A People’s Unification of Africa.

(1)
Prof Ernest Wamba dia Wamba,
Honorary professor, UHURU, Rhodes University.

In this short paper (an elaboration of a public lecture given at Rhodes

University)(2), I want to argue that African unification, under the
leadership of the OAU/ AU is not going to be achieved. We need to bring
the issue to the African people themselves; after all, it concerns the unity
of African peoples and not a sum or simple addition of states.

For more than 50 years (1963-2015) African micro-states have been

constructing African unity from the top down. This has followed
closely, for example, the prescription of President Kwame Nkrumah:
“Seek ye first, the political kingdom, and all shall be given unto thee.”

The political kingdom was reduced to the state. And unity was seen
principally as a ‘United States of Africa’ (or one African united
government) to erect. And heads of states of Africa have been meeting
regularly to talk about this. In relation to the question of African unity,
both the Casablanca and the Monrovia groups acted in similar way.

Some differences arose, basically in relation to personality differences

and also with regard to the momentum or the pace of the realization of
that objective. Some favoured a gradualist pace, taking inspiration from
what was understood to be the model of the European Union process —
moving from an economic emphasis, to regional integration up to a
political union. Others wanted to go as fast as possible to have a ‘United

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States of Africa’, by forming one government, and to later work out the
details of the building of united Africa, led by that government which
would be more competent in handling the basic problems faced by the
current micro-states, much more so than by any loose collection of those
states.

This was, in some sense, the outcome of the process and struggles within
the Pan-Africanist Movement which had originated in the Americas,
among the slave descendant diaspora. The movement grew from a
mass-based tendency in the organization of Marcus Garvey, to a focus
on an intellectual elite, producing a break that almost led to the neglect
of the African masses of people. The role of these masses gradually
became seen as less and less crucial. This break was, partly, doctrinally
theorized in Kwame N’Krumah’s idea of Consciencism. This was a sort of
consciousness of African liberation to be introduced into the African
masses from the outside, from the elite. It was for Amilcar Cabral that
the intellectual elite was required to commit class suicide and to return
to the source, which is to re-connect with the masses of people and their
cultural forms of resistance. Very few elite elements committed class
suicide in that sense; many did it in the other sense of distancing
themselves further from the masses of people and becoming closer to
imperialists, in fact they mostly served as the latter’s local ally, their
ruling class.

Pan-Africanism was an emancipatory politics of African unity in the

epoch of independence struggles-including the last struggle against
Apartheid colonialism--; we need a new emancipatory politics of African
unity along the lines of Abahlali base Mjondolo’s statement: “a person is
a person wherever they come from.” The singular events from which
these statements emanate along with their political prescriptions as well
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as their militants should be identified. The OAU/AU is no longer the site
of such a politics in the epoch of neo-colonialism.

This tendency of separation from the masses of people was reinforced

by the architects of decolonization who granted independence through
a process of negotiation with a would-be intellectual elite to lead the
newly independent countries. That process enabled, later on, the break
between the mass-based independence movements and the leadership
which became statist, the state incarnate. This finally resulted in the
post-colonial nation-building process, essentially a top-down process.
With time, nation-building became a state-building process
unresponsive to the majority of people’s needs. With the rise of neo-
liberalism, African states became full partners of capital, in charge of the
amelioration of a business atmosphere, mostly in favor of multinational
corporations.

Surely, most of the heads of state in Africa understood the necessity for
African unification. But, they seemed to lack the “vigour, commitment
and sincerity” which the objective of African unity required. This is
understandable, as Mwalimu Julius Nyerere also said in his speech in
Accra in 1997 (3): “Once you multiply national anthems, national flags
and national passports, seats at the United Nations, individuals entitled
to a 21-gun salute, not to speak of a host of ministers, prime ministers
and envoys, you would have a whole army of powerful people with
vested interests in keeping Africa balkanized.” This may explain why they
failed to think of a mechanism of African unity, similar to the Dar-es-
Salaam based Liberation Committee of the OAU, to really focus on the
actualization of the political objective.

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We can see today that many micro-states did not even work out a real
meaningful unity in their own respective “Berlinist nation-states”. In a
real sense, people, in those countries, in their cultural or ethnic diversity
were not mobilized and organized to achieve real mutual understanding
and mutual comprehension between the various communities
composing the multicultural nation. After more than 50 years of
independence, the tribal factor still weighs on people’s minds and
actions. The enduring impact of colonial divide and rule practices were
barely positively reversed or healed. Institutions of interconnectedness
were hardly elaborated and put in place by the people themselves.
“Hybridity” seems to be the general rule governing behaviour. This
explains the absence of a real popular-democratic cultural tradition.
Most political parties reflect these characteristics.

In many countries, the question of African languages (their classification

into a hierarchy, and handling) did not go beyond where colonialism left
it. The indigenous languages (or those that the colonialists called
dialects) have not yet received any serious development. Colonial
languages are still considered to be official languages through which to
conduct official and national business (as mediums of instruction,
scientific research, literary work, inter-communication, etc.) In other
words, the “national or territorial identities” bestowed by colonialism
were consolidated as the real consciousness of the former colonized
African people. The latter believed and continue to believe that their
languages are incapable of expressing scientific knowledge. The state
use of the language of the colonizer was seen as helping to create unity
at the cost of repressing indigenous languages and thus excluding their
speakers who did not know the colonial ones.

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Where creative attempts at creating national unity through the state
took place, it was often undertaken at the expense of many languages
and cultural experiences which were almost forced into oblivion. The
rich experiences accumulated through those languages and dialects, --
supposedly as a way of transcending tribalism--, were almost left to fall
into decay. Is this not criminal? Indeed, very few countries tried to instill
in people a consciousness of African-ness, of cultural pluralism. Pre-
colonial nations divided by colonialism, straddling colonial borders, were
almost obliged to keep the ties between the parts in different countries,
clandestinely. Those parts of nations should have been a kind of glue in
the relationships between people to form a solid basis for state to state
relations. Instead, state to state relations have emphasized state
security. People of these nationalities living along the borders do not
recognize these in their daily activities.

