, 41. Crumwell, 37 f ., 266-268, 298¬
n
262, 264. '
Bayle, 80, 204. Colace, William, 192. 300. Dundee, , 60, 62-65, 7h 75,
4 t > s 4

Benedict X I I I . , 16. Cole, Thos., 125 fn. Cunningham, Principal, 231—his 7t>, 94. 158 fn. ‫' ׳‬ / b

Betoun, Archbishop James, 22, 24 Common Order, Book of, its origin, ,
Church History of Scotland' Dundrennan, Thomas, Abbot of
quoted, 214. 16 fn. '
et seq. 30 fn., 34, 42, 74, 245, 123 et seq.—its authority, 127—
246, 262, 286, 287. early practice in Scotland, 128 et Dunlop's 'Collection of Confes¬
Betoun, Cardinal, 11 fn., 36, 42 et D'Ailley, 18. sions' referred to, 102 fn. et
seq.—Knox and the English lit¬ passnn.
seq., 54 et seq., 57, 60, 68-74, 81, urgy, 130 et seq. — a guide or Dalgleish, Nicol, 192.
2
45> 264, 273, 274, 287 —his model only, 132 et seq.— testi¬ Dalrymple's 'Lesley' referred to, Durie, Mr John, r , 206. 9 4

seven children, 292. mony of Calderwood, Baillie, 28 fn.


Ebrard, 1 .
Beza, 36, 281, 282. Row, and Henderson, 137 et ‫ י‬Dalyell's Scottish Poems ‫ ׳‬quoted
4

Boleyn, Anne, 267 fn., 297. seq.— practice in other Reformed 19s fn. Edinburgh, 38, r , 89, , !58 f ‫ ״‬. ,
4 9 3

‫ י‬Booke of the Universall K i r k ' churches, r41 —its evidence on 2 -24,200,190,107r.


D'Aubigné's 'Reformation in the Education, 9, 1 t eq. 39

referred to, 13 fn., 117 fn., 118 Church government, 145, 147 et Time of Calvin' referred to, 7 4e S

fn., 128 fn., 198 fn., 218 fn., 227 seq.—on discipline, 163 et seq.— 26 fn., 33 fn., 2 et seq., 48 Edward V I . , 87, 88, 130, 131.
fn., 80 fn., 239, 241 fn., 243 Erasmus, 21, 2 , 26 , 309
4
fn., 233 fn. on Church members, 170. 4 4

Borthwick, Sir John, 38 fn. Conseus, 11 fn. fn., 250. Erskine of Dun, o, 56 et seq., 78
4

Bothwell, Earl of, 72. Davidson, John, 188, 192, 197. 94· ‫י‬
Confession, First Helvetic, 58, 77 Ethie House, 57, 293.
Bradwardine, 17. —Later Helvetic, 103, 113, 147 Declaration, the Large (or King's)
Brown, Mr Hume, references to —Westminster, 107, n o , 118, 142, 143. 0
" Eugenius the Fourth," Pope, 17.
'John Knox' by, 11 fn., 55 fn., 122, 234—of English congrega¬ Discipline, the First Book of, its Exactions of pre - Reformation
124 fn. tion at Geneva, 107, 120 — of preparation, 99,144—the govern¬ Church, 9, 179 t q. e se

Bucer, 270. 1616, 117 fn., 118. ment of the Church, 145 et seq. Exercise, or Prophesying, ‫״ ״‬1 Q
i V
Buchanan, George, 17, 22, 40, 49, Confession of 1560, the Scottish, its —the discipline of the Church, 170 et seq., 229. ‫־‬
73· preparation, 99 et ^.—alleged 162 et ^.—discipline under Pre¬ Exhorters, 1 2, 153, 308.
5

Burton's ' History ' referred to, 2r5, omission of a chapter, 101— its lacy, 167—the prerogatives and
219. character, 102 et seq.—the su¬ duties of Church members, 169 Fachsius, Ludovicus, 271.
preme authority of the Scrip¬ et seq.—education of the young Farel, 125.
Caithness, Bishop of, 198. tures, 103 —the fall and the and university reform, 174 et Felix the Fifth, 17 fn.
Calderwood, 137, 142—his ‫ י‬Altare remedy, ib., 105 — the eternal seq. — care of the poor, 170 Ferne, 20, 307.
Damascenum ' referred to, 137 decree, 107—influence of John et seq. y
Fisher, Bishop, 2 . 4 3

et seq.—' History ' referred to, 33 Alasco, 109, 117—the effectual Discipline, the Second Book of, Forbes, Bishop, 10.
fn., et passim. call, no—justification, i n et compared with the First Book,' Fordun, 16.
Calumnies, Popish, 202 et seq. seq.— notes of the True Church, 214«/ seq.—the authority of théForman, Archbishop, 40 f n

Calvin, 17, 80, 88, 90, 105 fn., 106 114 seq.—the sacraments, 116 king, 217—the limits of ecclesi¬ Forrest, Henry, 35. '
fn., 107, 112, 115, 116, 124, 125, et seq. — compared with later astical authority, 219 et seq. Forret, Thomas, vicar of Dollar,
'47. 164<‫י‬63fn•. 168, 170, 187, confessions, 118 et seq., 122— influence of the Second Book Foster, John, 263 fn.
204, 215, 216, 270. its unmeasured language, 120 et not unmixed, 225—its authority, Foxes ‫ ׳‬Acts and Monuments,' see
Cambridge, 58, 266, 298. seq. 226— its theory of the Church,
Campbell, Friar, 29, 32. Cattley.
Constable's ' Major ' referred to. 227—institution of the presbv-
Campbell of Cessnock, 16. tery, 229 et seq. — the West¬ Frankfort on the Oder, o, 88
18 fn. 109, 12 , 126, 1 f ., 1 ‫־‬
4

Catechism, Hamilton's, 8 fn., 287 Cook, Dr George, of St Andrews, minster doctrine of the Church, 4 4 9 n S O j2 6
y

— Calvin's, 103, 112—Heidel¬ 234 et seq.—the ideal presbytery' 272 ,270. '
231. ' Frankfort, Troubles at,' 124 fn
berg, 103—Melanchthon's, 271. Cook, Dr, of Haddington, 23r. 237·
Cattley's ‫ י‬Foxe ' referred to, 33 Cook, Procurator, 232. 125. ‫יי‬
'Diurnal of Occurrents' referred to
38 fn., 39 fn. ' Frith, 26.
Fyffe, John, 40, 269, 310.

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3H Index.
Index.
315
Gau, Gaw, or Gall, John, 255— tion, 33 fn.—effect of his death,
his ' Rieht Yay to the Kingdom 34 et icq., 37, 73, 75, 242, 243, Dundee, 94 —preaches at St 8 82 1 0

Andrews, 95e/seq.—the reformed ?'/ -reference 'Tragedy


of Heuine' referred to, 33 fn., 2
44> 27s, 286, 289, 296, 307. of the Cardinal ' by, 73
2 f n
55 • ' Hamilton Papers' quoted, 52 fn. worship established throughout
Scotland, 97 et seq. —the old Liturgy of Edward V l . , ' 7 7 I 2 8
Geneva, 89-91, 125, 149, !58 fn., Hardwick's 'Reformation' referred 1
30, 131, !54 fn.
288. to, 267 fn. S c o t t i s h Confession of 1560 99 τ

Gerson, 18. Harrison, quotation from article et seq. — Knox's Liturgy, '12q Lock, Mrs, 13 fn., 130.
Gilby, Ant., 125 fn. on ' Freeman's Method of His¬ et seq.— the First Book of Disci- Logie, Gavin, 40.
Gillespie, George, 158 fn. — his tory ' by, 2 fn. phne, 144 et seq.—Iiis last davs, Logie, .Robert, 41.
' Aaron's Rod Blossoming ' Hay, Mr L . , Bass, 227 fn. 184 et ^.—leaves Edinburgh, Lollards, persecution in Scotland
187—preaching in St Andrews of, 15 et seq.
quoted, 222 et Λ^.—'Assertion Hay, Principal, 11 fn., 287.
of the Government ' referred to, Heidelberg Catechism, 103. 188 et seq. — James Melville's Lorimer, Principal, his 'Patrick
impression of Knox, 191 et seq Hamilton, the first Preacher
229 fn., 232. Henderson, Alexander, 142, 166 and Martyr of the Scottish Ref¬
Glasgow martyr, 15. —returns to Edinburgh, 200—
fn., 231—his 'Government and Popish calumnies, 202 et seq.— ormation,' referred to, 26, 33 fn.,
Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, 130. Order of the Church of Scotland ' his last illness and death, 20ς 3to—'Scottish Reformation ' re¬
Gourlay, Norman, burned for quoted, 140, 237. et seq., 216, 278. ferred to, 41 fn., 69, 75 fn., 81 fn.,
marrying, 39. Henry V I I I . , 49, 266 fn., 268, 298. K o x s
239, 244, 274 fn., 275, 276 fn.—
Grimani, 55. Hepburn, Bishop, 57. ‫ ״‬,' liturgy, see Common Knox and the Church of Eng¬
Grindal, Archbishop, 91, 150 fn., Hepburn, Prior John, 242, 244, Order, Book of. land' referred to, 77, 132 fn.—
160. 286. article in ' British and Foreign
Grosteste, 17. Hepburn, Prior Patrick, 36, 40, Laing, Dr David, ί ο , 22, 102 fn , Evangelical Review' by, referred
1
Grub's History,' 118 fn. 231—his ' Knox ' referred to, 13 to, 185.
46, 74- 244-247, 249, 250, 252, fn. et passim — his 'Lindsay's
' Gude and Godlie Ballads ' re¬ 253· Poetical Works ' referred to Luther, 6, 19, 21, 26, 28, 38, 67,
ferred to, 67, 74 fn., 76 fn. Honorius I I I . , 161. 83 fn. 80, 115, no, 163, 204, 216, 243'
Guise, Mary of, n fn., 46, 93, 94, Hooper, Bishop, 98. 254, 261, 265, 282, 295.
192. Lamb, Robert, 53.
Hunter, James, 53. Lambert, of Avignon, 26, 27—his Lyne, John, 41.
Haag, quotation from ' L a France Innes, Taylor, reference to 'John ' Commentary on the Apoca¬ M'Alpine, 40, 269, 310.
Protestant ' by, 168. lypse' referred to, 33 f
Knox' by, 209 fn. Lang, Mr Andrew, 71.
n
M'Crie, Dr, 23t—' Melville ' re¬
Hailes, Lord, 161. ferred to, 15 f !,.‫״‬-f . _ ' L i f e
9 n

