Since the late 18th century, liberalism has propelled in the Canadian politics.

Canadian liberal
features are similar to Western democratic traditions which are based on Lockean’s right to life,
liberty, and property. Canadian history can be divided into two phases of liberalism; classical
liberalism (pre-1960s) and modern liberalism (post-1960s). The focus and emphasis of classical
liberalism was on individual liberty, free market and representative form of government which
was enacted with the help if Constitutional Act of 1791 by the British. Whereas, modern liberalism
in Canada began in 1960s and got promoted by proponents like Lester B. Pearson, Pierre Trudeau,
Paul Martin and the likeminded. The modern liberalism derives its energy from social justice and
progressivism. The main focus is on liberal democracy, multiculturalism and diplomacy.
Currently, one can argue that currently Canada is witnessing third phase of liberalism in which the
prime focus is on sustainability of environment, economy and social rights in such a way that
‘timeless freedom’ can be ensured for future generations.
In Canada, liberalism was introduced by British Loyalist with Constitutional Act of 1791 but
liberalism emerged as a core of Canadian public philosophy after 1848 Revolution on the Rouges.
However, liberalism has detractors and liberalism has inner tension too. Despite basic disputes in
the ideology of liberalism, Canadian Liberalism has contributed in strengthening democratic
governance by applying ethnic pluralism and minority rights. Liberal philosophy was entrenched
in Canadian Constitution in 1982 through Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms which ensures
basic liberties to every individual. Trudeau’s prime ministerial years paved way for liberation
movements and determine the policy discourse for such movements. His concept of ‘just society’
with annual income and tax reform emphasized on equality and human dignity. His rhetoric and
policies promoted the egalitarian vision. In short, Locke’s vision has been practically implemented
by Canada that has given superiority to rights over authority. In the words of Sir Wilfrid Laurier,
Canadian Liberalism has created ‘regime of tolerance’.

Introduction
“History of philosophy is written by victors”, said Richard Rorty.
According to Judith Shklar, liberalism has lost its identity in ideological conflicts. The term has
been overused and the meaning has been overextended. Therefore, liberalism serves as all purpose
word both as an abuse or praise.

For some, liberalism is a desire for others liberalism is nothing but a vicious logic of capitalism.
Is liberalism prerequisite for comfortable life? Liberalism is construed in manifold and mostly
considered as just ideology in pursuit of rights and freedom. Liberals promote as well as make
changes in the concept of welfare states, civilizing missions, social justice and global distribution
of wealth and resources to attain equality. According to Guido De Ruggeiero and Friedrich Hayek,
there is a degree of variance in the concept of liberalism in terms of being ‘classical and social’ 4.
Leo Strauss talks about transition from ‘virtuous and ancient’ liberalism (Athens) liberalism to
besmirched ‘modern’ liberalism (Machiavelli). 5 Whereas, the antagonist calls to correct the
warped version of liberalism with original liberal vision and energy as to them liberalism has been
degenerated into socialism. 6,7. Lastly, few authors like L.T Hobhouse and John Dewey celebrates
liberalism transfiguration into government intervention to reduce harmful disadvantages. 8
However, it is argued that liberalism has always pursued principles like ‘rationality, emancipation
and progress’. Therefore, liberalism has been a force against repression, cultural distaste for
conservatism and pave way for the political rationalism, tolerance and individualism. 12

1 Rorty, “The Historiography of Philosophy” in Philosophy in History, ed. Rorty, Jerome

Schneewind, Quentin Skinner (Cambridge: CUP, 1984), 70.

2 Shklar, “The Liberalism of Fear” (1989) in Shklar, Political Thought and Political Thinkers
(Chicago: UCP, 1998), 3.

4 De Ruggiero ([1927]) The History of European Liberalism, trans. R.G. Collingwood (Boston:
Beacon, 1959); Hayek, “Liberalism” [1973] New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and
the History of Ideas (London: Routledge, 1978), 113. Alan Ryan complicates matters by
distinguishing between modern, classical, social and libertarian variants: The Making of Modern
Liberalism (Princeton: PUP, 2013), 23-8.

5 Strauss, Liberalism Ancient and Modern (Chicago: UCP, 1968); Wolin, Politics and Vision
(Princeton: PUP, 2004), 263.

6 Kristol, Reflections of a Neoconservative (NYC: Basic, 1983), 75.

7 Mises, Liberalism (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2005), 153-4; Spencer, The Man Versus the State
(Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1969 [1884]).

