Language planning in Brunei Darussalam:

The role of accommodation and acculturation

GARY M. JONES

Abstract

Malay is the national language of Brunei Darussalam while officially

English is regarded äs an important language. The two languages,
along with those of the country's minority groups, coexist quite
peaceably in their respective domains. This is in marked contrast to
the neighbouring and surrounding country of Malaysia where
language issues, particularly in relation to the domains of the Malay
and English languages, are regularly the cause for heated debate.
This paper seeks to analyse the present comparatively harmonious
relationship that exists between Brunei's national language and
English with reference to theories of accommodation and accultura-
tion. An understanding of the various influences is particularly
important in coüntries like Brunei where English is becoming increas-
ingly widely used äs both a language of wider communication and the
common second language for Bruneians no matter what their
language background.

Brunei Darussalam

Brunei Darussalam (henceforth Brunei) is a small multiracial Sultanate on the

north coast of Borneo. Its population of 267,800 consists of Malays (who
comprise 68.8 percent of the population); other indigenous peoples (5%);
Chinese (18.3%) and others (mostly foreign workers) who make up the
remaining 7.9 percent (Brunei Statistical Yearbook 1992). Due to its large oil
and gas deposits, Bruneians today enjoy a high Standard of living with per
capita Gross National Product at $17,500.
After the country's füll independence from Britain in 1984, Brunei adopted
a bilingual education System with the two school languages being Malay and
Multilingua 16-2/3 (1997), 217-231 0167-8507/97/0016-0217
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English. These languages were adopted because Malay is the official national
language of Brunei while English is used in most business, commercial and
diplomatic transactions. In addition to these two languages, Chinese and the
various languages of indigenous peoples, äs well äs the many languages of
the foreign workers, are also heard and used in Brunei. It is against this
multiethnic/multilingual background that this study has to be considered.

Introduction

Ellis (1985: 251) has observed that 'the reader who seeks a tidy and exhaus-
tive account of Second Language Acquisition is likely to be disappointed'.
The subject embraces a large number of models which attempt to describe
the rate of SLA and the level of proficiency achieved äs well äs how SLA
takes place. For the purposes of this paper, it is the rate and proficiency
which are of immediate importance, rather than how SLA takes place. There-
fore, although other models of SLA are referred to in passing, it is the Accul-
turation Model and Accommodation Theory, which attempt to explain the
rate of language acquisition and level of proficiency, that are examined here.
The Acculturation Model and Accommodation Theory share certain
premises: both try to account for successful language acquisition; both look
at relationships between the learner's social group ('ingroup') and the target
language Community ('outgroup'). Schumann (on Acculturation) treats social
and psychological distance äs a virtually static absolute phenomenon,
whereas Giles (on Accommodation) sees intergroup relationships äs
dynamic.
A criticism of both the Acculturation Model and Accommodation Theory
is that neither accounts for the development of language (äs referred to
earlier, 'how* language is acquired). Nevertheless, I believe that both help to
develop valuable insights into the nature of foreign language learning,
especially in a multilingual, multiethnic country like Brunei. Ellis (1985)
might disagree, he is doubtful whether Accommodation Theory can be
applied to foreign language learning. Although it must be accepted that the
theory does not lend itself to any particular teaching strategy, it does help to
explain something about the processes that are affecting pupils or students. A
knowledge of these must surely be useful for Status if not corpus planning
and ultimately to the foreign language teacher.