Hamilton, Archibald, 192, 193, James V . , 23, 38, 39, 44, 46 et seq., Latimer Bishop, 58, 268, 299, 309. ot Knox referred to, 40 fn., 91
202, 203, 205. 192, 247-249, 263 fn., 273. Laud s Liturgy, 133. fn., 129 fn., 188 fn., 201, 205 fn.
Hamilton, James, 39. James V I . , 131, 143 fn., 166, 168. Lawsone, Mr James, 195, ! 2 281 fn.
0
2
Hamilton, James, Bishopof Argyle, Johnston, John, 281, 288. °3> 205, 207. M'Dowal, 40, 310.
20. Johnston, Rev. T . P., reference to Lay-elders, the term, 229. M'Kenzie's 'Lives of Eminent
Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, ' Patrick Hamilton ' by, 33 fn. Leckprevick, Robert, printer, 194 Scotsmen,' 279.
Archbishop of St Andrews, 18, 195· Magdalene, Queen, 192 fn.
51, 82, 146, 188, 287—his Gate- Kennedy, Bishop, 9, 17, 286. Lee, Principal, 113 f , 231 — ' Maitland Miscellany,' 120 fn.
n>

chism, 8 fn., 287. Kennedy, Quintine, Abbot of quotation from ' Lectures on the Major, John, 17 et seq., 21, 22 34
Hamilton, John, apostate, 193. Crossraguel, 127, 203. History of the Church of Scot¬ 79, 242, 278, 280, 286, 287. ‫י‬
Hamilton, Patrick, 17, 19 et seq. land' by, 115, 1 f .
Kincavel, 20. 9 9 n
Malmö, 255.
— birth and early years, 20 — Kirkcaldy of Grange, 208. Lees, Dr Cameron, reference to
'St Giles' by, 201 fn. Margaret, Queen, 181.
studies abroad, 21—returns to Kirk-session, or lesser eldership, Marsillier, 57.
Scotland and is received into Leipsic, 271, 272, 279, 281.
158, 232, 233, 308.
St Andrews University, 22 — Knox, 6, ί ο , 11 fn., 13 fn., 18, 33 Lemon's 'State Papers' referred Mary, Queen, 11 fn., 189.
to, 37 fn., 44 fns., 69 fn. Massacre of St Bartholomew, 184
preaches the reformed faith, 24 fn.—early life and education, 185, 201.
—summoned to appear before Lesley's 'History' referred to, 24
79— leader of the Reformation, fn., 39 fn., 85 fn., 129 fn., 192 Maxwell's O l d Dundee prior to
Archbishop Betoun, 25—escapes 80— settles in St Andrews, 82 — the Reformation' referred to,
to the Continent, 26—his final fn.—'De Origine' referred to
called to the ministry, 83 — a 28 fn. 63 fn., 68 fn., 69 fn.—'History
return to Scotland, 27—invited galley slave, 85—obtains release, of Old Dundee' referred to, 6;
to a friendly conference at St Leslie, Dr, of Fordoun, 60, 61 fn. 3
86—his work among the Eng¬ Lethington, Laird of, 101, 186. fn.
Andrews, 28 — seized and con¬
demned, 30 — his martyrdom,
lish, ib. et seq.—five years exile, Lindores, Laurence, Abbot of, 15. Mayn, Catherine de, 268.
88 et seq. — a visit to Scotland, Lindsay, Mr David, 198, 207. Melanchthon, 17, 22, 26, 36, 239,
31 et seq. — sources of informa- 2
54- 259, 261, 266, 270, 271, 279,
89—returns to Scotland, 93—at Lindsay, Sir David, 10, 11 fn., 81,
280, 282, 300, 309.

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‫ן‬

316 Index.
Index.
317
Melville, Andrew, 216 et sea., 281, seq. — Acts of 1525 and 1527 Sharp, Archbishop, 35.
288, 289. against reformed opinions, 23 Tilney, Emery, 58.
Shaxton, Bishop, 269, 310.
Melville, James, 191 et seq., 288. — Tyndale's New Testament Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, 86.
I our, M. de la, 19.
S1
^ t o n , Principal, 202, 203, 205,
Montrose, 24, 57, 60, 62, 71, 75, brought into Scotland, 24—the
78. oppressed and the oppressors, 34 Spalatinus, 309. Tudor, Elizabeth, 92, 93, 1 !c 3 I 1 0

Morison, Ric., 299 fn. et seq.—George Wishart, 56 et fn., 156 fn., 159, 300.
'Spalding Miscellany' referred to, Tudor, Mary, 88, 92 fn.
Morton, Earl of, 198, 199 fn., 207, seq.—Knox as leader of the Ref¬
ormation, jçetseq.—its triumph, 128 fn., 183 fn. Twopenny Faith, the, 8 fn.
212. ^pottiswoode, Archbishop, 133 Tyndale's translation of the New
97—the Confession of 1560, 99
Mount, Christopher, 300. et seq. — the Book of Common in.—his 'History' referred to, Testament introduced into Scot¬
Neander, 170. Order, 123 et seq. — the First w. γ fn.,33 fn., 34 fn.. 64 ft!., land, 24, 26.
Book of Discipline, 144 et seq.— 0» fn., 73,ιφ fn<> 2 1 8 f Tyninghame, 287.
227, 231.
Ogilvie, Lord James, 292. the last days of Knox, 184 et seq. Tyrie, the Jesuit, 195, 196, 203.
Ogilvie, Marion, 292, 293. Spottiswoode, John, superinten¬
— the Second Book of Discip¬ dent of Lothian, 99, ! f Tytler, 11 fn.
Order of Excommunication, 165, line, 214 et seq.—Alesius, 239 ICO•
4 4 n

166. et seq. Walsingham, 205 fn.


St Andrews, reforming priests from Wardlaw, Bishop, 285, 286.
Regent, the Good, 185, 188, 189. Augustinian Priory and College Wedderburn, James, 10, 253 fn.
Oslander, Andrew, 279. Register of Privy Seal, 199 fn. of St Leonard, 13—University Wedderburn, John, 10, 18, 22, 66,
' Register of St Andrews Kirk- and Colleges of, 15, !9, ,
Paget, Lord, 299. Session' referred to, 13 fn., 37 76.
2 0 > 2 2

Parker, Archbishop, consecration ‫י‬95 Φ fn., 239, 242, 285 et seq. Weir, Professor, article on George
fn., 120 fn. —Major at, !8, 19, 22, 242, 286
of, 150 fn. Resby, James, 15. Wishart in 'North British Re¬
' Pasqvilli de Concilio Mantuano Richardson, John, 41. —Patrick Hamilton at, 19, 20,
22 et seq., 29 et seq., 307—Alesius view' referred to, 70.
Iudicium ' quoted, 61 fn.
Paul I I I . , 286.
Richardson, Robert, 41. at, 36, 242 et seq.— Wishart at, Westminster Confession of Faith.
Robertson, John, 288. 72. 73—Knox at, 82 et seq., qc See Confession.
Perth Martyrs, the, 53, 273. Robertson, Dr Joseph, 10, 11 fn. Westminster Directory for Church
Peterkin, references to ' Records _ et seq., 188 et seq.
—'Concilia Scotiae' referred to, St Bernard, 3. Government, 166 fn., 236.
of the Kirk ' by, 119 fn., 133 fn., 16 fn., 30 fn., 4s fn., 50 fn., 93 Westminster Directory for Wor¬
143 fn.—to ' Booke of the Uni- fn., 161 fn., 183 fn., 293. St Giles' Church, 133 f ., 201.
n s h i 2

Stähehn's 'Johannes Calvin' re¬ P , 137,14 •


versai Kirk ' by, 218 fn., 227 fn. Roger's 'Three Scottish Refor¬
Pitscottie, Lindsay of, 73 — his ferred to, 98, 114 f . n
Whitgift, 147.
mers,' 188 fn. Stanley, Dean, 202. Whittingham, William, 88, 124
'History' referred to, 24 fn., Rolle, Richard, 14.
fn fn 1
3! fn., 33 • ) 39 -> 9 • 2f n
Stevenson's ' Mary Stuart ‫ ׳‬quoted, Wichtand, James, 68 fn.
Plague, or pest, 64, 67, 76. Rothes, Earl of, 245. SS fn.
Rough, John, 83. Wied, Hermann von, Archbishop
Pole, Cardinal, 45. Steward, Walter, 0 .
Row, John, 99, 144 fn. 4
of Cologne, 145, 254, 256. 282.
Poor, care of, 179, 180. Stewart, Archbishop, 286.
Wightone, or Weighton, Sir lohn
Poullain, or Pollanus, 126, 127, Row, John, of Carnock, on litur¬ Stirling martyrs, r .
136 fns. gies, 138.
4

Stokesley, Bishop of London, 268, 68 fn. '


Preaching, necessity of, 151. Rubric, the black, 87. 272. Williams, Thomas, 80.
Presbytery, ideal, 237, 238. Russell, Bishop, 227 fn. Stonehouse, 20. Willock, John, 40, 99, 112 fn., 130,
Presbytery, or greater eldership, Rutherfurd's 'Divine Right of Stratoun, David, 39. 144 fn.
159, 229 et seq. Church Government ' quoted, Winkworth, Miss, quotation from
220 et seq. Succession, Apostolic, 115.
Preston, Dr, 211. ' Christian Singers of Germany '
Superintendents, 152 — wherein by, 6 et seq.
Psalm Book, 120, 128. they differed from bishops, ι ς ς ,

' Psalms and Spiritual Songs,' 76. Sacraments, two, only, 116, 117, M
Winzet, Ninian, his Tractates'
3°7• et seq. referred to, i r fns., 203.
Ranaldson, James, 53. Saxony, Elector of, 271 fn. Sybothendorff, Damianus, 271 fn. Wishart, George, 36, 1 —early
4

Randolph, Thomas, 129. Scipio, Marcus, 280. Tannadice, 287. education, 56 —summoned for
Readers, 152, 153, 172, 308. Scott, John, printer, 76. Tauler, 3. heresy, 57—escapes to England,
Reformation, the, nature and need Scotus, Duns, 17. ii.—converted before Cranmer,
of, ι et seq.—decay of the medie¬ Scriptures, reading, in vernacular, Theiner's ' Vetera Monumenta 58 —returns and enters Corpus
Hibernorum et Scotorum ' re¬ Christi College, Cambridge, id.
val Church, 7 et seq.— the re¬ S> 37. 3 8
2 7 2,264,260< 59‫ ־‬5 2
' ferred‫ י‬to, 44, fn., 45 fn., τ fn.,
forming priests, 12 et seq.—pre¬ 282,273—Genevanversion, 91,
5
—a pupil's description of him,
54 fns. 59 — returns to Scotland, ii.—
cursors of the Reformation, 14 231. Thorpe's 'Calendar' referred to,
et seq.—Patrick Hamilton, 19 et Scrymgeour, James, 253. preaches in Montrose and Dun¬
44 fns. dee, 62 et seq.—his labours in

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Dundee during the plague, 64 et Withof's ' Vertheidigung,' 124 fn.,


seq.—attempted assassination of, 294.
68—innocent of the plot to as¬ Wittenberg, 26, 259, 269, 300 fn.,
sassinate Betoun, 69 et seq.—· 08
3 > 3°9-
proceeds to Edinburgh, 71—· ' Wodrow Miscellany ‫ י‬referred to,
seized fit Ormiston, 72 — his THEISM. Being the Baird Lecture for 1876. By R O B E R T
58 fn., 69 fn., 78 fn., 93 fn., 308.
martyrdom, 73—his work, 74 Wycliffe, 3, 14, .17, 18, 37, 186, F L I N T , D.D., L L . D . , Professor of Divinity in the University of
et seq. 205. Edinburgh. Ninth Edition, Revised. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d.
Wishart, George, bailie of Dundee, Wycliffites in Scotland, 15.
63, 69. Wynram, John, 77, 99, 100, 144, ANTI-THEISTIC THEORIES. Being the Baird Lecture
Witches, prosecution of, 168. 198, 287. for 1877. By the S A M E A U T H O R . Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo,
10s. 6d.

