De Fremery How Poetry Mattered in 1920s Korea PDF

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How Poetry Mattered in 1920s Korea
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Dissertation Advisor:
Professor David R. McCann Peter Wayne de Fremery
Abstract
This study of poetry and publishing in 1920s Korea explores the crucial relationship
between the material production of poetry and how poetry matters. Scholars of Korean
literature have largely ignored the mechanical and societal processes of literary
production during this period. They have also overlooked how the specific bibliographic
resources of a poetic text can contribute to what it means. To address these twin
problems, detailed bibliographic surveys of forty-five individual copies of vernacular
Korean poetry titles and thirty-eight issues often vernacular periodicals produced
between 1920 and 1929 are presented. These contextuahze and support a case study of
the poetry of Kim So-wol (1902-1934) that aims to understand his work in the variety
of bibliographic contexts in which it appears, including a recently rediscovered alternate
presentation of his canonical Chindallaekkot (Azaleas).
in
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements xiii
Figures and Tables ix
Introduction 1
Chapter One
Turning the Type Over 8
The Demise of Korea's Classical Chinese Poetic Tradition n
The Publication of Poetry in 1920s Korea 14
Apparent Criteria for Inclusion of Books in

Bibliographic Lists of Modern Korean Poetry 18
The Segregation of Poetry Composed in Classical Chinese (Hansi l^.aî) 22
A Preliminary Bibliographic Sketch of Hansi during the 1920s 25

Hansi in the Vernacular Press 25
The Conceptual Contours of "Modern Korean Poetry" 41
Printing, Publishing, and the Materiality of Poetry from 1920s Korea 43

Materiality and the Sociology of Korean Poetic Texts 53
Conclusion 65
IV
Chapter Two
The Faces of Poetry in 1920s Korea 67
Printing, Publishing, and Poetry on the Korean Peninsula, 1910-1945 69

Early Korean Printing 69
Colonial Readers 72
Modern Novels—"Old" and "New" 77
The Price of a Book in Colonial Korea 83
Sellers of Poetry 86
Publication Laws—A Definition of Roles 88
Colonial-era Publishers 92
Where Poetry Was Published 94
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoes a 96
Poets as Publishers 101
Poetry's Printers 102
Poetry's Pressmen 117
Poetry's Typefaces 127
Paper 132
Binding and Format 136
Conclusion—Poetry on the Page 138
Chapter 3
Kim So-wol in Colonial Periodicals, 1920-1925 141
Critical Contexts 145

The Early Life of Kim So-wol 149
Themes in So-wol Scholarship 150
Using Yeats—The Limits of So-wol Scholarship 155
The Periodicals 159

An Overview of Kim So-wol's Publishing Activities and the Periodicals
in Which He Published, 1920-1925 161
v
The Periodical Publishers 164
The Pressmen Who Printed So-wol's Poetry in the Periodicals 167
The Printing Facilities 171
Advertisers that Supported the Publication of Kim So-wol's Poetry 173
The Authors with Whom So-wol Appeared 177
A Young Poet Edited by Young Editors for Young Readers:
Ch'angjosa andKaebyoksa 180
So-wol's Editors 188
Conclusion 196
Chapter Four
Love, Art, and Commas 203
Relentlessly Reworking the Page 205
Love, Art, and Commas—

So-wol in the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo 206
Punctuation or Bibliographic Code? 207
The March 1920 Issue of Ch'angjo 208
Kim So-wol's "Wanderer's Spring" 212
Patterning Loss—
"Some Day Long from Now" in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye
and the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok 224
"Some Day Long from Now " in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye 224
"Some Day Long from Now " in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok 228
The Vernacular Word—

Kim So-wol in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 231
Celebrating World Literature—The July 1922 Issue of Kaebyok 232
Between Shakespeare and Sijo— "Azaleas " in July of 1922 234
"Azaleas " as a Folk-Song-Style Poem 244
Conclusion 247
VI
Chapter 5
Azaleas'1 Iterations 249
The Publication of Chindallaekkot (Azaleas) 251

Maemunsa 252
The Extant Copies of So-wol's 1925 Chindallaekkot 259

The Two Issues of Chindallaekkot:
A Definition of Terms 260
Chindallaekkot's, Two Issues 265

The Covers 266
The Spines 271
The Colophons 276
Variants in the Body Text of the Two Issues
The Facsimile Reproductions of Azaleas 293

Facsimilies Used as the Copy-text
for Important Critical Editions of Kim So-wol's Poetry 297
Conclusion 305
Chapter 6
Reading Chindallaekkot 307
The Narrative Arc of Chindallaekkot 310
The Tropological Regions of Azaleas 316

"To My Love" 316
"Spring Night," "Two People,"
and "Desolate Mountain " 326
"Once, Once"and "Half Moon" 330
"Cricket" and
'They Say the Sea Becomes a Mulberry Grove" 332
Vll
"Moonlit Summer Night"
and "The Body Discarded" 334
"Alone" and
"Travelers' Melancholy" 337
"Azaleas" 340
"The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit,"
"Amber Grass," and "The Cock Crows" 349
Conclusion—
Sideways Ghosts, Falling Flowers, and the Alternate Performances
of Two Poems in the Two Chindallaekkot 352
Conclusion 357
Bibliography 360
Chapter Two Appendices 379
Chapter Three Appendices 609
Vlll
Figures
and Tables
Figures
Figure 1 Cover, front matter, and "From the Sea to the Boys," in the November
1908 issue of Sonyon 2
Figure 1.1 Ch'a Sang-ch'an's censored "poems" on page seventy-two of the