Accommodation theory

Giles (1973) originally developed the subject of Accommodation Theory

from the concept of 'Speech Accommodation Theory' (SAT) which was

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 219

itselff a critique of aspects of Labov's (1966) sociolinguistic research. Labov

took 'attention to speech' to explain situational Variation in bis interview
data,, which Giles and Coupland (1991: 62) have reinterpreted, in part, äs
'interpersonal accommodation processes'. Giles et al. (1973) empirically
determined that 'the more effort in convergence a Speaker was perceived to
have made, ... the more favourably the Speaker was evaluated, and the more
the listener would converge in return' (Giles and Coupland 1991: 63).
This concept of 'accommodation' has given rise to a number of empirical
studies which seek to determine its significance in interpersonal relationships
in the use of language. The focus on Speech Accommodation Theory has
broadened from exploring specific linguistic variables and now also
encompasses non-verbal and discoursive dimensions of social interaction and
has given rise to the wider notion of 'Communication Accommodation
Theory' (CAT), first described in Giles et al. (1987).
Accommodation Theory basically determines the degree to which inter-
locutors converge or diverge from one another. In Brunei, and for the
purposes of this paper, the principal interlocutors studied are those from
various ethnic groups within the country (including expatriates) and the
degree to which they converge or diverge and thus 'accommodate' each
other. Studies on convergence in Brunei must therefore take into considera-
tion the various ethnic identities of the Speakers and whether and to what
extent their mono-, bi- or multilingualism affects their exchanges.
While divergence accentuates speech and non-verbal differences, conver-
gence is a strategy whereby individuals adapt to each others' communicative
behaviour in terms of a wide ränge of linguistic, prosodic and non-vocal
features, including speech rate, pausal phenomena, utterance length, phono-
logical variants, smiling and gaze. Convergence of these features between
Speakers has been noted among many different language groups. Yum
(1988), however, noted that East Asian communication is far more receiver-
centred than the sender-oriented West. Judging from observation and
discussion, and although coming from a Southeast rather than an East Asian
country, Bruneians also display greater receiver-centred sympathies than the
sender-oriented West.
Although a generalisation which must to some extent be influenced by
Stereotyping (although Hewstone and Giles [1986: 23] maintain that stereo-
typing is important and should be considered anyway in any study of
intergroup communication), East and Southeast Asians do appear to be more
passive and aware of the extra-linguistic features of a discussion, both
intergroup and intragroup, than their Western counterparts, often reverting to
lengthy periods of expressionless silence which most Westerners find
distinctly uncomfortable and which may in part be responsible for the stereo-
typed 'inscrutable Oriental'.

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220 G. M. Jones

On many occasions within Brunei I have been witness to communicative

misunderstanding where the form and function of a meeting has been
interpreted differently by the Eastern and Western participants present. For
instance, the simple meeting of old acquaintances or family members after a
protracted period of absence leads, generally, to prolonged and animated
discussion among Westerners, often accompanied by firm and vigorous
handshaking and close bodily contact, involving arms on or around shoulders
or holding the other's arm. In contrast, in Bruneian Malay society, bodily
contact would be limited to a light handshake (and probably no physical
contact at all between males and females), and loudness of speech or action
would be considered vulgär. Simply being together, even without any real
discussion, would be sufficient demonstration of warmth and regard for the
other party. As this comparison might suggest, the possibilities for cultural
and communicative misunderstanding in such a Situation, or in any other
form of meeting, are legion.
Of course, many Bruneians and expatriates living in the country are aware
of the social and communicative customs of others, and thus allowances are
made. This gives rise to prototypicality, where individuals converge on a
spot where they believe others expect them to be äs a result of their race, age,
religion or occupation. This act of conforming to stereotype is important in a
small country like Brunei which not only has to come to terms with its own
multiethnic demographic composition but also with very large numbers of
expatriates living in the country. This problem is exacerbated by the majority
of Bruneians being Muslims and therefore having to accept and tolerate the
mostly non-Islamic expatriates. Toleration is probably the key word here.
Cultural and religious differences are generally so great that interethnic
communication and understanding is genuinely difficult.
Many non-Islamic expatriates in Brunei, who are interested in the culture
and people of the country, despair of getting to really know Brunei Malays.
The gulf that exists is not unbridgeable, but the differences in culture, and
religion especially, make this a difficult divide to cross. Besides, äs Taylor
and Simard (1975) have observed, even where real and efficient communica-
tion between people of different ethnic groups is possible, such communica-
tion is likely to be less satisfying than intra-ethnic communication. 'It is
clearly the case that knowledge of communicators' different characteristics,
interpersonal accommodation, and contact are not sufficient for promoting
intercultural harmony and particularly so when social prejudice abounds'
(Giles and Coupland 1991: 118).
Perhaps, apart from preconceived racial stereotypes, one of the established
stereotypes in Brunei, and most other Southeast Asian countries for that
matter, is that professional expatriates in the country rarely bother to learn
the local language, while expatriates in the more menial Service industries