T H E E A R L Y R E L I G I O N OF I S R A E L . As set forth by
Biblical Writers and Modern Critical Historians. Being the Baird
Lecture for 1888-89. By J A M E S R O B E R T S O N , D . D . , Professor of
• Oriental Languages in the University of Glasgow. Demy 8vo,

T H E APOSTOLIC M I N I S T R Y I N T H E SCOTTISH
C H U R C H . The Baird Lecture for 1897. By R O B E R T H E R B E R T
S T O R Y , D.D. (Edin.), F . S . A . Scot, Principal of the University
of Glasgow, Principal Clerk of the General Assembly, and Chap¬
lain to the Queen. Crown 8vo, 7s. 6d.

T H E E N D . Œroall ftectura.

AGNOSTICISM. Being the Croall Lecture for ]887-88


By R O B E R T F L I N T , D.D., L L . D . In 1 vol. demy 8vo.
[In the press.

R E C E N T ARCHAEOLOGY A N D T H E B I B L E . Bein‫״‬
the Croall Lecture for 1898. By T H O M A S N I C O L , D.D., Professor
of Divinity and Biblical Criticism in the University of Aberdeen ;
Author of 'Recent Explorations in Bible Lands.' Demy 8vo'
9s. net.

THE POETRY A N D THE RELIGION OF THE


PSALMS. The Croall Lecture, 1893-94. By J A M E S R O B E R T S O N
D.D. Demy 8vo, 12s.

P R I N T E D B Y W I L L I A M B L A C K W O O D A N D SONS.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, E D I N B U R G H A N D LONDON.

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OCR-BASED INDEX
Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

1 john, P[62, 135]. 158, 160, 164, 167, athens, P[89, 108].
1541, P[97, 175, 176]. 174, 175, 179, 181]. attained, P[11, 12, 37,
1560, P[7, 15, 69, 73, alexander mitchell, 100, 112].
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, P[9]. attainment, P[10, 17,
80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, altar, P[44, 50, 93, 149, 46].
88, 89, 99, 115, 132, 175, 180]. augustine, P[25, 83,
164, 180, 181, 182]. america, P[13, 14, 16]. 180].
1561, P[87, 160, 163]. anabaptist, P[171, augustinian, P[25, 30,
1562, P[87]. 172]. 34, 35, 44, 96, 182].
1564, P[84, 87, 88, 90, anderson, P[50, 143, australia, P[22].
177, 178]. 154, 158, 165, 178, authority, P[16, 25, 28,
1581, P[104, 138]. 179]. 30, 69, 72, 75, 81, 87,
1592, P[137, 140, 141]. andrew melville, P[4, 90, 94, 113, 117, 118,
1599, P[69]. 22, 122, 164, 168]. 132, 133, 134, 136,
1638, P[83, 84, 95]. angel, P[12, 15, 36, 45, 137, 139, 147, 152,
1644, P[14, 69, 84]. 52, 53, 55, 57, 61, 77, 160, 170, 171, 180].
1645, P[92]. 111, 116, 122, 123, baillie, P[93, 180].
1646, P[14, 135]. 144, 161, 165, 166, bannerman, P[167].
1647, P[15, 83]. 176, 178, 181]. baptism, P[41, 82, 86,
1649, P[14, 93]. anglican, P[82, 88, 101, 174].
1650, P[14]. 126]. baptist, P[171, 172].
1876, P[15, 131, 183]. anonymous, P[70]. baxter, P[21, 121].
666, P[141]. anselm, P[25, 32, 179]. beast, P[85, 152, 178].
aaron's rod blossoming, anti-christ, P[139]. begg, P[121, 155].
P[135, 136, 181]. apocalypse, P[40]. belief, P[30, 93].
abomination, P[30]. apostate, P[181]. believe, P[20, 25, 26,
academic, P[168]. apostles' creed, P[55, 30, 64, 66, 69, 72, 82,
acts of parliament, 86, 128]. 88, 96, 130, 132, 136,
P[29, 50, 82, 105, 127, apostolic, P[15, 122, 162, 171].
141, 156, 178, 179]. 151, 171, 176, 182, beza, P[42, 80, 164,
adam, P[75, 78, 84, 183]. 165, 180].
121, 123, 179]. apparel, P[53]. bible, P[28, 43, 62, 69,
adams, P[75, 121, 123, archaeology, P[183]. 70, 143, 154, 158, 165,
179]. archbishop laud, P[90]. 179, 180, 183].
adoption, P[69, 90, 92, archbishop of biblical criticism, P[20,
93, 113]. canterbury, P[172]. 183].
adultery, P[159]. arian, P[43, 89, 135]. biography, P[29, 40].
adversary, P[129, 157]. arius, P[34, 76, 144, bishop, P[14, 28, 29,
advocate, P[20, 36, 67, 163, 175, 176]. 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 38,
95, 105, 137, 160, 165, arminian, P[83, 179]. 39, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46,
177]. arminianism, P[179]. 47, 48, 52, 53, 65, 66,
afflicted, P[56]. army, P[64, 161]. 67, 68, 69, 72, 73, 75,
africa, P[10]. assembly, P[11, 13, 14, 89, 90, 91, 94, 97, 98,
agenda, P[93]. 15, 19, 21, 23, 72, 80, 99, 101, 102, 104, 107,
agnostic, P[183]. 83, 87, 88, 90, 93, 94, 108, 118, 123, 137,
agnosticism, P[183]. 95, 99, 102, 103, 104, 140, 145, 146, 147,
alexander, P[1, 5, 8, 9, 106, 122, 131, 137, 148, 151, 152, 153,
20, 34, 42, 89, 143, 138, 141, 142, 163, 155, 156, 157, 158,
144, 145, 150, 151, 178, 180, 183]. 160, 161, 165, 166,
assumption, P[167].

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

167, 172, 173, 179, 145, 159, 177, 180, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,
180, 181, 182]. 182]. 29, 30, 31, 37, 39, 43,
blessing, P[10, 26, 28, calvin's institutes, P[79, 44, 45, 50, 53, 55, 57,
70, 72, 91, 108, 113, 82, 106]. 61, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69,
127]. calvinist, P[75, 81, 82, 73, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81,
blood, P[17, 34, 37, 41, 83, 91, 94, 103, 108, 82, 84, 87, 91, 94, 98,
44, 45, 53, 60, 64, 84, 116]. 101, 105, 108, 110,
115, 116, 117, 118, calvinistic, P[75, 81, 82, 111, 113, 114, 115,
124, 158]. 83, 91, 94, 103, 108, 118, 122, 127, 129,
blood of christ, P[45]. 116]. 130, 133, 134, 136,
book of psalms, P[40, cameron, P[124, 181]. 137, 138, 139, 140,
158]. campbell, P[19, 20, 32, 141, 142, 143, 144,
brain, P[63]. 38, 40, 58, 180]. 145, 146, 147, 149,
brethren, P[60, 69, 71, canon, P[28, 29, 30, 35, 150, 151, 154, 156,
80, 101, 106, 107, 109, 44, 46, 75, 93, 104, 158, 160, 161, 162,
110, 122, 127, 137, 145, 146, 147, 148, 164, 165, 168, 169,
141]. 149, 150, 169]. 171, 172, 174, 175,
britain, P[13, 16, 31]. canonical, P[75, 93]. 176, 177, 178, 179,
british, P[15, 16, 54, canterbury, P[104, 165, 182].
59, 69, 116, 152, 156, 172, 173]. christ crucified, P[26].
175, 176, 177, 181, career, P[10, 20, 40, christ jesus, P[27, 39,
182]. 163, 167]. 77, 79, 91, 129].
broken, P[21, 49]. catechism, P[14, 28, christendom, P[16].
brown, P[15, 20, 29, 45, 62, 65, 75, 80, 132, christian, P[10, 13, 18,
51, 86, 177, 180]. 159, 167, 175, 177, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29,
bucer, P[87, 159, 177, 180, 181]. 37, 43, 44, 45, 55, 61,
180]. catholic, P[15, 17, 25, 67, 68, 69, 108, 110,
buchanan, P[32, 35, 44, 32, 48, 50, 54, 81, 83, 113, 114, 127, 133,
48, 60, 65, 180]. 141, 145, 159, 169, 136, 137, 139, 140,
burgess, P[44, 49]. 177]. 143, 144, 145, 146,
burns, P[13, 29, 61, catholic church, P[141]. 147, 149, 154, 156,
115, 150]. celibacy, P[158]. 160, 161, 168, 169,
business, P[16, 48]. celibate, P[29, 33]. 171, 172, 182].
by faith alone, P[39]. censure, P[33, 45, 103, christian ministry,
caesar, P[144]. 106, 112, 171]. P[10].
calderwood, P[40, 41, ceremonies, P[18, 28, christianity, P[18, 24,
44, 56, 58, 64, 83, 92, 70, 86, 88, 135, 138]. 25, 136].
93, 95, 123, 130, 133, ceremony, P[19]. church, P[1, 5, 7, 8, 9,
139, 141, 180]. chalmers, P[11]. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,
calling, P[91, 93, 109, charity, P[39, 53]. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
124, 129, 138, 142]. charles i, P[83, 124]. 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29,
calvin, P[15, 32, 37, 38, charles ii, P[83]. 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35,
45, 48, 50, 55, 64, 68, children, P[28, 106, 38, 39, 41, 42, 43, 45,
69, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 111, 112, 120, 126, 46, 47, 48, 49, 53, 56,
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 86, 141, 165, 170, 177, 58, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65,
87, 91, 94, 96, 97, 103, 180]. 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71,
105, 106, 108, 109, china, P[49, 88]. 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80,
116, 117, 121, 126, choir, P[35]. 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86,
130, 131, 132, 144, christ, P[1, 5, 10, 13, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92,
15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98,