inaugural issue of Kaebyok published in June of 1920 9
Figure 1.2 Yi Sang's "Poem No. IV" and "Poem No. V" 9
Figure 1.3 Advertisement for poetry in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 23
Figure 1.4 Robert Darnton's "Communications Circuit" 46
Figure 2.1 Newly built Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa building no
Figure 2.2 Advertisement for Taedong Inswaeso in Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku 126
Figure 2.3 Elements of Korean typefaces 129
Figure 2.4 Type comparison—tang 131
Figure 2.5 "To a Certain Friend, the Paper Seller," by So Chong-ju 133
Figure 3.1 Sapporo beer advertisement on back cover of the July 1922 issue of
Kaebyok 142
Figure 3.2 The graduating class of Paejae High School, 1923 194
Figure 4.1 Song of Solomon on the first page of the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo;
Yong-sun's letter/story in Chon Yong-t'aek's "The Spring of Life" 211
Figure 4.2 Kim So-wol's "Wanderer's Spring" and other poems in the March 1920
issue of Ch'angjo 213
Figure 4.3 "Wanderer's Spring" in Ch'angjo 215
IX
Figure 4.4 "The Night's Raindrops" in Ch'angjo 216
Figure 4.5 "Afternoon Tears" in Ch'angjo 217
Figure 4.6 "Longing" in Ch 'angjo 218
Figure 4.7 "Spring Hill" in Ch'angjo 219
Figure 4.8 Yi Il's "Spring's Footsteps" in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye 225
Figure 4.9 "Some Day Long from Now" in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye 227
Figure 4.10 "Some Day Long from Now" in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok 229
Figure 4.11 Enlargement of "Some Day Long From Now" in the August 1922
Kaebyok 230
Figure 4.12 The poems by Kim So-wol that appear in the July 1922 issue of
Kaebyok 236
Figure 4.13 "River Town" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 238
Figure 4.14 "A Quiet Lonely Day" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 240
Figure 4.15 "Stream" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 242
Figure 4.16 "Azaleas" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 244
Figure 4.17 Kim So-wol's "Azaleas" as it appeared in the introduction to Kim Ok's
translation of Arthur Symons 246
Figure 5.1 Advertisement for Maemunsa books in Kim Ok's Pom id norae 258
Figure 5.2 The covers of the Hansong Toso and the Chungang SSrim issues of
Chindallaekkot 267
Figure 5.3 Spine of the Hansong Toso and the Chungang Sorim issues of
Chindallaekkot 272
Figure 5.4 Title pages of Hansong Toso and the Chungang Sorim issues of
Chindallaekkot 274
Figure 5.5 Typography of Chindallaekkot in the colophon of the Hansong Toso and
Chungang Sorim issues of Chindallaekkot 277
x
Figure 5.6 Typefaces in which Chindallae and kkot appear in Ch'a Wdn-hung's
Chonwon, 1944 278
Figure 5.7 Typefaces in which kkot appears in the September and October 1926
issues of Tonggwang 280
Figure 5.8 Comparison of sorae in the Chungang Sorim and Hansong Toso
issues of Chindallaekkot with sori in the Munhak Sasang facsimile of
Chindallaekkot 297
Figure 6.1 "Some Day Long From Now" in the Hansong Toso and Chungang Sorim
issues of Chindallaekkot; "Some Day Long From Now" in the July 1920
Haksaenggye and the August 1922 Kaebyok 318
Figure 6.2 "My Love's Song" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 323
Figure 6.3 "River Song" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 341
Figure 6.4 "Road" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 343
Figure 6.5 "Wangsimni" in the Chungang Sorim and Hansong Toso issues of
Chindallaekkot 345
Figure 6.6 "The Road Away" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 347
Figure 6.7 "Azaleas" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 349
Figure 6.8 "The Smell of a Woman" in the Hansong Toso and Chungang Sorim
issues of Chindallaekkot 353
Figure 6.9 "Half Moon" in the Hansong Toso and Chungang Sorim issues of
Chindallaekkot 355
Tables
Table 2.1 Number of permits granted to new and old novels 80
Table 2.2 Number of permits granted to munjip, yugo, and kyongso 81
Table 2.3 Number of permits granted to books of poetry 82
Table 2.4 Comparison of book prices by genre 85
Table 2.5 Number of publishers on the Korean peninsula, 1910-1945 93
xi
Table 2.6 Printing and binding facilities on the Korean peninsula, 1911-1940 104
Table 2.7 Taedong Inswaeso balance sheet, 1923 112
Table 3.1 Number of books and articles about Kim So-wol, 1923-2010 147
Table 3.2 Number of literary works published by Kim So-wol: March 1920 to
December 1925 165
Table 3.3 The authors with whom Kim So-wol most frequently appeared in the
periodicals, 1920-1925 179
Table 3.4 Kim So-wol's editors 199
Table 5.1 Variants in the body text of the two issues of Chindallaekkot 290
Table 5.2 Discrepancies between the two 1925 issues of Chindallaekkot and
important collected works of Kim So-wol 301
xn
Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge my wife, Sukja, and two children, Hailey and Payden, first
to emphasize that without their love and support what follows never would have been
completed. Encouragement from my parents, Peter and Kathi, and sister, Michelle, kept
me moving forward when I felt most exhausted. My mother- and father-in-law, Ch'oe
Myong-ja and Yi Chae-yun, watched Hailey and Payden when we moved to Korea,
making the gift of a few quiet hours to work each day.
In addition to everything that I owe my family, my debts are many and large.
My advisor David McCann has been an inspiration. His short dance rendition of Kim
So-wol's poem "Azaleas" presents in thirty seconds what has taken me a decade and
more than seven hundred pages to describe. I have wondered more than once where his
thinking ends and mine begins. I am grateful for the long conversation that began on
the Seoul subway many years ago. The intellectual acumen and breadth of knowledge
brought to this project by the other members of my committee, Professors Stephen Owen,
Carter Eckert, and Young-Jun Lee, have improved what you read here in ways that are
almost unimaginable. Probing questions and innumerable suggestions from my mentor
and friend the poet K.E. Duffin have refined and strengthened my arguments.
Continuing support from Professor Kwon Y5ng-min of Seoul National University,
who first brought me to Korea to study Korean and engage my interest in Korean poetry,
has been invaluable. The same can be said of Professor O Se-yong. His candor and sense
for what makes a Korean poem are unequalled. My friend Professor So Hyong-bom spent
hours fielding questions and reviewing portions of what follows. I learned a great deal
from our conversations and his comments.
O Yong-sik unlocked the world of twentieth-century Korean bibliography when
he opened his cavernous library to me and began sharing his immense knowledge. 6 m
Tong-s5p let me see and photograph his copy of Chindallaekkot before anyone else. He
also shared his impressive library with me. This dissertation could not have been written
xiii
without his help. Pak S6ng-mo, the owner of Somyong Ch'ulp'ansa, and Pak Tae-hon,
the owner of Hosanbang, each allowed me access to their wonderful collections; I learned
much as a result. The generosity, knowledge, and patient tutoring of Dr. Pak Ch'on-hong
and Dr. Pak Y6ng-ja at Adan Mun'go, as well as their friendship, continue to sustain me.
Y6 Sung-gu, the owner of Hwabong Mun'go, also shared his extensive collection
of poetry from Korea's colonial period, which includes one of the most pristine copies
of Chindallaekkot. The survey of vernacular poetry presented in Chapter Two could
not have been undertaken without Y6 Sung-gu's trust and kindness. The comparison
of Chindallaekkot's alternate iterations, presented in Chapters Five and Six, was made
possible by the largesse of Professors Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan, Kim Chae-hong (at the
Museum of Contemporary Korean Poetry), Kim Chong-hon (at the Appenzeller-Noble
Memorial Museum), as well as the family of Kim Song-hun. I am grateful.
Professor Yu Myong-sik and his wife Hwang Mi-dong, artists and owners of one of
South Korea's finest printing facilities, have taught me invaluable lessens about the art of
making books. They are a store of practical knowledge that I have visited frequently. My
friend and mentor Kim Hyong-gyun, the owner of Eastland Publishing, made important
introductions and also taught me a great deal about books and publishing.
Professor Clare You at U.C. Berkeley provided moral and intellectual support
that was indispensable and found funding that saw me and my family through difficult
times. Susan Laurence, by trusting me to facilitate the publications program at the Korea
Institute at Harvard, similarly made it possible for me to pay our bills; she has become a
dear friend. Funding from the International Communication Foundation also sustained me
and my family, even if much of the translation work supported by the Foundation does
not appear here. A dissertation completion fellowship from the Korea Institute at Harvard
and a well-timed grant from the Academy of Korean Studies also helped make ends meet.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge the Berkeley poet Kang Ok-ku, who hurried me off
to Seoul to begin my formal studies shortly before succumbing to cancer in 2000. My
xiv
first tutor in Korean poetry, she sent me on my way knowing, more than a decade before
I did, that I would be writing this now. Her belief in me made this dissertation possible.
The enigma of her prescience is the rich life that I have led since we parted.
xv
Introduction
Modern Korean poetry begins, according to normative histories, with the onomatopoeic
sound of the ocean crashing onto shore: T'yo . . .1 ssok, ty'd . . . I ssok, t'yok, sswa . . .
a. It begins, moreover, in a verdant hue, being printed in green ink. Ch'oe Nam-son ft
Tfjt4- (1890-1957), author of "Hae egeso sonyon ege $ H 7]] ^ /JMf-»H -/\] (From the sea
to the boys)," published this now epoch-defining poem in the inaugural issue of Sonyon
'P/A-\- (Youth), a journal he edited and had printed at his newly established printing and
publishing venture, Sinmun'gwan %fcSLW>, in November of 1908. The poem, surrounded
by a border of red Korean flags, appears just after the front matter of the journal, which
includes three frontispieces depicting, respectively, Niagara Falls, Peter the Great, and
Crown Prince Yi Un as a young student in Japan standing with It5 Hirobumi, the first
resident-general of Korea after it became a Japanese protectorate in 1905.
Although Ch'oe's work is often cited as the first modern Korean poem, the
historical traces of its making and how it mattered in its original context have never been
investigated thoroughly by literary scholars; for example, that the poem is green is never
mentioned. Consequently, scholars have overlooked the role it plays at the beginning
of the inaugural issue of Ch'oe's journal. The poem's color and placement suggest that
it was meant to be read not as an isolated text but as part of a performance intended to
rouse Ch'oe's readers and initiate them as powerful participants—akin to Ito and Peter
the Great—in a changing world. It is a performance articulated by both its visual and
linguistic "color." The youthful hue in which the poem is printed quite literally colors its
awkward, bombastic tone. The technical difficulty and expense of printing in two colors,
red and green, contribute to the endearing bravado of the poem's language. Taken out
of this context, however, reproduced in black, and granted the emblematic label "first
modern poem," "From the Sea to the Boys" matters differently.
While much work has been done to understand what modern Korean literature might
mean linguistically, politically, and historically, very little has been done to understand
1
CN m
) i % * »
i^?*
II* *T* ;V t
ii n. t +.
H £ * » « - " * f c l .*. S i .'t fr it I
Figuie 1
|jl-<
Cover, front mattei, and From
H3
the Sea to the Boys," Sonyon
(November 1908) In the Adan
Mun'go collection
A 1
how Korean literature has meant That scholars have overlooked the color of what is
most often cited as the first modern Korean poem is indicative of how little attention
has been paid to the material texts of twentieth-century Korean literature Despite the
historical proximity of this era's literatme, we understand very little about the physical
work of those who created it between the turn of the last century and the end of the
Korean War (1950-53) The history of books and periodicals from Korea's colonial period
2
(1910-1945) is particularly sketchy. This gap in our knowledge is troubling when we
consider the compelling argument that how a text is produced cannot be disaggregated
from what it means, an argument made most persuasively by bibliographers such as
D.F. McKenzie and Jerome McGann but also by other media theorists and historians
of the book since the 1960s. If their arguments are sound, our understanding of Korean
literature from the early twentieth century is circumscribed by our ignorance of how its
texts were made. Korean poets wrote about their work as if it were to be sung and fiction
writers announced that they were penning a spoken idiom. Despite these pronouncements
and the propensity of mass reproduction to disembody texts,1 these "songs" and
"dialogues" were fixed to paper for readers by craftspeople picking type and arranging
forms to be placed on a press.
This dissertation begins to address this gap in our knowledge of twentieth-century
Korean literature by investigating how vernacular poetry came to matter in 1920s Korea.
By "matter" I mean both "gain literary significance" and "come to be" as physical
objects. In line with McKenzie, McGann, and like-minded scholars, I consider the
physical media of colonial-era poetiy a constituent element of what it means. I argue that
poetiy mattered in 1920s Korea as a function of how it was materially iterated, and that
poetic texts as they were then made have not been read by scholars for some time.
Chapter One situates vernacular poetry from 1920s Korea within the larger body
of poetry made during this era, beginning with a discussion of hansi t^Mi, or poetry
composed in classical Chinese. Describing how the language of composition and the
material forms of poetry articulate the conceptual contours of what we now consider
' "The modem notion of the 'text' as a disembodied thing that transcends any particular paper version
is veiy much the consequence of print culture and mass reproduction." Stephen Owen, The Making of
Early Classical Chinese Poetry (Cambridge Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Asia Center,
2006), 4. Owen makes this statement when discussing the difference between modem print culture and
the early Chinese manuscripts he is concerned with in his book. In an interesting account, Barbara M.
Benedict describes how English poetiy was 'disembodied' in the eighteenth century by means of evolving
forms of anthologies and miscellanies published between the Restoration and the early nineteenth century.
See Making the Modern Reader: Cultural Mediation in Early Modern Literary Anthologies (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1996).
3
early modern Korean poetry, this chapter illustrates the twin challenges to understanding
how poetry in 1920s Korea mattered: on the one hand, the need to understand the larger
mechanical and societal systems of the popular press during the second decade of Korea's
colonial ordeal and, on the other, the need to document the often subtle ways in which the
era's poets and printers manipulated the medium of their art in individual texts.
Taking Korean poets at their word when they say that poetry is performance, I
describe the media of these performances and suggest a manner of reading texts that
recognizes the potency of the performative metaphor. I interpret the collective choices of
poets, publishers, and pressmen—of words, paper, and pieces of type—as performative
citations of the sociology of their intertwined systems of production. Bibliographers
and literary scholars, as well as book designers, historians of the book, and cultural
critics have informed this approach. In addition to Don McKenzie and Jerome McGann,
mentioned above, Robert Darnton, Robert Bringhurst, Johanna Drucker, and Judith Butler
have most powerfully shaped my thinking.
Chapter Two addresses the twin problems set out in Chapter One by attempting
to identify the structures that governed vernacular publishing in 1920s Korea and by
describing poetry's place among the products of the era's burgeoning popular press. My
aim is to delineate some of the aesthetic, economic, material, mechanical, and social
parameters at play in the making of poetry. To do so, I investigate the authors, publishers,
and editors, as well as the printers and printing companies that made forty-five individual
copies of poetry titles published between 1921 and 1929 that I survey for this chapter.
To understand what distinguished the presentation of poetry from that of other genres,
I catalog the formats of these books, investigate the machines used by this ensemble of
people to realize their collective visions, and discuss the choices they made of typeface,
paper, and binding method. In addition, I attend to the presentation of poems as they
sit on their pages by examining how poetry was laid out in collections published in the
1920s.
4
Relatively simple questions prompted by the theoretic stance outlined in Chapter
One, such as who were poetry's pressmen in 1920s Korea, lead very quickly to more
complex ones, such as what should be called a book of Korean poetry. Asking these
more complex questions helps articulate vernacular poetry from the 1920s in relation to
other literary products of the era. Moreover, it enables me to juxtapose how individual
vernacular poems and volumes of poetry mattered with how poetry in general was made
and gained significance during this period.
Having established vernacular poetry's relationship to the broader textual horizons
of 1920s Korea, in Chapters Three through Six I present a case study of a single
vernacular title from this period—Kim So-wol's canonical Chindallaekkot Tîi^^r/^r
(Azaleas).2 Examining a single title enables me to address the twin challenges of reading
verse from this period outlined in Chapter One, and is an approach informed by the
theorists mentioned above. Adapting a concept from Walter Benjamin's expansive (if
unfinished) Arcades Project, rather than attempting to create a textual constellation
inspired by the phantasmagorical cornucopia of les passages of nineteenth-century
Paris, I attempt to read Kim So-wol's Azaleas as an "arcade" —a "passage"—that will
enable me to narrate the individual histories of the poems and historical personages,
technological processes, and social systems that contributed to its fashioning.3
To identify these histories, processes, and systems, Chapter Three begins with a
discussion of the large body of scholarly work that secures Kim So-wol his central place
in Korea's literary canon. I assert that this expansive discourse is limited by its disregard
for the bibliographic contexts provided by the books and periodicals in which Kim
2
As I will describe shortly, two versions of Chindallaekkot were produced in the 1920s. The title of the
collection is orthographically different on the cover of each version and scholars have already begun to
utilize these orthographic differences to refer to the two versions of Kim So-wol's 1925 collection.
J
Robert Damton's The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopedie 1775-1800
(Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1979)
is modeled on a similar premise, although the book at the center of his study could not be more unlike Kim
So-wol's Azaleas.
5
So-wol's poetry appeared in the 1920s. To address this shortcoming, I present findings
from a survey of the thirty-eight4 individual issues often periodicals that feature early
versions of many of the poems that Kim So-wol includes in Azaleas. The survey is quite
similar to the one in Chapter Two and provides an overview of the periodicals where So-
wol published his poetry, the other writers with whom he appeared, as well as his editors,
publishers, and pressmen. The surveys presented in Chapter Two and Chapter Three
differ in emphasis, the former focusing more on the material and mechanical aspects
of book production during this period, and the latter attempting to delineate the social
network articulated by the publications in which Kim So-wol appeared.
Having provided a general overview of these networks and publications, I then detail
in Chapter Four how Kim So-wol's poems are iterated within the specific bibliographic
and textual contexts of four publications—the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo iWjh.
(Creation), the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye #-'^L# (Student's world), and two issues
of Kaehyok ^1 W\ (Begimiings), from July and August 1922, respectively. I argue that Kim
So-wol's poetry in these publications mattered performatively in two ways: as citations
of the sociology of their textual condition and as material bodies that enact their themes
and metaphors. I demonstrate that texts by the authors with whom Kim So-wol appears
present similar performances.
Chapter Five describes the physical attributes of the two versions of the 1925 edition
of Chindallaekkot, one of which has only recently been rediscovered. Arguing that both
presentations are most likely products of late 1925,1 show how readers encountering
Chindallaekkot would have read two books that are textually, paratextually, and
physically dissimilar; Chindallaekkot would have been understood differently depending
on which book was encountered. Rather than suggesting that one version or the other
is "ideal" or "original," I propose that the two books be viewed as mutually defining
4
Kim So-wol's poems appeared in at least thirty-nine individual issues of periodicals from this period.
However, one of these issues does not appear to be extant even in facsimile reproductions.
6
performances of Kim So-wol's poetry. Illustrating that poetic texts as they were created
in colonial Korea have been neglected in recent years, Chapter Five also demonstrates
that our most authoritative collected works of Kim So-wol are not based on either 1925
version of Chindallaekkot but on an altered 1970s facsimile.
The final chapter presents an extended reading of Azaleas, something never
attempted before. Just as literary historians have extracted Kim So-w6Ps poems
from their journals, critics and scholars have usually taken So-wol's poems from
Chindallaekkot's sixteen thematically and formally cohesive sections and rearranged
them to work rhetorically within their arguments about Kim So-wol. This has meant that
scholars and critics have failed to address how Kim So-w5Ps only collection may itself
mean and matter as artistic expression.
I suggest a reading of Azaleas—one among many possible readings—that envisions
its wandering speakers moving peripatetically through a long night that unites the text's
figures of love and death. I argue that the sequential order of the poems in Chindallaekkot
and their organization into sixteen tropically coordinated regions articulate this narrative
arc. I show too that individual poems physically perform, as blank spaces and missing
words, the emotional absences thematically presented by Chindallaekkot's poems, as they
do in the periodicals.
The poetry of Korea's early modern period has been the focus of intense study. Yet
poetry as it was made during this period has not, in truth, been read for some time. Critics
and scholars of modern Korean literature have ignored the great quantity of verse written
in classical Chinese during these years. Since at least 1980, the work of a poet as central
to the vernacular poetic tradition of modern Korea as Kim So-wol has been read in the
form of doctored facsimiles. The physical texts made in 1920s by poets, printers, and
publishers matter, however. The chapters that follow attempt to illustrate how.
7
Chapter One: Turning the Type Over1
Min Yong-sun Bi]£kM (7-1929), a poet and the printer in charge of producing the first
issue of the influential journal Kaebyok, would have been busy in June of 1920 as Korean
presses began to roll in the wake of the 1919 March 1 Independence Movement and
decisions by Japanese leaders to allow greater freedom of the press in Japan's peninsular
colony. While greater freedoms had been granted to Koreans, Min was hardly free to
print whatever he and his colleagues wished, and portions of Kaebyok's, inaugural issue
had been disallowed by colonial censors, including two poems by Ch'a Sang-ch'an TY
\V\Â (1887-1946) on page seventy-two. In what appears to have been common practice
among Korean printers during Japan's occupation,2 to appease colonial authorities, Min
(or someone working with him) seems to have simply turned over the type of Ch'a's
poems as he reset the page and prepared the issue for final publication after receiving the
galley proofs back from the censor's office.3 One can clearly see the "block" impressions
made by the feet of the type. Moreover, Ch'a's name and the compound Ma-i (hansi)
were not flipped over. Instead, they assign the "work" an author and describe its genre.
The page number and running head are in place as well; and a border gives shape to the
wordless "poems." Seen out of context, this creation might look, to a student of Korean
colonial-era literature, like something Kim Hae-gyong sfeifJO (Yi Sang ^ffi, 1910-1937)
composed for his Ogamdo ,f^ffi&|@] (Crow's eye view) series in 1934.4
1
My thanks to Tin Sang-sok who commented on a portion of this chapter presented as a paper at Korean
Literature of the Japanese Colonial Period: Choson, Tradition, & East Asia as Imagined Topography, an
international conference held at Korea University in February 2008.1 also wish to thank Alexander Akin
who made valuable comments concerning my translation of the poem by Yi Hyong-u that appears in this
Chapter.
2
One finds similar "erasures" in many colonial-era publications.
3
See Figure 1.1.1 am unaware of any documentary evidence concerning typesetting practices at
Sinmun'gwan, where this issue of Kaebyok was printed. Consequently, I have queried a number of book
printers and professors regarding the mechanical process of censoring this text. I thank Chong PySng-
gyu for offering what strikes me as the most probable explanation of the process. (Personal interview,
November 29, 2007).
4
See Figure 1.2.
8
Like Yi Sang's poetry, which frequently incorporates numbers and geometric
designs, Ch'a's censored poems raise a number of important questions concerning the
normative beliefs held by colonial subjects about what should constitute the proper
domain of "poetry" on the Korean peninsula during Japan's occupation.5 Ch'a's poems
also provide a convenient place to begin a discussion of how poetry may have mattered
in 1920s Korea because they highlight the processes of their physical (un)making and
how these processes impact the way we "read" and assess their significance. In addition,
they pose a fundamental question concerning the conceptual framework we currently
use to discuss "modern Korean poetry." Generally accepted historical narratives of
colonial-era Korean literature suggest that the Korean tradition of poetic composition in
classical Chinese had ended by the time the peninsula was annexed. Ch'a's poems and
5
Because it apparently conflicted with their beliefs about what constitutes "poetry," exasperated readers
demanded that the Choson chiingang ilbo stop printing Yi's Ogamdo series shortly after it appeared in July
of 1934—demands with which the paper's editors complied.
9
many others like them published during the 1920s cause us to question such claims. Is it
possible that hansi (poetry in classical Chinese) were published in substantial quantities
and, consequently, featured significantly in poetic discourses of the period? Has the
publication of poetry in classical Chinese during the colonial period been excluded—
censored, in effect—from contemporary discussions about poetry during the Japanese
colonial period? These questions are important to ask because they help to articulate the
conceptual boundaries of what is now considered modern Korean poetry by delineating
what has not been considered modern Korean poetry.
Although disallowed by the colonial authorities, Ch'a's hansi would have been
a prominent part of the inaugural issue of one of the era's most important intellectual
forums. Moreover, contrary to scholarly assertions suggesting otherwise, poetry in
classical Chinese is not difficult to find in other colonial-era journals, newspapers, and
literary collections. In addition, given that only approximately forty books are listed in
available systematic bibliographies of vernacular modern Korean poetry and given the
long history of composing poetry in classical Chinese on the Korean peninsula, we might
wonder legitimately how many hansi collections were published during the decade that
followed the March 1 Independence Movement. This question becomes more pertinent
when we realize that the colonial police issued 365 publication permits for books of
"poetry (g^fffc)" between 1920 and 1929.6 If the colonial government issued 365 permits
and currently available bibliographies of modern Korean poetry list only about forty
books, we might rightly ask if collections of poetry composed in classical Chinese
6
[Ch5sen Sotokufu], Keimukyoku Toshoka [ifflf^/MWJiFJgfH-JSniS, "Saikin junenkan ni okeru onmon
shuppanbutsu no susei fiJiH"'FR9!c//Mt Z> ,&^L\\\fiktyjcoil&^} (Trends in Korean vernacular publishing over
the last ten years)," Keimu iho 288 (April 1930): 73-4. T have yet to find a definition of the bibliographic
category shiika (K: siga) s 1W in Japanese language publications such as the Keimu iho and the Chosen
ni okeru shuppanbutsu gaiyo "I'M! I- )/t(t h IBIiW*/13,3c (Survey of publications in Chosen) published by
the Keimukyoku in 1930. Presumably, books of hansi would have been included in this category along
with poetry in vernacular Korean, sijo, and perhaps song collections. Japanese language collections such
as Kongo kuka shishu ^W^WIh It (A collection of poems and songs about the Kumgang Mountains)
published in Seoul by Kameya Sh5ten (K: Kuok Sangjom) "ifilfcfSjlA in 1927 would also probably have
been granted shiika publication permits.
10
comprise a portion of the approximately 325 books left unaccounted for by available
bibliographic lists.
The first of two sections in this chapter analyzes statistical information collected by
the Japanese colonial authority, bibliographies of modern Korean poetry, and a number
of colonial-era newspapers, journals, and books to explore the body of poetry composed
in classical Chinese. This investigation reveals that along with language of composition,
how texts from 1920s Korea were made and circulated determines how they are
categorized and whether they are classified as modern. The second section of this chapter
reviews the existing literature about the production of poetry in 1920s Korea, identifying
twin challenges posed by the state of current scholarship: a general lack of historical
knowledge about books from this period, particularly their physical manufacture; and a
disregard for how the material medium of poetry can function as a constituent element
of poetic expression. Informed by the work of bibliographers and typographers, book
historians and cultural critics, the chapter concludes with a discussion of how we
can address these challenges and read poetry from this period in a productive way by
remaining alert to how physical media can perform metaphors and reveal performative
choices.
The Demise of Korea's Classical Chinese Poetic Tradition
According to predominant narratives of Korean intellectual and literary history, the
conceptual place of classical Chinese, which had been the language of public discourse
for more than a millennia on the peninsula, was being renegotiated vis-a-vis vernacular
Korean at the end of the nineteenth century. This occurred contemporaneously with
changing beliefs about Korea's conceptual relationship to China. Citing an 1895 school
textbook, historian of Korea Andre Schmid suggests that by the last decade of the
nineteenth century China was no longer the conceptual "center" of Asia for an increasing
number of Koreans.
11
'China, like our nation,' [the Elementary Reader for Citizens
{Kungmin sohak tokpon) stated],' is one country in the Asian
continent'.. .This brief phrase reflected what was to grow into a
far-reaching endeavor, sponsored for the first time by dynastic
institutions but carried out most widely in the period's media, to
reexamine Korea's historical relationship with China—what can be
called the decentering of the Middle Kingdom.7
Schmid also observes that the phonetic alphabet promulgated in the fifteenth century
by King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) was being reconceptualized during this period as well.
Hunmin chongum aJllSit EP (The correct sounds for the instruction of the people), which
had become better known as the "vulgar" script {onmun Mx?) during the Choson dynasty,
became the "national" script {kungmun H ^ ) . 8 The term hanhak \%^ appears to have
undergone a similar transformation at about the same time and came to mean "works
composed in classical Chinese from the classical period {hanmun kojon fr^r-H?])" as
opposed to "the study of the Chinese language {chunggugo haksup ^^°] '^^m-)"9
Kwon Y6ng-min suggests that efforts to promote the vernacular script in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, along with governmental reforms that
juxtaposed kungmun to hanmun S: X\ and made it the official language of state discourse,
fundamentally changed the character of twentieth-century Korean literature.10 With regard
to poetry, Cho Tong-il writes that by 1919 "although poets were of a generation that had
7
Andre Schmid, Korea Between Empires 1895-1919 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 55.
8
Andre Schmid, Korea Between Empires, 64-72.
9
Sim Kyong-ho ^îS., Hanhak immun ^ ^ HTT (Introduction to the study of [Korea's] classical Chinese
[tradition]) (Seoul: Hwangso Chari, 2007), 10. When I asked Sim if the term hansi underwent a similar
transformation, he suggested that it probably did. He speculated that the compound probably gained its
current meaning in Japan sometime during the Meiji Period (1868-1912) and that it was then most likely
imported to Korea. Lacking concrete documentation concerning this issue, he regretted, however, that this
must remain speculation. (Personal interview, November 9, 2007).
10
Kwon Yong-min T3 °$ "1, Han'guk hydndae munhaksa £l^"?i cH-ir^M- (A history of modem Korean
literature), vol. 1 (Seoul: Minumsa, 2003), 32-75. Kwon's sentiments arc echoed by Peter Lee in A Histor)'
of Korean Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 336-7.
12
learned classical Chinese, they were not inspired to compose hansi."u He continues,
"With the literary movement developing anew, hansi were not found in magazines and
[literary] collections (chakp'umjip).,,n When the poet and translator Anso Kim Ok j ^
W, #{& (Kim Hui-gwon sfe!1*^, 1896-?) charts "poetry (iHi)" and its subgenres in the
introduction to his 1924 translation of Arthur Symons' poetry, he does not include any
from the classical Chinese tradition.13 Despite the extensive work he did to translate
classical Chinese poetry into vernacular Korean in the 1930s and 40s, classical si li are
not "poetry (si fA)" in his 1924 introduction.
Reading these histories of Korea and definitions of poetry by leading literary figures
of the early twentieth century one gets the impression that the tradition of reading and
composing poetry in classical Chinese ceased soon after the Kabo reforms of 1894
and was all but moribund by Japan's annexation of the peninsula in 1910.14 Translated
11
Cho Tong-il :£-§• s , ed., Han'gnk munhak t'ongsa ?l"='i"^rsr-5-/M- (A comprehensive history of Korean
literature), 4th ed., vol. 5 (Seoul: Chisik SanSpsa, 2005), 69.
12
Cho Tong-il, Han'guk munhak t 'ongsa, vol. 5, 69. Cho qualifies this seemingly unambiguous statement
later in the same paragraph by implying that not many hansi can be found. Later in the same volume, in
a section entitled "Chubyon uro millyonan hanmunhak - r - ^ ^ . S . 1 ^ s\ \+ s}-g-4j- (Literature in classical
Chinese pushed toward the periphery)," Cho writes that after 1919, "literature in classical Chinese did not
disappear. Although it was not judged as literature [by those of the new vernacular literature movement],
because it was enjoyable to write and was [associated with] high culture, and because criteria forjudging
it [deteriorated] and easy access to printing [made it easy to disseminate]... it could seem as if it were the
glory days of classical Chinese." (528) However, he writes dismissively, even those who were talented
at writing in classical Chinese could not resist the changing times. Cho then goes on to briefly sketch the
publication of classical Chinese in the vernacular press, as well as discuss a few writers and their works.
Cho Tong-il, Han'guk munhak t'ongsa, vol. 5, 528-538.
13
Anso Kim 6k '£•$% <tiA, "Somun taesin e Ff'XiK-^6^ (Tnstead of a preface)," in Arthur Symons, Irojin
chinju ti°1 ?J filfc (Lost pearl), translated by Kim 6k (Seoul: P'ySngmun'gwan, 1924), 18.
14
A few articles have been written on hansi from the colonial period, such as Kang Myong-gwan's "Ilche
ch'o ku chisigin u\ munye hwaltong kwa ku ch'inil sdngkyok (1i*l]i T 1 ^]^! °1S|-S-<*I13|-!L:B]-ZI ?1_<|1 -*j z},
The literary activities of the old-leaming scholars of the early colonial period and their pro-Japanese
character)," Ch'angjak kwapip'yong 62 (December 1988): 141-172. Kim S5ng-6n <ti±^ has also written
on the topic in "Hansi ui soerak kwa hyanghu ui yon'gu kanungsong rf;,T^) AAA '°}^-^\ ' S T 1 AV-Q
(Research possibilities after the decline of hansi)" Tongyang Hanmun Hakhoe (December,! 999): 5-21.
There are also short passages in histories of modem Korean poetry that touch upon hansi from the colonial
period. See, for example, Han'guk Siin Hyophoe, ed., Han'guk hyondae sisa 'fifffliflf tM rJl (A history
of modem Korean poetry) (Seoul: Minumsa, 2007): 74-76. However, none seriously interrogate the
13
anthologies ofhansi make this point rather dramatically. Hwang Hyon's (1855-1910)
"Cholmydng si A&WA (A poem on ending my life)" concludes two of the volumes with
which I am familiar.15 The poem was composed shortly before Hwang committed suicide
to protest Japan's usurpation of the peninsula. The section entitled "Poetry in Chinese" in
Peter Lee's The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Korean Poetry also concludes with
this same poem.16
The Publication of Poetry ^ lie in 1920s Korea
Despite this influential narrative of hansi's demise, Japanese colonial-era publication
records suggest that we should investigate this rather dramatic "death" more thoroughly,
particularly when it is viewed alongside Korean systematic bibliographies of poetry
books published during this era. According to the April 1930 issue of the Keimu iho =
$?st'rfi (K: Kyongmu hwibo, Police bulletin), 365 books of "poetry (H?J "ft)" were granted
publication pennits between 1920 and 1929.'7 The names of these books are not recorded,
nor do we find the names of their authors or publishers. We simply have a record of
hegemonic position that poetry composed in vernacular Korean holds in normative narratives of modem
poetic literature.
15
Min Pyong-su, ed., Encounters between Man and Nature: Korean Poetry in Classical Chinese,
translated by Michael J. Miller (Seoul: Somyong Publishing, 1999), 192-193. Kim Jong-gil, ed., Among the
Flowering Reeds: Classical Korean Poetry Written in Chinese (Buffalo: White Pine Press, 2003), 130. Kim
Jong-giPs Slow Chrysanthemums: Classical Korean Poems in Chinese (London; Dover, NH: Anvil Press,
1987) also concludes with the same poem on page 124.
16
Peter Lee, ed., The Columbia Anthology oj Traditional Korean Poetry (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2002), 262.
17
Keimukyoku Toshoka, "Saikin junenkan m okeru onmon shuppanbutsu no susei," 73-4. My thanks to
Ch'on Chong-hwan for first making me aware of these statistics in his book Kitndae ui ch'aek ilkki: tokcha
ui t'ansaeng kwa Han'guk kiindae munhak xf-cfl-l A | ] 7 ] : - ^ l - l f!^2! "?!:^~ iftfl-S-^!" (Reading modem
books: modem Korean literature and the birth of the reader) (Seoul: P'urun Yoksa, 2003), 488. Ch'on,
however, incorrectly cites the 1930 Chosen ni okeru shuppanbutsu gaiyo published by the Keimukyoku as
his source. My gratitude to Pang Hyo-sun and her Ph.D. dissertation, "Uche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng
hwaltongui kujojok t'uksong e kwanhan yon'gu l l ^ H c l l ^ * l 3 " £ * , § % ^ 1 T 1 ^ - ^ ° U && °A^
(A study of the structural characteristics of the popular book publishing movement during the Japanese
colonial era)" (Ph.D. diss., Ewha Woman's University, 2001), 35, which led me to the correct source.
14
the number of permits granted in a given year.18 Oddly, at present, this appears to be
almost all that is known statistically about the scope of publishing efforts with regard
to poetry during this period. Moreover, I have yet to find anything that approximates a
bibliographic list of siga from 1920 to 1929 that includes the 365 titles granted permits
in either Japanese or Korean language materials. Building on studies by Kim Yong-ho
4z&:&, Kim Kun-su ^fefJlft, and Pak No-ch'un /f-h#^F,19 perhaps the most authoritative
bibliographic work on modern Korean poetry has been conducted by Ha Tong-ho M "tfc
M. His 1971 Han'guk hyondae sijip chonsi mognok ? r ^ ? i tfl A] -« ^ Al ^ ^ (An exhibit
catalog of modern Korean collections of poetry) he compiled for the National Library,
lists twenty-five collections under the heading "original works"20 and fourteen collections
of translated poetry under the heading "Translations and original works in another
language."21 By my count, Ha's 1981 Han'guk kimdae munhak in sdjiyon'gu ^W&.WJL
^P^l :Sfni#l5E (A bibliographic study of early modern Korean literature) lists thirty-two
This is how the information is presented in the April 1930 issue of the Keumt iho. The 1929 and 1930
Chosen m okeru shuppanbutsu gaiyo report the number of permits granted in a given month during their
respective years. I know of records beginning in late 1928 that do record the names of those applying for
publication permits, as well as the titles of the books for which they applied. Entitled Chosen shuppan
keisatsu geppo (K: Choson ch'ulp 'an kyongch'al wo/bo) Wlf-tHl'ifi?- %itt lli, many of these documents
are available online from the National Institute of Korean History (Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe; http://
db.history.go.kr). They list links to Chosen shuppan keisatsu geppo 2-go >W''\ i-Bllftzr-feJI fFi25jS (October
1928) through Chosen shuppan keisatsu geppo 123-go W^'Wlk'g^R 'i\L\23'^ (November, 1938). The
National Library of Korea has a copy of the first report. As a result, we have more detailed knowledge of
what was being published and by whom after 1928. However, it does not appear that anyone has culled the
monthly police reports to ascertain which publishers and authors may have been seeking permits for books
of poetiy.
19
I have not been able to locate a copy of Pak No-ch'un's Han'guk siso saram WHirifHfift (A
compendium of Korean poetiy), compiled and photocopied apparently as part of the work of a Korean
poetiy compilation committee (Han'guk Sisa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe S i 3 llilJ«]'E?& H -™) at Kyonglrui
University (n.d.) and mentioned by Ha Tong-ho in his 1982 article.
20
Ha Tong-ho, Han'guk hyondae sijip chonsi mongnok f!;^~1i tfl Al ^j ^ Al ^r T" (An exhibit catalog of
modem Korean collections of poetiy) (Seoul: Kungnip Chungang Tosogwan, 1971), 3-4. Ha Tong-ho, it
appears, has also authored an earlier 1967 study, "Han'guk hyondae sijip ui sojijok koch'al flr^flifll Al ^]—1
-"•i *12j si'it (A bibliographic examination of modem Korean poetiy collections)." I have not been able to
obtain a copy.
21
Ibid., 12.
15
volumes of verse in a section on publishing in the 1920s.:2 His "Han'guk kundae