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 221

(maids and shop assistants, for example) do. Thus the predominantly
English-speaking white expatriate Community of Brunei stereotypically uses
only English, while their Filipino maids, for instance, may know and use
both English and Malay. To a great extent, the Professional English-speaking
expatriates are behaving in much the same way äs the tourists in the third
world, described by Cohen and Cooper (1986), who do not bother learning
the local language of the country they are in.
This reluctance to learn the local language on the part of professional
expatriate workers is understandable: like the tourists they are itinerant,
rarely staying for long in any country. Besides, they are employed to do work
that does not require a knowledge of the local language and therefore, apart
from curiosity or because of an interest in language learning, there is no need
to assign oneself the arduous task of learning another language. Native
English-speaking white expatriates who do learn Malay will often face the
same problems in Brunei äs those described by Miller (1982) in Japan of
negative response matching. That is, a polite but firm avoidance of the
minority language (in this case Malay) back to the shared majority language
(English). Previous studies of this phenomena (Taylor and Simard 1975)
have suggested a certain amount of animosity, even aggression, towards the
breaking of the stereotype and the use of the minority language by someone
not from that language' s ethnic group.
However, I do not detect negative response matching in Brunei being
taken to such extremes, unless one were trying to ridicule the other user's
competence in English by suggesting that his command of that language
was/is so poor that the conversation would be better conducted in Malay.
Rather, most Bruneians seem genuinely surprised that the other Speaker
knows any Malay at all, but for the sake of expediency and better communi-
cation brings the conversation back to English. This assumes, generally
correctly, that the Bruneian's command of English is likely to be better than
the expatriate's command of Malay, especially Brunei Malay.
However, even expatriates with an excellent command of Malay often find
themselves being brought back to English, or at least switching unnecessar-
ily. Brunei Malay informants, with an excellent command of both Malay and
English, teil me that while they are pleased to see that an expatriate has
sufficient interest in their culture to learn Malay, they also like to establish
with such people that they can communicate perfectly well in English with
that person, which they do by switching, before being happy to proceed with
the conversation in Malay. This strategy is primarily due, so the respondents
report, to one of Status and letting the other Speaker know that he is dealing
with someone who can speak English and has therefore been well educated.
Once this has been established the native Malay Speakers reported that they
are then happy for the conversation to proceed in Malay. Of course, it is also