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

99, 100, 101, 102, 103, classical, P[10, 11, 103, 134, 135, 136, 150,
104, 105, 106, 107, 161, 164]. 172, 173].
108, 109, 110, 111, clothing, P[53]. conservative, P[18].
113, 114, 116, 117, college, P[7, 8, 10, 11, conspiracy, P[58, 59].
119, 120, 121, 122, 12, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, conspirator, P[58, 64,
123, 124, 125, 126, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 65].
127, 130, 131, 132, 41, 44, 46, 47, 52, 53, constantine, P[121].
133, 134, 135, 136, 54, 96, 97, 99, 111, constantinople, P[20].
137, 138, 140, 141, 118, 119, 120, 121, constituted, P[103, 136,
142, 143, 145, 146, 122, 125, 137, 145, 167].
147, 149, 151, 152, 146, 147, 148, 157, constituted church,
154, 160, 161, 162, 158, 164, 166, 167, P[136].
164, 165, 167, 168, 168, 179, 180, 182]. constitution, P[50, 69,
170, 171, 172, 177, commandment, P[159]. 77, 101, 102, 117, 131,
180, 181, 182, 183]. commentaries, P[167]. 135, 139, 169].
church and state, P[45, commentary, P[33, 40, constitution of the
136]. 41, 55, 144, 158, 181]. church, P[102].
church discipline, communion, P[9, 62, constitutional, P[69,
P[101, 108]. 63, 67, 69, 90, 92, 109, 131].
church government, 141, 142, 175]. consummation, P[80].
P[103, 135, 136, 180, compromise, P[17, 97]. contending, P[24, 35,
182]. conception, P[77, 105, 51, 129, 134].
church history, P[1, 5, 132]. controversy, P[42, 64,
11, 14, 17, 19, 21, 131, confession, P[7, 13, 15, 69, 97, 105, 121, 122,
180]. 16, 29, 59, 62, 73, 74, 156, 159, 164, 179].
church of christ, P[19, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, conversion, P[13].
21, 98, 101, 105, 162, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, convert, P[60, 93, 121,
171]. 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 125, 139, 182].
church of england, 100, 103, 105, 106, converted, P[121, 182].
P[18, 62, 87, 90, 107]. 109, 110, 111, 112, conviction, P[16, 18,
church of god, P[81, 113, 114, 132, 133, 20, 25, 29, 48, 59, 68,
106, 133, 161]. 134, 138, 139, 141, 87, 96, 155].
church of scotland, P[9, 142, 167, 177, 178, coram deo, P[94, 177].
11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 180, 181, 182]. corinthians, P[109].
18, 34, 69, 81, 91, 93, confession of faith, corpus reformatorum,
94, 95, 96, 97, 102, P[13, 74, 78, 83, 86, P[174, 175, 178].
105, 116, 140, 142, 96, 141, 182]. corruption, P[18, 27,
143, 154, 177, 181]. confessions of faith, 29, 31, 41, 146, 161,
circumstance, P[21, 28, P[15]. 180].
75, 118, 120, 131, 140, confirmation, P[52, 82, counselling, P[153].
158]. 140]. counsellor, P[17, 159].
circumstances, P[21, conformity, P[86, 135]. courage, P[27, 33, 47,
28, 75, 118, 120, 131, congregation, P[17, 30, 48, 49, 55, 91, 95, 100,
140, 158]. 31, 55, 61, 65, 70, 72, 105, 110, 132, 150,
city of god, P[27]. 77, 84, 86, 87, 88, 91, 156, 157, 159, 161,
civil government, 98, 99, 100, 103, 106, 174].
P[106]. 109, 127, 128, 138, court, P[11, 16, 33, 36,
civil magistrate, P[74]. 142, 177]. 46, 48, 49, 53, 58, 67,
civil ruler, P[133]. conscience, P[25, 26, 68, 89, 98, 102, 103,
48, 82, 90, 114, 133, 104, 105, 107, 117,

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

120, 123, 135, 136, decree, P[10, 42, 43, 138, 139, 174, 175,
137, 138, 139, 140, 77, 134, 135, 153, 173, 176, 178].
152, 173]. 180]. doctrinal, P[103].
covenant, P[22, 41, 74, defection, P[117, 136]. doctrine, P[14, 15, 16,
131, 135]. depravity, P[79]. 18, 26, 29, 30, 31, 33,
covenanter, P[41]. despair, P[11, 116, 129, 37, 38, 39, 43, 46, 48,
covenanting, P[22, 131, 172]. 66, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73,
135]. despotism, P[45]. 75, 80, 82, 83, 85, 96,
covet, P[46, 123, 155]. devil, P[122, 178]. 99, 104, 121, 124, 127,
creation, P[76, 79]. devotion, P[28, 51, 89, 132, 136, 141, 145,
criminal, P[66]. 91, 120, 135]. 147, 153, 158, 160,
crucified, P[26]. dexter, P[163]. 161, 162, 164, 171,
culture, P[114, 146, dickson, P[62]. 172, 173, 174, 175,
163, 165]. disciple, P[33, 46, 61, 180].
cunningham, P[11, 21, 108, 134, 149, 163]. doctrine of justification,
31, 131, 139, 180]. discipline, P[7, 12, 29, P[164].
curriculum, P[10]. 61, 68, 73, 78, 81, 82, dogma, P[75, 135].
curse, P[78, 79]. 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93, dominican, P[30, 51,
damnation, P[78, 79, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 158].
84]. 101, 102, 103, 104, dominion, P[134, 159].
damned, P[78]. 105, 106, 107, 108, doubt, P[9, 17, 28, 33,
daniel, P[118, 119]. 109, 110, 111, 112, 35, 36, 38, 39, 42, 46,
dark ages, P[126]. 113, 114, 115, 125, 57, 60, 62, 67, 71, 77,
darkness, P[27, 79, 131, 132, 133, 134, 81, 84, 85, 87, 96, 109,
149, 150]. 135, 136, 137, 138, 110, 112, 113, 114,
dating, P[4]. 139, 140, 141, 142, 122, 123, 129, 133,
daughter, P[7, 10, 22, 143, 168, 178, 180, 134, 146, 150, 152,
34, 35, 47, 120, 164, 182]. 153, 154, 156, 164,
170, 174]. disease, P[57, 162]. 166, 171, 172].
david, P[9, 29, 35, 43, dispensation, P[48]. douglas, P[73, 96, 123,
45, 52, 60, 64, 65, 77, divine, P[10, 16, 21, 25, 167, 180].
84, 115, 118, 120, 122, 26, 27, 45, 46, 72, 80, drama, P[40, 48].
123, 125, 139, 170, 83, 89, 94, 97, 100, drunk, P[119].
176, 178, 180, 181, 101, 107, 124, 126, dunbar, P[180].
182]. 135, 159, 182]. dunlop, P[75, 76, 77,
deacon, P[97, 98, 100, divine right, P[135, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 84,
101, 107, 109, 127, 182]. 85, 91, 92, 98, 99, 100,
138, 142]. divine right of church 103, 105, 106, 109,
death, P[8, 16, 17, 21, government, P[135, 110, 111, 112, 113,
22, 23, 25, 31, 39, 41, 182]. 114, 132, 133, 134,
42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 50, divinity, P[10, 12, 19, 138, 139, 177, 178,
57, 77, 78, 97, 116, 20, 21, 44, 76, 139, 180].
124, 125, 126, 129, 157, 159, 163, 179, dunn, P[11, 12].
142, 146, 149, 160, 183]. durham, P[67, 182].
161, 164, 165, 167, division, P[69, 134, dutch, P[26, 69, 116].
170, 174, 179, 181]. 161]. duties of church, P[7,
debate, P[139, 158]. doctor, P[9, 10, 32, 33, 108, 180].
declaration, P[95, 180]. 34, 39, 55, 64, 67, 69, early date, P[88].
declension, P[107]. 72, 97, 98, 99, 121, easter, P[166].

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ecclesiastical, P[7, 8, 9, english congregation at 98, 104, 117, 119, 122,


14, 15, 32, 34, 39, 46, geneva, P[98, 177]. 125, 129, 130, 133,
48, 81, 105, 106, 108, english puritan, P[69, 134, 135, 141, 142,
133, 139, 153, 171]. 95]. 154, 155, 162, 163,
edinburgh, P[1, 5, 14, english reformer, P[82]. 168, 171, 172, 181,
16, 17, 23, 33, 42, 44, ephesians, P[127]. 182].
54, 59, 60, 62, 68, 70, ephesus, P[140]. faith alone, P[39].
84, 88, 90, 103, 115, episcopacy, P[83, 104, faith in christ, P[81,
117, 118, 119, 121, 107, 123]. 141].
124, 143, 165, 176, episcopal, P[10, 34, 81, faith in god, P[66].
177, 180, 181, 183]. 83, 97, 101, 102, 139, faithful testimony, P[72,
education, P[7, 28, 29, 140, 141]. 117].
63, 111, 112, 113, 132, episcopal church, P[10, faithfulness, P[67, 162,
144, 180, 181, 182]. 101, 102, 141]. 163].
edwards, P[80]. episcopalian, P[81]. family, P[9, 10, 21, 22,
effectual call, P[79, erasmus, P[34, 36, 156, 23, 62, 73, 105, 106,
180]. 157, 167, 178, 179, 123, 141, 158, 159,
efficacious, P[25]. 180]. 179].
efficacious grace, P[25]. erastian, P[134, 135]. farel, P[86, 87, 180].
elder, P[15, 17, 21, 97, erskine, P[44, 52, 63, fashion, P[48].
98, 99, 100, 103, 107, 71, 180]. fasting, P[138].
109, 110, 127, 133, esau, P[34, 155]. father, P[9, 11, 21, 22,
137, 138, 139, 140, essence, P[50]. 24, 26, 34, 36, 44, 47,
142, 178, 181, 182]. establishment, P[17, 49, 51, 59, 68, 69, 76,
elect of god, P[77, 88, 103]. 77, 78, 79, 106, 107,
141]. eternal decree, P[77, 112, 115, 144, 145,
election, P[14, 42, 83, 180]. 153, 159, 164, 165,
98, 100, 138]. europe, P[26, 32]. 168, 171, 172, 175].
element, P[10, 67, evangelical, P[15, 45, fear, P[27, 40, 45, 49,
111]. 116, 123, 161, 165, 57, 58, 89, 106, 107,
engagement, P[59]. 181]. 113, 117, 124, 130,
england, P[7, 18, 44, evangelistic, P[12]. 135, 150, 172, 173].
45, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, evidence, P[14, 29, 59, feeling, P[23, 27, 29,
62, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 93, 96, 115, 120, 123, 64, 102, 133, 151].
70, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 170, 180]. fellowship, P[137].
97, 99, 100, 107, 134, evolution, P[24, 25, 31, film, P[125].
151, 154, 155, 157, 73]. fines, P[174].
158, 163, 165, 173, evolutionary, P[25]. first book of discipline,
179, 182]. excommunication, P[32, P[7, 29, 82, 85, 91, 92,
english, P[7, 16, 19, 26, 33, 92, 105, 106, 107, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
41, 49, 51, 53, 55, 58, 115, 170, 182]. 101, 102, 103, 104,
65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, extraordinary, P[136]. 105, 106, 107, 108,
74, 75, 82, 83, 84, 86, eyes, P[45, 119, 128, 109, 110, 111, 112,
87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 95, 173]. 113, 114, 115, 131,
98, 99, 101, 102, 143, faith, P[3, 9, 13, 15, 17, 137, 138, 168, 178,
145, 154, 156, 157, 18, 21, 22, 23, 25, 28, 182].
158, 161, 164, 165, 30, 31, 37, 39, 40, 42, fisher, P[145, 180].
171, 177, 179, 180]. 44, 48, 49, 50, 55, 66, fleming, P[1, 5, 9, 87].
english bible, P[69, 143, 67, 69, 72, 74, 77, 78, flesh, P[78].
154, 158, 165, 179]. 80, 81, 83, 85, 86, 96, fool, P[147].