sijip ch'ongnim soji chongni WSSIJifUi ^ J S H S U A ^ I ' I - (A systematic bibliography
of collections and anthologies of Korean modern verse) (1982)," lists twenty-seven
collections as "original works (ch'angjakfillf I )" and thirteen books as translations
{ponyok sijip i!u'$'n.j A). 23 Volumes 1-3 of the Han'guk kundae siin ch'ongso $:SJ£L
{Vn-i AifcS- (A collection of modern Korean poets) reproduces ten volumes of poetry
published between 1923 and 1929 and included in Ha's 1971 bibliography.24 Materials
prepared for an exhibit at the National Library of [South] Korea in April and May of
1989, Han'guk sijip chonsi mongnok (1923-1960) nm'a-ji£R^< n $& (1923-1960) (An
exhibition catalog of Korean books of poetry: 1923-1960) list five volumes from the
1920s.25
There are also a number of bibliographies contained in sio sajon (dictionaries
of poetic words) and encyclopedias.26 However, of those with which I am familiar,
22
Ha Tong-ho, Han'guk kundae munhak in soji yon'gu M H<li!Tft k.'s-°1 £ nJWFift! (A bibliographic study of
early modem Korean literature) (Seoul: Kip'un Saem, 1981), 11-20.
23
Ha Tong-ho, "Han'guk kundae sijip ch'ongnim soji chongni ¥(^'JliK„-}iLi&tt<-7iJ,u.c. ti?i'l' (A systematic
bibliography of collections and anthologies of Korean modem verse)," Han'guk hakbo 8, no. 3 (1982):
145-174.
24
Tongso Munhwawon Jlii*i XWJ'fi, ed., Han'guk kundae siin ch'ongso W Hjilf ^n 'j AsxfH (A collection of
modem Korean poets), Vols. 1-3 (Seoul: Han'guk Inmunkwa Hagwon, 1999).
25
These include Kim Anso 7A°\A],Haep'ari iii norae «1]B| 'A^\ ^-A (Song of the jellyfish) (Seoul:
Choson Toso, 1923); Kim Hyon-il 7X) k\°\, Sarang iii segum - ^ ^ - l . ^liif (The tax of love) (Seoul: Inmul
Yon'guso, 1928); No Cha-yong ±7'}°§, Ch'onyo iii hwahwan ?] M s] sj-SV (A girl's flower garland) (Seoul:
Ch'angmun Tangdosa, 1929); Yi Sang-p'il °}^s^., Chanmong £&3£ (Waking from a dream) (Seoul:
Sammunsa, 1923); and Hwang S6g-u 4H1-V, Chayonsong ^r'STff (Songs of nature) (Seoul: Choson
Sidansa, 1929). They appear on pages 34, 46, 49, 94, and 132, respectively, in the National Library of
[South] Korea, Han'guk sijip chonsi mongnok (1923-1960) Kffl„5 <L)i(^ U f* (1923-1960) (An exhibition
catalog of Korean books of poetry: 1923-1960) (Seoul: Kungnip Chungang Tosogwan, 1989). Two of these
five volumes, Yi Sang-pil's Chanmong and Kim Hyon-il's Sarang id segum, are misdated. The National
Library's own website suggests Kim Hyon-il's book was published in 1978. (National Library of South
Korea, www.nl.go.kr, accessed November 19, 2010). Ha Tong-ho suggests Yi Sang-p'il's Chanmong was
published in 1937. Ha Tong-ho, "Han'guk kundae sijip ch'ongnim soji chongni," 163.
26
For example, Kim Chae-hong, cd., Han'guk hyondaesi sio sajon t l ^ % $ \ Al «'i nftSt>M(Dictionary
of modem Korean poetic terms), 3rd ed. (Seoul: Koryo Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 2001) includes a
bibliography of books of poetry published between 1921 and 1995. Thirty-four volumes are listed
16
none list more than forty-four volumes of poetry and many appear to be based on
Ha's work. Moreover, some list as few as twenty-five books. The Han'guk Ch'ulp'an
Yon'guso (Research Center for Korean Publishing) has published two rather exhaustive
bibliographies of books that appeared between 1881 and 1919.27 However, I am unaware
of any similar systematic bibliographic accounting of materials published between 1919
and the end of the colonial period in 1945.28 Moreover, although they are wonderful
resources, these two books do not organize materials according to genre. Instead, they
simply list in chronological order basic bibliographic information such as volume size
and number of pages.29
The large difference between the number of books of poetry issued permits by
the Japanese and those listed by Korean bibliographers for the years between 1920 and
1929—approximately 325—represents a large bibliographic blind spot in the study of
Korean literature and poetry. Part of the problem appears to be one of classification and
how normative conceptions of "modern Korean poetry" since the turn of the twentieth
between 1921 and 1929. Kim Hae-song's 1988 Hyondae Han'gnksi sajon l5l\K¥'tWu^M9k (Dictionary of
modem Korean poetic terms), published by Taegwang Munhwasa ~K %~X\YM, lists forty-four books and
appears to have simply reprinted the list compiled by Ha Tong-ho }"]HHU and Mun Tok-su JC^JTF that
appears in Mun Tok-su's Segye munye sajon -Ml^l-S-^ltfl^}^! (World encyclopedia of literature and art)
(Seoul, Songmun'gak, 1975). The second edition of Kim Yong-sam's Han'gnksi taesajon tl"^"Al cflAl-^l
(Encyclopedia of Korean poetry), published by Ulchi Ch'ulp'an Kongsa in May of 2002, lists twenty-five
titles between 1921 and 1929.
27
Yi Chong-guk $ # & ! , ed., Han'guk ch'ulp'ansayonp'yo (I): 1881-1910 «Str!Ji£2l'f| S (I): 1 881-1 910
(A record of the histoiy of Korean publishing by year (I): 1881-1910) (Seoul: Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso,
1991); Yi Chong-guk ^MJIH, ed., Han'guk ch'ulp'ansa yonp 'yo (II): 1910-1919 'SIS 111)15^1-^ (I I): 1910-
1919 (A record of the histoiy of Korean publishing by year (TI): 1910-1919) (Seoul: Han'guk Ch'ulp'an
Yon'guso, 1993).
28
Ch'oe Chun ?1 f£- has written an account of publishing between 1923 and 1945 entitled "Han'guk ui
ch'ulp'an yon'gu: 1923-yon uro put'o 1945-yon kkaji tH-^1 ^^&°A^: 1923°. 3 . - ^ 19454*1 (A study of
Korean publishing: 1923-1945)," Chungang Taehakkyo nonmunjip 9 (Seoul: Chungang Taehakkyo, 1964).
However, it is only a summary of the activities of the popular press during this period.
29
There are, of course, databases that include large numbers of poems published during the colonial
period. "Han'guk kundae sijip ch'ongso tt^-iif uflAl tsir^l (Collection of early modem books of poetry),"
available through the password-protected Kipia website (http://www.kipia.co.ki-), for example, has the
contents of sixteen volumes of poetiy published before 1945.
17
century may conflict with what was actually published and circulated as poetry in
colonial Korea.
Apparent Criteria for Inclusion of Books
in Bibliographic Lists of Modern Korean Poetry
There appear to be five fundamental criteria for including a book in enumerative lists of
modern Korean poetry. In keeping with intellectual discourses that "decentered" China
and marginalized the importance of classical Chinese during the late nineteenth century,
the first criterion of current bibliographies of 1920s Korean poetry is that a given text
be written, at least in part, in the vernacular script known today as han'gul. None of
the Korean bibliographic sources I listed above include works composed in classical
Chinese. The success of efforts to reconceptualize and "decenter" poetic texts composed
in classical Chinese at the turn of the last century is confirmed by the bibliographic
choice to exclude poetry composed in classical Chinese from the most current systematic
bibliographies of modern Korean poetry. Hansi and those who wrote them are simply not
included in the materials historians and literary scholars use to construct their narratives.
The format of individual volumes and the processes used to print and bind them
appear to constitute an important second criterion bibliographers have used to compose
their lists of "modern Korean poetry." Side-stitched paperback editions as well as case-
bound books printed with recently imported movable type or comparable technologies are
included while books printed using xylographic or movable wooden type technologies
and bound in sonjang SjliS or other formats are not.30 Manuscripts are also excluded. The
30
I am uncertain how widespread the use of woodblock printing was during the colonial period. My
impression is that it was not uncommon for certain types of books, such as mimjip, to be printed using
woodblocks. The Han'guk Kojon Ponyogwon (Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics), for
example, lists a number ofmunjip that were reprinted during the period using woodblock printing
techniques, such as a 1922 edition of Songho Sonsaeng chonjip M.M!L'-l ^'X. (Complete works of Master
Songho), the mimjip of Yi Ik ^'M (1681 -1763) (Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics (Han'guk kojon
ponyogwon), http://www.itkc.or.kr, accessed January 9, 2008.1 am uncertain whether books produced by
lithographic methods are included in currently available bibliographies of modem Korean poetry.
18
implication is that books of modern Korean poetry need to have been manufactured using
modern processes. They need to look "modern" and not like volumes from the Choson
dynasty and before.
The third criterion for the inclusion of a book in lists of "modem Korean poetry" is
that the poetry contained in a volume be "new," and by implication, "modern." That is,
the poetry contained in a volume of modern Korean poetiy must have been written not
long before the book's publication. This may also account for why many books of poetry
in classical Chinese are not included in bibliographies. Although rearranged according to
new organizational schemes and sometimes printed in new fonnats, the poems contained
in books of classical Chinese published during the 1920s frequently are not entirely
"new" themselves, so bibliographers of modern Korean poetry do not include them.
That printed materials must be conceptually categorized as "sijip a'iHt" appears to
be a fourth criterion for inclusion in lists of modem Korean poetry. While this may seem
logical, such a criterion excludes from discussions of twentieth-century Korean literature
the large number of yttgo M^h and munjip ~XM that were made in the period. These
collected works of elderly or recently departed authors, customarily assembled by the
author's family or descendents, are often many volumes long and frequently composed
in classical Chinese. Moreover, poetry is almost always a constituent element of these
publications. As a result, the great number of munjip and yugo that received publication
permits are likely to contain a great deal of poetry in classical Chinese. The fact that
they are written in classical Chinese means that they have not been considered "Korean"
or "modern" or "literature," at least by scholars. And yet, according to records kept by
the Japanese colonial authority, yugo and munjip constitute the third and fifth largest
categories (respectively) of books granted publishing permits between 1920 and 1929.
In fact, more permits were granted to yugo and munjip during this period than sin sosol
(l/f/JNli new novels).31 As mentioned earlier, the lack of any systematic accounting of
31
Keimukyoku Toshoka, "Saltan junenkan m okeru onmon shuppanbutsu no susei," 74.
19
approximately 325 books of siga granted publication permits between 1920 and 1929
represents a rather large blind spot in the study not only of Korean literature and poetry,
but Korea more generally. However, this blind spot is small in comparison to the gap in
knowledge made evident by the fact that 1254 yugo and munjip were granted permits
between 1920 and 192932 and that little scholarly work has been done to understand not
only their contents but the conditions of their making. These figures help articulate the
contours of what we mean by modern Korean poetry by suggesting the relative volume
of material excluded from consideration and the manifold (quite literally) complexity that
studies of modem poetiy Korea have overlooked.
A fifth criterion for inclusion in lists of modern Korean poetry is that each book have
a listed price. Bibliographies do not include books that were not for sale. The implication
is that books of poetry without an assigned monetary value that allowed them to circulate
in the new economy of the day are not modern. This may also explain why collections of
poetry in classical Chinese are not included in bibliographies of modern Korean poetiy. If
Choson-era customs of book circulation continued to be practiced in the 1920s by certain
communities, we might speculate that many munjip and books of poetry, particularly in
classical Chinese, were not sold but given to family members, friends, and important
members of the author's (or compiler's) community.
While all the bibliographies that I have studied adhere to the criteria I list above,
books of translated poems seem to have left bibliographers in a quandary with regard
to their inclusion in lists of volumes of modern Korean poetry. In contrast to Ha Tong-
ho, who presents translations and original poetry separately in his bibliographies, many
bibliographers include books such as Kim Ok's 1923 translation of Rabindranath Tagore's
Gitanjali in a single list with other books of poetry published in this era. Moreover, many
11
Between 1920 and 1929, 708 works classified as yugo were granted publication permits and 546 munjip
were sanctioned by the colonial authority. Taken together, this constitutes 1254 collections. Only chokpo J£
s* (family genealogies) were granted more permits than yugo and munjip during this period. The colonial
government granted 959 permits to sin sosol. Ibid.
20
begin their list of modern Korean poetry collections with Kim Ok's Onoe ui mudo 151
tw-^l %fW\ (Dance of anguish).33 The consistency with which Onoe ui mudo is presented
as the "first" book of "modern Korean poetry" of course raises interesting questions
about what constitutes "Korean" poetry. It also reveals the conceptual contours of the
bibliographic choice to exclude poetry composed in classical Chinese. With China and
classical Chinese "decentered" by popular discourses of the late nineteenth century,
Korean translations of Indian and European poetry have become an implicit—perhaps
even "central"— part of the modern Korean tradition, while poetry in classical Chinese
composed and read by Koreans has not.
Issues of genre and notions of "literariness" also complicate bibliographic
accounts of early-twentieth-century Korean poetry. The colonial government issued
365 permits for shiika (K: siga) I^THK, literally "poetry/song," and bibliographers have
made different choices about whether to include collections of folk songs and children's
songs in their bibliographies. Collections of sijo U>!i r$, short vernacular lyrics, are also
handled differently. Some bibliographic lists include anthologies of folk songs and
children's songs, as well as sijo collections.34 Others include sijo collections, but leave
out folk songs and children's songs.35 Still others include collections of sijo penned by
a single author, but exclude anthologies of sijo, minyo KM (folk songs), and tongyo m.
33
Kim Yong-sam's Han'gnksi taesajon is an exception to this rule. It excludes books of translated poetry
and begins the modem period with Kim Ok's 1923 collection Haep'ari id norae.
34
In his 1971 bibliography Ha Tong-ho lists two collections of children's songs; the bibliography he
compiled with Mun T6k-su for Mun Tok-su's 1975 Segye mitnye sajon lists another: Chong Ch'ang-won's
•SPRA. collection Tongyojip Tr^jfe published in 1929 by Samjisa El S t . These bibliographies also include
Ch'oe Nam-son's Paekp 'alponnoe. To complicate things, Kim So-un's 4MISE translations of Choson folk
songs into Japanese, called Chosen min'yoshu Wf-RnSife and published in Tokyo in July of 1929, are
included in the Segye munye sajon bibliography.
35
Kim Chae-hong's Han'guk hydndaesi sio sajon does not include folk songs or children's songs, but does
include Ch'oe's Paekp'al ponnoe.
21
7,t (children's songs).36 None include books such as Kat'u {^XW\\, Song battles), a sijo
"game" published by Pulson Chom /(NI4-)I'II and advertised in the July 1922 issue of
Kaebyok magazine.37 Moreover, bibliographers appear to agree with Kim Ok's 1924
schematic assertion that poetry in classical Chinese is not "poetry," regardless of whether
"poetry" is conceived of as "si sî" or "ka HK," or some combination of the two.38
The Segregation of Poetry Composed in Classical Chinese
Despite the manner in which poetry composed in classical Chinese has been
categorically segregated by bibliographers of later periods from poetry composed in
vernacular Korean, classical Chinese poeti'y does not appear to have been so conceptually
compartmentalized in the 1920s, at least within the rubric of booksellers and publishers
attempting to present their merchandise. One indication of this fact is an advertisement
that appears in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok. It intimates that books of poetry in
Chinese, nationalistic vernacular ditties, and stories of Western poets in love, belong
together and were all (perhaps in varying degrees) likely to appeal to readers of Kaebyok.
Apparently placed by three different organizations (Kunhwasa \'i f'blL, Tongil
Sojang 3lL—itfSt, Taedong Puin Sowon XMMAfl-K), the advertisement set across
from page 113 lists what bibliographers of Korean books would now catalog separately
(if at all): a book of vernacular verse, a book about Western poets in love, and books of
classical Chinese poetiy. A description of Kimhwa ch'angga 1ft it9aW (Popular songs
36
In his Han 'guk kimdae munhak in sojiyon 'gu, Ha Tong-ho includes Paekp 'al pdnnoe but does not
include Sijo yuch 'wi IWj fiKJ JMS? (Sijo arranged by kind), edited by Ch'oe Nam-son and published by
Hansong Toso /-^JÎBIfl in 1928. In fact, none of the bibliographies I have been discussing include Ch'oe's
Sijo yuch 'wi, apparently because it is a collection of Choson era sijo compiled by Ch'oe.
37
Kaebyok, July 1922, following page 112. The advertisement describes how there arc two sections to
the book, the first containing a number of sijo and the second containing the final line of sijo listed in the
first. A reader begins reciting a sijo from the first section while participants in the game attempt to find the
matching final line in the second section. The first person to find the correct final line gains a point. The
game was rather expensive, costing three won. It was sold at Tongyang S6w5n ifi.fT-SI§c.
38
Again, I realize that Kim Ok was an active translator of classical Chinese poetiy. My point here is that
classical genres of poetiy were not included in his 1924 schema.
22
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14
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A h si advertisement presents a ch'angga that boasts
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about Korean generals, such as Ulchi MundSk
^^Z^f'i' (early seventh century) and Kang Kam-ch'an 3c 11 IS fi (948-1013), Korea's
morning light, sijo, and the beauty of the Korean peninsula Interestingly, the publication
of this book was announced more than two years earlier in the Tonga ilbo jfeHIi LI Hi (East
Asia daily),39 suggesting that perhaps the book was selling well or, conversely, that the
publisher was hoping Kaebyok readers would buy remaining stock of the book Whatever
the case, despite being advertised in two widely read periodicals, the book does not
appear in any contemporary bibliographies of modern Korean poetry Nor have I been
able to find a copy m any of South Korea's libraries or antiquarian bookstores
A book titled Sun ui yonae saenghwal H'j A ^ t f '-£l_/S (The love lives of poets)
appears to the left of the description of Kunhwa ch'angga It is not clear which of the
three organizations running the ad published the book Moreover, although it appears
to be about the romantic escapades of Western poets, I am not sure what it contains
The blurb beside the title (which is set off by a black frame) relates that the collection
39 Tonga ilbo, June 14, 1920, page 4
23
"contains" the "stormy love lives" of "poets of love (yonae siin ftiSl'A A)," such as
Heinrich Heine, Lord Byron, William Shakespeare, and Paul Verlaine. Like Kunhwa
ch'angga, this title cannot be found in bibliographies and I have not been able to view a
copy. What is interesting about this book is that, at least for the booksellers concerned, it
belonged alongside patriotic vernacular songs and a number of books of poetry composed
in classical Chinese.
In addition to pronouncements about Kunhwa ch'angga and Siin uiyonae
saenghwal, to the bottom right of the advertisement we find a listing for "books of
poetry and others in classical Chinese (hanmun siyol soryu 'M'SCn^tl'^M)" Although
the advertisement does not list the publisher of these works, it appears that the majority
of these books were published by Sinhae Kumsa •^r>5£n£fil, an organization that has
been categorized by at least one critic as being pro-Japanese.40 Among others, the books
listed include Ho Puin Nansorhon chip ?A @ A M t t l l Kl (Collected works of Lady Ho
Nansolhon, 1563-1589), a sixteenth-century collection of poems by the sister of Ho Kyun
(1569-1618), as well as Kijong chip JJL3?-^ (Collection from the flag pavilion), Sinhae
chip ^t%9k (Collection of the sinhae year [1911]),4' Imja chip 1--t$k (Collection of the
imja year [1912]), and Kyech'uk chip 5 ^ S ^ 4 2 (Collection of the kyech'uk year [1913]).
Imja chip, Sinhae chip, and Kyech'uk chip appear to be collections of poetry in classical
40
See Kang Myong-gwan, "Ilche ch'o ku chisigm ui munye hwaltong kwa ku ch'inil sSngkyok U ^ l l i
S L A
\ ~ ] -] <ys-]-§L°fl:i!"T§-;Dl^. «]<y •*);*} (The literary activities of the old-leaming scholars of the early colonial
period and their pro-Japanese character)," Ch'angjak kwa pip 'yong 62 (December 1988): 155-159.
41
The sinhae year is 1911. However, this volume appears to have been published in March of 1912.
Images appear online at an antiquarian bookseller. According to the image of the p 'angwon (colophon),
this book was also edited by An Wang-go &ILB. He was also the parhaengin. The place of publication
was Sinhae Kumsa ¥ i>J'ti\& and it was printed at Pomyongsa i", Wet by ChSng T'ae-un "] Sâ. The table
of contents is also posted at the site and indicates it is a collection of poetiy in a variety of classical genres.
Yetnal mulgon (old things), http://www.yetnal.co.kr/curio/cuno_view.html?read_no=4709&cpage=l&fcod
e=l&fdistrib=&field =article&curiokey=%E3%F4%FA%A4%F3%A2&sale= (accessed April 10, 2009).
42
This is also a collection of poems in classical Chinese. The place of publication and the editor/
parhaengin are the same as for Imja chip and Sinhae chip (Sinhae Kumsa and An Wang-go, respectively).
However, this collection was printed at Ch'oe Nam-son's Sinmun'gwan by Ch'oe S5ng-u W jiKfis. Academy
of Korean Studies website, http://yoksa.aks.ac.kr, accessed April 10, 2009).
24
Chinese by writers from around the peninsula responding to ads for poetry contests
(mojip S-'Q ) run by Sinhae Kumsa that appeared in newspapers such as the Maeil
sinbo.4i According to Kang Myong-gwan, these prizes were rather prestigious. Moreover,
the prize money (40 won) awarded was substantial.44 Kijdng chip, according to Kang, is a
supplementary collection of poems published after one such contest was held in 1910.
In the advertisement, one also finds a listing of things that are sold by the advertisers
including "foreign and domestic, new and old books and magazines, educational
materials from the colonial authority, supplies for students and readers," etc., suggesting
that these shops were a place for a group of readers with broad interests and the ability
to read both vernacular Korean and classical Chinese texts. Moreover, and perhaps more
importantly, it suggests that, at least in the marketplace for books, poetry composed in the
vernacular and classical Chinese, penned originally by domestic writers or writers from
abroad, and poetry that was "patriotic" or published by those who may have supported
the Japanese, were conceptualized very differently from the way that bibliographers of
Korean poetry working after the Japanese colonial period have approached their subject.
The "logic" of this advertisement suggests that those interested in patriotic ditties set to
Western music would probably also be interested in the love lives of Western poets and
classical Chinese poems published by those today considered Japanese sympathizers.
A Preliminary Bibliographic Sketch of Hansi during the 1920s
Hansi in the Vernacular Press
Although there has been no systematic accounting of poetry composed and
published during the Japanese colonial period, advertisements such as the one just
43
I have not been able to examine these books so I am not entirely certain this is the case. However, Kang
Myong-gwan describes these contests and the volumes that appeared as a consequence in his 1988 article.
44
Kang My5ng-gwan, "Ilche ch'o ku chisigin ui munye hwaltong," 156.
25
described make it clear that poetry and other literary works composed in classical
Chinese were sold and circulated alongside vernacular poetic compositions and works
about poetry. In fact, leaving the significant quantity of hansi recorded in munjip, yugo,
and other book forms (often printed using wooden type or circulated in manuscript fonn)
aside for the moment, poetry composed in classical Chinese had a broadly visible place
in the burgeoning vernacular print media of 1920s Korea. Hansi appeared in more than
half (17) of the first twenty-nine issues of Kaebyok published between June of 1920
and December of 1922.45 Poetry in classical Chinese appeared less frequently between
January of 1923 and Kaebyok's demise in August of 1926;40 however, one can find hansi
in eight of forty-two issues published between January 1923 and August 1926. Other
journals that published hansi with some regularity in the 1920s include Sdgwang ^-Jh
(Dawn), Soul Aj-§: (Seoul), Sisa p'yongnon U^S^nm (Current affairs review), Sinmin
i/lK (New citizen), and Asong tintr- (Our sound), as well as the Japanese language
publications Chosen oyobi Manshu (K: Chosdn kup Manju) ?JJ,tti^.iiljî'l (Chosen and
Manshu) and Keimii iho =t I^SEY-I* (Police bulletin) which were produced and circulated
on the peninsula.47
In addition to journals and the surprisingly literary Police Bulletin?* hansi also
appeared in daily newspapers. The Tonga ilbo, a daily founded in 1920, for example,
printed poems in classical Chinese on page one every few days from April until
September of that year.49 Moreover, hansi appeared frequently in the paper (generally at
45
This figure was tallied by consulting the digital versions of issues 1-27, 29-30 of Kaebyok available at
Kuksa P'ySnch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histo17.go.kr (accessed November, 9-12 2007).
47
This list only represents journals that I have been able to view in their original formats at Adan Mun'go
and the Seoul National University Library.
48
All the issues of Keiimi iho that I have been able to view (issues dating from 1928-1930 available in the
Seoul National University Library) contain poetry and fiction.
49
This is according to the National Institute of Korean History database, www.histo17.go.kj- (accessed
January 10,2008).
26
least once a week) for the rest of the decade. There was what can only be called a "hansi
column." Moreover, beginning in 1922, advertisements for hansi mojip i-îfiijife {hansi
contests) appear 0 and readers are asked to submit hansi on topics such as "paengnyon 13
Jai (white lotus)"51 and "koan iflilfft. (lonely goose)."32 According to the ads, these contests
were frequently supported by the Tonga Ilbo Hagyebu ikllHi H YIX^'SUIJ {Tonga ilbo,
division of art and learning).
The Place of Hansi in Colonial Periodicals
Hansi generally have a well-delineated space within the artistic and cultural
discourses presented by the Korean vernacular periodicals in which they appear. They
are printed in easy to identify places in the newspaper or on their own pages in monthly
magazines. Often they appear near other literary works or where one might expect to find
articles about artistic or cultural issues. Given that these works were an obvious part of
mid-colonial-period publications, that they have not attracted more scholarly attention
suggests again how definitions of modern Korean poetry that only include vernacular
texts have limited our understaning of what was presented as poetry during this period.
Hansi in early issues of Kaebyok are most often printed toward the end of the first
half of the journal. In later issues, hansi are printed on their own page near other poems
and literary creations at the end of the volume. In the monthly magazine Soul A1 -§: (Seoul),
hansi get their own page, generally toward the middle of the issue. Hansi in Sinmin %f\
K (New citizen) either share a page with other genres of poetry such as sijo and si {i'i—
generally indicating poetry in the vernacular) or have their own page. Asong's editors
generally place hansi on a dedicated page; sijo and other vernacular genres of poetry are
Tonga ilbo, January 1, 1922, page 1.
Tonga ilbo, August 17, 1928, page 3.
Tonga ilbo, October 10, 1928, page 3.
27
generally placed on the pages immediately following the "hansi page."53 In the Japanese
language publications Chosen oyobi Manshu ^JlH/A/i'l'rJ'I'l (Chosen and Manshu) and Keimu
' T $5® !|i (Police bulletin), kanshi e4nJj generally have at least one page to themselves.
iho C
Hansi in Sisap 'vongnon UJj iff ;?t lira (Current affairs review) get their own space at the end of
each issue. Interestingly, the space in Sisap'yongnon is not titled hansi, but rather sidan A
tg, a term used most frequently to describe a community of poets or a large body of work.
Kim Ok, for example, used the expression to describe French poets/poetry in his December
1918 article in T'aeso munye sinbo && ASMJI !lz (Great Western ait news) titledP'uransu
sidan ¥-Q£L îB 1 (French poetry). Here in Sisap'yongnon the term suggests that, at least
for the journal's editors, poetry in classical Chinese was central to the literary discourse of
the period.
Books of Hansi
In addition to appearing in many periodicals, a number of hansi collections were
also published during this period as well. Although I have not been able to determine
how many books of poems in classical Chinese appeared in relation to other books of
poetry, a substantial number of hansi collections did appear between 1920 and 1929.
There are new editions and collections of Korean poetry from the Choson, Koryo (935-
1392) and Silla (57 B.C.E. - 935) dynasties such as the 1926 reissue of Kia chip %'tti Ife,
a collection of Korean authors from the Three Kingdoms period until the middle of the
Choson dynasty, published by Tongch'ang Sook A a t S M . 5 4 There are also anthologies
that intimate the unsettled conceptual relationship between China and Korea, such as the
53
See, for example, Asong 2 (1921). It is interesting to note that in this issue the sijo genre, written most
commonly now using the compound sijo II 'j ,M, is written using sijo „ 'i J%, in both the table of contents and
on page 74 where sijo by an author styled Ukp'o M B appear Although a more a detailed study of usage
is needed, both manners of wilting the compound appeal to have been common in the 1920s The table of
contents of the June 1925 issue of Sinmin STK. (New citizen) also uses the compound syo ri 31
M
The work was compiled originally by Nam Yong-ik fnfkM (1628-1692).
28
1920 compilation Chungdong yongmul yulson 41 JiLu/k^fl',:M (Collection of songs from
China and Korea) which contains poetry from the "Center" and the "East"— China and
Korea respectively—published by Sin'gu Sorim f/llifttt-. This volume has poems by
authors from a number of Korean and Chinese dynasties, and the dates of the poems'
original composition span from the Tang (618-907) and Koryo (935-1392) dynasties to
the early twentieth century. Poems by the Koryo poet Yi Kyo-bo 4-It rli (1168-1241) and
the contemporary writer Kim Taeg-yong ^tffljk (1850-1927), for example, are included
alongside poems by Li Bai 4^S (701-762) and Han Yunyu ^ f t TF (late seventeenth/
early eighteenth century).55 Tongyangyoktaeyosa sison $lftM{[i'tcr)Z{A M (A collection
of historical poetry by women from the East), published in 1920 by Pomun'gwan J? ~%
PR, gathers poems by women from the "East"—"East" being China, Japan, and Korea
in relation to a conceptual "West." Poems written about the Kumgang Mountains culled
from Choson-era materials such as the Tongguk yoji sungnam j^lllRUM^HS (Augmented
survey of the geography of Korea) are the focus of Kumgang sosi ^M'hH (Short poems
about the Kumgang Mountains), published by Kameya Shoten (K: Kuok Sangjom) 4kM
iSjJft in 1925.56
In addition to new anthologies and editions of materials from the Choson dynasty
and earlier, there are also collections of hansi by authors writing during the middle and
end of the nineteenth century. Collections of hansi by Korean authors alive in the 1920s
35
These dates are according to the Ming Qing Women's Writings website run by the McGill University
and Harvard Yenching Libraries, http://digital.libra17.mcg1ll.ca/mingqing/english/ (Accessed January 10,
2008).
36
The edition I have been able to view is rather badly damaged and some of the publication information is
missing, including the name of the publishing company. The National Library of [South] Korea appears to
have a copy of this book, however. It lists Narita Sekinai bJcHHifIR as the copyright holder (chojakcha ^ f h
"&). This coincides with the information that I am able to read in the copy I have seen. The National Library
suggests that Kameya shoten "ifeg ffijj^, is the company responsible for publishing the book. Shin Tatsuma
JttfiiS is the person listed as the publisher {parhaengin W\l K) in the copy I have seen. Tt is interesting to
note that Narita Sekinai is also listed as the author of the Japanese language Kongo kuka shishu &M'vSWv&
tk published in Seoul by Kameya Sh5ten m 1927. The latter is available online at the National Libraiy of
[South] Korea website. Like Kumgang sosi <fe|iYJIJ'J\i1i, neither of these books is accounted for in any of the
bibliographies with which I am familiar.
29
exist as well. Choson kundae myongga sich'o tylPl j H f ^ i ^ n i W (Poetry by well-known
modern Choson writers), edited by Kim Y5n-byong <fe,fl trt and published by Hoedong
Sogwan |/(LJkSpfi in 1926, includes poems by Chong Hyon-dok ^JT(fe (1810-1883), Pak
Mun-gyu/|>h£,± (1805-1888), KangWi T£T$ (1820-1884), Kim Yun-sik <£.im (1835-
1922), Yi Kon-ch'ang 4=&U> (1852-1898), Kwak Chong-sok MM^J (1846-1919), and
Hwang Hyon w-U (1855-1910). Yurungpongdo sijip ffiT^^M^j !fe, edited by Yi Kak-
chong ^'jfeSifi (1888-?) and published by Sinminsa l/IK/id: in 1926, collects poems written
in tribute to Emperor Sunjong, the last Korean monarch, who died that same year. Sopa
yosa sijip 'h'l&1x~\- 1% ifc, composed by O Hyo-w5n ^4-VJl (1898-?), is a collection of 468
poems published by O's father in 1929.
Collections of Hansi at Adan Mun'go57
Twelve hansi collections that I have been able to view at Adan Mun'go have been
made using a variety of different printing and binding processes and are comprised of
various kinds of paper. Many, but not all, had been for sale. However, none of them meet
the apparent criteria for inclusion in the bibliographic record of modern Korean poetry.
The time and place where they were created, the fact that many had been for sale, as well
as the method of compilation and physical composition, would suggest that they were a
part of poetic discourse at the time.
Yurung pongdo sijip is a collection of new poetry by contemporary authors even if it
is composed in classical Chinese and does not appear to have been for sale.38 Moreover,
it was printed using metal type and appears to have been side- or "stab" stitched with a
single staple (approximately 2.5 cm in length); the cover appears to have been adhered
Adan Mun'go is a private book repository in Seoul. I am grateful to the staff, Dr. Pak Ch'on-hong,
chief curator, and Dr. Pak Yong-cha, the book restorer, for their generosity. In addition to allowing me to
examine the Adan Mun'go collection, their assistance while I viewed these materials was invaluable.
38
No price is listed in the publication information presented at the end of the volume.
30
to the body of the book using an adhesive.59 Kumgang sosi is a case-bound book with
an embossed cloth cover and green endsheets that enclose a title page printed in red. In
many ways, it epitomizes the new possibilities of colonial-era printing technologies. The
book's body is comprised of a lightweight paper that has yet to yellow, suggesting its
quality. The type is crisp. This book was expensive and cost 2 won. For an additional 10
chon, a wealthy reader could have it sent to his or her home.
In addition to its form, Kumgang sosfs mode of compilation suggests a modern
sensibility. As the book itself demonstrates, the Kumgang Mountains were frequently the
subject of poetic composition. However, I am unaware of any collection of poetry from
the Choson dynasty or before that is devoted entirely to the Kumgang Mountains. As
Andre Schmid points out, the mountains were increasingly touted as an emblem of the
Korean nation's beauty, as well as a tourist destination.60 We might wonder if this book's
publication was one consequence of the burgeoning colonial travel industry.61
Tongyang yoktae yosa sison is also a collection of poetry with a decidedly new
editorial emphasis. In Korea, to the best of my knowledge, prior to Tongyang yoktae
yosa sison there had never been an attempt to collect poetry composed by women
"throughout the ages" for inclusion in a single volume. Collections devoted to individual
I have seen two copies of this volume. The volume I viewed at Adan Mun'go has clearly been re-bound
(perhaps twice) and is currently tied in a sonjang style. The copy that I own is similarly tied in a sdnjang
style. Although it is not entirely clear, T suspect my copy has been rebound as well and that the publication
was simply side-stitched initially.
60
Andre Schmid, Korea Between Empires, 221.
61
My thanks to Ellie Choi for allowing me to read a draft of a forthcoming essay entitled "Travels in
the Diamond Mountains, 1922: Envisioning Choson in a World of Decay and Reconstruction," which
suggests that the Kumgang Mountains were made into a tourist destination by the Southern Manchurian
Railway Company to promote railway travel between Seoul and Wonsan. It would be interesting to know
more about the relationship between tourism and Kumgang sosi, as well as the other two books related to
Kumgangsan edited by Narita Sekai.
31
female authors such as Maech'ang chip \h'M^62 and Nansorhon chip liAj'i <\<\ jfe63 do
exist. Moreover, poems by women are recorded in various munjip. However, the decision
to assemble verse by women from a variety of periods and East Asian states (both
contemporaneous and ancient) suggests a shift in editorial perspective relative to earlier
practices. Moreover, the volume was for sale, and it cost 2 won. Despite its editorial
perspective and high price, because it was printed and bound in a sonjang format it looks
like a book from an earlier age. This suggests the intriguing possibility that other volumes
from the period that look "old" disguise similarly new editorial perspectives.
Choson kundae myongga sich'o, published by Hoedong Sogwan in 1926, was also
produced in the sonjang format and probably looked "antiquarian" at the time. The book,
however, appears to have been manufactured so that it could circulate widely in the
period's budding capitalist economy. Hoedong Sogwan seems to have bet on the fame
of the authors in Choson kundae myongga sich'o. In fact, its authors appear to have been
so well known to contemporary readers that they did not need an introduction. The copy
that 1 have seen does not contain a preface or an afterward. Priced at 80 chon, Choson
kundae myongga sich'o was considerably cheaper than Tongyang yoktae yds a sison and
only slightly more expensive than a single issue of the literary magazine Choson mundan
fJM^tjft, which cost 60 chon in April of that year. The Choson ilbo, which was only four
pages long at the time, cost 10 chon an issue in May of 1926. If a reader were to forego
his or her daily paper for a little more than a week, he or she would have saved enough
money to purchase Choson kundae myongga sich'o. At such an affordable price, the
profit margins for Choson kundae myongga sich'o are likely to have been small, which
suggests that Hoedong Sogwan believed many copies of the book could be sold to cover
62
A collection of poetry by the courtesan Yi Hyang-gum 4=tr-^ (1573-1610) A group of low-level clerks
collected and printed her poems approximately 60 years after her death.
63
A collection of poetiy by Ho Ch'o-hui nTJi* (1563-1589) compiled by her brother Ho Kyun ^ ± 5
(1569-1618) following her death.
32
the book's production costs and generate a return on the company's investment, or that,
perhaps, they were not seeking to profit from the sale of the book.
Adan Mun'go catalogs its holdings in two volumes that suggest the dilemma these
books present to catalogers attempting to situate them within the modern or premodem
periods as these are conceptually understood. Volume One lists materials from roughly
the turn of the twentieth century to the present and includes Choson kiindae myongga
sich'o. Volume Two, a much larger book, generally contains materials from the Choson
dynasty and before. Eight of the twelve hansi collections printed during the 1920s and
housed at Adan Mun'go are listed with "premodem" materials. Four of the twelve are
found in the bibliography of modern materials. This split listing of materials suggests
the difficulty of locating these books within either the "modern" or "premodem period"
as these periods are currently conceived.64 Perhaps emblematic of the conceptual urge to
place poetry in classical Chinese by Korean writers in the "premodem period," Yuriing
pongdo sijip, originally bound using decidedly ineffective "modern" methods, was
rebound in the sonjang format and is stored with Choson materials.
Hansi in Munjip and Yugo
Despite the conceptual inclination to catalog a book such as Yuriing pongdo sijip
with Choson materials, the books of poetry in classical Chinese published during the
1920s are, in fact, unique articulations of their own time even if their formats prompt
many to conceptually align them with previous ages. Their production and circulation
would have made them a part of poetic discourse in 1920s Korea.
The same can said of munjip and yugo. Although munjip and yugo are not currently
included in discourses about modern Korean poetry, the vast number of publication
64
Adan Munhwa Kihoeksil °l-£!:-§-3]-7] sj 4!, Adan Mun'go changso mognok 1 tanhaengbon chapchi
mongnok '^'cHE-i^M ^-^- 1 ^+*S^- ^ 1 ^ ^ (Catalog of Adan Mun'go holdings 1: books and
periodicals) (Seoul: Adan Munhwa Kihoeksil, 1995); Adan Munhwa Kihoeksil °l,cl^r-5l-7] -^-^, Adan
Mun'go changso mongnok 2 koso mongnok Jft/îfiJil-ir n IS 2 i+fffi II fi (Catalog of Adan Mun'go
holdings 2: premodem materials) (Seoul: Adan Munhwa Kihoeksil, 1996).
33
permits granted to them suggest that the poems they included were also a significant
part of colonial poetic practice. Kim Song-hwan's i\rfZi% 2000 Han'guk yoktae munjip
ch'ongso mongnok ^HfiMîifclfcS 1 Y\i'-k (A historical systematic bibliography of
Korean munjip),6* according to my own count, positively identifies 183 munjip and yugo
produced between 1920 and 1929.66 These collections contain the poetry of writers and
scholars from the ninth through the twentieth centuries, including twelve by authors
that lived into the 1920s.67 In addition, these collections represent a wide variety of
productive technologies; they are manuscript copies and xylographic reprints, as well as
works printed with movable type (both wooden and metal). The Annotated Catalogue
ojKorean Rare Books at the Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University (Habadu
Yon'gyong Tosogwan Han'guk kwijungbon haeje §f^H.-i!it^la|SpR^PIftîA-MS§) 68
also positively identifies 206 munjip produced in the same period, as well as eighteen
collections by authors (or editors) who lived into the 1920s.69 Like the collected works
found in Han'guk yoktae munjip ch'ongso mongnok, the collections found in the Yenching
bibliography were produced using a wide variety of technologies. Interestingly, mixed in
with the catalog of "munjip" in Harvard's catalog of rare Korean books are a number of
works that might as easily be called sijip as munjip, such as Sobuk kihaengsi Si^tfE^
Kim Song-hwan ^Mik, ed., Han'gukyokdae munjip ch'ongso mongnok Yt^Ml^f-iK'XILiL ±! 11 IS (A