8 Hobhouse, Liberalism, ed. J. Meadowcroft (Cambridge: CUP, 1994[1911]); Dewey, Liberalism

and Social Action (NYC: Putnam, 1935), 21.

12 Gerstle, “The Protean Character of American Liberalism,” American Historical Review, 99/4
(1994), 1046; Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge: CUP,
1991[1979]), 33.

Liberal feminist view of freedom in Canada had always been divided into two
solitudes; French and English speaking women, both having a different discourse to
prioritise and achieve women’s suffrage and reforms in the society. Dominated by
Canada’s white, the liberal feminism in Canada also got the voices from socialists,
farm women, non-European women and black abolitionist. Marginalized women
worked in groups and brought the freedom issues in Canadian political mainstream as
early as 1880s. By 1900, women’s movements voiced for reforms in family law,
education, public health and employment. Few movements publicly endorsed suffrage
and reforms for every woman while few movements remained limited to groups.
However, before 1960 women movements failed to get attention of the governments
except suffrage cause and social security in the aftermath of world wars. But, after
1960 organised women challenged the governments with never ending movements for
the cause of equal pays, ending violence against women and children and supporting
women politicians. Moreover, only few of the activists titled themselves as feminists.
The liberal feminists remained critical community builders as they talked about
bringing reforms in politics, economy, and environment.
Unfortunately, French-English relations and white domination resulted in ignorance of
indigenous and other minority groups (lesbian and trans-women) who became
radicalized due to pervasive prejudice. Women’s movements in Canada is divided into
two phases; early movements (1880s-1950s) and feminist movements (1960s-1980s).
Early movements were marked by courage and conflicting agendas among different
groups and communities. They brought to mainstream the sexism, misogyny and
inequality issues but failed to achieve concrete results. However, second wave
feminism had a broader agenda which included peace and disarmament, equality and
representation in every field. They were staunch supporter of reform in law and
government. Moreover, the feminists reaffirmed their support to women movements
after Quebec’s Quiet Revolution. Untiring support and voice in favour of peace and
disarmament led to Canada’s signing of Partial Test Ban Treaty in 1963. Various
feminism movements showed concern for Vietnam War and symbolically supported
war victims by knitting children clothing. Moreover, American anti-war women got
support from women movements of Canada in 1969 to raise voice against war and
colonialism in Vietnam and Laos. By 1971, Women Peace Conference was held in
Canada where lesbian, indigenous and other minority women participated and vowed
to help American war resisters. In short, liberal feminism of Canada is credited with
women liberation movement across the world.

All women movements endorsed women’s right to autonomy and espoused on the politics of
New Left but not all activists were feminists.

By 1960s, gender roles and women’s studies got promoted and began to be taught in academia.
By 1970s, Feminist Research Institutes were established who worked to free Canadians from
malestream (patriarchy and mainstream). Women publishers, bookstores, and press began to
establish in 1970s. By 1980s, women challenged orthodox and traditional culture and began to
participate in Fashion and Sports. However, post-colonial, anti-racist and lesbian/queer studies
couldn’t get a space in academia until 1990s.

1960s and 1970s enhanced opportunities for women to work beyond household and service
sector. Campaigns were launched to bring changes and reforms in education and employment
sectors. Interestingly by 1980s, almost 35% of Canadian unionists were women based. After
1975, there was no looking back as first female president of Canadian Union of Public
Employees voiced and campaigned for pay equity and Royal Commission of Status of Women
(RCSW). Similarly, birth control, abortion and voice for sexual assault were harder to get but
untiring efforts forced Supreme Court to give verdict in favour of women movements.
Presently, Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom determine the policies of the public and
private sector and Canadians have made sure to build a consensual society based of pluralism
and multiculturalism where everyone has freedom and liberty. One of the reason for success of
Canadians in terms of liberation movement is their strong socialist traditions, race politics and
philosophy of liberalism. Interestingly, seeing the success of Women Movements, Black women
and women of South Asian origin formed their movements against discrimination as early as
1970s.