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OCR-BASED INDEX
Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

forefather, P[107]. gentry, P[51, 55, 61, gospel, P[11, 18, 25,
foster, P[70, 92, 119, 65, 116]. 26, 33, 36, 37, 41, 45,
155, 180]. george gillespie, 53, 65, 66, 67, 76, 93,
foundation, P[12, 28, P[135]. 98, 99, 102, 127, 141,
63, 77, 125, 128, 167]. george wishart, P[6, 44, 145, 163, 164, 167,
foxe, P[40, 43, 53, 59, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 173, 174].
60, 61, 158, 180]. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, government, P[7, 51,
frame, P[73, 75, 77, 79, 182]. 69, 73, 88, 94, 95, 96,
81, 85, 92, 100, 136, german, P[13, 19, 26, 97, 98, 103, 105, 106,
140, 172]. 27, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 107, 109, 135, 136,
france, P[40, 45, 46, 57, 62, 65, 96, 131, 139, 140, 142, 143,
47, 49, 51, 52, 67, 88, 150, 151, 152, 153, 180, 181, 182].
89, 103, 108, 116, 124, 154, 157, 163, 164, government of the
128, 151, 152, 163, 165, 173, 174, 182]. church, P[7, 94, 95, 96,
168, 181]. germany, P[13, 27, 37, 97, 105, 109, 135,
franciscan, P[30, 48]. 39, 42, 43, 65, 131, 140].
free will, P[115]. 151, 152, 153, 157, grace, P[12, 24, 25, 26,
freedom, P[11, 38, 92, 165, 174, 182]. 37, 53, 72, 77, 79, 80,
108, 151, 162]. gesture, P[121]. 109, 110, 112, 113,
french, P[10, 26, 46, gift, P[12, 20, 65, 71, 116, 120, 128, 129,
47, 52, 53, 66, 67, 69, 77, 91, 93, 95, 97, 100, 130, 142, 156, 159,
70, 86, 87, 100, 108, 109, 110, 142, 153, 172].
124, 146, 151, 161, 178, 182]. grace alone, P[79].
168]. gill, P[103, 135, 137, grace of god, P[37, 53,
french protestant, P[70, 139, 140, 181]. 72, 80, 129].
108, 168]. gillespie, P[103, 135, graves, P[25].
fundamental, P[37]. 139, 140, 181]. greek, P[44, 52, 60,
funeral, P[57]. glasgow, P[8, 18, 20, 101, 111, 153, 156,
gardiner, P[177]. 31, 32, 33, 36, 63, 103, 157, 168].
gavin, P[44, 181]. 125, 155, 156, 167, greek new testament,
general assembly, P[11, 180, 181, 183]. P[44, 52].
13, 14, 15, 19, 21, 23, glory, P[44, 60, 91, growth in grace,
72, 80, 83, 87, 88, 90, 107, 108, 110, 122, P[109].
93, 94, 95, 102, 103, 139, 142]. guilt, P[47, 66, 98, 132,
104, 106, 122, 137, glory of god, P[60, 107, 147, 172].
141, 183]. 110]. haldane, P[12, 20, 21,
generation, P[9, 23, 79, gnostic, P[183]. 22].
104, 108, 111, 131, gnosticism, P[183]. happiness, P[22].
167, 168]. god the father, P[79]. harlot, P[84].
geneva, P[15, 16, 55, god's grace, P[24]. harris, P[25, 181].
62, 68, 69, 70, 74, 76, god's love, P[28]. hatred, P[119, 127].
77, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, god's mercy, P[129]. heart, P[20, 21, 22, 24,
90, 96, 98, 99, 100, god's word, P[42, 57, 26, 27, 28, 34, 37, 38,
103, 131, 139, 140, 74, 100, 106, 109, 41, 45, 49, 52, 55, 56,
168, 177, 180, 181, 138]. 57, 59, 64, 65, 66, 72,
182]. godhead, P[76, 78, 73, 75, 79, 91, 92, 99,
geneva bible, P[69]. 133]. 109, 113, 130, 132,
gentile, P[25]. good works, P[39, 78, 144, 145, 149, 150,
gentleness, P[39, 58, 164]. 151, 155, 163, 167,
76]. goodman, P[16, 99]. 171].

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

heathen, P[67, 146, holy, P[8, 10, 26, 27, hymn book, P[28].
149, 153]. 28, 31, 32, 36, 43, 46, hymn-book, P[132].
heaven, P[26, 33, 34, 49, 51, 52, 53, 64, 69, hypocrisy, P[44].
59, 128, 129, 173]. 72, 76, 78, 79, 82, 88, hypocrite, P[137].
heavenly, P[26, 129]. 91, 92, 101, 102, 107, hypocrites, P[137].
hebrew, P[10, 12, 13, 108, 126, 127, 139, icon, P[164].
19, 27, 153, 157, 168]. 141, 156, 171, 174, idol, P[67, 85, 99, 132,
heidelberg catechism, 175, 178]. 177].
P[75, 181]. holy scripture, P[10, 69, idolatry, P[67, 85, 177].
hell, P[1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 88, 101, 175]. ignorance, P[28, 29, 33,
10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, holy spirit, P[26, 78, 48, 59, 98, 108, 113,
16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 79]. 135].
22, 23, 24, 33, 54, 62, home, P[10, 22, 23, 26, image, P[26, 28, 39,
87, 114, 136, 140, 150, 34, 43, 47, 51, 53, 57, 76, 85, 142].
151, 152, 154, 162, 79, 87, 99, 118, 125, image of god, P[76].
166, 176, 178, 179]. 133, 149, 157, 158, immorality, P[29, 33,
henderson, P[94, 95, 159, 160, 163, 173]. 45, 125].
107, 142, 180, 181]. hope, P[11, 23, 25, 27, immortality, P[129].
henry, P[41, 45, 50, 38, 39, 48, 51, 65, 119, imprisonment, P[41, 42,
145, 157, 158, 173, 122, 123, 146, 148, 173].
174, 178, 180, 181]. 149, 152, 173, 174]. imputation, P[80].
heresies, P[76]. horsemen, P[150]. incarnation, P[77].
heresy, P[29, 33, 35, hort, P[4, 9, 20, 23, 25, independent, P[69, 80,
36, 48, 50, 51, 52, 57, 26, 38, 48, 50, 54, 55, 134, 135].
59, 182]. 57, 60, 64, 78, 88, 89, index, P[7, 179, 180,
heretic, P[31, 33, 38, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 181, 182, 183].
39, 41, 43, 46, 47, 70, 100, 104, 112, 118, india, P[9].
80, 134, 145, 168, 169, 120, 127, 129, 143, indifferent, P[151].
172]. 147, 152, 157, 159, indulged, P[66, 127].
heretical, P[39, 43, 46]. 160, 161, 162, 175, indulgence, P[48, 89,
hero, P[24, 35, 39, 42, 178, 180]. 155].
49, 61, 77, 121, 122, house, P[11, 22, 23, 34, indulgences, P[155].
124, 126]. 37, 45, 52, 54, 56, 70, infinite, P[53].
high-church, P[67]. 105, 115, 117, 118, innes, P[117, 128,
historical, P[4, 13, 14, 120, 123, 124, 141, 181].
15, 16, 18, 75, 81]. 147, 148, 157, 165, innovation, P[25, 93,
history, P[1, 5, 8, 9, 11, 167, 170, 173, 180, 162].
12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 182]. inquisition, P[43, 168].
21, 25, 36, 39, 41, 43, howie, P[83]. inspiration, P[137].
44, 54, 56, 64, 66, 70, humanist, P[46, 52, inspired apostles, P[25].
73, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 156]. institutes, P[77, 78, 79,
88, 91, 93, 94, 97, 108, hume, P[15, 29, 51, 86, 82, 106].
114, 116, 120, 123, 177, 180]. instrument, P[26, 90].
130, 131, 133, 137, humility, P[136]. intercession, P[18,
141, 156, 161, 167, hunt, P[50, 67, 152, 107].
178, 180, 181, 182]. 181]. interpretation, P[99,
holiday, P[80]. husband, P[50, 161, 100, 103, 109, 128,
holiness, P[51]. 164]. 138].
holland, P[69, 116]. hymn, P[28, 57, 62, invention, P[28].
132].

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

invisible church, P[81, jonathan edwards, 131, 150, 152, 177,


141]. P[80]. 180, 183].
ireland, P[15]. joy, P[11, 20, 21, 22, languages, P[10, 34,
isaiah, P[77, 127]. 34, 37, 50, 56, 59, 65, 52, 111, 183].
israel, P[9, 27, 183]. 78, 98, 110, 124, 127, larimer, P[64].
italian, P[26, 46, 86]. 128, 151, 163]. last day, P[7, 39, 60,
jacob, P[160, 168, judgement, P[109, 110, 116, 117, 118, 119,
170]. 133, 135]. 120, 121, 122, 123,
james, P[1, 5, 10, 19, judges, P[137]. 124, 125, 126, 127,
21, 22, 31, 34, 36, 39, judgment, P[10, 30, 78, 128, 129, 130, 182].
42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 50, 81, 100, 103, 126, 127, latimer, P[53, 158, 173,
51, 52, 58, 61, 83, 88, 138, 152, 171, 174]. 178, 181].
89, 95, 107, 108, 119, judicial, P[80, 83, 105]. latin, P[15, 46, 52, 62,
120, 123, 124, 133, justice, P[33, 46, 50, 64, 74, 75, 77, 80, 82,
150, 155, 160, 167, 66, 79, 80, 178]. 86, 87, 96, 100, 101,
168, 170, 178, 179, justification, P[26, 79, 111, 120, 121, 137,
180, 181, 182, 183]. 80, 164, 176, 180]. 147, 150, 155, 156,
james douglas, P[123]. kempis, P[25, 179]. 160, 164, 168, 175,
james i, P[34]. kennedy, P[28, 32, 87, 177, 178, 182].
james ii, P[34]. 167, 181]. latinus, P[46, 178,
james melville, P[119, kingdom, P[14, 35, 37, 182].
168, 181]. 40, 49, 72, 89, 95, 104, laud, P[34, 41, 90,
james vi, P[42, 83, 95, 123, 124, 133, 141, 181].
107, 108, 181]. 142, 151, 159, 161, laud's liturgy, P[90].
jealousy, P[119]. 181]. law of god, P[79].
jerusalem, P[13]. kings, P[132, 133, lawful, P[39, 59, 91, 93,
jesuit, P[121, 125, 168]. 106, 133, 138, 146,
182]. kirk, P[10, 17, 18, 31, 167].
jesus, P[23, 25, 27, 39, 41, 43, 50, 59, 61, 63, lawson, P[121, 124,
50, 77, 79, 80, 82, 91, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 90, 125, 126, 127, 181].
94, 111, 115, 122, 125, 91, 93, 95, 100, 107, lds, P[9, 50, 53, 58, 75,
129, 133, 137, 141, 109, 110, 111, 112, 83, 103, 113, 121, 142,
142, 162]. 113, 114, 115, 117, 182].
jesus christ, P[25, 50, 121, 123, 124, 128, leader, P[1, 5, 6, 9, 35,
94, 115, 122, 129, 133, 132, 133, 134, 137, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68,
137, 141, 142, 162]. 138, 139, 140, 141, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 82,
jew, P[12, 13, 20, 21, 150, 170, 178, 180, 97, 101, 121, 146, 151,
81]. 181, 182]. 181, 182].
jewish, P[13, 20, 21, knowledge, P[10, 12, left behind, P[118].
81]. 14, 16, 19, 21, 25, 27, letter, P[14, 23, 28, 31,
john knox, P[7, 15, 61, 29, 41, 52, 59, 61, 66, 35, 44, 46, 49, 51, 58,
65, 96, 116, 117, 118, 71, 100, 102, 109, 110, 61, 68, 69, 70, 80, 88,
119, 120, 121, 122, 111, 140, 145, 152, 89, 112, 120, 121, 123,
123, 124, 125, 126, 158, 167]. 155, 156, 157, 159,
127, 128, 129, 130, knowledge of god, P[27, 164, 173, 174, 175,
180, 181]. 100]. 177, 178, 179].
johnston, P[22, 40, language, P[10, 19, 26, liberal, P[75, 113, 136,
160, 164, 165, 168, 28, 34, 43, 52, 69, 76, 155, 165, 168].
181]. 82, 84, 85, 111, 124,