historical bibliography of Korean munjip) (Seoul Kyongin Munhwasa, 2000)
66
This tally excludes munjip fiom the colonial period that do not have a specific publication date.
67
I consider the addendum to the munjip of Ch'oe Won-suk i'pfcl'i (1854-1923) printed separately but also
in 1929 to be part of Sin'gye Sonsaengmunjip "ffiii.'L'l tL'L.
68
Yun Ch'ung-nam ^ :±l5J and Kim Song-hwan ^tfHiSk, eds , Habadu Yon'gyong Tosogwan Han'guk
kwijungbon haeje ^}^}^&}]i.WiH rfi'SBl iaffi^frTicS (The annotated catalogue of Korean rare books at the
Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University) (Seoul. Kyongin Munhwasa, 2005)
69
I have not attempted to determine how many of these 206 are duplicated in Han'guk yoktae munjip
ch'ongso mongnok.
34
~.-i (1928) edited by Han Yong-won (?-?), a series of poems written while Han traveled
through the P'yongan and Hamgyong provinces in 1918 and 1920 respectively.70
Below is a list of munjip, yugo, and other collections that contain poetry cataloged in
these two bibliographies. All of the books that I describe are a) by authors that survived
into the 1920s, and b) were printed (or copied out by hand) in the 1920s. Left out are
works by authors who lived into or through the 1920s whose collected works did not
appear until 1930 or after. Works by authors who died before 1920 but whose munjip
were made in the 1920s are similarly excluded. Even this quite limited view of the works
cataloged by these two sources suggests that a great deal of poetry in classical Chinese
was made and circulated during this period. To provide some perspective on the large
numbers of poems contained in these munjip, it may be helpful to keep in mind that Kim
So-wol's 1925 Azaleas contains 126 poems.
Collections Cataloged in the Han'guk yoktae munjip ch'ongso mongnok1^
1. Udang sich'o T 'litg-5 l'j> is a collection of poems and other writings by Yun
Hui-gu ^ U S (1867-1926), a literary scholar who worked (primarily as a
proofreader (kyoyol $k\M) with Chang Chi-yon •'M&ffl (1864-1921), O Se-
ch'ang -K.tM.ii (1864-1953), and others to produce the 1918 Taedongsison AitC
ViM (Collected poems of Taedong [Korea]).72 It contains 365 poems and was
Yun Ch'ung-nam -J< ,&!# and Kim Song-hwan ifebJcK;, eds., The Annotated Catalogue ojKorean Rare
Books at the Harvard- Yenching Library, Harvard University, vol. 4, 271.
71
In order to avoid duplication, works that are listed in both Han'gukyokdae munjip ch'ongso mongnok
and the Annotated Catalogue of Korean Rare Books at the Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University
are discussed in this section or the section that follows but not in both. Unless noted otherwise, I am citing
the Han'giikyokdae munjip ch'ongso mongnok in this section. Here and elsewhere, except when discussing
Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot, I use the term "edition" as it is used in Korean bibliographic practice to
suggest p'anbon fik'4^. Please see my discussion of terms such as "p'anbon," "edition," "issue," and
"state" in Chapter Five.
72
Taedong sison, a massive collection of more than 5000 poems (dating from the Three Kingdoms to the
twentieth century) by more than 2000 individuals, was published jointly by Ch'oe Nam-son's Sinmun'gwan
and Kwanghak Sop'o lAÎSM.
35
published in Seoul by Taedong Samunhoe AAlih'Xi^ in 1928 using movable
metal type.
2. The munjip of Pyon Ung-su h K $ (1846-1921), Chijae Sonsaeng chip ^ f f 5 t