Feminists preferred women friendly spaces and due to this gay and lesbian rights movement
had to change their discourse. By 1973, Canadian Lesbian and Gay Archives were established in
Toronto and cemented path for National Gay Rights Coalition in 1975. The demand for
recognition was resisted due to Canada’s pervasive homophobia. A year later, National
Conference was held by Lesbians. The struggle and movement let to inclusion of sexual
orientation for discrimination in government policies and laws which was absent in 1982
Charter of Rights and Freedom. Gay movements ultimately transformed into LGBT movements
by 1990s which included various sexual orientation and collectively struggled for rights of
Lesbian, Gay, Bi-sexual and Transgender.

Reform of Government and the Law

Liberal feminists had targeted governments for equality since the suffrage campaigns.
These years renewed that message, as happened when the Native Women’s
Association of Canada condemned the 1973 Lavell decision confirming loss of Indian
Status for Indigenous women marrying Non-Status Indians (seeLavell Case). In 1967,
a coalition of over 30 women’s groups led by Laura Sabia, the president of
the Canadian Federation of University Women, won a federal Royal Commission on
the Status of Women(RCSW). The RCSW’s recommendations included equal pay for
work of equal value, maternity leave, daycare, birth control and abortion, family
law reform and revision of the Indian Act. The 1973 Murdoch case, in which
an Alberta farm wife was denied a half interest in the family farm, was one of many to
justify legal reform. TheUnited Nations declaration of 1975 as International Women’s
Year, 1976–85 as the Decade for Women and the 1979 UN Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women similarly prioritized
government action. Québécoise feminists were especially effective in targeting the
many shortcomings of the Civil Code; winning married women and mothers the equal
right to child custody with fathers.
Canadian politicians slowly responded. It took a national campaign — marked by the
resignation of Doris Anderson from the presidency of the Canadian Advisory Council
on the Status of Women — and the organization of the Ad Hoc Conference on the
Status of Women to ensure that Sections 15 and 28 guaranteed equality rights in the
1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In 1983–84, the Royal Commission
on Equality in Employment, headed by feminist judge Rosalie Abella, revealed
barriers to women and to people with disabilities, visible minorities and Indigenous
persons. It also introduced employment equity as a distinctly Canadian policy. In a
testament to organized women, the 1984 federal election was preceded by a leaders’
debate on women’s issues, sponsored by the National Action Committee(NAC).

Three organizations embodied activists’ focus on governments. In Québec, the

Fédération des Femmes du Québec emerged as an umbrella group in 1966. The
leadership of suffragist Thérèse Casgrain confirmed historic linkages to the
province’s liberal and nationalist elites. In 1971, NAC was created to champion the
167 recommendations of the RCSW. It eventually became Canada’s largest feminist
organization, including some 700 groups. Its presidents before 1993 provide a roll call
of Canada’s leading liberal and socialist feminists. The third group was the Women’s
Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF), founded in 1985 by mainstream women to
monitor charter rights.

The appearance of feminist civil servants in federal and provincial advisory councils
on the status of women, as well as politicians with feminist sympathies, such
as Monique Bégin, Liberal Minister of Health and Welfare (1977–79; 1980–84), and
Canada’s first female governor general, Jeanne Sauvé (1984–1990), seemed
promising. Feminism’s success, as well as its different interpretations, was
highlighted when women moved to the forefront of the 1980 Québec sovereignty
referendum. Lise Payette, the Parti Québecoisminister of state for the status of
women, attacked federalistopponents as submissive “Yvettes,” while federalist
women asserted their own claims to feminist superiority.

Significance and Legacy

In these years, Canadian feminism achieved a visibility that surpassed that won by
the suffrage generation. Many aspects of life, from the jobs women could choose to
their physical presentation and vulnerability to violence, were publicly questioned.
New state initiatives secured by activists, such as advisory councils and royal
commissions, promised unprecedented official commitment to equality. Key
legislation improved the lot of some Indigenous women and gave Québec mothers
new rights to child custody. Such advances depended on a broad-based, increasingly
diverse mobilization of women, including feminist civil servants in key positions. The
growing range of women’s voices — from lesbians to Indigenous and minority group
activists — forced mainstream women to begin to confront homophobia and racism.
Classism, a prejudice more often identified by earlier socialist feminists, continued,
however, to divide many communities of women, and poverty remained a threat for
working class women of all origins.