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Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

liberty, P[37, 45, 47, lutheran, P[33, 34, 41, 94, 95, 103, 113, 120,
51, 66, 79, 94, 95, 104, 51, 55, 76, 80, 82, 94, 129, 150, 158, 167,
109, 110, 114, 147]. 146, 159, 160, 161, 169, 172, 173, 176].
library, P[14, 62, 137, 163, 164, 172]. mediator, P[30, 78,
152, 154, 166, 167, lutheranism, P[41]. 176].
176, 177, 178]. lye, P[57, 95, 120, 121, medieval, P[18, 25, 27,
light, P[4, 22, 25, 28, 130, 180]. 28, 29, 114, 180].
37, 38, 41, 42, 44, 46, m'crie, P[31, 44, 71, melanchthon, P[7, 32,
50, 51, 54, 62, 85, 98, 74, 88, 118, 121, 124, 37, 42, 85, 143, 151,
108, 113, 125, 128, 126, 139, 155, 164, 153, 154, 157, 158,
132, 143, 149, 161, 181]. 159, 160, 163, 164,
164, 168, 172]. mackenzie, P[177]. 165, 172, 174, 175,
lining, P[117, 168]. magistracy, P[135]. 176, 178, 179, 180,
liturgies, P[89, 94, 101, magistrate, P[10, 72, 181].
175]. 74, 106, 132, 133, 134, melville, P[4, 22, 83,
liturgy, P[82, 85, 89, 135, 136, 148]. 119, 120, 121, 122,
90, 91, 92, 93, 175, majesty, P[26]. 123, 124, 125, 130,
181]. malignant, P[84]. 132, 133, 164, 168,
locke, P[89, 173]. man of sin, P[124]. 181, 182].
logic, P[7, 13, 37, 75, manly, P[75]. mercy, P[25, 57, 84,
83, 111, 132, 157, 160, manuscript, P[14, 39, 106, 122, 128, 129].
168, 171, 179]. 62, 137, 166]. mercy of god, P[128].
logical, P[7, 13, 37, 75, marriage, P[38, 47, 87, merit, P[1, 5, 20, 25,
83, 132, 160, 168, 171, 88, 164]. 31, 37, 53, 75, 114,
179]. martin, P[120, 168, 129, 131, 136, 154].
lollard, P[31, 42, 181]. 169, 174]. messiah, P[77].
lord jesus, P[25, 79, 82, martyr, P[24, 30, 31, metrical psalter, P[69].
111, 133, 141]. 32, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, metrical version, P[84].
lord jesus christ, P[25, 41, 42, 43, 44, 50, 52, metrical version of the
133, 141]. 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, psalms, P[84].
lord's day, P[99, 127]. 63, 87, 146, 158, 160, middle ages, P[32].
lord's supper, P[30, 62, 161, 164, 168, 181, miller, P[11].
66, 67, 71, 82, 87]. 182, 183]. milligan, P[20].
love, P[3, 17, 20, 22, martyrdom, P[24, 32, milton, P[6, 7, 14, 15,
23, 26, 28, 37, 47, 49, 34, 35, 39, 40, 41, 42, 28, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,
53, 69, 78, 117, 121, 60, 146, 158, 161, 181, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
142, 151, 163, 174]. 183]. 43, 50, 55, 60, 117,
lust, P[13, 24, 37, 59, mass, P[28, 30, 35, 50, 118, 120, 121, 122,
149, 159, 166, 167, 67, 68, 89, 92, 93, 112, 125, 126, 145, 146,
173]. 113, 124, 130, 167, 161, 167, 168, 169,
luther, P[25, 27, 33, 34, 181]. 172, 177, 178, 179,
35, 37, 38, 41, 43, 51, massacre, P[124, 181]. 180, 181, 182].
55, 57, 64, 76, 80, 81, matthew, P[33]. mind, P[16, 17, 28, 30,
82, 85, 94, 105, 126, mature, P[4, 64, 83, 39, 40, 45, 48, 55, 56,
132, 145, 146, 151, 121, 167]. 59, 66, 67, 68, 73, 91,
153, 154, 156, 159, meaning, P[25, 47, 80, 99, 106, 109, 110, 117,
160, 161, 163, 164, 101, 134, 156]. 119, 122, 129, 130,
165, 168, 169, 171, means of grace, P[110]. 134, 152, 155, 160,
172, 178, 181]. media, P[11, 30, 36, 168, 172].
49, 58, 61, 68, 70, 78,

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

minister, P[10, 11, 12, mother, P[10, 30, 34, oppression, P[29, 64,
17, 18, 20, 21, 30, 31, 69, 115, 117, 135, 168, 113, 114, 161].
40, 54, 57, 58, 66, 73, 174, 175]. ordained, P[11, 84, 88,
74, 78, 83, 85, 86, 87, movement, P[25, 26, 90, 94, 95, 101].
88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 42, 129]. ordinance, P[89, 131,
94, 95, 98, 99, 100, murder, P[41, 59, 66, 132, 139, 141, 142].
101, 102, 103, 107, 116, 118, 124]. ordination, P[12, 83,
109, 110, 114, 127, music, P[35]. 138, 142, 174].
132, 133, 134, 137, mystery, P[28, 139]. organ, P[27, 61, 88, 96,
138, 139, 140, 141, mystery of iniquity, 105, 111, 152, 167].
142, 146, 151, 160, P[139]. original intent, P[37].
175, 178]. mystical, P[82]. original sin, P[76].
ministry, P[10, 11, 12, national synod, P[104]. orthodox, P[83, 169,
19, 59, 61, 65, 66, 71, nations, P[30, 49, 73, 172].
83, 94, 100, 102, 110, 77, 81, 113, 141, 145]. orthodox presbyterian,
117, 119, 127, 141, necessary, P[65, 76, P[83].
181, 183]. 82, 89, 99, 101, 110, owen, P[80].
minutes, P[14, 23, 86]. 111, 151, 158]. pain, P[3, 8, 11, 14, 54,
miracle, P[18]. nero, P[16, 47, 168, 57, 115, 128, 129].
miraculous, P[144, 174]. paisley, P[49, 181].
179]. netherlands, P[116]. papacy, P[45, 46].
misery, P[89, 106]. new testament, P[18, papist, P[54, 84, 104,
mission, P[9, 11, 12, 32, 36, 41, 43, 44, 49, 113, 114, 134].
13, 14, 20, 21, 26, 46, 52, 62, 75, 82, 127, parable, P[19, 163].
47, 55, 59, 67, 70, 73, 131, 133, 153, 156, paraphrase, P[23, 128,
74, 81, 92, 101, 107, 168, 182]. 168].
109, 123, 130, 137, nicene, P[25]. parent, P[71, 72, 76,
138, 140, 153, 155, nisbet, P[21]. 114, 123, 126, 127,
162, 177, 180]. nonconformity, P[135]. 128, 129, 143, 144,
missionary, P[12]. notorious, P[44, 47, 58, 148, 158, 165, 174].
mitchell, P[1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 107, 115, 117]. parliament, P[15, 29,
9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, numbers, P[44, 56, 31, 32, 35, 47, 48, 49,
15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 116]. 50, 73, 74, 82, 83, 105,
21, 22, 23, 24, 33, 54, nye, P[35]. 127, 137, 139, 140,
62, 87, 114, 136, 140, oath, P[31, 45, 50, 52, 141, 156, 178, 179].
150, 151, 152, 154, 146, 170]. party, P[46, 48, 51, 64,
162, 166, 176, 178, obedience, P[30, 48, 68, 69, 88, 98, 99, 116,
179]. 74, 78, 79, 80, 134, 117, 128, 140, 156,
modern, P[18, 25, 29, 177]. 160].
71, 80, 82, 123, 125, occult, P[169]. passion, P[45, 56, 64,
152, 183]. office, P[16, 18, 30, 46, 127, 132, 147].
modesty, P[162]. 48, 50, 62, 65, 67, 86, pastor, P[11, 12, 16,
money, P[47, 48, 49, 89, 90, 97, 98, 99, 100, 84, 86, 97, 100, 123,
51, 170, 173, 178]. 101, 102, 120, 123, 124, 142, 143].
morality, P[28, 29, 33, 128, 129, 133, 134, pastoral, P[11, 12, 16].
45, 108, 125, 146]. 136, 138, 142, 155, patent, P[110].
morison, P[173, 182]. 173, 179]. patience, P[23, 28, 39].
moses, P[162]. old testament, P[12, patristic, P[83].
124, 168]. paul, P[23, 31, 45, 50,
83, 109, 127, 134, 144,