^L A is six kwon11 in length and was produced using woodblocks in 1927; kwon
one is comprised entirely of si nil (poems) and kwon two also contains si.
3. The munjip of Sin Pung if1 IK (1889-1922), Ch'undam Sonsaeng munjip &<'$3c
'-h^k.%L, was printed using woodblocks in 1929 and consists of four kwon, the
first of which contains only si. There are two editions archived digitally at the
National Library, one version from 1929 and one from 1930. However, I have
only been able to view the second edition because there appears to be some
problem with the file format of the 1929 edition.
4. The munjip of Cho Chong-gyu M i=J,3S (1853-1920), Soch'on Sonsaeng munjip

l^JH5t£L5;^, produced in 1922 has five kwon in three ch'aek; the first kwon
contains only poetry: a hu Pul (ch./w, poetic exposition) and many si. Kim Song-
hwan suggests that the edition he viewed was printed using woodblocks. The
National Library indicates that their edition was printed using movable wooden
type.74
5. The munjip of O Sang-gyu l/tîntf (1858-1922), Koejong Sonsaeng munjip MftL

5 t ' t ^Cft is three kwon in three ch'aek. It was produced in 1924 using, according
to the National Library, movable wooden type. The first kwon contains many
poems in a variety of genres.
6. The munjip of Ch'oe Won-suk W $nM (1854-1923), Sin'gye Sonsaeng munjip %f\
MJuiSl^t, contains, according to Kim Song-hwan, four kwon. The first two
kwon contain only poetry and the entire edition was printed using woodblocks
(mokp'an /kllk) in 1929. The National Library has two copies of this work
produced in 1929. However, these editions are comprised of only two kwon
arranged in one ch'aek. The edition housed digitally at the National Library, at
least according to the library records, was printed using movable wooden type
(as opposed to woodblocks) in 1929.
Kwon %r is often translated as "volume" but frequently indicates only a section of a bound volume.
Ch'aekffl}generally indicates a bound volume
74
The South Koiean National Library website, www.nl go.kr (Accessed July 19, 2009)
36
Collections Cataloged in the Annotated Catalogue of Korean Rare Books at the
Harvard-Yenching Library, Harvard University15
1. Edited by Pae Mun-hwan %~3tl% (?-?), Sannam koch'wi sijip iLirfjK'^B-lft is a

collection of poems by seven poets: Chong Hae-sik W(RW, Yi Hag-ui ^'$%$z,
Chong On ¥MA, Chong Un-ch'ae fP'ik.'^, Pae Mun-jon feÎ, Kim T'ae-sang
| It .76 It was produced at Sin'gu Sop'o ?Jfl£ Wffli in
sir ~k. £&, and Kim Se-gyu 4r U
1928 using movable metal type and contains 286 poems.
2. Yongnyon chongson W$fv¥n'M (1921) is a collection of poems by Kang Ui-yong

SSATK (?-?) published in Seoul by Yongch'ang Sogwan z k n t i pfi in 1921 using
movable metal type.
3. Choson kundae myongga sich'o ^'MljlLi^^'B.^lPP, mentioned previously, is a

collection of poems by seven poets published in 1926 by Hoedong Sogwan in
1926. It contains 559 poems. Interestingly, the National Library has a second
edition of Choson kundae myongga sich'o published (parhaeng kyom ch'ong
p'anmaeso) by Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa. No Ki-jong #3£l5 (1892-?),
who also printed a large number of vernacular books of poetry including Kim
So-wol's Azaleas, printed both editions at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa. The
colophons suggest that the dates of printing (inswae) and release (parhaeng)
for both editions are the same, June 2, 1926 and June 6, 1926 respectively. In
addition, both editions were the same price, 80 chon.
4. Sobuk kihaengsi flJaitfaffil'}, mentioned previously, is a series of poems written

by Han Yong-won (?-?) while he traveled in the P'yongan and Hamgyong
provinces (in 1918 and 1920 respectively). It was printed using movable metal
type.
5. Edited by Pak Hon-yong M f f l (?-?), Kangdo kogum sison ff WJ^s'M (1926)

is a collection of poems by poets who have some relationship with Kanghwa
Island. The periods in which the authors lived range from the Koryo dynasty
(935-1392) to the colonial period. The preface is written by Yun Hui-gu. The
book was printed at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa by No Ki-jong.
75
Unless otherwise noted, here I am citing the Annotated Catalogue of Korean Rare Books at the Harvard-
Yenching Library, Harvard University.
76
Dates for the poets are unknown.
37
6. Chimgbo Haedong sison ^} iijj {tj \ka!) JS IS a collection of poems in classical
Chinese that date from the Three Kingdoms period to the reign of Choson's final
monarch, King Sunjong (r. 1907-1910). It is edited by Yi Kyu-yong ^ 1" J'?f (?-?)
with a preface by Yun Hui-gu. The second edition (1919), which is available
online at the National Library of South Korea, indicates that the first edition was
printed in 1917 at Ch'oe Nam-son's Sinmun'gwan. The Annotated Catalogue of
Korean Rare Books describes a third, 1925, edition.
7. The yugo of Pak Chong-hon lh-W;¥ (1855-1920), Sogam yugo fi^jiiJift,

contains 261 poems as well as a preface by Yun Hui-gu and an elegy (ch'umosi)
written by Ch'oe Nam-son in vernacular Korean. This book was printed in 1923
at Ch'oe's Sinmun'gwan. The editor and publisher was Ch'oe Nam-son's older
brother, Ch'oe Ch'ang-son ^ P , ^ . 7 7
8. Hapkan Sohodang chip n'flJan/M^lft. is the collected works of Kim T'aeg-yong

±f7'fI: (1850-1927). Printed in 1922 in China where Kim had gone into self-
imposed exile in 1908, Hapkan Sohodang chip contains a great deal of poetry;
the first 5 kwon contain 1033 poems.
9. Sinam Sonsaeng munjip fa ^5t4_3C:Sft is the collected writings of Yi Chun-gu */•

4 U L (1851-1924). Produced in 1927, it includes 193 si and two bu h{ (ch. fu). A
1928 edition is available online at the National Library.
10. The munjip of Yi Sang-gyu ^f¥-4> (1846-1922), Hyesan chip BtUfe, produced
in 1925 using movable wooden type, is fifteen kwon in length and collected in
seven ch'aek. Kwon one through four contain 679 si. A copy is available online
at the National Library.78
11. The munjip of Pak Sung-dong lh#jfe (1847-1922), Migang chip Otll.%, was
produced in 1925 using movable wooden type. It contains nineteen kwon in nine
ch'aek; kwon one and two contain 207 poems (si). A copy is available online at
the National Library's website.
12. The munjip of Pak Kyu-hwan Ih^fS- (1840-1923), Inarn munjip ~9k\k\~XM.
produced in 1925 using movable wooden type contains six kwon in three ch'aek.
11
Sogam yugo colophon, available online at the National Libiary of [South] Korea, wwwnl.go kr
(Accessed July 19,2009).
78
The entiy in the National Library catalog erroneously lists Yi's given name as , -1- instead of i $
38
The first kwon contains one bu (M,) and 100 si. It is available online at the
National Library.
13. The munjip of Ki Chae ?V4-' (1854-1921), Sikchae chip fififfjfc, produced
in 1929 using woodblocks, contains six kwon in three ch'aek. The first kwon
contains 107 si. A number of copies are available online at the National Library.
However, the 1929 edition is not viewable.
14. The munjip of Yi Sok-kwan 4^PJ# (1846-1921), Sogu chip Ii \&%, produced
in 1929 using movable wooden type, contains four kwon in two ch'aek. The first
kwon contains one bu (M) and 168 si. It can be viewed online at the National
Library's website.
15. Theyugo of Sim Sang-jik ^ l l i t f (1896-1923), Chukso yugo ttî&fia,

produced lithographically in 1929, contains seven kwon in two ch'aek. The
first kwon contains 187 si and can be viewed online at the National Library.
Interestingly, it received official sanction almost a year before it was actually
produced. Although printed and released in 1929, the Library lists its publication
date as 1928, perhaps because that is when it received a permit from colonial
censors.
16. The munjip of Ch'oe Po-yol WWlM\ (1847-1922), Unjong chip H^^k, produced
in 1928 using movable metal type, contains four kwon in two ch'aek. The first
kwon contains 247 si and can be viewed online at the National Library's website.
17. Edited by Ha Ung-gyu MlE)i and published by Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa $JJ
fttmff^j^/TLh in 1927, Yolsong ojin \pu Yolsong oje simun] WlWMtR [ffl?U
3£#flMni yC] is a collection of portraits of Choson kings, as well as a collection
of their poems through history. It was printed at Taedong Inswaeso, where a
great deal of vernacular literature was also printed, by Sim U-t'aek <lk0kM and
sold for the startlingly high price of 5 won 50 chon. A poorly scanned version is
available online at the National Library, as is another edition, which, according
to the catalog, was also produced in 1927 but edited by Yun Paeng-nam J* El i^j
and produced by Tongnim Ch'ulp'ansa JJlttHiJlfolii. Aside from their different
covers, the books appear to be identical. Frustratingly, this alternate edition is
missing its colophon, making it difficult to determine if indeed the two different
editions of Yolsong ojin were published in 1927.
39
Although representing only a very limited view of works from the 1920s cataloged
by these two sources, the lists above contain twenty-three collections that include a
substantial amount of poetry. Juxtaposed with the forty-four volumes of vernacular poetry
contained in the lengthiest systematic bibliography of Korean poetry,79 these collections
demonstrate how the choice to exclude munjip and yugo from bibliographic accounts
of poetry in early twentieth-century Korea has obscured a great deal of verse made and
circulated during this period. Moreover, these two catalogs can hardly be considered
a comprehensive, systematic accounting of the munjip and yugo produced during this
period, as the 1254 permits granted by the Japanese authorities between 1920 and 1929
for yugo and munjip demonstrate.
Other Sources of Poetry in Classical Chinese
Kang Myong-gwan describes how, during the 1910s, there were a number of poetry
organizations devoted to the composition of poetry in classical Chinese.80 It is likely
that a number of these organizations also existed in the 1920s. This is evidenced by
ads in newspapers such as the Tonga ilbo for "hansi mojip" {hansi contests), which I
mentioned previously, and the papers of Ch'oe Pyong-min '&%M. (1880-1939), which I
discovered serendipitously during a visit to my in-laws for the 2009 Lunar New Year. My
mother-in-law's father and grandfather were both sodang (private academy) instructors
in the Hapch'on area (South KySngsang Province) during the final years of the Choson
dynasty and the early years of the Japanese colonial period. Wondering what such men
might have read and written, I asked my mother-in-law about her father and grandfather.
Our conversations eventually led us to two wooden boxes of books and unbound papers
stored carefully in an outbuilding on a small family farm tended by my mother-in-law's
sister in the village of Nop'a (ic^M-i:). In the boxes, we discovered a great variety of
79
See Kim Hae-s5ng's 1988 Hyondae Han'guksio sajon.
80
Kang Myong-gwan, "Ilche ch'o ku chisigin ui munye hwaltong," 155-159.
40
materials including a list of people who appear to have been Ch'oe's students and their
monetary contributions to a cooperative led by Ch'oe in a document entitled Kwanson'gye
l!l#35 (kyongo year, IjtdT, 1930). Along with a number of editions of the family chokpo (
lAmi, family genealogy), we also found a collection of Ch'oe's writings entitled Maehon
mannok ffr'l'lrfAt'i.(kyeyu year, ^| ;L |, 1933), a two-volume edition of Chonun okp 'yon
^kH&rEWi (a Choson-era dictionary of Chinese characters), manuscript copies of poetry
collections from a variety of Chinese and Korean authors, as well as a collection by
Ch'oe containing mostly poetry—Sonun chamnok 55P5-jy& {mujin year, JJcK, 1928). In
addition to these books and a number of others I have not listed, we found a great variety
of letters and loose papers, which include poems and other genres in classical Chinese
written on the backs of cigarette wrappers and on daily newspapers, such as pages from
the August 11, 1923 Maeil sinbo and February 25, 1928 Tonga ilbo. Although this sort of
discovery is somewhat unusual, I suspect it is hardly unique and imagine others inquiring
into their own family histories have pulled similar boxes from comparably dusty storage
spaces.
The Conceptual Contours of "Modern Korean Poetry"
The impression made by classical Chinese poetry during the 1920s is clearly visible
today. However, the texts remain largely unstudied. In a sense, they have been censored
like Ch'a Sang-ch'an's poem in the inaugural issue of Kaebyok. Rather than the actions of
Japanese censors, the echoing force of China's decentering in the late nineteenth century
and the prevalent discursive inclination to equate literary composition in vernacular
Korean with Korean identity have obscured this large body of texts composed by Koreans
in the 1920s. The twelve volumes of hansi produced in the 1920s and housed by Adan
Mun'go, for example, comprise a decidedly small number of books. However, if these
works were included in currently available bibliographies of modern Korean poetry,
they would increase by nearly thirty percent the number of volumes of poetry from the
41
1920s currently listed by bibliographers.81 That would still leave more than 300 books of
siga authorized by the colonial authority but unaccounted for by Korean bibliographers,
which raises the possibility that collections of poetry in classical Chinese by Korean
authors may in fact outnumber those composed in the vernacular between 1920 and
1929. Moreover, if we consider the munjip and yugo just described, the evident amount
of poetry produced in classical Chinese between 1920 and 1929 becomes impossible
to ignore. Yet until these books are properly identified and studied in more detail, the
question remains: exactly how much poetry in classical Chinese circulated in colonial
Korea and how did it matter as poetic discourse on the peninsula during the 1920s? Just
asking it, however, reveals that poetic discourse in the 1920s was substantially more
expansive and complex than current scholarship suggests.
A poem published in 1923 in the Tonga ilbo by Yi Hyong-u $ ^ rft ,82 a Confucian
businessman who ran a number of colonial-era liquor businesses, provides a metaphor
for the work left to be done to make this body of Korean poetry composed in classical
Chinese legible. In a quatrain entitled "Airplane," Yi writes,
A dragon's thunder rises to cross the sea;