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222 G. M. Jones

possible that the Speakers are aware of convergence-divergence taking place,

äs Bourhis (1983) reports, and may wish to create a form of barrier between
themselves and the other Speaker in order to preserve their personal and
social identity. Further research would have to be conducted to confirm or
dispel this notion.
Central then to the role of the application of accommodation theory to
Brunei, is an understanding of ethnic stereotypes and their perceived roles
and use and attitude to language. Changes in these bring disorder to the
perceived ethnolinguistic identity theory (described by Giles and Johnson
1987) and thus instability. If we can all be socially categorised, and if these
categorizations assure us certain values which determine our social identity,
then it is possible for us all to negotiate and conduct business with others in a
stable environment. In Brunei this might translate into isolated Speech
communities who use either Brunei Malay or English äs the lingua franca,
depending on the interlocutors, but so long äs both parties behave in the
expected manner then communication runs smoothly. Attempts to bridge
cultures through the use of one's non-stereotyped language in a multilingual,
multi-ethnic society like Brunei's may in fact result in poorer communication
and create misunderstanding. Assuming that language represents one's
culture, an attempt to use another's language can result in the type of
suspicion described by Miller (1982) and Taylor and Simard (1975) above äs
well äs by Woolard (1989) in her description of Catalan-Castillian ex-
changes.
A newcomer to Brunei might remark on the apparent social harmony
between the various ethnic groups and nationalities in the country. In fact,
what I believe he is observing is a society that has come to terms with its
multiracial character, but in which the different groups remain separated and
yet harmonise äs a result of, among other factors, recognised, and mostly
intuitive, communication strategies. However, language use and attitudes are
fluid, so it is not unlikely that the present Status quo could change. For
instance, the present assumption that white expatriates do not learn Malay
and are not expected to do so might alter äs more of them enter Brunei's
Service industries.
In the past, the white English-speaking expatriate was implicitly equated
with profession and government; now, and in the future, white expatriates, äs
a result of the economic boom attracting Westerners to Asia (Asiaweek,
February 21-27, 1994) will increasingly also be associated with Service and
thus Malay-speaking employment. (Asiaweek reported that many white
expatriates are being attracted to the growing markets of Asia where they are
prepared to work on 'local' rather than 'expatriate' terms. A number of
reasons were given for this: firstly, unemployment and thus a lack of Job
opportunities in many developed countries is causing people to broaden their

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 223

horizons in the quest for work; second, local Asian salaries are now com-
parable to those in Australia, New Zealand and Europe; third, Asia represents
the opportunity to get work experience in a dynamic part of the world which
should improve the marketability of an individual when he or she eventually
returns home to find work. 'Expatriate', äs opposed to 'local' terms, general-
ly means subsidised accommodation, child education allowance, regulär
airfares to place of origin and a substantial gratuity at the end of a contract.)

Acculturation model

Schumann's (1978; 1986) Acculturation Model was not developed to

measure the type of bilingualism taking place in Brunei. Rather, it deter-
mines acquisition dependent on the degree to which the learner acculturates
to the target language group and was originally intended to account for L2
acquisition under conditions of immigration where there is no instruction; it
was never intended to be a pedagogical measure. Nevertheless, this model,
based on the broad concepts of social and psychological distance, does
provide a measure which helps to determine whether the societal framework
into which Brunei's bilingual education System is being integrated is likely to
be receptive or not to the target language. After analysis of six case studies,
Schumann also concluded that his model may be applicable to other groups
(Schumann 1986: 389). I think the model certainly helps to explain some-
thing of what is happening in Brunei.
Schumann believes that any learner can be placed on a continuum that
ranges from social and psychological distance to social and psychological
proximity with Speakers of the target language, and he provides a taxonomy
of clusters of factors to do this. In adapting Schumann's model äs a measure
of acculturation in Brunei, I am substituting 'Bruneian pupils' for 'learner'
and only selected items from the total taxonomy are included here. Such
adaptation of the original model is not new, Housen and Baetens Beardsmore
modified it to suit their needs when analysing extracurricular factors in multi-
lingual education in the European School of Brüssels (Housen and Baetens
Beardsmore 1987).
Clearly, the greater the social proximity to Speakers of the target language
the greater the likelihood that language acquisition will be good. The follow-
ing five factors are considered:

l. Integration strategies

These can lead to (a) assimilation to the target group's life style and values;
(b) adaptation, which partly preserves original culture patterns and partly