Needless to say that with the proclamation of the sanctity of colonial

borders (at the Cairo OAU Summit, 1964) the relatively short colonial
historical period of the African long History was made to appear as the
core of that History. Territorial “national History” was seen as the core
of what was taught as History in schools. Not, even, that of enslavement
which lasted for centuries was assigned that status. In many countries,
even just a monument to a run-away slave does not exist. The long
history of capitalist enslavement seems to have left a real amnesia in
African people. The sufferings, tribulations and humiliations of their
sold/or kidnapped sisters and brothers, the devastation of the remaining
communities, etc., are hardly remembered. Let alone the need to
reclaim their descendants. It was in Brazil, through former president
Lula, that the crucial question was asked: ‘Despite all the sufferings,
humiliations, tribulations, premature deaths, etc., Africans survived.

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What made them survive?’ He suggested to researcher historians to find
out the answer and what is found should be made the basis of education.
This basic concern was hardly expressed on the African continent.

Nevertheless, people’s stories give an account of the brothers and

sisters who were captured and taken away while their descendants were
said, hopefully, to come back some day—this is true in the area of the
ex-Kongo kingdom. It is probably true in the stories from other traditions
as well. The African people’s movement of the enfranchisement of
African descendants of slaves has hardly taken momentum among
African people (4).

Independent micro-states are closer to their former colonial States, than

to their immediate contiguous neighbors, formerly colonized by other
colonialist countries. The same situation holds within the realm of
knowledge. Former colonized people know more the history and culture
of their former colonising countries than those of their contiguous
neighbors colonized by different colonialist countries. This has hardly
changed.

Despite the sanctity of colonial borders, border conflicts have not been
lacking, especially when a resource running across the borders is
discovered. For example, conflicts arose between Nigeria and Cameroon
over oil found on the border, Somalia and Kenya also with regard to oil,
Angola/Democratic Republic of Congo with diamonds-(at Kahemba)—
and oil, recently Tanzania and Malawi with gas in lake Nyasa, etc. Some
countries try, by use of violence, to loot the resources in the neighboring
country (Rwanda, Uganda in relation to the Democratic Republic of the
Congo.) We witness no creative political imagination, no proposals for
joint ventures to exploit, common resources by mutual cooperation. No

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political ideas such as the formation of federation or confederation with
a rotating leadership are contemplated since the unification of
Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The spirit of colonial conquest has simply been
internalized.

The need to take up the necessity of going beyond the consequences of

the Berlin Conference (1884-1885) and related treaties consolidating the
scramble for Africa, and to work out and move on a different basis— thus
resolving the “national questions”—has hardly been visualized. The
colonial “fait accompli” has become the cement for the building of
independent nation-states. Pre-colonial nationalities divided by the
scramble, which found themselves in different micro-states, have been
kept separated and often made subjects of suspicion in the respective
micro-states. The colonial state is even viewed as the representative of
the modern state, not as a yoke on the colonized people for their control.

In relation to Kwame N’Krumah, “the great crusader of African unity”

(Mwalimu J. Nyerere), we learn from Ali A. Mufuruki, in his very
interesting discussion (5), that N’Krumah, despite his advocacy of African
unity, hardly translated it into a practical realization of the African
unification process— even within Ghana itself. At some point, his own
government was among those which were expelling “foreign Africans”
(from Ivory Coast for example). The fact that N’Krumah was
overthrown, somewhat early on, by a coup d’etat, after his failed
attempt (at the Accra OAU Summit, 1965) to create a United African
Government, he should be given the benefit of the doubt—he would
probably have had another try. We can, nevertheless, say that post-
colonial African micro-states have not been acting as mechanisms of
unification of Africa per se. Similarly, we can say that the successive Pan-
Africanist Congresses, having fallen under the leadership of such states,
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have become less and less rooted in the masses of African peoples on
the continent and in the Diaspora. The idea of an “All African people’s
conferences” vanished after 1958. The creative sum-up, by Fanon for
example, of early experiences of independence was not taken seriously.
Thus It has been difficult to imagine new forms of African people’s
organizations for unity.

Before his death (in 1999), Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere, in his Accra
speech (of 1997), made again a strong plea for African unity as the only
viable future for Africa. I quote him: “So this is my plea to the new
generation of African leaders and African peoples: work for unity with
the firm conviction that without unity, there is no future for Africa. That
is, of course, assuming that we still want to have a place under the
sun.”(6) The whole Accra speech could be viewed as some sort of an
important constructive self-criticism by one of the main actors of the
OAU/AU.

II

Why is African unity necessary now? There are many critical reasons
why we need the unification of Africa. And we need now to bring to the
African peoples themselves the question of that unification and not just
leave it to the leaders of the micro-states. The African people should
also have a chance to assess the issue themselves. We shall discuss here
some of the basic reasons. In a real sense, Pan-Africanism was a political
subjectivity of the unity of African people and their emancipation.
African states have turned against this emancipation.

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The lack of African unity has made it easier for the enemies of the African
people to divide them further and to use some African sons and sisters
against them. Wikileaks, at some point, revealed the fact that even
certain heads of micro-states were spying and reporting on others for
the benefit of imperialist powers— for ‘the pride of being under the
umbrella of the Empire!’ They betray their colleagues, as they betray
their own people. Unity may not eliminate this, but it may reduce its
impact. In a real sense, this rivalry, similar to that between field niggers
and house niggers, has made it impossible for African micro-states to
have a permanent member at the UN Security Council, despite African
states’ desire for it.

More than this, as Tom Burgis has shown in his The Looting Machine (7)
African presidents occupy a prominent place in the systematic theft of
Africa’s wealth. Their rivalry also takes place through that machine.

It is becoming clearer and clearer that a “second scramble” is haunting

Africa. Like the first one, it is motivated by the “hunger for natural
resources and foreign markets” which the West (USA, Canada, EU) and
the East (People’s Republic of China, India, etc.) are now requiring. The
Sudan has already been balkanized. Boko Haram, in Nigeria, wants to
create a Caliphate, Libya has two governments; the balkanization
pressure is being exerted on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and
Mali.

Starting in 1993, an opinion, according to which the never-ending crisis

in the DRC is due to the fact that the country is too large, has been
circulating in the USA. I discussed this question, in 2000, with the UN
Security Council group that visited us in Kampala. The group suggested
that the DRC should be divided into 4 micro-states in order for peace to

9
be achieved. I told them that if size was the motive force of peace or lack
of it, then, smaller countries such as Somalia, Rwanda and Burundi
should have been the most peaceful. Balkanizing the DRC into 4 micro-
states would in fact lead to more infighting, as some of those new states
would be land locked and have fewer natural resource endowments.
Still, the pressure lingers on.