The wings of the Roc83 ascend to catch clouds.
An all-penetrating mind has matched that of Yan;84
This statistic is based on the lengthiest systematic list of forty-four books compiled in Kim Hae-song's
1988 Hydndae Han'guksi sajon.
82
The two records available in the Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database concerning Yi provide different
dates of birth. One lists his birthday as October 5, 1878; another lists September 23, 1876. I am also
uncertain when Yi died. Business records (also found at the Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://
db.history.go.kr, accessed January 10, 2008) suggest that he may have lived as late as 1959. His name
appears as a "representative (sajang/taep 'yo)" of Chuch'on chejaeso (STRMW 01, a liquor company, in a
record from that year
83
A giant, mythic bird that appears in the Daoist text Zhuangzi. Pung (Ch: peng) 14 is often rendered
pungsae in a Korean context. Here, because the poem contains other references to Chinese figures, I have
chosen to render it as "Roc," which is a more common translation for Chinese texts.
84
This is Yan Shi JEfiilJ who appears in the Daoist text Liezi 'A 7 . In Liezi, Yan entertains King Mu of Zhou
with a robot-like invention. The Korean pronunciation for the character {§ is on.
42
Skills greater than those of Chui83 have fathomed natural law.
The poem addresses a modern topic, yet like the "thunder" of the dragon in Yi's
poem, we have a material and conceptual sea to cross in order to understand how this
work may have mattered as "poetry" in 1920s Korea. Just recognizing the expanse of
this "sea" helps reveal the conceptual contours of what is now considered the "proper"
domain of modern Korean poetry. The small number of books discussed here and
the likelihood that more exist make it clear that what we now discuss inclusively as
the "whole" of Korean poetry from the 1920s is only a portion of the poetic literature
produced at the time. Moreover, as I have demonstrated above, the discourse on Korean
poetry from this period references only poetry that was printed with lead type, bound in
limited number of ways, and sold.
Printing, Publishing, and the Materiality of Poetry from 1920s Korea
How poetic texts were made and circulated fundamentally determines how they are
classified, and what we discuss as poetry from this period. Therefore it is imperative
to better understand these processes, as well as create an approach to reading these
texts that acknowledges their presence as material objects. According to W.B. Yeats,
"English literature. . . has all but completely shaped itself in the printing press."86 As the
discussion above demonstrates, the same can be said of the vernacular texts that we now
call modern Korean poetry. Yet little is known, for example, about the presses Ch'oe
Nam-son purchased from the Japanese printing company Shueisha 5§-]2E*£ in 1907s7 and
85
Chui (pronounced Su in Korean) is credited with inventing the bow in the early Confucian text by
Xunzi. Yi's poem, printed in the Tonga ilbo October 10, 1923, page 6, reads as follows: )EfiifcJHEffi'A£. i P X K
86
W.B. Yeats, "Literature and the Living Voice," cited in Jerome McGann, Black Riders: The Visible
Language of Modernism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 76.
87
As I will discuss in Chapter Three, there are conflicting accounts about when precisely Ch'oe purchased
printing equipment from Shueisha and established Sinmun'gwan. However, sometime in 1907 seems most
likely.
43
used to print the work that many scholars use to date the beginning of Korean poetry's
modern era, "From the Sea to the Boys." Even less can be said about the making of
similarly canonical poems and books from the early twentieth century. Few have thought
to investigate what it might mean to be aparhaengin W\ J A (publisher ) in 1920s Korea88
or have wondered who designed an individual book or journal,89 let alone the type used to
print it. Nor have topics such as the manufacture of type or the arrangement of printer's
sorts and the process of picking and distributing type in colonial-era print shops been
investigated—processes critical for understanding how poetic texts were (quite literally)
composed.
My discussion of enumerative bibliography as it concerns modern Korean poetry
highlights the limitations of such work thus far. Analytical and historical bibliography
pertaining to the printed materials of this period more generally, let alone to poetic
texts, can hardly be said to have begun.90 Ha Tong-ho and others I will describe
shortly notwithstanding, the bibliographic attention of scholars has been focused
until quite recently rather squarely on the ChosSn dynasty and before, as Pae Hyon-
suk acknowledges in the preface of Sojihak kaeron -*1 ^] ~i\ 7fl -g- (Introduction to
bibliography).91 The most recent edition of Ch'on Hye-bong's Hang 'uk sojihak fr^L
Pak Ki-hyon devotes about a page to the contemporary practices of magazine "publishers (parhaengin)"
but does not address what such publishers or other types of parhaengin may have done m the 1920s Pak
Ki-hyon v}7] &1, Han'guk iii chapchi ch'ulp 'an ^1^"—1 QT.] g-jg- (Korean magazine publishing) (Seoul.
Nul P'uriin Sonamu, 2003) As I will discuss in Chapter Two, Pang Hyo-sun does address the work
of palhangin in her doctoral dissertation "A study of the structural characteristics of the populai book
publishing movement during the Japanese colonial era
89
Pak Tae-hon's Uri ch'aekui changjong kwa changjong'ga till °-A ~A^\ A}7oJL\ 7&7i~As: (The design
and designeis of our [Korean] books) (Seoul. Yoihwadang, 1999) is an exception
90
Here I follow D.C. Greetham's definitions of enumerative, analytic, and historical bibliography. See D.C
Greetham, Textual Scholarship: An Introduction (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1994)
91 7
Sojihak Kaeron P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe *|*l§f7H-& ?!?>-?!€5], ed , Sojihak kaeron *\*}i\ fl€-
(Introduction to bibliography) (Paju. Hanul Ak'ademi, 2004), 3
44
A x
i l^l" (Korean bibliography) suggests a similar focus as well;92 Ch'on's treatment of any
given topic rarely extends into the twentieth century.
This lack of interest and the ravages of the Korean War (1950-1953) have meant that
primary materials for analytical work are often scarce. Records pertaining to the material
production of literature, such as publishers' accounting ledgers, printshop work logs, and
the maintenance and operating manuals for individual presses (as well as the presses and
sorts of type themselves), have only rarely been preserved. A history of the machines,
materials, and people who made Korean literature must therefore be pieced together
from evidence presented by the printed materials themselves, statistics from the colonial
government, and often only marginally reliable secondary sources such as un-annotated
printing association annals and encyclopedias.93 A handful of articles and anecdotal
assertions in the popular press of the time, and the recollections of elderly former
printers and publishers recorded usually well after Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945,
contribute modestly to our understanding of how books were made during this period but
present a number of historiographical difficulties.
Although they tend to concern themselves with what was published rather than
how what was published was made, histories of colonial-era publishing, as well as
other cultural and socio-political histories of this period, provide some details about the
physical forms of colonial books and their manufacture. Moreover, although significant
work remains to be done to understand the social, economic, and cultural systems that
governed the vernacular press of colonial Korea, these histories collectively shed some
92 A
Ch'on Hye-bong ?]*!]-§-, Hang'uk sojihak ^^ i *15r (Korean Bibliography), 2nd ed. (Seoul: Minumsa,
2006).
93
See for example Choson Ch'ulp'an Munhwa Hyophoe ^Sif'if 'WWk'XiU&ji^, ed., Ch'ulp'an taegam III Ilk A
IE (An encyclopedia of publishing) (Seoul: ChosSn Ch'ulp'an Munhwa Hyophoe, 1949); Taehan Inswae
Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed., Han'guk inswae taegam frflSEPMAlE (An encyclopedia of
Korean printing) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1969); and Ch'ae Pok-ki
Himii- et al., Innyon imnyonsa WWv'Vf'^ t (A thirty-year history of printing related [activities]) (Seoul:
Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1982). I have not been able to find a copy of the
Ch'ulp'an taegam HUIiyAJS: from 1949 in South Korea. Ironically, the Harvard Yenching Library appears to
have a copy, a fact I was unaware of before I moved to South Korea to conduct my dissertation research.
45
Printers: Suppliers:
Compositors paper
Pressmen ink
Warehousemen type
labor
Readers:
Purchasers Intellectual/ \ Economic / \ Political
Borrowers Influences! j and [ I and
Clubs and 1 / Social \ 1 Legal
Libraries v Publicity \ / Conjuncture \ /Sanctions
ON
Shippers:
Agent
Smuggler
Entrepot Keeper
Booksellers: Wagoner etc.
Wholesaler
Retailer
Peddler
Binder etc.
Figure 1.4 "The Communications Circuit."

Source: Robert Darnton, "What is the History of Books?" in Robert Darnton, The Kiss ofLamourette: Reflections
in Cultural History (London: Faber and Faber, revised edition 1990), 107-36 reproduced in David Finkelstein and
Alistair McCleery eds., The Book History Reader, 2nd ed. (London and New York: Routiedge, 2006), 12.
light on the people responsible for making Korea's print media during the colonial period,
the social, political, and economic constraints they faced, as well as how some readers
responded to what was produced.
Such studies begin to address certain aspects of the "communications circuit"
that Robert Darnton has proposed to summarize the many aspects of bookmaking,
book distribution, and reading that enable book historians to describe the history of
printed materials from a specific time and/or place.94 For example, as I describe below,
studies of authorship, readership, and the products of publishers, areas of inquiry that
represent nodes on the outer ring of Darn ton's book-history schematic, have begun to
appear. Although books from colonial Korea are rarely the focus, there are also studies
that address intellectual influence, political and legal sanctions, and socio-economic
significance, regions at the center of Darnton's organizational chart. Collectively,
however, these studies of authors, readers, and the politics of the era treat cursorily or
leave completely unaddressed other nodes on Darnton's circuit—most notably printers
and their suppliers—that would enable a more complete understanding of the specific
histories of books made in colonial Korea.
The foundations for histories of colonial-era Korean publishing began to be laid in
the mid-1970s by scholars such as Kim Kun-su ^fetM'/^, who simply collected government
reports and other materials related to colonial publishing in his 1974 compilation of Ilche
Robert Damton, "What is the History of Books 7 " in Robert Darnton, The Kiss ojLamourette- Reflections
in Cultural History (London' Faber and Faber, rev ed , 1990), 107-36, repioduced in David Finkelstein
and Alistair McCleeiy, eds , The Book History Reader, 2nd cd (London and New York. Routledge, 2006),
9-26 Versions of this essay appeared as early as 1982 As scholars have pointed out and I discuss shortly,
Darnton's privileging of "communication" in his schema is somewhat pioblematic, particularly when
discussing literary texts. Moreovei, Darnton's circuit itself has been reconfiguied by a number of theorists
See, for example, Thomas Adams and Nicolas Barker's "A New Model for the Study of the Book" in
Nicolas Barker, ed., A Potencie ofLije Books in Society the Clark Lectures 1986-1987 (London. British
Library, 1993), 1-15, 37-39, which is also lepioduced in David Finkelstein and Alistair McCleeiy, eds., The
Book History Reader, 2nd ed. (London and New York. Routledge, 2006), 47-64 These reconfigurations are
often cogent, and it is important to recognize that communication is not always the aim of those making
and circulating of texts. However, Darnton's original schematic is a useful way to begin thinking about the
many issues to be addressed in order to understand the history of printed materials from a given place and
time
47
ch'iha ollon ch'ulp'an in silt'ae IJ ffr /n h fi »m W\\\k^\ ttfi? (The realities of publishing
and the press during the Japanese occupation). Building on the work of Kim and their
own enumerative work, scholars such as Ha Tong-ho authored a number of works
focused broadly on publishing during the colonial period such as his Han'guk kitndae
munhak ui soji yon'gu $^ S3 i l ^ >[#!•-£] ^l\3\^t (A bibliographic study of early modern
Korean literature) (Seoul: Kip'un Saem, 1981), which aims to narrate what certain
publishers from the period produced. An Ch'un-gun's %^-^k many books on Korean
publishing frequently offer chapters on colonial-era publishing, such as his Han'guk
ch'ulp'an munhwasa taeyoftr'iSrl'iJiSj&.'ft.>tL A ? ! (A summary of the history of Korean
print culture) (Seoul: Ch'ongnim Ch'ulp'an, 1987) and Ch'ulp'an ui silt'ae MiJliz-^ 'fiJB.
(The realities of publishing) (Seoul: Ch'ongnim Ch'ulp'an, 1992), that similarly attempt
to enumerate what was made during this period. More recently and in a similar vein,
Cho Song-ch'ul's jIBlSi'M Han'guk inswae ch'ulp'anpaengnyon ?!;^<?l£flilr^r,^1d (One
hundred years of Korean printing and publishing) (Seoul: Pojinjae, 1997) has appeared.
Pang Hyo-sun ^ S - ^ r made a breakthrough with her 2000 doctoral dissertation, "Ilchae
sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong ui kujojok t'tiksong e kwanhan yon'gu °AA Al cfl
^1^1 ^ H ^ ^ l ^ ^ ^ 2 : ^ ^-^Ml îrtr ^ n 1 (A study of the structural characteristics of
the commercial publishing movement during the Japanese colonial era)." By focusing her
attention explicitly on the structures that governed publishing during this period, her work
brings us somewhat closer than her predecessors have to the printed materials themselves
with a sense for their history and I draw heavily on her work in the next chapter.
In addition to these histories that address the colonial press in generally terms,
studies that focus more specifically on the publishing of periodicals flesh out some of
the nodes on Darnton's schematic. Although their focus is often enumerative rather than
analytical or historical, such studies reveal some information about how the products of
Korea's colonial popular press were made and circulated. From the encyclopedic detail
of Kye Hun-mo's ££3&#l 1979 enumerative study Han'guk ollonyonp'yo 1881-1945 ff
48
mr.uSs^^ 1881-1945 (A chronology of the Korean press 1881-1945) (Seoul: Kwanhun
Kulldp Sinyong Yon'gu Kigum, 1979) and Kim Kun-su's earlier Han'guk chapchi
kaegwan mil hobyol mokch'ajip ^Wifk^ltfEkM. ^ $k'M Fl JK.%. (An overview of Korean
periodicals and enumerative bibliography by issue) (Seoul: Han'gukhak Yon'guso, 1973),
it is possible to reconstruct how some of the era's journals and newspapers must have
been produced. Moreover, recently Ch'oe Tok-kyo 2| ^1 m has completed a three-volume
study of early-twentieth-century journals, Han'guk chapchi paengnydn t b ^ ^ M ^j\l
(Seoul: HySnamsa, 2004), which is essentially an expansive annotated bibliography of
Korean periodicals. Although his descriptions frequently focus on the cultural or political
significance of a given journal, important details can be found concerning authors,
publishers, and some elements of the manufacture of colonial magazines. "Kaebyok" e
pich'in singminji Choson ui olgul r7H ^ j °ll u l ?! JA ?1^| 3 : ^ ! ^ si§" (The colonial face
of Choson reflected in [the journal] Kaebyok) (Seoul: Tos5 Ch'ulp'an Mosinun Saramdul,
2007) edited by Im Kyong-sok and Ch'a Hye-yong presents an informative social history
of this important publication. A contributor to "Kaebyok" epich'in singminji Choson ui
olgul, Ch'oe Su-il also has recently published his own expansive monograph, "Kaebyok"
r
yon'gu 7H^j <£^ (A study of Kaebyok) (Seoul: Somyong Ch'ulp'an, 2008). Like
the authors of other works that focus on colonial periodicals, Ch'oe does not seriously
address the mechanical production of Kaebyok. However, from his important work we
learn invaluable details about who produced the journal, the texts it contains, and how it
was distributed, which reveal much about how this important publication was shaped and
who was probably reading it.
In order to better understand consumers of journals such as Kaebyok and other
products of the popular press, Ch'on Chong-hwan's ?i ^ ?! Kiindae ui ch'aek ilkki:
tokcha ui t'ansaeng kwa Han'guk kundae munhak T^T^\$] ^ %] 7}: ^-^r-Sj ^ J 2 ! tb"^"
5-tfl-g-^j' (Reading modern books: modern Korean literature and the birth of the reader)
(Seoul: P'urun Yoksa, 2003), describes reading practices in the decades after the turn of
49
the twentieth century in an attempt to define a modern Korean reader. Many of the issues
Darnton lists as important to the study of readers, such as purchasers, borrowers, libraries,
etc., are addressed by Ch'on. Moreover, from his narrative we learn something about how
readers interacted with the books they were reading, and hence, a little bit about how
these books were made by their manufacturers.
Pak Hon-ho's ^ " f i ^ work as editor of Chakka Hi t'ansaeng kwa kiindae munhak ui
chaesaengsan chedo ^7}$-} D ; ^ 4 •^-tfl^Voj ^s$x\. ^ r: (jê bi rt h of the author and
systems of modem literature's reproduction) (Seoul: Somyong Ch'ulp'an, 2008) inverts
Ch'on Chong-hwan's focus and organizes a number of important essays around the topic
of authorship during Korea's colonial period, thereby addressing the "author" node on
Darnton's graph. Kundaeo, kiindae maech'e, kiindae munhak: kimdae maech'e wa kiindae
ono chilso iii sanggwansong -3cfl<^ • -S-tHsfl • - ^ c f l ^ t : ^cfl np-)14^tfl ^H^H^
43" ^1:43 (Modern language, modern media, modern literature: the interrelationship
between modern media and modern language usage), edited by Han Ki-Hyong %7] ^
(Seoul: Songgyun'gwan Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 2006), is a collection of essays on
the epistemological orientation of literary production during the colonial period that
illuminates the middle regions of Darnton's circuit, intermittently revealing details about
the making of books.
Finally, valuable pieces of information about the making of printed materials can be
discovered in a number of book-length studies that grapple with Korea's colonial print
culture in order to narrate socio-political and intellectual histories of the period. Among
these, Michael Kim's doctoral dissertation, "The Apparition of the Rational Public:
Reading Collective Subjectivity in the Korean Public Sphere,"95 which argues for the
development of a Habennasian public sphere on the Korean peninsula during the colonial
period, presents useful information, like Ch'on ChSng-hwan's study, about changing
95
Michael Kim, "The Apparition of the Rational Public Reading Collective Subjectivity in the Korean
Public Sphere" (Ph.D. Diss., Harvard University, 2004).
50
reading practices and how texts were reconfigured by publishers to accommodate
readers. Michael Robinson's Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920-25 (Seattle
and London: University of Washington Press, 1988) is a seminal work on colonial-era
publishing in the guise of a historical narrative about nationalist debates. In addition
to a nuanced description of the role of the popular press in this era's political history,
it provides details about, among other things, how books were "unmade" by colonial
censors.96 Andre Schmid's Korea Between Empires 1895-1919 (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2002) and Gi-Wook Shin's Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy,
Politics, and Legacy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006) also investigate Korea's
colonial-era vernacular press to make historiographical and socio-political arguments.
Even if they do not focus on the physical products of the colonial press, their arguments
about how a nation was "thought forth," to borrow a phrase from Carol Gluck's
description of Schmid's book,97 illuminate some of the ideas put forward by the authors
of the popular press and important aspects of how printed materials functioned as part of
the cultural and socio-political discourses taking place in colonial Korea.
Although all of the sources listed above provide some details about the making of
books and journals from a variety of critical perspectives and begin collectively to articulate
what might be called a history of this era's printed materials, none make an investigation
of the history of these materials their primary focus. Moreover, the people, processes, and
machines that physically fashioned those materials into the era's books and periodicals
often play minor roles in narratives that seek to catalog what was made by Korea's popular
96
See also Robinson's two shorter articles "Colonial Publication Policy and the Korean Nationalist
Movement," 312-343, in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945, eds. Ramon H. Myers and Mark
R. Peattie (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984) and "Mass Media and Popular Culture in
1930s Korea: Cultural Control, Identity, and Colonial Hegemony," 59-82, in Korean Studies: New Pacific
Currents, ed. Dae-Sook Suh (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1984.) For an excellent book-length
study of censorship during this period see also Chong Chin-sok 7d-?l * j , Kiikpi Choson ch'ongdokbu fti
ollon komyol kwa t'anap ~-^^]: 3i-Q%^&-£] Q^r^'s.3^ Q°tt (Classified: the oppressive [practices] and
censorship of the Japanese colonial authority) (Seoul: K'omyunik'eisyon Puksu, 2007.)
97
Publisher's blurb on the back cover of Korea Between Empires.
51
press or describe the social, political, or historical importance of ideas presented in such
works. Furthermore, investigations crucial for understanding the literature of this era—
relationships between the material production of colonial books and periodicals, their
presence as physical entities, and how poets and printers may have orchestrated such
relationships for literary effect—have only just begun, and in the most tentative fashion.
An Sang-su, in his 1996 dissertation "T'aip'ogurap'ijok kwanchom eso pon Yi