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224 G. M. Jones

adopts those of the target language group; or (c) preservation, which rejects
the target language group's values. Social distance is fostered by preserva-
tion and minimised by assimilation.
All three of the above strategies can be found in Brunei, and this in itself
creates conflict. While many younger Bruneians imitate a western 'pop'
culture, äs portrayed by television and video, it is one tempered by the
restrictions of a small tightly-knit Islamic culture. Although individuals may
rebel against the restrictiveness of their society, the combined influence of
family and religion is a pervading force that few would want or be able to
counter. The majority of educated Bruneians, and those now receiving educa-
tion, can be categorized under (b): retaining original culture patterns while
adopting, perhaps without intention, some from the target language group.
Increasingly, however, (due to a greater world-wide Islamic awareness;
greater self-confidence and even an adherence to the country's ideology of
being a Malay state ruled by an Islamic monarch) they might wish to be
categorized under (c). This desire for preservation of one's own values at the
rejection of those of another culture can hardly be criticised and is a natural
consequence of the desire for forging a strong national identity. Nevertheless,
while understandable and in many respects admirable, and assuming the
positive aspects of assimilation for second language acquisition, such an
attitude does not engender development in the target language.

2. Degree ofenclosure

This factor refers to the structural aspects of Integration and involves such
things äs endogamy, institutional Separation, and associational clustering.
Sharing of social, religious and cultural institutions decreases the degree of
enclosure thereby fostering intergroup contacts and the acquisition of the
target language.
Brunei is dominated by Malay s and Speakers of Malay dialects. Other
indigenous groups form only a small minority in their own country. While
the Malays are Muslims, and often other races are not, there is, nevertheless,
much intergroup contact and many shared cultural and national values.
However, the usual lingua franca of the various Bruneian races is a form of
Brunei Malay. English is used äs the contact language with non-Malay
Speakers from other countries, but not äs an inter-ethnic language within the
country. English has only an instrumental role to play and its use is therefore
limited to those Bruneians who come into contact with the language through
their work. As a result there is very iittle sharing of social, religious and
cultural institutions among Bruneians with non-Bruneians. Thus enclosure
certainly exists, but it is not wholly exclusive and while social and cultural

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 225

mixing with individuals of the target language is rare there is considerable

social sharing, albeit through the medium of television, video and even
reading material.
Viewing the same television programmes and watching the same Videos äs
other people around the world has exposed Bruneians, like everyone eise, to
other cultures and their institutions. The result is that in Brunei, äs in most
parts of the world, the population has become increasingly aware of other
peoples and their habits. This must have an influence on the degree to which
enclosure is experienced in Brunei. Today's schoolchildren are far more
familiär with the rest of the world than their forefathers, although this does
not assume that they are necessarily critical of their own culture.

3. Cohesiveness and size ofthe learner's group

The larger and more cohesive the learner's group is, the more likely
intragroup contacts will outweigh intergroup contacts, thus increasing social
distance and hindering target language acquisition.
Although only a very small country, the Bruneian learner's group
embraces most of the population, making it large in local terms, and is a
cohesive unit wherein intragroup contacts most certainly outweigh intergroup
contacts. Thus a social gulf exists between the learner's group and that ofthe
target language. However, again through the influence of mass media, even
Bruneian learners who have no physical contact with English speaking
expatriates do have 'contact' with groups - through the influence of
television, video and radio.

4. Congruence

The more similar the t wo groups' cultures are, the more likely Integration
will be facilitated and consequently social distance reduced.
Traditionally, because of its past des with the country, the target
language's culture would have been perceived äs that of Britain. However,
the English language has outgrown the confines of its British heritage and
can no longer be regarded äs the cultural property of any one nation. It is a
truly global language. Nevertheless, in many quarters it is perceived äs being
the vehicle for 'Western culture', and although the notion may be vague
there is an increasing awareness of cultural encroachment and a genuine fear
that one's national inheritance might be swept away by this irresistible
Western/English tidal wave. As a result there is some resistance to this
external potentially dominating culture. However, for many youngsters this
foreign culture, äs perceived on video and television but rarely experienced

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226 G. M. Jones

first-hand (except by those wealthy enough to travel) is an attractive

alternative to their own rather restrictive family-oriented society. For many
other Bruneians, those who travel frequently and widely, the world is
inevitably becoming a smaller place, with much cultural swapping, but with
neither a Western or an Eastern culture being dominant.
I think the most likely scenario is that the various Bruneian cultures will
persist, but with some erosion being inevitable. The minority groups within
the country are increasingly adopting the attitudes of the dominant Malay
majority, while all groups are subject to wider global fashions. Like many
other small developing nations, Brunei has to try and find a place and role for
both cultures. To lose either would inevitably have an adverse affect on the
country in terms of cultural heritage or economic development.