Through its under-Secretary and Secretary of State (George Moose in

front of the Senate, 1993 and Ron Brown, in Dakar) the USA has made it
clear that it wants to have direct access to Africa’s natural resources
without passing through Europe. Circumstances leading to genocide and
enduring crises around the African Great Lakes has much to do with the
implementation of that decision (8).

Through the alliance between the U.S.A., NATO and Israel, a new
remapping of Africa is taking place, at the expense, so it seems ironically,
of France and Italy. The struggle to impose a “regime change” on Libya
seems to have accelerated this process (9).

As is well known, the hunger for labor felt by Europe, after the invasion
of the Americas and the near-extermination of their native populations,
brought to Africa the devastating capitalist enslavement, called the
“slave trade” that lasted for more than 4 centuries. Some small kings
and chiefs participated in this “trade”, at least early on, before they were
overwhelmed.

Colonialism in Africa was justified by the “ending of slavery and the

civilizing mission.” We would not be surprised to see that the “struggle
against terrorism” (its source of funding and weapons --and even training
and instigation-- needs to be investigated) may be an occasion to satisfy
the hunger for natural resources and markets. It is known that neo-
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liberalism is using the “democratizing mission” and the salvation of the
victims of the violation of human rights by local “authoritarian powers”
(often sponsored by imperial democrats), to justify itself.

Enduring colonial and neo-colonial structures are still serving as

obstacles to African emancipation and modernization. Poor educational
systems, the neglect of the development of masses of popular-based
ways of life, cultures, languages and traditions; infrastructures not
favoring African unity; rigid immigration procedures impairing African
people’s movements around the continent-- making it difficult for
nationalities to spread over a number of micro-states to keep their
interconnectedness. The need for African peoples, in their diversity to
interconnect and know themselves well, suffers. Biases and prejudices
towards each other between various nationalities, despite cases of inter
tribal marriage, still prevail. The so-called ‘African desks’, in many micro-
states’ foreign ministries, have very little, if at all, as materials on other
African micro-states. Some countries have a big ministry of
Francophonie and no ministry (big or small) for “national languages” and
cultures.

Defense budgets of micro-states keep rising. Despite that, Africa is

proving to be unable to even handle the armed conflicts on the continent
without outside help. This was obvious in the recent cases of Mali, Ivory
Coast, Libya, Central-African Republic, etc. Arms are often used to
intimidate, terrorize or repress the countries’ own people. Going to
participate in United Nations sponsored military interventions for peace
has become a way of making money rather than being undertaken for
humanitarian concerns.

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 The absence in Africa of the equivalent of NATO still perpetuates the
state of siege Africa has been under for centuries. We note that the US
military presence (through Africom, secret operations and operatives,
etc.) is rising (10) and that of the People’s Republic of China has begun.
In the eventuality of a clash between these powers over the access to
strategic resources in Africa, Africa is not prepared to respond. NATO
intervened in Libya to remove Gaddafi; Africa had nothing to counter this
move —notwithstanding her possible alignment to that removal.

As neo-liberalism is a globalised laissez-faire, multinational corporations

have become the dominant actors. Africa is not ‘blessed’ with having
many transnational corporations of her own. There are cases, like in the
DRC, where low intensity warfare is enhanced by the activities of such
corporations — there are now 85 of them involved in exploiting the
resources of the DRC.

We may wonder why the reduction of the state to an extreme minimum

has been the core principle of neo-liberalism. (Of course, this hardly
applies to the originators of that form of globalization. The USA has still
to reduce its state.) With reduced states and no transnational
corporations of their own—with the reduction to a minimum of their
social programs, i.e., the abandonment of their own large masses of
people --- African micro-states have no way to really compete in the
globalised market.

We should also say something about the current world conjuncture.

From the U.S. point of view, the end of the Cold War was only the
collapse or defeat of the Communist world and not an occasion for
another peace treaty—which would probably have redefined a new role
for the UN (11). The U.S. proclamation of a New World Order signified

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that the U.S. intended to reorganize the world, with its allies or
singlehandedly, in conformity with its growing interests. This led to the
pursuit of the strategy of “The Globalization of war: America’s ‘Long war’
against Humanity”(12) and the re-empowerment of NATO—rather than
to its dissolution, as was the case with the Warsaw Pact organization.
The events of September 11, 2001 reinforced the need for that “Long
war” program, now justified by “the war against terrorism”—which, in a
general way, it generated.

Michel Chossudovsky writes: “While this renewed East-West

confrontation has mistakenly been labeled a ‘New Cold War,’ none of the
safeguards of The Cold War era prevail. International diplomacy has
collapsed. Russia has been excluded from the Group of Eight (G-8),
which has reverted to the G-7 (Group of Seven Nations). There is no
‘Cold War East-West dialogue’ between competing superpowers geared
towards avoiding military confrontation. In turn, the United Nations
Security Council has become a de facto mouthpiece of the U.S. State
Department.” (13). There may be some exaggeration here, but, this
correctly points to the gravity of the situation. Faced with this situation,
Africa whose interests may not always be in line with those of the U.S.
should see that it is in her interest to revitalize international diplomacy.
This will require, at the very minimum, a united African voice. Ironically,
it is the U.S. who is remapping Africa away from the Berlin conference’s
mapping (14).

The argument for transcending tribal formations notwithstanding, the

methodology of conceiving and constructing the United States of Africa,
from the top, is colonial. It is that of grafting a government, from above,
on African communities which do not really know each other or have an
institutional mutual interconnectedness enhancing mutual
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comprehension. Let alone these communities having a say on the issue.
Was it surprising that the technical proposals, by Gaddafi, for African
unification (through an African satellite, an African World Bank, one
African currency, one African passport and a Constitutional frame) were
refused? Those were, some say, the real reasons for his being
overthrown and killed. The other heads of states seem to have been
more interested in who proposed them than in the value of those
proposals for the peoples of Africa.

Let it be said that the African masses of people are hardly informed
regularly about what is being accomplished in Addis-Ababa, nor are they
actively invited to know or to appreciate what their rulers are doing, nor
are they asked for their peoples’ thoughts. As far as I know, not a single
experience of referendum voting on the issue has taken place in any
country. The question of the unification of Africa was never
organizationally brought inside the African people. No real attempt, as
far as I know, at a pro-people involvement in the unification process was
ever made. We know that Africa is the continent which hardly has
control over the media and the sources of information in the world.
Some dictators, in Africa, engage in misinformation as a policy of
governance. This explains the banishing of journals and radios,
educative films or TV channels providing sometime interesting
information.