A
Sang si e tahan yon'gu E H i z i e f JX) 3 $•$ 6\) *\ a. ^'u H] cfl fV <£ ^ (A study of the
typographic aspects of Yi Sang's poetry, Hanyang University)," was among the first to
emphasize a vital aspect of the materiality of literature: the importance of typographic
elements in the work of poets active in 1930s Korea, such as Yi Sang. More recently,
Kwon Yong-min has addressed the typographic space of Yi Sang's poetry, as has Cho
Yong-bok.98 However, these initial efforts are hampered by a serious lack of knowledge
about printing processes in 1930s Korea. For example, how might typographic resources
available at a given press have constrained Yi Sang and his printers? Moreover, no
work has investigated the typographic norms that poets such as Yi Sang explicitly
problematized, or explored how poets for whom such norms were not a central concern
used the regularity of typographic patterns to create their art.
By contrast, this topic has become something of a cottage industry for scholars
writing in English about (generally) Western European and American literature within
the larger discourses of "the book" and cultures of print. Extending arguments that have
been made by Marshall McLuhan, Gerard Genette, and D.F. McKenzie, Jerome McGann
in Black Rides: The Visible Language of Modernism," Johanna Drucker in The Visible
98
See Kwon Yong-min, "T'aip'okuraep'i ui konggan kwa sijok sangsangnyok Efo|i^.a))3)s| •§•£!• 2}- -*-] *I
"O^'CJ'SJ (Typographic space and poetic imagination)" in Yi Sang t'eksiit'u yon'gu oj-^Sji-Js.?! 1 ?- (A study of
Yi Sang's texts), ed. Kwon Yong-min (Seoul: Ppul, 2009): 242-270; Cho Y5ng-bok 'J/TRJIIK, "1930-yondae
munhak ui t'ek'unolloji maech'eui suyong kwa maech'e honjong 1930^1 cfl -S-^- 9 ! £||3'gi &| *] $£f|-a| *£•
'Sr^r fS.fi'"1 /Etf (Media hybndity and the media technologies of 1930s [Korean] literature)," Onmun yon'gu
(June 2009): 243-267.
99
McGann's earlier works The Textual Condition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991) and A
Critique of Modern Textual Criticism (Charlottesville and London: The University Press of Virginia, 1983)
52
Word: Experimental Typography and Modern Art, 1909-1923, Janine Barchas in Graphic
Design, Print Culture, and the Eighteenth-Century Novel, Paul Gutjahr and Megan
Benton in Illuminating Letters: Typography and Literary Interpretation, and Joe Bray,
Miriam Handley, and Anne Henry in Mafrjking the Text: The Presentation of Meaning
on the Literary Page all investigate, in one way or another, the physical presentation of
printed materials as it pertains to their literary qualities.
Materiality and the Sociology of Korean Poetic Texts
Given this scholarly state of affairs, our task is twofold if we wish to illuminate
ICorean colonial-era vernacular poetry and understand how it came to matter. On the one
hand, we need to investigate more thoroughly the system of relations from which printed
materials emerged during this period. To do so we must expand our knowledge of the
activities undertaken at each node along Darnton's circuit, particularly those that pertain
to the physical making of books and periodicals, so we can gain a more complete picture
of textual production. Studies that illuminate the people and processes associated with the
physical manufacture of books, such as what is provided in the next chapter, are urgently
needed.
As we work toward this goal, we must also recognize that as powerful as Darnton's
schematic is for identifying areas that must be studied in order to narrate a general
history of printed materials from a given period, literary artists often use their materials
to juxtapose their art with the norms described by such general histories. In addition, we
must acknowledge that communication is only sometimes the object of those producing
printed materials, and is even less often the primary goal of literary art. Consequently,
we must also account for how individual literary texts employ, sometimes subtly, the
resources of the larger system of which they are a part to call attention to themselves as
literary expression,
also address this topic.
53
Kai-wing Chow has recognized this general problem of privileging the notion
of communication with regard to printed materials in his work on publishing in early
modern China. While reconfiguring Darnton's "communication circuit" into the notion
of a "semantic field of the book" he argues, "To underscore the communication aspect
of this circuit is to privilege communication over other equally, if not more important,
aspects of this circuit. This characterization of the circuit is not so much wrong as it is
narrow in regard to the issues of how meanings can be produced."100 Jerome McGann
has made this point more explicitly with regard to literature and especially poetry.
Describing some of the alternate ways that texts can matter in the introduction to The
Textual Condition, McGann writes, "Were we interested in communication theory, rather
than textuality, . . . redundancies would be studied as "noise," and their value for the
theory would be a negative one."101 Juxtaposing poetic texts with those that might aim
to communicate a given idea, McGann claims that "Poetical texts make a virtue of the
necessity of textual noise by exploiting textual redundancy. The object of the poetical
text is to thicken the medium as much as possible—literally, to put the resources of the
medium on full display, to exhibit the processes of self-reflection and self-generation
which texts set in motion, which they are."102
If McGann's assertions are true for early twentieth-century Korean texts, and if, as
I have described, we have been ignoring ways in which poetic texts in colonial Korea
thicken and display the resources of their medium, we have overlooked a great deal of
what makes poetical texts from this period poetic.
In addition to Jerome McGann and Robert Darnton, D.F. McKenzie and Johanna
Drucker provide useful conceptual tools for addressing the twin problem of better
100
Kai-wing Chow, Publishing, Culture, and Power in Early Modern China (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 2004), 154.
101
Jerome McGann, The Textual Condition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 14.
102
Ibid. Emphasis in the original.
54
illuminating the integrated system of people, processes, and materials that produced
poetry in early twentieth-century Korea and the ways in which individual poetic texts
operate in specific textual environments to exploit the "noise" of their medium. These
theorists, along with philosopher Judith Butler, who approaches material bodies from a
productive position not directly concerned with book history, provide ways to discuss
how authorial identity, for example, is negotiated vis-a-vis the materiality of a text while
that materiality is also negotiated vis-a-vis language and other cultural systems. Together
they sensitize us to the artful manipulations of bibliographic space or letterforms that
facilitate the play of poetic language while simultaneously enabling us to identify the
people and systems of the larger social network that produced these texts. Moreover, they
make it easier to discuss poetry from this period without relying upon what often appear
to be ontologically fixed associations, such as between the Korean language and Korean
national identity, or a case-bound book and the West.
Don McKenzie suggests that large-scale systems of literary production can be
understood through the iterations of individual texts. In his Bibliography and the Sociology
of Texts, McKenzie argues that "each reading [of a text] is particular to its occasion, each
can be at least partially recovered from the physical forms of the text, and the differences
in readings constitute an informative history."103 The media of a text and the range of
"human motives and interactions that texts involve at every stage of their production,
transmission, and consumption,"104 he suggests, are implicitly part of their message.
Consequently, to read any given text is to understand how a text was made, disseminated,
and consumed: the people involved, the society in which they lived, and the technologies
and materials that were used—what McKenzie calls the "sociology" of a text.
103
D.F. McKenzie, Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1999), 19.
55
How this more expansive "sociology" is related to literary expression and its
relevance to the study of creative literature from Korea can be illuminated by juxtaposing
certain assumptions made about publishing in R.W. Franklin's recent critical edition
of the works of Emily Dickinson with some of the limited information we have about
the practice of publishing poetry in 1920s Korea. This seemingly odd juxtaposition
demonstrates that for scholars and commentators as distanced by time and space as
R.W. Franklin and the Korean colonial-era novelist Kim Tong-in ifejfef". (1900-1951)
perceptions of literary identity are inextricably linked to the material presentation of
a text. It reinforces, moreover, McKenzie's point that each presentation of a text is
particular to its occasion, and the usefulness of attending to how texts are rearticulated for
the literary and historical insights each iteration can reveal, a concept very helpful to the
task of recovering ways that poetry mattered in colonial Korea.
Emily Dickinson's idiosyncratic spelling and use of punctuation, her gender,
and, perhaps most importantly, the fact that very few of her poems were ever printed
during her lifetime, have made determining how one should reproduce her work in
print problematic. R.W. Franklin has suggested that the central issue with regard to the
textuality of Dickinson's poems is how to bring Dickinson's essentially "private" poetry
into the realm of the "public."
Unlike diaries, journals, or letters, poetry is commonly considered

a public genre, to be brought editorially into line with public norms
of presentation, but Dickinson's poems, never published by the
poet, may be seen as a private genre—a journal of her effort, with
a distribution of poems that, like letters, was a part of personal
communication with individuals.105
Franklin points out that when poetry was published in the New England of
Dickinson's day, it was made to fit certain "public norms of presentation." Although I
105
R.W. Franklin, "Introduction," in The Poems of Emily Dickinson, ed. R.W. Franklin (The Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England, 1999), 9.
56
suspect these "public" norms were hardly uniform, Franklin's perception that they were,
along with his implicit assumption of a "public," is striking, particularly when juxtaposed
with the publishing of poetry in early-twentieth-century Korea, where a "Korean public,"
if it existed as such, can hardly be assumed to have been epistemologically stable.106
Franklin also implicitly assumes, correctly if early printed editions of Dickinson's
work are any indication, that the editorial standards of public presentation stand opposed
to Dickinson's personal intentions. This opposition between personal and public,
however, is not likely to have been as stark in 1920s Korea. As I describe in the next
chapter, Korean poets during this period frequently served as the editors and publishers
of their own or their colleague's books. In fact, thirteen of the volumes I survey in
Chapter Two list the author of a book of poetry as its publisher. In other words, roughly
one in four vernacular books of poems published during the 1920s was published by its
author.107 Emblematic of the era in poetry more generally, what are frequently thought of
as the period's two most important collections, Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkott and Han
Yong-un's Nim id ch'immuk \$$] fkMX (Silence of love), were both published by their
authors. While there were certainly disagreements among poets, proofers, and pressmen
about what was proper, Korean poets, as their own publishers, were likely to have
played a more determinative role in the public presentation of their work than poets of
Dickinson's New England.
Consequently, it is the "fascicles" created by Korean poets created by poets such as
Kim So-wol and Han Yong-un—to adopt the term for Dickinson's method of preserving
her poetry as a metaphor suggesting the intimate involvement of Korean poets in the
making of their own books—that we now think of as early modern Korean poetry. Rather
106
See Michael Kim's dissertation, "The Apparition of the Rational Public: Reading Collective
Subjectivity in the Korean Public Sphere" (Ph.D Diss., Harvard University, 2004).
107
This assertion that one quarter of the books of poems from the 1920s were published by their authors
is calculated based on the most expansive enumerative list of forty-four books of poetry compiled in Kim
Hae-song's 1988 Hydndae Han'guksi sajon. I will discuss this in more detail in Chapter Two.
57
than writing their poems out by hand, as Dickinson did, recopying them and tying them
into bundles to keep hidden away at home, poets of the early twentieth-century vernacular
tradition in Korea had their poems set in type, printed, folded, gathered, bound, and sold.
The literary expression of Korean poets that we find in books and journals from this
period can frequently be reexamined with the knowledge that the physical pages, like
the poems impressed upon them, are a record (if incomplete) of a poet's own work as
publisher as well as poet.
Moreover, it is clear that poets took this work seriously and were keenly interested
in the printed presentation of their poetry, discerning, it would seem, that this would
contribute to the making of their poetic identity. Kim Tong-in, for example, writes in
December of 1929 about how, when Kim So-wol sent manuscripts to be published in the
coterie journal Yongdae, Kim So-wol requested that he not alter any portion of his text.
While discussing Kim So-wol's request, Kim Tong-in also reveals some of the "friction"
associated with translating a manuscript into type and aspects of the sociology of literary
expression from colonial Korea:
Five years ago, while I was editing Yongdae, So-wol sent a letter
along with his original manuscript (he wrote his poems precisely
with a brush)."Pay close attention to the punctuation," he wrote,
"and pay close attention to the original manuscript so as not to make
any changes." In fact, printing technology in Choson is inferior
and at the printer 'punctuation,' commas, etc., are often omitted or
added by editors and proofreaders lacking common sense in the
process of revision so that writing a work with 'character ingyokJ\
W is difficult in Choson.108
108
Kim Tong-in, "Nae ka bon siin Kim So-wol Kun ul non ham vfl7\^ ?,.JK4fM)^-^% rmf" (My
thoughts on the poet Kim So-wol)," Choson ilbo, 10-12 December 1929. My thanks to O Ha-gun's Kim So-
wol siopop yon'gu 7îiii A]°)~t*i S T 1 (A study of Kim So-wol's poetic language) (Seoul: Chimmundang,
1995) for bringing this passage to my attention. However, O incorrectly dates the text. The section above
that O cites on page 25 of his book appears in the Choson ilbo on December 12, 1929, not November 14 as
O suggests. Because both the microfilm version of Choson ilbo available at the Harvard Yenching Library
and the PDF version available online from the Choson ilbo archive (http://srchdb 1 .chosun.com.ezpl.
haward.edu/pdf/i_archive/) are badly damaged and difficult to read, I have also consulted Kim Chong-uk's
IMIJIE. Chdngbon So-wol chonjip TF^ JfeJÎ ^5c (Complete works of So-w5Ps original texts), vol. 2 (Seoul:
Myongsang, 2005), 410-419 when making the translation above. By presenting a readable copy of Kim
58
Kim Tong-in's comments show the importance Kim So-wol placed on having his
poetry printed just as he wished. They also reveal how the processes of printing were
closely associated with Kim Tong-in's beliefs about national circumstance, artistic
character, and individual expression. Kim's lament about how the process of printing
can thwart a writer's desires implicitly acknowledges the correspondence between the
processes of printing and the expression of "personality" and "character" suggested by
his use of the Sino-Korean compound ingyok AI-&. Moreover, in a passage about print
technology, the nostalgia engendered by the parenthetical phrase about Kim So-wol
having used a writing brush to compose his manuscripts is almost poetic. The fact that
Kim Tong-in was an employee of the Choson ilbo and the editor of the section in which
his 1929 article appeared reminds us that writers during his period were not frequently
removed from the processes that made their words a physical reality.
Like Kim Tong-in, R.W. Franklin also associates the material presentation of a text
with notions of poetic individuality as he struggles to reconcile Dickinson's handwritten
manuscripts with the typeset text he is introducing. As if Dickinson had sent him a letter
like the one Kim So-wol sent Kim Tong-in, Franklin writes:
If the orthography, capitalization, punctuation, and usage should

seem problematic, they are nonetheless Dickinson's, not the editor's
or the publisher's, not, except indirectly, society's—agents with
whom she conducted no negotiation toward public norms for her
poetry. In this reading edition—the printed codex, a form familiar
to her—the basic editorial choice has been either to follow her
private intentions and characteristics, presenting her poems as
well as transcription and the custom of typography can, or to lay
onto the poems social conventions and judgments that were not
hers. Although there can be various kinds of reading editions, with
different technological bases or with greater intervention in the
interests of editorial taste or recognized convention, the present one
follows her own practice, selecting versions that focus on her latest
full effort, adopting revisions and alternative readings for which she
Tong-in's article in its entirety, Kim Cbong-uk's work is very helpful. However, he also makes an error
dating the publication of the essay, suggesting incorrectly that it appeared November 12-14, 1929.
59
indicated a choice, and deferring to her custom in presentation and
usage. The entry into her poetry is through her idiom.109
The force of Franklin's final line is calculated to emphasize the individuality of
Dickinson's idiom. Yet that idiom is based on his editorial decision to "follow her private
intentions and characteristics, presenting her poems as well as transcription and the
custom of typography can." Even if one trusts Franklin's sense for Dickinson's "private
intentions," he recognizes that "transcription and the custom of typography" are not
completely up to the task of replicating those intentions. As much as he resists layering
"onto the poems social conventions and judgments that were not hers," the final line of
Franklin's introduction is paradoxical because it can hardly be true that we, as readers of
this edition of Dickinson's work, are entering Dickinson's poetry through "her idiom."
For, as Franklin has taken pains to point out, that "idiom" is based on the very different
nature of her loose manuscripts and the "fascicles" she collated and tied together herself.
This is not to deny the immense value of Franklin's work, which remains an important
iteration of Emily Dickinson's poetry. I expose the contradiction of his preface simply to
buttress D.F. McKenzie's view that each iteration of a text is particular to its occasion.
The contradictions of Franklin's preface also help illuminate the theoretical
imperative of returning to the textual iterations of poetic works crafted by poets in 1920s
Korea and their variety of bibliographic contexts. The occasion in July of 1922, for
example, when Kim So-wol's poem "Azaleas" first appeared in Kaebyok is quite different
from the occasion in December of 1925 when the poem became the title poem of Kim
So-wol's only collection. Of course, these occasions are also quite different from the
occasion in the 1970s when the Munhak Sasang "facsimile" of Kim So-wol's collection
was created and those occasions that brought forth the plethora of "authoritative" editions
of Kim So-wol based upon this "facsimile."
109
R.W. Franklin, "Introduction," 11.
60
Textual Iterations
D.F. McKenzie asserts that each iteration of a text is particular to its occasion and
that an informative history can be recovered from the physical forms of a text because
those forms are a record of choices made by the author and the ensemble of people who
made its physical presentation. As the Canadian poet and typographer Robert Bringhurst
has written, "typography is to literature as musical performance is to composition: an
essential act of interpretation."110
Johanna Drucker and Judith Butler, from rather different vantage points, each
provide a useful perspective on these interpretive acts and the materiality of texts from
which McKenzie suggests we can extract useful histories. For Drucker, these acts of
interpretation are integral elements of a dialectical process that constitutes the materiality
of a text. The cultural and linguistic systems of specific historical moments generate the
theses while the physical, substantial elements of production comprise the anti-theses in
Drucker's dialectic. Although somewhat lengthy, Drucker's summary of this process is
worth citing in its entirety:
The challenge [of developing a theory of materiality] is to take into