5. Attitudes

Favourable attitudes improve both the quality and quantity of contacts

between the learner and the target language group and facilitate the acquisi-
tion process. Unfavourable attitudes may have the opposite effect.
A recent Attitüde Survey (Jones in press) has shown that attitudes towards
learning the target language in Brunei (English) are good. It may not be
possible for the average Bruneian language learner to have a lot of contact
with Speakers of the target group and thus facilitate the acquisition process,
äs Schumann envisaged happening for Immigrant learners, but this is really
immaterial. That Bruneians have positive attitudes towards learning the
target language is the most important point.
Together with the above sociological factors, the following four psycho-
logical factors should also be considered, according to Schumann.

Language shock

This refers to the degree of anxiety engendered by expressing oneself in a

weaker language. The greater this is feit, the greater the psychological
distance from the acquisition of the target language.
The degree of anxiety feit by the target language users will vary from
person to person and will depend, among other things, upon the individual's
competence in the language äs well äs his self-confidence. Among Bruneian
pupils and students, however, there is very often a reluctance to actively use
the target language. Passive language skills are naturally acquired before the
active, which may partly account for this, äs might a natural shyness and a
reluctance to push oneself forward, but even among pupils that have a
relatively good active command of the language and who are clearly seif-

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 227

corafident there is still a reluctance to express oneself in what is still a weaker

language. With such pupils this reluctance is generally attributed to self-
corasciousness and an unwillingness to make silly mistakes in front of peers.
Another factor is that in traditional Bruneian classrooms the pupils are taught
and are expected to listen rather than actively (other than by listening)
participate in a lesson. Such attitudes are changing and the present generation
of school pupils is likely to be more active and vocal than its predecessors -
but whether the society äs a whole will regard this äs a good thing or not is
another matter!

Culture shock

Cultural shock can be defined äs anxiety resulting from the disorientation

encountered upon entering a new culture.
Although Schumann is clearly thinking about the cultural shock
experienced by immigrants, a form of culture shock is also experienced by
learners of a foreign language. Assuming that language reflects culture, and
that in the process of acquiring the target language we acquire something of
that language's culture, then some degree of cultural shock is inevitable
when learning a second or foreign language.
The degree of shock will depend on how closely the target language's
group resembles that of the learner's group. In Europe, for instance, where
there are many shared cultural values, shared histories, common television
channels and common cultural pursuits, the cultural shock will be minimal
and more likely to be a source for amused comment than concern. However,
the cultural shock for many second language learners around the world is
apparent and often causes a great deal of concern.
In Brunei, the cultural shock of exposure to English is complex and
variable. Complex because of the very real cultural differences experienced
by a developing Southeast Asian Islamic country learning a language that
originated in the developed Christian West. Variable because no two people
are the same and it is only possible to talk in general terms. Just äs the
economist describes the 'rational' consumer, so we must describe the
'average' Bruneian second language learner.
The second language learner is äs equally susceptible äs immigrants to the
Problems of disorientation, stress, anxiety and fear äs a result of trying to
acquire a new language. The causes may be different, but the end result is the
same. In Brunei, the values portrayed by Western television programmes,
films and even school textbooks are often at variance with those that the
society tries to inculcate. For different reasons, this cultural intrusion must be
of concern to parents and the country's leaders.