Massive and brutal expulsions, by African micro-states, of Africans from

other micro-states as for example Congo/Brazzaville expelling brutally
Congolese (from the DRC), Angola doing the same and the recent
Xenophobic attacks with killings, in South Africa, brought to the fore the
fact that African micro-states have become among the worst divisive
forces of the African people. One should just listen to the stories the
14
refugees tell. Quite a few countries have large numbers of internally
displaced people. Non-Africans are hardly so expelled; many find their
paradise in Africa.

Africa is home to strategic resources that advanced countries will need,

increasingly as they continue to advance. If Africa is not united to put
those resources to a meaningful use for the benefit of African people,
African micro-states will continue exporting raw materials and be stuck
with small rent based economies unable to create the number of the jobs
needed to give hope and occupation to the African youth, the future of
Africa. The tragedy that reared its head at Lampedusa (15) is very
shameful to Africa. Yet no serious attention has been given to that
tragedy by African rulers. African unity could provide a basis for a
permanent solution to this issue among others.

One of the motors of globalization is the scientific and technological

revolution. Africa is participating in it, but only very marginally. No
micro-state can put up the resources needed and above all the critical
mass of quality intellectual workers required to fully participate in this
process. Africa is now running far behind. And because of the lack of the
conditions enticing such participation, the few able intellectual workers
are emigrating to the outside of the continent where they can be
employed. We know, for example, that countries that are emerging have
a critical mass of intellectual workers. India, by 1996, was producing
100,000 engineers per year, the U.S.A. 275,000 engineers and China
600,000 engineers. Only a united Africa will put up with the necessary
conditions for a leap-frog process of transformation. Of course, Africa
should not embark on a blind catch-up with the West syndrome. We can
see what this sort of motivation seems to be doing in China.

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 Being increasingly shaped by the short term market considerations,
African universities, in the main, are declining. Quality is giving in to
market project considerations and fundamental research is thus
suffering. Intellectual workers (as those organized through CODESRIA)
seem to be affected by positivism which is rising with globalization
conservatism. This is so at a time when Africa needs to embark more
and more on doing fundamental research.

In the general atmosphere of neo-liberal globalization, dominated by

multinational corporations and military superpowers, larger geopolitical
units have a better chance to emerge. There is much wishful talk
regarding African micro-states becoming “emergent States’ by 2035.
Without any critical mass of quality intellectual/technological workers,
let alone a clear vision and real commitment, emergence is not going to
take place (16).

Tdka Kilimanjaro and colleagues wrote: “We are, as Africans, the

poorest people in the world, yet Africa has the most resources in the
world. They are not put to better optimal use for Africans. We occupy
the lowest position in international affairs, yet we occupy the most
significant geopolitical place in world geography… There is no unity of
purpose, and no common mission for our lives. We live serving other
peoples.”(17) We face this situation, generally because “we do not
know: what we were before the invaders tore apart our lives. What we
are now as the result of the violation of our humanity by the invaders
(enslavers, colonialists, imperialists, etc.) And what we must become in
order to get out of this gutter existence and restore African Civilization.”
We have to graduate from the colonial and dominant mindset.

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 Africa needs to have a sound educational system that would eradicate
all the structures and prejudices of the “civilizing mission” which resulted
in some enduring educational structures and accumulated “knowledge”,
we need to revamp. This requires a critical mass of quality intellectual
workers. So far, we have not succeeded sufficiently critiquing Western
Africanism (historiography, etc.). Our schools have just adopted, in the
main, Western conceptions of the continent’s geography, the periods of
its history, its agencies, even the assigned status to African people as
victims whose survival depends on Western assistance (18).

If we accept that KMT (Ancient Egypt) is our own equivalent of West’s

Ancient Greece and Rome, our micro-states have not paid much
attention to its existence and thought. The ultimate origins of our people
seem to dwell only on what the West says of them. There is no
archaeological mission in Egypt, by any of the micro-states to really study
that history. There are 17 outside missions for that purpose (19). Most
African universities are not even teaching that history but are
concentrating on a History in which Africans are either humiliated or
seen as victims. Nationalist history hardly went beyond colonial
resistance. African people’s singular subjectivities have hardly retained
the attention of teachers. Very few among African politicians have any
significant knowledge of the history of Haiti, for example.

Natural resources on the continent are not well distributed. Some areas
are short of basic resources such as drinking water and fertile soil. The
need for a redistribution of resources, not only inside each country but
also around the continent, must not be left to the market whose
dynamics in the main is controlled by outside stronger forces. Instead of
thinking from the perspective of African unity, some countries are
aggressing neighbors to pillage their resources. In place of imagining
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possibilities of creation of confederations or federations as possible
structures through which to collectively share resources some want to
redraw borders as a way of acquiring resources they do not possess (20).

The world is faced with major dangers threatening the very existence of
humanity if not life itself. These include the possibility of a nuclear war,
a failure to address climate change in a timely manner, a possible
uncontrollable epidemic and the underlining facilitating factor, the poor
quality of world leadership. An African unified voice in the “battle of
ideas”(21) on these dangers would have more impact than countries in
isolation.

Of course, as the African proverb says, “one must clean one’s house
before visiting others’ houses”. We know that the question of the quality
of leadership or just leadership per se, is a very serious issue. African
rulers have increasingly failed to transform themselves into leaders.
Many dream of becoming kings rather than responsible leaders of
Republics. How African unity will be arrived at, especially if it does so as
a result of African popular movements and pressure, will make it possible
to have a relatively good African leadership.

In the past, nuclear weapons, even tactical ones, were discarded as

instruments of conventional warfare. It is said that in the “Long war”
project, the U.S. Pentagon has reclassified them as possible tools to be
used in conventional warfare. This is a grave step towards a possible
nuclear war. We note that more and more, Russia, China and North
Korea are being projected as enemies and being surrounded by NATO’s
deployment of forces in Ukraine and East Europe and the “U.S. Pivot to
Asia” project aimed at “military encirclement” of China (22). Both Russia
and China have become capitalist countries; but, nevertheless, a first

18
strike pre-emptive nuclear attack against both countries is actually
contemplated. Both Russia and China are also busy preparing
themselves against the USA and NATO.