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

149, 160, 164, 167, popery, P[119, 123, preaching, P[28, 39, 55,
174, 175, 176, 180, 134, 135]. 56, 64, 70, 71, 72, 81,
182]. popish, P[31, 47, 60, 91, 93, 99, 100, 101,
peace, P[11, 17, 22, 37, 66, 70, 93, 97, 101, 118, 178, 181, 182].
44, 68, 69, 71, 72, 87, 102, 104, 117, 118, predestination, P[83].
88, 90, 113, 124, 129, 125, 126, 134, 135, prelacy, P[107].
130, 157]. 138, 180, 181]. prelate, P[32, 36, 50,
penance, P[55]. possession, P[35, 43, 60, 61, 90, 95, 147,
pentecost, P[26]. 44, 54, 56, 121, 142]. 155, 161].
perfection, P[78, 79, posterity, P[42, 112, presbyterial
80, 109]. 124]. government, P[135].
perish, P[26, 27, 44, power, P[17, 25, 26, presbyterian, P[9, 15,
128, 162]. 27, 28, 29, 36, 38, 40, 16, 18, 82, 83, 85, 97,
persecuted, P[31, 67, 46, 50, 51, 65, 66, 67, 98, 116, 122, 134, 136,
162]. 68, 69, 72, 76, 77, 78, 137, 139, 140].
persecution, P[52, 57, 84, 90, 100, 102, 103, presbyterian church,
68, 160, 181]. 105, 110, 114, 119, P[9, 16, 18, 82, 85, 98,
persecution in scotland, 121, 129, 132, 133, 137].
P[181]. 135, 136, 137, 138, presbyterian churches,
persecutor, P[40, 149, 140, 141, 142, 143, P[9, 16, 18, 82, 85,
151]. 154, 167, 172]. 98].
perseverance, P[163]. power of god, P[142]. presbyterian
philadelphia, P[15, 16]. power of godliness, government, P[97].
philosophy, P[34, 45, P[142]. presbyterian principles,
139, 167]. praise, P[51, 62, 72, P[122].
physic, P[3, 120, 127, 129, 145, 168]. presbyterianism, P[83].
129, 157, 178]. pray, P[21, 27, 31, 39, presbytery, P[11, 24,
pierce, P[127]. 50, 55, 87, 88, 89, 90, 98, 103, 104, 131, 138,
piety, P[10, 23, 34, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 100, 139, 140, 141, 142,
147]. 122, 128, 129, 138, 143, 180, 182].
pink, P[123]. 144, 149, 178]. president, P[19, 67].
plato, P[34]. prayer, P[21, 27, 55, pressly, P[29, 49, 74,
pleasure, P[12, 21, 22, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 88, 89, 91, 92, 103,
48, 72, 90, 150, 160, 93, 94, 95, 100, 128, 106, 139, 141].
172, 173]. 129, 138, 144]. priest, P[18, 28, 30, 31,
poetry, P[13, 62, 183]. preach, P[11, 17, 25, 32, 35, 43, 48, 58, 64,
politics, P[36]. 28, 35, 39, 40, 45, 49, 69, 81, 84, 91, 101,
polity, P[106, 131, 55, 56, 58, 64, 65, 66, 130, 134, 144, 147,
154]. 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 81, 155, 158, 173, 180,
poor, P[7, 31, 49, 53, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 182].
100, 111, 112, 113, 99, 100, 101, 102, 118, priesthood, P[30, 35].
114, 115, 121, 132, 123, 124, 134, 139, principles, P[9, 32, 69,
148, 163, 166, 180, 147, 152, 163, 178, 73, 97, 113, 117, 122,
182]. 181, 182]. 132, 135, 136].
pope, P[29, 30, 31, 32, preach the word, P[35]. printer, P[62, 69, 121,
33, 35, 36, 43, 45, 46, preacher, P[17, 40, 49, 156, 158, 174, 175,
49, 50, 51, 54, 81, 104, 55, 56, 58, 65, 66, 67, 181, 182].
108, 119, 123, 134, 68, 70, 71, 89, 90, 95, printing, P[28, 62, 121,
135, 156, 167, 180]. 99, 100, 101, 102, 134, 175].
pope paul, P[167]. 152, 163, 181].

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Listings May Include Partial Matches
Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

prison, P[39, 41, 42, pulpit, P[9, 55, 56, 65, 105, 107, 108, 109,
67, 68, 147, 148, 173, 72, 121, 123, 124, 110, 111, 112, 113,
174, 179]. 127]. 115, 116, 118, 119,
professor, P[1, 4, 5, 8, punishment, P[43, 57, 121, 122, 123, 124,
9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 66, 90, 128, 133, 149, 125, 130, 132, 136,
15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 159, 172, 173, 174]. 143, 144, 145, 150,
22, 37, 44, 59, 72, 139, purgatory, P[30, 31]. 151, 152, 154, 156,
151, 152, 159, 163, puritanism, P[69]. 157, 158, 159, 160,
168, 169, 179, 182, puritans, P[69, 83, 95, 161, 162, 163, 165,
183]. 104, 140]. 167, 168, 171, 174,
property, P[22, 48, 170, queen mary, P[29]. 175, 178, 180, 181,
173]. quotation, P[4, 80, 114, 182].
prophecies, P[77, 118]. 136, 162, 165, 179, reformation church,
prophecy, P[109]. 181, 182]. P[84, 104, 180].
prophet, P[21, 109, quote, P[4, 23, 64, 76, reformed, P[15, 16, 18,
118, 124, 162, 171]. 119, 128, 148, 152, 30, 34, 44, 61, 62, 65,
prophetic, P[171]. 154, 155, 178, 180, 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 80,
prosperity, P[13, 116]. 181, 182]. 81, 88, 91, 94, 96, 97,
protestant, P[15, 42, rcus, P[164, 182]. 100, 101, 102, 103,
49, 54, 67, 70, 71, 72, reading, P[12, 42, 44, 105, 116, 119, 121,
76, 77, 87, 96, 99, 104, 92, 93, 101, 127, 160, 136, 150, 156, 158,
108, 116, 125, 150, 165, 182]. 162, 167, 180, 181,
157, 160, 168, 171, reading of scripture, 182].
181]. P[92]. reformed church, P[15,
protestant church, P[42, reason, P[12, 13, 16, 18, 30, 34, 61, 69, 71,
125, 160, 168]. 17, 39, 59, 70, 88, 90, 80, 94, 96, 97, 100,
protestantism, P[99, 95, 97, 100, 101, 102, 102, 103, 105, 116,
108, 116]. 110, 135, 136, 143, 121, 136, 180].
protestation, P[76, 145, 147, 150, 155, reformed church of
120]. 172]. scotland, P[15, 18, 34,
providence, P[130, rebellion, P[156]. 69, 96, 105, 116].
144]. redeemer, P[77, 78]. reformed churches,
psalm, P[15, 27, 40, 56, redemption, P[77, 79]. P[15, 18, 80, 94, 100,
62, 84, 88, 91, 92, 127, reference, P[40, 46, 57, 121, 136, 180].
157, 158, 175, 176, 60, 62, 63, 77, 123, reformed faith, P[69,
182, 183]. 126, 131, 165, 166, 119, 181].
psalmist, P[27]. 179, 180, 181, 182]. reformed worship, P[72,
psalmody, P[15]. reform, P[1, 2, 5, 6, 7, 181].
psalms, P[40, 62, 84, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 24, reformer, P[14, 25, 26,
127, 158, 182, 183]. 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 27, 34, 38, 39, 45, 46,
psalms and hymns, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 47, 48, 52, 59, 66, 68,
P[62]. 39, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76,
psalter, P[62, 69, 157]. 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 81, 82, 84, 89, 91, 95,
public repentance, 54, 55, 58, 59, 60, 61, 96, 98, 99, 105, 108,
P[105, 106]. 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 110, 111, 112, 113,
public worship, P[69, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 116, 118, 119, 121,
88, 90, 91, 93, 141]. 74, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 122, 124, 125, 130,
publication, P[13, 42, 84, 85, 88, 89, 91, 94, 145, 162, 168].
176, 177]. 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, regeneration, P[79].
publishing, P[121]. 101, 102, 103, 104, reid, P[19, 122].

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Page Numbers Refer to PDF Page Numbers

rejoice, P[13]. roberts, P[4, 8, 11, 21, scandal, P[25, 47, 48,
relaxation, P[17, 22, 29, 32, 39, 46, 70, 168, 61, 114].
114]. 170, 182, 183]. scandalous, P[47, 48,
religion, P[15, 28, 31, rock, P[23, 128, 144, 61].
38, 51, 55, 66, 74, 95, 148]. schaff, P[15, 16, 171].
102, 113, 121, 136, roman catholic, P[54, scholarly, P[8, 21, 46,
137, 141, 142, 151, 81]. 132].
161, 167, 183]. romanist, P[82, 122]. scholarship, P[121].
reminiscences, P[20, romanists, P[82]. school, P[10, 21, 34,
22]. romans, P[55, 178]. 38, 46, 69, 95, 99, 109,
remnant, P[47]. rome, P[45, 51, 54, 80, 110, 111, 112, 121,
remonstrance, P[104, 146]. 122, 139, 145, 167,
147, 148]. rouse, P[29, 160]. 168].
renaissance, P[167]. russia, P[159]. scientific, P[12, 26].
repent, P[105, 106, rutherford, P[22]. scot, P[1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 11,
122, 124, 130, 173]. sabbath, P[66, 109]. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,
repentance, P[105, 106, sacerdotal, P[18, 69]. 18, 19, 20, 24, 27, 29,
124, 130]. sacerdotalism, P[18, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,
repented, P[122]. 69]. 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
resolution, P[15]. sacrament, P[30, 38, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49,
resolutions, P[15]. 50, 66, 81, 82, 84, 88, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55,
restoration, P[83, 105, 90, 93, 99, 100, 101, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61,
162]. 115, 122, 133, 139, 62, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70,
resurrection, P[21, 127, 158, 160, 169, 175, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77,
142]. 177, 180, 182]. 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83,
revelation, P[25]. sacrament of the lord's 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, 91,
review, P[15, 59, 73, supper, P[66, 82]. 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 100,
82, 93, 104, 116, 181]. sacramental, P[82]. 101, 102, 103, 104,
revolution, P[24, 25, sacraments, P[30, 38, 105, 108, 110, 113,
31, 73]. 50, 81, 82, 84, 88, 90, 114, 115, 116, 118,
reward, P[21, 34, 40, 99, 100, 101, 122, 133, 120, 121, 124, 125,
45, 155]. 139, 158, 160, 177, 126, 128, 130, 131,
rex, P[118, 170]. 180, 182]. 133, 134, 136, 137,
rich, P[16, 25, 26, 31, sacrifice, P[18, 39, 60, 139, 140, 142, 143,
44, 45, 47, 53, 54, 62, 149]. 146, 151, 152, 153,
68, 72, 83, 86, 112, salvation, P[76, 77, 99, 154, 155, 156, 158,
115, 118, 124, 171, 141, 164]. 159, 160, 161, 162,
182]. samuel, P[22]. 163, 164, 165, 167,
riches, P[16, 25]. samuel rutherford, 168, 169, 170, 174,
righteousness, P[26, 30, P[22]. 175, 176, 177, 179,
77]. sanctification, P[79]. 180, 181, 182, 183].
rites, P[38, 69, 82, 130, sanctified, P[18]. scotland, P[9, 11, 12,
137, 179]. sanction, P[36, 88, 94, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 27,
ritual, P[18, 25, 30, 61, 101, 106, 107, 123, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
62, 63, 79, 92, 94, 96, 134, 136, 167, 169]. 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45,
100, 101, 106, 109, satan, P[76]. 46, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54,
110, 114, 129, 133, saul, P[126, 147, 178, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 68,
134, 137, 142, 182]. 179]. 69, 70, 72, 81, 82, 84,
robert haldane, P[22]. saviour, P[21, 26, 40, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95,
81, 129, 150]. 96, 97, 100, 101, 102,