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228 G. M. Jones

Different countries try to determine what is good or bad about these

foreign Imports; the subject is rarely out of Asian newspapers for long. In an
effort to try and filter out what is regarded äs culturally or politically
subversive most Asian countries employ a variety of censors. Efforts to
maintain censorship are currently having to attain new heights of sophistica-
tion with the advent of satellite television and fax machines. It might be
assumed that the era of the 'global village' has truly arrived and that the tide
of cultural infringement can no longer be held back, but this is not
necessarily the case. The Asian press is still restricted and in many Asian
countries it is illegal to own a satellite receiver. However, Asian govern-
ments realise that they cannot indefinitely prevent access to outside broad-
casts so they are targeting the broadcasters themselves; not with threats but
with sound financial arguments. For instance, in March 1994, the Star
television network, which broadcasts by satellite from Hong Kong all over
Asia, agreed to drop the BBC Television World Service from its broadcasts
to China. In return, the Chinese will lift restrictions on the ownership of
satellite receivers, thus ensuring that Star receives a bigger audience which
will in turn please the companies that advertise with it. The fare may be
bland but it will not be considered either politically or culturally subversive.
China's lead may well be followed by other Asian countries, thus giving lie
to the assumption that a globally shared mass media is inevitable.
The foreign language learner in Brunei is in a culturally confusing
dilemma. There is no escaping the need to learn the language of wider
communication, but that also assumes there is no escaping the cultural
accoutrements that accompany that language. One possible solution would be
the promotion of a culturally neutral variety of the target language, in this
case 'International English', äs described by Johnson (1990). However, such
a variety remains theoretical and, äs Johnson admits, would be functional but
inelegant, impersonal, unstimulating and maybe even impossible to teach.
Fortunately for Brunei, äs shown in the recent Attitüde Survey, Bruneians
feel secure about the place of their culture, religion and language and thus
cultural encroachment and shock are probably less persuasive there than
elsewhere in the region (witness the current language debate in Malaysia).
Nevertheless, some degree of cultural shock exists and does have a bearing
on second language acquisition in Brunei.

Motivation

This can be integrative or instrumental. Schumann feels that integrative

motivation minimizes psychological distance and increases opportunities to
interact in the target language.

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 Language planning in Brunei Darussalam 229

The recently completed Attitüde Survey (Jones in press) has shown that
Bruneians have a strong instrumental motivation to learn English. Gardner
and Lambert (1972) concluded that an integrative rather than an instrumental
motivation could promote a more powerful drive to learn the target language,
which would thus weigh against the mood in Brunei. However, äs more
recent research has shown (Oller et al. 1977; Gardner et al. 1987; Au 1988)
this division is far from clear and must allow for the measurement of other
variables. Even Gardner (1988) suggests that the purpose of the study and the
number of variables used will have some bearing on the result. What is
probably of most significance in the Bruneian context is that motivation, of
one type or another, exists.

Ego-permeability

This refers to the permeability of an individuaFs ego boundaries and comes

about by lowering the inhibitions feit in speaking the weaker language.
Unlike immigrants learning a new language, it is still conceivable that
even today a young Bruneian could go through life without the need to speak
English. But for the majority this is not really an Option and it will be
necessary for them to use the language at various times and for various
reasons throughout their lifes. The shift to more communicative language-
teaching techniques and teaching methodologies that deliberately attempt to
reduce Inhibition in children should assist in this respect.

Conclusion

As stated at the beginning of this paper, neither accommodation nor

acculturation explains how second language acquisition takes place, but both
contribute significantly to our understanding of the linguistic processes that
are taking place within a society. It is not possible to adequately undertake
any form of language planning in any meaningful sense without first
acquiring some understanding of these processes and how resulting language
changes will be perceived and received within a society. In this sense, both
accommodation and acculturation are useful if somewhat imprecise and
subjective measures. However, this lack of precision does not invalidate the
gauge: language planning is hardly a precise science anyway. Rather,
practitioners must look to a variety of sources for Inspiration in an effort to
forecast äs accurately äs possible the result of changes they might wish to
introduce or which society might have had forced upon it äs a result of

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230 G. M. Jones

political decision. It is in this context that accommodation and acculturation

have a role to play in language planning.

Department ofEnglish Language and Applied Linguistics,

University Brunei Darussalam

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