It is in the interest of Africa to remain a non-nuclear zone. This cannot

be guaranteed so long as the military presence in Africa of major powers
is increasing. Africa has an important reserve of, among other things,
uranium, needed for making those weapons. Atomic bombs, dropped
on civilian populations at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, were made with
minerals from Africa (from the Belgian Congo). Africa should be alert to
the use of her resources for the extermination of life on Earth. More and
more micro-states with uranium are losing control over their minerals.
Can Africa help the US leadership contain its military-industrial complex
that seems to push it to resort to military interventions—as predicted by
President Eisenhower at the end of his tenure? We want the USA to lead
the world properly, not to seek enemies to prove its military prowess.

Similarly, Africa possesses the second lung of humanity, in the shape of

the equatorial forest—the first being the Amazonian forest in Brazil.
Africa should, in conjunction with Brazil, have a strong voice on the
question of climate change. She should also be in the vanguard of
shifting towards the reliance on solar energy, for example. Here too, it
would be easier to engage in this pursuit through African unity.

Last, but not least, the struggle for drinking water will very soon move
towards the center stage. Africa has major sources of fresh water.
Within Africa, fresh water is not well distributed. African unity may help
Africa take up this challenge as well. The thirst of drinking water,
elsewhere, should not become an occasion for another scramble for
Africa.

19
 Of course, there are also other reasons for African unity; the ones
mentioned here may be sufficient enough to awaken people.

xxx

III

African unification is possible. There are difficulties of African unification

which will need to be overcome. There are historic difficulties, cultural
difficulties, language difficulties, psycho-social/gender difficulties,
educational difficulties, economic/technological difficulties and political,
moral and martial difficulties. I follow here what the group around Tdka
Kilimanjaro studied(23). I am not going to deal with all the difficulties as
these need also to be researched systematically. We shall give some
indications only.

Africa is the richest continent in untapped natural resources. It has been

under-populated due to the consequences of invasions, pillages, thefts,
slave raids, parasitic colonialism, chronic diseases due to malnutrition,
bad drinking water, insufficient sewage systems, immunization system in
foreign hands, etc.

As a victim of slavery in modern times, Africa lost up to 650 million

murdered, maimed, kidnapped people. Africa has sufficient sources of
natural energy, arable land capable to sustain a policy of food sufficiency
and thus to correct the relative demographic emptiness. As of 2014,
there have been more than 1 million Chinese settlers on the continent.
This number will rise continuously; while Africans are emigrating. One
may wonder what Africa will look like in the future. Certainly, Africa will
become more and more multinational and multicultural. A conference
has taken place in Cologne, Germany, to discuss the penetration of

20
Chinese to Africa. Scary things were said. Chinese settlers are
supposedly given living conditions and come to Africa engaging in gaining
control over minerals, acquiring land, engaging in poaching and they
come as a way of sending to Africa the demographic excess.

, African development has been undermined for centuries. Outsiders

engaging in invading Africa, seizing land, conquering Africans, enslaving
the remnants of African civilization—hardly even now at the disposal of
African people—and peoples and stealing cultures. There are more
African pieces of cultural creation in Western museums and private
collections than in Africa today. Almost no effort has been made to
reclaim these robbed creations.

Millions of Africans have been extracted from Africa; due to poor

policies of African rulers/collaborators/dictators, Africans are still forced
to leave Africa or lured into clandestine slavery. Africans have been
robbed of their natural resources through naked force or commercial
robbery. Enslavers and their descendants, colonialists and their
descendants “progressed” at the expense of Africans; they became rich
because they made Africans poor; and in fact, on the basis of the African
blood. And their descendants still come to Africa to teach Africans how
to develop. Their historians went out of their way to prove that poverty
was indigenous to Africa. Africans will survive only, it is claimed, on the
basis of Western assistance (24). African self-reliance is, however, still
the key to African progress.

The colonialist policy of divide and rule and that of civilizing mission have
marked considerably the African personality. The psycho-cultural
consciousness has been formatted through curricula of slavery and
domination. Until now, educational systems still need to be revamped

21
and a new curriculum should be devised. Most African micro-states give
very little budgetary attention to education.

There have been man-made disasters, wars and diseases. Forced

economic disasters such as the WB/IMF ‘structural adjustment’,
austerity measures, etc., benefiting only few collaborators, making
millions suffer. No real interest in the health of Africans upheld; while
profiting from abundant mineral resources, multinational enterprises
and their supporting States and organizations and local collaborators
have been the real architects of poverty. Out of 23 poorest countries in
the world, 19 are African (25). The first poorest country on the list is, of
course, the Democratic Republic of Congo which is potentially one of the
richest.

Briefly, historically, a lot of resources have been taken from Africa, even
more through commercial robbery than through naked force, leaving the
majority of Africans impoverished, starving, diseased and sick with
curable diseases, without jobs—whole populations affected by
malnutrition.

Despite the long term exploitation of natural resources for economic and
human development, some development does exists but it is insufficient.
Economic growth and human development require a reasonable level of
technology to produce enough needed goods and distribute them., With
the destruction of its ancient foundations, the level of technology is too
low to make a difference. In many countries, the old artisanal and craft
technology (blacksmith, craftsmanship, etc.) have been destroyed with
very little replacement., After the destruction of the KMT civilization,
Africa has been faced for a long time with almost no continually evolving
technology in society necessary to deliver more necessities.

22
The articulation between artisans, scientists, engineers and captains of
finance responsible for the technological taking off elsewhere, has hardly
taken place in our micro-states. Reduced to a mentality of “prêt a
porter” (the ‘ready-made’) African consciousness suffers from
insufficient creativity, innovation and spirit of discovery. Even “foreign
aid or assistance” and the general reliance on donors have had a
considerable impact on consciousness. More and more, Africans see
nothing wrong with the practice of depending on foreign aid for electing
one’s “leaders”.

Technology develops on the basis of the principle: different tools can be

combined to get better tools, the more tools one has the more
combinations possible and the better the tools. All these historic
difficulties may be easily overcome through African unity based on the
masses of African people.

There are cultural difficulties which include language problems. There

are hundreds of languages on the continent. But, these too are not
insurmountable. The European Union has 27 members and 23 languages
are recognized as official. Europeans speak in their own languages. In
the African Union, it is mostly foreign languages which are used.
Important work on the relative unity of African languages has been done
(26). The Bantu languages, for example, about 40% of the continent,
have similar lexical, phonological and grammatical characteristics. Other
languages have lexical similarity with Bantu languages. With the help of
linguistic science through technical procedures, language difficulties
could be reduced. Fewer languages could be developed as official
languages for the whole continent. Work is still going on regarding the
fact that all those hundreds or so languages may have common roots.
The study of Ancient Egypt civilization is very important for this question
23
as well. And the more Africans mix among themselves, the more the
issue of language will be resolved. Schools around the continent should
include this question as a priority.