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103, 104, 105, 110, septuagint, P[168]. speak, P[20, 32, 38, 65,
113, 114, 116, 118, sermon, P[16, 17, 41, 82, 83, 86, 87, 92, 93,
124, 125, 126, 131, 56, 57, 58, 66, 72, 89, 109, 121, 134, 147,
133, 139, 140, 142, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 99, 150, 153, 172, 174].
143, 146, 151, 154, 118, 123, 124, 147, speech, P[44, 65, 71,
156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 175, 176]. 153].
161, 163, 164, 165, session, P[10, 19, 31, spirit, P[12, 17, 25, 26,
167, 177, 180, 181, 35, 43, 44, 54, 56, 58, 27, 28, 30, 37, 38, 56,
182, 183]. 76, 84, 103, 107, 110, 61, 62, 63, 68, 69, 75,
scotland's martyrs, 117, 121, 139, 140, 77, 78, 79, 80, 83, 85,
P[44]. 142, 178, 181, 182]. 87, 91, 92, 93, 94, 100,
scottish church, P[14, settled, P[65, 96, 101, 101, 106, 107, 108,
15, 17, 32, 47, 102, 160, 170]. 109, 110, 114, 116,
104, 105, 183]. seventh commandment, 119, 121, 128, 129,
scottish presbyterian, P[159]. 133, 134, 135, 137,
P[83, 134]. sex, P[176]. 141, 142, 146, 147,
scottish shadow, P[24, 60]. 161, 182].
presbyterianism, P[83]. shame, P[18, 29, 42, spirit of god, P[91, 92,
scottish reformation, 47, 60, 73, 83, 95, 106, 110].
P[1, 2, 5, 13, 14, 15, 121, 125, 148, 155]. spiritual, P[25, 30, 61,
24, 40, 44, 61, 64, 73, sharp, P[33, 41, 58, 62, 63, 79, 94, 100,
85, 143, 161, 162, 103, 119, 158, 182]. 101, 106, 109, 110,
181]. shepherd, P[22, 36]. 114, 129, 133, 134,
scriptural, P[26, 43, 61, sick, P[56, 58, 127, 137, 142, 182].
97, 135]. 150]. spiritual man, P[30].
scripture, P[10, 30, 42, sickness, P[150]. spiritual song, P[62,
43, 49, 68, 69, 76, 88, single, P[24, 72, 74, 98, 182].
92, 93, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 130, 142, 168]. spring, P[23, 28, 35,
101, 103, 109, 127, sinner, P[25, 162]. 67, 77, 117].
129, 134, 135, 138, sins, P[26, 34, 129, steven, P[51, 182].
139, 145, 151, 153, 162]. stevenson, P[51, 182].
154, 157, 160, 168, six day, P[90]. steward, P[44, 127,
171, 175, 182]. six days, P[90]. 182].
sda, P[23, 92, 144]. slave, P[66, 72, 76, stewart, P[22, 44, 167,
second book of 118, 143, 181]. 182].
discipline, P[7, 103, smith, P[11, 23]. stress, P[30, 129, 170].
131, 132, 133, 134, society of jesus, P[125]. strife, P[116].
135, 136, 137, 138, soldier, P[57, 129, stuart, P[51, 145, 182].
139, 140, 141, 142, 173]. student, P[4, 8, 10, 11,
143]. solemn, P[65, 66, 71, 12, 13, 19, 20, 21, 37,
second reformation, 92, 127]. 44, 119, 122, 145, 166,
P[14]. son of god, P[25, 127, 168].
secular, P[29, 30, 43, 133, 162]. studies, P[10, 22, 34,
133, 153]. soul, P[23, 26, 36, 39, 90, 93, 145, 158, 168,
sense, P[9, 13, 18, 31, 57, 66, 67, 71, 93, 106, 181].
91, 106, 111, 138, 144, 127, 128, 130, 133, study, P[10, 12, 13, 14,
153, 166, 167]. 134, 138, 145, 171]. 19, 21, 25, 53, 63, 96,
separated, P[133]. sovereign, P[34, 36, 47, 100, 109, 138, 145,
separation, P[11, 45, 127, 133, 174]. 147, 150, 153, 154,
138]. spanish, P[26, 116]. 156, 166, 168, 179].

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subordinate standard, temptation, P[110, truth, P[4, 14, 18, 21,


P[75]. 129]. 25, 28, 36, 37, 39, 40,
subordinate standards, terror, P[144]. 41, 58, 64, 66, 71, 72,
P[75]. testimony, P[18, 29, 72, 73, 75, 99, 102, 107,
subscribe, P[76, 137, 90, 92, 117, 126, 130, 118, 127, 136, 138,
173]. 134, 171, 173]. 148, 155, 161, 162,
subscription, P[15, 17]. theologian, P[32, 53, 163, 172, 173].
success, P[11, 12, 13, 145, 159, 163, 165, turkish empire, P[12].
16, 17, 18, 21, 25, 26, 168, 172]. tyndale, P[36, 62, 182].
30, 32, 33, 35, 38, 45, theological, P[7, 13, 37, tyranny, P[119, 136].
47, 52, 55, 59, 60, 63, 160, 168, 171, 179]. tyrant, P[42, 60, 66,
64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 81, theological school, 172].
83, 87, 89, 95, 102, P[168]. ungodly, P[106].
103, 104, 121, 122, theology, P[45, 63, 75, uniformity, P[95, 136].
125, 126, 132, 140, 83, 145, 151, 153, 163, unity, P[19, 28, 29, 69,
150, 163, 167, 168, 166, 167, 168]. 72, 76, 98, 108, 110,
182]. thomas brown, P[20]. 125, 141, 147, 148,
succession, P[18, 25, thomson, P[20]. 151, 152, 160].
81, 102, 122, 167, timothy, P[144]. universities, P[12, 96,
182]. toleration, P[108]. 104, 112, 120, 151,
suffering, P[3, 24, 40, tongue, P[12, 19, 28, 163, 167, 168].
56, 77, 83, 142, 153]. 43, 49, 52, 69, 77, 111, university, P[1, 5, 9,
sunday, P[45, 112, 128, 150, 154, 156, 10, 11, 18, 19, 21, 31,
118]. 165]. 33, 34, 37, 38, 41, 42,
superiors, P[153]. torment, P[84, 149, 44, 49, 52, 63, 71, 72,
superstition, P[85, 177, 178]. 90, 111, 118, 119, 121,
177]. torture, P[40]. 123, 139, 143, 145,
supremacy, P[26, 29, tradition, P[25, 30, 120, 152, 153, 157, 158,
117, 160]. 151, 160]. 159, 160, 163, 166,
switzerland, P[94]. translation, P[26, 36, 167, 168, 173, 174,
sworn, P[117, 121]. 43, 53, 62, 69, 77, 82, 176, 177, 179, 180,
synagogue, P[84]. 84, 99, 126, 154, 156, 181, 182, 183].
synod, P[60, 101, 102, 157, 158, 162, 168, usa, P[13, 25, 43, 85,
103, 104, 105, 135, 175, 177, 182]. 108, 144, 153, 168,
142, 147]. translator, P[70, 158]. 169, 176].
systematic theology, transubstantiation, vass, P[150].
P[168]. P[30, 84, 158]. vestment, P[89].
taylor innes, P[128]. trapp, P[147]. victory, P[72, 73, 129,
teachers, P[26, 35, 98, trent, P[72]. 154, 156].
153, 167]. trial, P[39, 49, 55, 66, vineyard, P[163].
teaching, P[12, 13, 26, 107, 155, 157]. virgin, P[29, 30, 50,
31, 34, 39, 45, 52, 53, trinity, P[76, 137]. 53].
61, 66, 72, 76, 80, 83, true church, P[81, 105, virgin mary, P[30, 50,
84, 93, 99, 109, 141, 180]. 53].
147, 162, 165, 172]. trumpets, P[72]. visible church, P[81,
tear, P[152, 153, 173]. trust, P[9, 15, 21, 23, 141].
temper, P[13, 20, 64, 26, 27, 47, 49, 73, 76, visions, P[108, 134,
147, 154, 156, 169]. 96, 99, 100, 102, 128, 150, 161].
temple, P[56]. 140, 149, 162, 178]. vocation, P[157, 177].

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vote, P[4, 11, 13, 21, witnesses, P[31, 69]. zeal, P[13, 36, 58, 61,
45, 47, 56, 57, 67, 69, witnessing, P[40, 69]. 71, 107, 119, 121, 122,
98, 114, 116]. women, P[26, 115]. 125, 142].
vow, P[39, 78, 83, word of god, P[26, 30, zealous, P[58, 61, 71].
132]. 31, 35, 39, 56, 60, 66, zurich, P[86, 171].
vulgate, P[84, 156]. 75, 83, 84, 91, 106, zwingli, P[82].
warfare, P[127]. 134, 136, 139, 155,
warne, P[93, 136, 173]. 156, 158, 160, 165,
warning, P[41, 48, 59, 172, 175, 178].
61, 93, 118, 173]. work, P[3, 4, 7, 9, 11,
wedding, P[7, 164, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19,
174]. 20, 21, 22, 30, 39, 40,
welch, P[171]. 42, 49, 51, 55, 57, 59,
wellbeing, P[105]. 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 70,
westminster assembly, 72, 75, 77, 78, 80, 83,
P[14]. 85, 97, 103, 104, 115,
westminster confession, 116, 117, 121, 123,
P[13, 79, 83, 141, 182]. 124, 126, 130, 136,
westminster confession 137, 144, 150, 154,
of faith, P[13, 141, 158, 160, 161, 162,
182]. 163, 164, 167, 174,
westminster divine, 175, 176, 179, 181,
P[80, 107]. 183].
westminster divines, world, P[9, 24, 25, 69,
P[80, 107]. 77, 81, 114, 126, 129,
westminster standards, 135, 141, 162].
P[15]. worship, P[16, 18, 39,
white, P[7, 17, 53, 54, 68, 69, 72, 73, 85, 88,
86, 171, 180]. 90, 91, 93, 94, 141,
whore, P[43]. 181].
wife, P[32, 43, 44, 50, wrath, P[60, 78, 84,
115, 120, 127, 128, 178].
164]. wrath of god, P[60,
william roberts, P[21]. 178].
william smith, P[11]. wright, P[12].
williams, P[62, 64, wycliffe, P[25, 31, 32,
182]. 33, 117, 126, 183].
wine, P[30, 45, 84, young, P[7, 10, 11, 12,
127]. 18, 20, 21, 30, 33, 34,
wisdom, P[13, 112, 35, 37, 38, 41, 42, 45,
164]. 49, 52, 61, 63, 111,
wishart, P[6, 42, 44, 113, 117, 119, 121,
52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 123, 127, 132, 145,
58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 146, 166, 180].
64, 65, 182, 183]. youth, P[10, 11, 19, 21,
witch, P[108, 183]. 34, 37, 39, 52, 80, 111,
witness, P[11, 31, 32, 112, 122, 125, 146,
40, 69, 116, 122, 125, 163, 164, 168].
126, 127, 128, 129,
153, 162, 172, 173].

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