The need to align overall ways of life: the meaning of life, the value of
human life, conceptions of death, methods for acquiring resources for
survival and the problems of cultural and technical integration beyond
inter-ethnic marriage, etc. are not insurmountable. Mâât, the KMT
world view of justice/truth/balance incarnate, to the extent that similar
values are scattered in other African traditions, constitutes an important
unifying cultural basis. The recent translation into African languages of
some important Ancient Egyptian texts gives a sense of the underlining
African cultural continuity (27). Clarity on these questions will empower
people to deal with the cultural consequences of consumerism, in a
continent where the working class culture is not so vibrant.

In any case, there is a need for institutions of interconnectedness to

enhance an inter-African mutual historical familiarization. This is
necessary to remove the vast ignorance every African has of other
Africans, every African state has of other African states, and every nation
or nationality has of other nations or nationalities. Preconditions for the
popularization of inter-African knowledge and mutual comprehension
have to be visualized and put in place. Very little has been done, by each
country, to reduce African academic, educational, linguistic, cultural,
artistic, intellectual and sociopolitical dependence on the colonial states
of France, England, the US, etc. We need ways of enhancing folklore
interconnectedness and reciprocal knowledge; religious-spiritual
interconnectedness and reciprocal knowledge, artistic
interconnectedness and reciprocal knowledge, educational-academic
interconnectedness and reciprocal knowledge, intellectual-philosophical
24
interconnectedness and reciprocal knowledge, etc. (28) There a rich
cultural wealth of cultural orientation in African traditional songs,
proverbs, forms of name-giving, stories, sayings, etc., which should serve
as a basis of cultural empowerment or ethos.

There are psychological, social and gender difficulties. I referred to the

colonially formatted psycho-cultural consciousness infused with alien
behavior, thought patterns, habits, daily practices, routines and social
patterns. The domination of women: these have carried the populations,
the family and civilization during the whole time of Africa being
dominated. Some Africans have been engaging in female genital
mutilation. Those who have been spending millions to whiten their skins
reveal psychological and cultural alienation. For a long time, Africa lost
its power of naming, of symbolizing, of expressing, of imagining, etc.
Explorers went around naming things, disregarding the local names. Lake
Mwanza/Nyanza becomes lake Victoria, for example. Even naming and
classifying people— “Bantu, Hamites, Pygmies, etc.,”_. Notions of
“beauty”, of “grandeur”, of “heroic”, “politeness”, “fashions”, etc. have
been tampered with. With the loss of the sense of shame, of fear, of
sacredness; arbitrariness has taken over. The whole cultural expression
of the relationship of unity with nature has been torn apart, in some
sense. Totemic practice, a cultural expression of unity with nature, was
treated as the clearest expression of savagery! Community palaver, an
expression of governance, was seen as a waste of time. Food, dress,
drinks, etc., have been re-adjusted without necessarily any way of telling
what is best. Quite a few diseases have been aggravated or enabled by
so-called modern eating habits.

The general accumulated alienation which marks Africans needs to be

addressed. There must be a need for cleaning up, waking up and
25
standing up. Healing of the African submissive consciousness, self-
hatred, feeling of victimhood, self-destruction, self-lowering, self-
blinding, lack of self-esteem, inferiority complex in front of Whites
especially, in brief, that healing is needed to cleanse the African or to
allow her/him to self-heal, to self-cleanse. Women who spend so much
money to bleach their skin to look whitish will then use their money more
meaningfully.

Inspiration can be drawn from the KMT ethos of MAAT which

emphasized solidarity, truth, justice and balance, science, planning,
reciprocity, merit, judgment based on works, collectivism, cooperation,
mutual assistance and mutual benefits; balance between men and
women, different cultures and different generations. ‘Make anger be
oriented towards rescuing, reclaiming, restoring, reconstructing and
rebuilding African Civilization. Right now, most Africans have no clarity
of their ultimate objective in life. Of course, within cultures as lived by
the masses of people some clues for general healing do exist; one needs
only to identify them by a study of singular subjective mass emergences.
Community palaver practices or Community mass self-healing and
cleansing practices (eg. 'Lemba’ and ‘Munkukusa’ in Kongo area) are
examples.

Educational difficulties refer to the need to revamp educational systems

now prevailing in Africa. Many of them are still marked by the curricula
of enslavement and domination by invaders, conquerors, colonialists
and their organic intellectuals serving as civilizers and saviors or
contributors to the imperialist ideologies of continuous domination to
produce slaves (now mostly spiritual ones), catechists of all categories
(spreading those ideologies as ‘knowledge’), docile people, cowards,
brutes, illiterates, dependent, self-hating, lovers of enslavers and
26
colonialists, non-scientific, mystical, defeated, amnesiac, stupid, self-
congratulating, ignorance loving, mechanical imitator, etc. A new
curriculum is called for and new types of educational structures
(liberating and not intimidating and disciplinarian). The curriculum must
impart true liberation of mind, spirit, soul and body; it must provoke
renaissance and should be weaved with an ideology to supplant the
present colonially inherited micro-national identities with a renewed
Pan-Africanist aspiration for development.

India became independent roughly around the same decade as some

African countries. India is now launching satellites into space, Africa does
not yet dream of that. Africa is not even beginning to harness the solar
energy it naturally has in abundance. Because of too much distraction
and irresponsibility, failing even to maintain the infrastructure left by
colonialists, Africans spend time and resources to rehabilitate roads and
railways that have fallen into ruin. Addressing educational difficulties is
probably the strategic key; it will make Africans to be reborn. Ultimately,
it is capitalism as a “criminal civilization” that needs to be uprooted.
Africans have been among the most mistreated casualties of capitalism
and it is strange that they still claim it; this may be the core of the
alienation of Africans.

Cases of epidemics (Ebola, HIV, etc.) in Africa have shown the difficulties
of health care. The cumulated legacy of African suffering, the low life
expectancy due to chronic problems such as poor nutrition, lack of safe
drinking water, inappropriate sewage systems and lack of indigenous
control of immunization systems—mostly in the hands of outsiders—and
insufficient medical structures emphasizing prevention over cure, all
these militate in weakening the health of Africans. Add to this malaria,
a most debilitating disease on the continent that causes havoc especially
27
on children below the age of five; all these constitute the elements of
health difficulties. But, we should also say that invaders found Africans
on the continent kicking and vibrant; there must have already been
means of health care that need to be studied and re-activated. My great
uncle used to say: “colonialists found us here alive; after they took over
our land, they turned around and said that without them coming we
would have died!”

To eradicate most of those elements requires sufficient resources that

united Africa could generate and a strong commitment resulting from
the pressure which masses of people when organized can exercise on
their true leaders. In general, Micro-states have been according to
people’s health needs only a very small proportion of their budget. The
dependency on foreign philanthropy to deal with such problems has
already been showing its limits. The so-called overpopulation scare is
often used as a pretext to prescribe measures which seem to be
genocidal (29)

The ongoing Ebola epidemic has shown how Africa is unprepared to

handle her own medical needs. Rulers and their friends and family
members go abroad for their medical needs and thus neglect those of
the majority of the people they claim to rule. Medical facilities are ill-
attended and ill-equipped, the needs of medical personnel are not
apropriately satisfied, medical equipment and supplies are often not in
line with the current level of the arts. It is shameful to see that little Cuba
was most ready and effective in intervening promptly to help deal with
the Ebola epidemic crisis. It took a long time before the AU could send a
team to the affected areas. All that most countries of Africa did was to
cut physical contacts with the affected areas. While this helps reduce
the spread of the disease, people still needed to tackle it. The increasing
28
lack of consideration of the sacredness and respect of life translates also
into the neglect of the health of African people. In the Democratic
Republic of Congo, they have even been reduced to the practice of
burying the dead bodies of poor people in a single mass grave as garbage.
People’s general health (physical, mental, moral and spiritual) is the key
for even development to be sustained. Physically our people are not well
attended, morally our rulers are not showing example, mentally the
curricula are not stimulating and spiritually dependence on foreign
shepherds is emphasized.

Economic and technological difficulties frustrate the need to

substantially increase the level of production and widespread
distribution of necessities to Pan-Africanist citizens. Africans are about
17% of the world population but account only for 0.4% of manufacturing
capacity and insufficient agricultural and industrial production. The
impact of narrow territorial nationalist ideologies and behaviour on the
people have prevented the rulers of micro-states to take up this question
seriously; they can only handle questions which are of the magnitude of
their micro-states. The celebration of “high rates of growth” which
hasno meaning for the majority of the population reinforces that impact.

The market short-term logic of immediate profit, especially when

planning activities are placed in foreign institutions, makes the rulers
become bogged down and happy with the little rent they get through
extractive industries which dominate their small economies. Some of
them sacrifice the vital interests of the population by accepting small
commissions (kick backs) and let the so-called investors leave the
exploited environment ravaged and very little human capital formed.

29
All the attempts at planning at a continental level and visions of
development, from the Lagos Plan to NEPAD have ended in disarray.
They ended Almost in the same way as the most creative popular
experiences, such as Ujamaa socialist villages (30) ended: complete
failure to primarily rely on one’s own forces, particularly human
resources. Indeed, the rulers have willingly allowed themselves to have
their economies mis-planned (almost disorganized), from the point of
view of the majority of the people, by international institutions such as
the IMF and the WB.

Political, moral and military difficulties frustrate African people while

trying to systematically deal with their own problems. African rulers
have stopped leading their own people and they are mostly responding
towards the World powers that be by looting the resources needed to
improve the conditions and welfare of the large majority of the people.

Some have engaged in liquidating their adversaries, using either poison

or fabricated accusations to get them imprisoned, not to mention the
systematic use of corruption. Some act as political comedians, excited
by being rulers, but actually dwelling only in short term preoccupations
—money, woman, alcohol, etc. They give one the impression of having
had no practice of having held to a statement of a personal mission—
functioning as a personal constitution. That is why they have such hatred
of the national Constitution of which they claim to be the guarantor.
Violation of the constitution is the greatest act of corruption. As the
latter is a failure of fidelity to upholding principles.

Some surround themselves with sycophants and who hardly read

anything that is pertinent and thus tragically hardly know what is going
on around them, let alone the world. Here is the way a group of

30
researchers summarizes it: “The self-serving ruling class in Africa today
generally has a stranglehold on power in various nations. There are
exceptions. The rule however is that governments are funded, trained,
supported and armed by Whites, Arabs to defend the resources they are
getting (for almost nothing) from fragmented African nations. In some
instances, they terrorize their own people with weapons of their nation’s
oppressors. They allocate over 18% of the nation’s GNP for their class
defense and the defense of their private property, yet they only allocate
approximately 1.8% on health care for the entire nation.”(31) The rulers
are the first to ruin their own countries’ ‘national sovereignty’.

Another writer has described the situation of African countries as being

dealt with, as we mentioned earlier, by “The Looting Machine” involving
“warlords, tycoons, smugglers and systematic theft of Africa’s wealth.”
A system in which “rapacious African presidents and warlords, rapacious
and more demanding transnational corporations, and their bankers,
advisers and customers far away from Africa in New York, London, Paris
and Zurich”(32), swimming in “ global culture that values products of
pillage”, constitutes “The Looting Machine.” We can probably say that
it is the “rapacious presidents” who mostly help to make this machine
possible. Maybe, we could also say that people deserve the rulers they
get. Maybe we have failed to a great extend to uphold our responsibility,
despite all the odds against us all the people, to give ourselves real
leaders. We only celebrate ‘heroic leaders’ who were killed before
actualizing their pro-people vision!

In some countries, rulers have looked at martial and sport activities in

schools negatively. One minister in Tanzania removed sports altogether
from schools. But, when it comes to games such as soccer competitions,
they become excited and some find through them occasions for looting.
31
Ancient Africans from KMT have always insisted on upholding the link
between heart, mind and body (MAAT<-> DJUTY<->HERU). That
connection provides good living. The U.S.A. is afraid of engaging Iran in
a conventional warfare, according to Michel Chossudovsky, because
Iranians are, almost all of them, trained militarily and in martial arts.
African people, in the most part, are not so trained and are easily
intimidated and terrorized. There are exceptions, of course.

Without going into details about all the difficulties and obstacles, let me
end by saying that we need to study systematically to reveal those
obstacles and thus find ways of removing them. I think that the creation
of a mechanism for African unity will be a starting point.

In line with Mwalimu J. Nyerere’s suggestion, an African Committee

should be created. This could start in one country, but it could later on
have branches in all willing micro-states of Africa. This committee will
be the instrument for getting inside the people themselves the question
of the unification of Africa.

The committee will write its own Manifesto. What I can say here is that
it will gather and spread widely among the people necessary information
concerning the necessity for African unification. With and inside the
people it will try to discover new forms of organizations, not modeled
after state forms and conducive to creating people’s interconnectedness
and mutual comprehension—among African nations within each country
and between countries.

Within each conjuncture, the Committee will identify pro-African

unification events and African forces, among the people, readily agitating
for African unity or at least expressing a political subjectivity for such a
unity. The idea is to aim at creating a political space for African unity,
32
free from micro-state’s space of command. This is to try to find ways of
relaxing, in the people, the micro-state fetishism and the belief that only
the state can do anything concerning African unity. African people think
African unification; we need to attend to their thinking.

When we look around us, on the streets, etc., all we mostly see are
commercial publicity materials, emphasizing the fact that market short
logic, consumerism, money are the only things that count. We need to
embellish our social environment with African cultural, historical
materials displayed everywhere. Names of heroes on the streets and
public buildings are not enough. We need crucial historical images and
figures, political environment images; we need images and figures of
artists, musicians, etc. displayed. In brief, the Committee must help
make the social environment where people live and interact be a
learning environment conducive to an awakening to African renaissance.

The Committee shall encourage pan-African encounters/exchange/

reciprocity/visits among intellectuals (especially organic intellectuals of
the people), artists, musicians, women, youth, sportsmen, griots or
folklore and story tellers, old people, medium people, scientists, etc.
Encourage people to agitate against the sanctity of colonial borders and
the rigidity of immigration procedures vis-à-vis African people.

Those are just few suggestions. I hope I provoked enough the reader’s
thinking on this important issue. I do wish that each of us will continue
dealing with it.

33
END NOTES

1. I have been debating this issue with a number of friends in Dar es

Salaam and elsewhere, for sometime now.
2. The lecture was delivered on May 27th, 2015 at Rhodes University
in Grahamstown, South Africa. I am grateful to Michael Neocosmos
and his colleagues at the university for having invited me.
3. “Without unity, Africa has no future” a speech Mwalimu J. Nyerere
delivered in Accra on the 6th of March 1997 to mark the occasion
of Ghana’s 40th anniversary of independence.
4. In 2005, on the initiative of a Congolese woman-medium, a group
of Congolese created a “Movement for African Enfranchisement.”
One ceremony took place to enfranchise a slave descendant from
Antigua who returned to the land of his ancestors. I was a member
of the group.
5. Ali Mufuriki, “Reflections on Late President Kwame Nkrumah’s Pan-
Africanism Legacy.” A Keynote address. Tana High-Level Forum on
Security in Africa, delivered in Bahar Dar, Ethiopia on !8th April
2015.
6. Mwalimu J. Nyerere, op cit. p.5.
7. Tom Burgis, The Looting Machine. London: Williams Collins, 2015.
8. The literature on this issue is already very rich. One could read:
Robin Philpot, Rwanda and the New Scramble for Africa. From
Tragedy to Useful Imperial Fiction. Montreal, Canada: Baraka
Books, 2013. And by Patrick Mbeko and Honore Ngbanda-
Nzaambo, Strategie du Chaos et du Mensonge. Poker Menteur en
Afrique des Grands Lacs. Quebec, Canada : Editions de l’Erabliere,
2014

34
9. Michel Chossudovsky, The Glabalization of War. America’s “Long
War against Humanity. Montreal, Canada: Global Research
Publishers, 2015. Especially chap. VIII.
10. Nick Turse, Tomorrow’s Battlefield: US Proxy Wars and Secret
Ops in Africa. A Dispatch Books Project. Chicago, Il.: Haymarket
Books, 2015.
.
11. Vladmir Putin’s speech. See. http://cluborlov.blogspot.fi/
2014/10/putin-t0-western-elites-play-time-is.html?m=1
12. Michel Chossudovsky, op.cit.
13. Nick Turse, op cit. especially, chap. 9.
14. Michel Chossudovsky, op. cit.
15. Hundreds of African people, trying to reach Europe in search
of greener pastures, are continuously being swindled by pirates
drowning in the sea and being buried at Lampedusa, Italy.
16. Therese F. Azeng has recently studied this issue in her
“Cinquante ans de planification du developpement en Afrique:
Regard retrospectif sur quelques experiences continentales. »
Journal of African Transformation Vol.1, No.1, 2015, pp. 101-117.
17. Tdka Kilimanjaro et al. Survival Organization. Build African
Institutions of a New Type. Detroit, Mi.: University of KMT Press,
2014, chap. 2.
18. Mueni wa Mutu and Guy Martin, A New Paradigm of The
African State: Fundi wa Africa. New York, NY.: Palgrave MacMillan,
2009, pp.195-196.
19. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, “Afrocentrism &
the African Renaissance Movement.”
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kAdb6dNYdfs

35
20. Both Rwanda and Uganda have been agitating for the
redrawing of their borders with the Democratic Republic of Congo.
21. Fidel Castro Cruz’s interview in Michel Chossudovsky, op cit.
chap II, pp.45-71.
22. Michel Chossudovsky, op cit.
23. Ibdem
24. Mueni wa Mutu and Guy Martin, op.cit.
25. IMF 2015 Report.
26. Theophile Obenga, Origine commune de l’egyptien ancien, du
copte et des langues negro-africaines modernes. Introduction a la
linguistique historique africaine. Paris : L’Harmattan, 1993. And
Felix F. Chami makes certain interesting observations in his: The
Unity of African Ancient History: 3000BC to AD 500. Dar-as-Salaam,
Tza, E&D Limited, 2006.
27. A group of researchers, of which I am a member, have been
translating some Ancient Egyptian texts into African languages.
28. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, op.cit.
29. Mueni Mutu and Guy Martin, op.cit.
30. Tdka Kilimnjaro et al. op. cit. p.
31. See for example, Ralph Ibbott, Ujamaa: The Hidden Story of
Tanzania’s Socialist villages. London: Crossroards Books, 2014.
32. Tom Burgis, The Looting Machine, op.cit. And also see
Howard French,” The Plunder of Africa: How Everybody Holds the
Continent Back.” A Review of the book in Foreign Affairs,
June/August 2015 issue.

36
37