account the physical, substantial aspects of production as well as the
abstract and system-defined elements. By proposing that materiality
combine the two, a dialectic relation is assumed in which neither
presence as substance nor absence as difference can ever be left
fully alone; each continues to irrupt into the domain of the other
and interfere in the happy play of signifiers and in the dismal
insistence on self-evident appearance. Typography and written
language evidence clear physical attributes whose specificity can
only be understood in relation to the historical conditions of their
production. The material form of the trace, the embodied visual
aspect which letters, words, inscriptions present as evidence, is
always subject to the rules of linguistic usage and mechanical
means which the culture has at its disposal. The historical inflection
present in the visual, material form is largely significant (that is,
capable of signifying) only to the extent that the form is part of a
cultural code. . . .
0
Robert Bringhurst, The Elements of Typographic Style, 2nd ed. (Point Roberts, Wash.: Hartley & Marks,
1996), 19.
61
The force of stone, of ink, of papyrus, and of print all function
within the signifying activity—not only because of their encoding
in a cultural system of values whereby a stone inscription is
accorded a higher stature than a typewritten memo, but because
these values themselves come into being on account of the physical,
material properties of these different media. Durability, scale,
reflectiveness, richness and density of saturation and color, tactile
and visual pleasure—all of these factor in—not as transcendent and
historically independent universals, but as aspects whose historical
and culturally specificity cannot be divorced from their substantial
properties. No amount of ideological or cultural valuation can
transform the propensity of papyrus to deteriorate into gold's
capacity to endure."1
The dialectic that Drucker proposes is so helpful to this study because it a)
accounts for the "force of stone, of ink, of papyrus" and b) accounts for these forces
without presuming they exist a priori to the activity of interpretation. Consequently,
we can assess the modernity of a side-stitched codex printed in the 1920s using lead
type less encumbered by the assumption that it is innately "modern." Moreover,
Drucker's dialectic opens the door to understanding the modernity of "traditional"
munjip manuscripts handwritten during the same period. Thus we are freer to reinterpret
the conceptual categories that currently define these texts, many of which, as I have
described, are based on their physical forms. When we do this and look for "modern"
books in "premodern" catalogs, for example, such as the one produced by Adan Mun'go,
we discover the unexplored "sea" of poetry surveyed in the first half of this chapter.
Moreover, as I show in the analyses in the following chapters, we see more clearly how
Korean poets from the 1920s utilized their artistic medium, having interrogated the
presumed alterity of "poet" and "publisher" to realize, for example, that poets from this
period were likely to have been quite involved in the production of their own work.
Although she approaches the topic of materiality with rather different aims, Judith
Butler has also written about processes of cultural interpretation and their relationship
''' Johanna Drucker, The Visible Word: Experimental Typography and Modern Art, 1909-1923 (Chicago
and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 43-45.
62
to material bodies in a manner that can aid our understanding of Korean poetry and
its material forms. In Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex," Butler
grapples with the question, "How precisely are we to understand the ritualized repetition
by which ... [gender] norms produce and stabilize not only the effects of gender
but the materiality of sex?"" 2 Drawing on both J.L. Austin's notion of performative
utterances, that some utterances perform actions instead of make statements, as well as
Jacques Derrida's reconfiguration of Austin's concept, which suggests that performative
utterances are enabled by their association with authority, Butler theorizes that materiality
is the accumulation of coded citations of power though time. She conceives of matter
"not as a site or surface, but as a process of materialization that stabilizes over time to
produce the effect of boundary, fixity, and surface "m Where Drucker helps illuminate
materiality as a process of dialectical interpretation, Butler clarifies that the constituted
claims of interpretation are "always to some degree performative.""4
This notion and questions similar to Butler's can help illuminate the productive
literary and cultural histories that McKenzie suggests are to be discovered in the
material presentation of books and why it is so important to pay attention to the series
of interpretive acts that constituted poetry's making in 1920s Korea. When we ask,
for example, how we are to understand the processes by which poetry's mechanical
reproduction and its materiality stabilize and produce (or do not) poetic norms in 1920s
Korea, we discover, as we cull through the colophons of books from the era and examine
later reproductions, printers, editors, and other historical figures we have never met
before. Moreover, recalling Bringhurst, we realize that it was the interpretive acts of these
people, along with those of the era's poets, that produced the "music" of poetry during
the 1920s. We see, too, how different this music is from what has been created by later
112
Judith Butler, "Preface," in Bodies That Matter (New York and London: Routledge, 1993), x.
113
Butler, Bodies That Matter, 9. Emphasis in the original.
114
Ibid., 11.
63
generations of editors, designers, and printers. Butler describes "enabling disruptions"
and "occasions for a radical rearticulation of the symbolic horizon in which bodies
come to matter" in the "proper domain of 'sex.'"" 5 With respect to books as objects that
matter, we see that every time a poetic title is reproduced it is "rearticulated" and that by
studying these iterations, we can begin to describe how texts contained within what is
now considered "the proper domain of Korean poetry" were articulated by the symbolic
horizons of 1920s Korea, their makers, and the variety of intellectual and material
contexts through which they circulated.
The insights of Drucker and Butler, together with those of McKenzie, are
particularly useful for discussing specific textual presentations from 1920s Korea
because they help us to see a poet's use of han'gul (or not), his or her own idiosyncratic
deployment of punctuation, a printer's typographic interpretation of a manuscript,
and a publisher's choice of paper as performative acts within the "sociology" of their
intertwined productive systems. Jerome McGann, who frequently investigates this
elemental relationship between the material production of literature and what it might
mean, has written that "every literary work that descends to us operates through the
deployment of a double helix of perceptual codes: the linguistic codes, on the one hand,
and the bibliographical codes on the other.""15 If we understand the materiality of texts
as the performative processes of historical participants interpreting complex relations of
substance and language, we can begin to describe the sociology of Korean texts and, to
utilize McGann's metaphor, map the DNA of specific textual bodies.
Put more simply, we can illuminate how the linguistic horizons and bibliographic
space of a text have been manipulated to make it poetic, while gaining a clearer view of
the people who worked to fashion this art from resistant materials. Juxtaposing textual
1,5
Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter, 23.
116
Jerome McCann, "The Socialization of Texts," in The Textual Condition (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1991), 77.
64
performances of poets and printers from 1920s Korea with those of later generations, we
see what was produced during the colonial period with a clarity enabled by a later admirer's
omission of a comma, alternate spacing of a text, or spelling of a word. Moreover, by
juxtaposing texts made during the 1920s we can distinguish with increasing precision, if
never perfectly, the work of a poet such as Kim So-wol from the work performed by his
editors and the pressmen who printed his poems at different printing facilities.
By approaching the materiality of Korean literature in this fashion, we can begin
to discuss the tangled relationship between Korea's written and spoken languages in the
modern period without assuming the ontological fixity of any associative correlation
between any of them. Although a conceptual unity between spoken Korean and the
vernacular script is now presumed, the great quantity of poetry in classical Chinese by
Korean poets during this period and the vigorous arguments that needed to be mounted in
favor of the concept ofonmnn ilch'i n~$C_—$k. (the notion of unifying written and spoken
Korean) at the beginning of the last century suggest that then, as now, this relationship
is hardly a "natural" or given fact of "Korean" identity."7 The fact that the final portion
of Hwang Sog-u's 1929 collection of poems Chayonsong f] B.'M (Songs of nature)
is composed entirely in Japanese reiterates this same point and identifies yet another
understudied aspect of the literary and bibliographic landscape of 1920s poetry from the
Korean peninsula.
Conclusion
Beginning with a survey of the collections of vernacular poetry produced between 1921
and 1929, the chapters that follow focus attention on the variety of ways that vernacular
117
My thanks to Ross King for pointing this out in a paper he presented at The Northern Region, Identity,
and Culture in Korea, a conference held at Harvard on October 21-22, 2005. A version of King's paper has
recently appeared as part of a volume on Korea's northern region. See Ross King, "Dialect, Orthography,
and Regional Identity: P'yongan Christians, Korean Spelling Reform, and Orthographic Fundamentalism,"
The Northern Region of Korea: History, Identity, and Culture, ed. Sun Joo Kim, (Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 2010), 139-180.
65
poetry mattered in 1920s Korea. At the outset it has been important to emphasize that
poems composed in vernacular Korean represent only a portion of the poetry produced
during this period by Koreans. Moreover, it has been essential to point out that although
what we currently call modern Korean poetry was fashioned in its entirety by the era's
presses, we have not thought to investigate them or the people who operated them.
Finally, having discovered that so little attention has been paid to the material production
of Korean poetry in the 1920s, it has been important to theorize a method of reading this
poetry that enables us to account for the music of its material bodies.
66
Chapter Two: The Faces of Poetry in 1920s Korea
Reading Kim So-wol's poetry in the broad-stroked typefaces of Ch'oe Nam-son's
publishing house Sinmun'gwan that were used to print early issues of Kaebyok, or those
found at Hansong Toso's printshop, used to print his collection Azaleas, is hardly the
same as reading a performance of Kim So-wol in the typefaces used by Ch'oe Hyo-sop
and Kim Hyo-jong when they reset So-wol's poems for Kim Chong-uk's Chongbon
So-wol chdnjip (Complete original works of Sowol) in 2005. Indeed, the typefaces used
by Ch'oe Hyo-sop and Kim Hyo-j5ng are strikingly different from those used in the first
edition of Chongbon So-wol chdnjip, issued in December of 1982. A great many other
typographical, as well as editorial, elements differentiate these performances of Kim So-
w5l. According to D.F. McKenzie, such different iterations are fertile ground from which
we can extract informative literary and social histories. Moreover, we perceive in them, to
use Robert Bringhurst's analogy again, the different literary improvisations of those who
physically made books and journals.
As noted in Chapter One, much work needs to be done if we are to understand
modern Korean literature in these tenns. This chapter aims to begin that work by focusing
on textual iterations of poetry in collections of vernacular poetry from the 1920s. Its goal
is to present an overview of vernacular poetry's place within the broader structures of
colonial Korea's popular press and describe some of the aesthetic, economic, mechanical,
and social parameters at play in the making of poetry in the 1920s. To that end, I
investigate the various nodes along Darnton's communications circuit as they pertain
to books of poetry, including publishers and editors as well as pressmen and printing
companies. I look at the machines used by this ensemble of individuals to realize their
collective visions, and discuss the typefaces, paper, and methods of binding they chose.
In addition, I attend to the presentation of the poems as they are laid out in collections.
The analysis that follows is based on a survey of forty-five individual copies of poetry
67
collections produced during the second decade of Korea's colonial ordeal.' A list of the
books included in this survey can be found in Appendix 2.1.
From this survey we learn a number of important facts about poetry and publishing
in 1920s Korea. Perhaps the most important is that, as mentioned in Chapter One, poets
were frequently the publishers of their own books of poetry, suggesting that they were
intimately involved in the processes of publication. Permit information from colonial
censors suggests that poetry was a significant, if small, part of the overall market for
printed materials during the period, even though we still need to do more work to identify
which books received permits. We discover that vernacular poetry was generally quite
expensive relative to other genres and appeared in three basic formats on essentially two
kinds of paper. We also learn that the publishing and printing venture Hansong Toso was
a hub for poetic activity during the 1920s and that the majority of vernacular poetry from
this period was printed at Hansong Toso's facility and two others by a small number of
men using a limited variety of typefaces. Despite this concentration of production, the
page layout of each book of poetry is unique, suggesting that the space defined by the
pages of these books was used creatively by poets and their printers.
' These forty-five copies are those that I have been able to examine. Two sources in particular guided me
when deciding which books to include: Ha Tong-ho's 1982 systematic bibliography, "Han'guk kflndae
sijip ch'ongmm soji chongni ^SlifL'f^S'JikMH^Tsii^W (A systematic bibliography of collections and
anthologies of Korean modem verse)," Han'guk hakpo 8, no. 3 (1982): 145-174; and Kim Hae-song's
Hydndae Han'guksi sajon IJifWIllfKiiifP- (Dictionary of contemporary Korean poetry) (Seoul: Taegwang
Munhwasa, 1988), 663-64. When I have been unable to view a book listed in one or both of these
bibliographies, I sometimes use information from them in my analyses when it is appropriate. For example,
if Ha Tong-ho suggested a book was published by a certain company, I included that company in the list of
publishers from this era even if I have not been able to view a copy.
It should also be noted that 1 have attempted to include all of the collections listed in these two
bibliographies that I have been able to view. This means I have been rather inclusive and included books
that might be associated with other genres. For example, Choson tong)'o chip (Choson children's songs,
1924) and Ch'oe Nam-s5n's Choson yaram (A song of Choson travels, 1928) might be thought of as song
collections as much as books of poetry. Kim Myong-sun's Saengmyong id kwasil (Fruits of life, 1925)
contains a substantial amount of prose. My aim is to survey what bibliographers have associated with
"modem Korean poetiy" as comprehensively as possible.
68
Printing, Publishing, and Poetry on the Korean Peninsula, 1910-1945
Early Korean Printing
Readers on the Korean peninsula have had a long and intense relationship with the
printed word. The world's oldest extant xylographic manuscript, for example, (dating
from ca. 751) was excavated from an eighth-century Silla dynasty (?-932) pagoda in
Kyongju in 1966. The Koryo Taejanggyong (Koryo Tripitaka), a version of the entire
Buddhist canon carved on more than 80,000 xylographic blocks in the mid-thirteenth
century, still stands today2 as a testament to the importance that mlers of the subsequent
Koryo dynasty (935-1392) saw in the printed word. That this was the second such
massive xylographic project attests to their zeal. A first edition was carved during
the reign of King Hyonjong (1009-31) and was completed in 1087. That first edition,
however, was destroyed when the Mongols overran the peninsula in 1232. Moreover,
historical sources relate that members of the Koryo court were experimenting with
printing processes that used movable metal type even as they pursued their massive
xylographic endeavors. An epigraph written by Ch'oe I (7-1249) to a Buddhist song,
Nammyong Ch'on Hwasang song chungdoga \M F!flH?Pfo]iffllIS»K [The song of
enlightenment sung by Reverend Nanming Quan], describes how the woodblocks used
to print the 1239 edition Ch'oe inscribed were carved using a previously printed metal
type edition as an exemplar.3 The poet and statesman Yi Kyu-bo $#?f[* (1168-1241)
writes, sometime between 1232 and his death in 1241,4 that he had twenty-eight copies
of Sangjong yemun S / E l l ^ I (Detailed and authentic codes of ritual and etiquette)
2
The blocks are still extant and housed at Haeinsa, a temple in South Kyongsang Province.
3
Kim W61-ly5ng, Early Movable Type in Korea (Seoul: Uryu Munhwasa, 1954), 7.
4
Kim Wol-lyong suggests these dates, as they are consistent with when Yi Kyu-bo fled to Kangwha Island
where Sangjong yemun was printed. Kim Wol-lyong, Early Movable Type in Korea, 7.
69
printed using cast type (chuja ii;'j').5 This edition of Sangjongyemun is no longer extant.
However, examples of texts printed on the Korean peninsula with metal type date from
the latter half of the fourteenth century.6 Moreover, the casting of a variety of metal types
beginning in the early Choson dynasty (1392-1910) suggests that Choson rulers made the
development of printing processes that utilized movable metal type a state priority, as the
scholar-official S5ng Hyon rJcfM (1439-1504) describes in his Yongjae ch'onghwa WllSffc.
uiS (Assorted writings of Yongjae):
In the third year, kyemi [1403], King T'aejong remarked to the

courtiers around him: 'If a country is to be governed well, it is
essential that books be read widely. But because our country is
located east of China beyond the sea, not many books from China
are readily available. Moreover, woodblock prints are easily
defaced, and it is impossible to print all the books in the world using
woodblock prints. It is my desire to cast copper type so that we
can print as many books as possible and have them made available
widely. This will truly bring infinite benefit to us.' In the end, the
king was successful in having copper type cast with the graphs
modeled after . . . Old Commentary on the Book of Odes and the Tso
Commentary, . . . ?
Proving the ruler's commitment, the T'aejong sillok (Veritable records of T'aejong)
records the establishment of a foundry (chujaso) in early 1403. According to the official
record, the king established this foundry because he worried that "too few books were
5
Yi Kyu-bo $ i ? t l i , Tongguk Yi Sang-giik hitjip 'ikW^WiW&ik (Addendum to the collected works
of Minister Yi of Tongguk), Han'guk kojon ponyogwon database (http://db.itkc.or.kr), 12:242a-242b,
accessed December 27, 2009.
6
Martina Deuchler, "The Korean Rare Books: A Sampling" in Treasures of the Yenching: Exhibition
Catalogue (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard-Yenching Library Harvard University, 2003), ed. Patrick Hanan,
56. Deuchler cites Pulcho chikchi simch'e yojol WWI FffJn'Mf'SJlNi (Patriarchs' commentaries on directly
pointing at the mind and body), printed in 1377, as the oldest extant example of a book printed with
movable metal type.
7
Song Hyon JXfE, Yongjae ch'onghwa, cited in Sources of Korean Tradition: From Early Times through
the Sixteenth Century, ed. Peter H. Lee and Wm. Theodore de Baiy, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1997), 305-6.
70
available and Confucian scholars could not read widely."8 That spring, several hundred
thousand slugs were cast to form what is called kyemija, a bronze typeface named for
the sexagenary year in which it was made.9 Moreover, metal type appears to have been
cast as early as 144710 for the phonetic alphabet Himmin chongum promulgated by King
Sejong (r. 1418-1450) in 1446, meaning that both the Latin and Korean alphabets were
probably first cast in metal for use in printing within a few years of each other.'' Although
some are recastings, Kim Wol-lyong, the former curator of the National Museum of
South Korea, lists twenty-three extant examples of different metal types made between
1403 and 1858 in his short introduction to the topic in Early Movable Type in Korea.12
The early and prolonged use of metal type printing processes in premodern Korea
intimates how printed materials were used and suggests something about their readers.
The publishing offices of Korea's various dynasties served a relatively small readership
that desired a relatively large variety of books.13 Consequently, as King T'aejong's
comments indicate, xylographic printing was not always the most practical way to serve
T'aejong sillok 5:7a, Choson Wangjo Sillok database, http://s1llok.histo17.go.kr (accessed December 27,
2009).
9
Kim Wol-lyong, Early Movable Type in Korea, 8.
10
Although records of how the Korean vernacular alphabet was first cast are lacking, Ch'on Hye-bong
asserts that the regular shape of the rounded strokes of the alphabetic characters found in extant examples
of Sokpo sangjol PFnlinY f'U (Episodes from the life of Buddha) and Worin ch'on'gang chi kok M W"f /l-S.
[H (Songs of the moon's reflection on a thousand rivers), two hymns collectively known as Worin sokpo
and produced in a mixed script in 1447, suggests that the type used to produce Sejong's alphabet was cast
in bronze. The Chinese graphs in Worin sokpo, according to Ch'on, are the kabin typeface 'PfflT, first cast
in 1434. Ch'on Hye-bong, Han'guk sojihak Y^MÂQ (Korean bibliography), 2nd ed. (Seoul: Minumsa,
2007), 535-36.
11
The first dateable materials to be printed on Gutenberg's press come from 1454, although Gutenberg
experimented with the use of cast type for a number of years prior to this and the printing of his famous
bible in 1455. The 1447 Worm Sokpo produced in tribute to Sejong's queen following her death predates
Gutenberg's extant early experiments by a few years. Philip B. Meggs and Alston W. Purvis, eds., Meggs'
History of Graphic Design, 4th ed. (Hoboken: Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2006), 71; Ch'on Hye-bong, Han'guk
sojihak, 535-36.
12
Kim Wol-lyong, Early Movable Type in Korea, 12-13.
13
71
the needs of this community. In China and Japan, xylographic printing often best met
the demands of the developed commercial book trade,14 but movable metal type better
satisfied the peninsula's relatively small literate elite. According to Kim W61-lyong, as
few as 100 copies of a given text were often sufficient to satisfy the Choson demand for
a given title.15 This is not to suggest that woodblock printing was not used widely on the
Korean peninsula. Indeed it was. However, it was used for books and tracts such as sutras
and the Confucian classics, for which many copies of the same text were needed. The
prolonged and early use of movable metal type simply demonstrates the premium that
Korea's rulers placed on also making a large variety of specially made books available to
the relatively small audience that desired them, in addition to making books that could be
efficiently produced using woodblocks.
Colonial Readers
The political turmoil and social reorganization following the Treaty of Kanghwa in
1876 and the 1919 March 1 Independence Movement, events that normatively delineate
the premodern and modern periods in Korean history, brought with them new methods of
printing quite different from those of previous centuries to serve readers on the peninsula.
Employed to make materials for what is commonly called the popular or commercial
press (min'gan ch'ulp'an), an increasing variety of letterpress, offset, and lithographic
printing methods created reading material for a growing number of literate fanners,
factory workers, and women, as well as younger readers educated at newly established
14
Cynthia J. Brokaw, Commerce in Culture (Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London: Harvard University
Asia Center, 2007), 12-18; Lucille Chia, Printing for Profit: The Commercial Publishers of Jianyang,
Fujian (llth-llth Centuries) (Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London: Harvard University Asia Center,
2002), 7-8; Henry D. Smith II, "The History of the Book in Edo and Paris," in Edo and Paris: Urban
Life and the State in the Early Modern Era, ed. lames L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and Ugawa Kaora
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), 333-34.
15
72
schools.16 Whereas the metal type process employed during the Koryo and Choson
dynasties was utilized to satisfy the needs of a relatively small group of people who
desired a large variety of books, letterpresses and similar technologies were employed in
the early twentieth century to create a large variety of books for a much larger group of
people.
It is difficult to know just how large this group of readers was and how many people
experienced the products of the popular press. No comprehensive production or sales data
for books exists for this period. And even if there were reliable data for the number of
books made and sold, the popularity of circulating libraries and professional readers who
read novels in public for a price, as well as literate family members who read to relatives
and friends,'7 would make it impossible to correlate the number of books made or sold
with the number of their readers. We do know, however, that Koreans were spending
an increasingly large amount of money on leisure, culture, and education-related
commodities. The consumption of these commodities grew at a rate of 4.34 percent
between 1913 and 1938, a growth rate second only to clothing, the consumption of which
grew at a rate of 5.07 percent.18
Estimates of literacy rates and statistics related to colonial education also provide
clues to the size and multilingual nature of the market served by the popular press. In the
16
Pang Hyo-sun identifies these demographic groups as the most important consumers of the materials
produced by the popular press. Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong," 41-42.
17
Ch'on Ch5ng-hwan suggests in Kundae ch'aek ilkki that 33-35 percent of Korean families had at least
one member who was able to read Korean in 1930 and that these literate members were likely to have read
novels to family and friends. See also Michael Kim's discussion of the professional readers (kangdoksa Wi
nJtfSfi) that performed novels on public streets and at gathering places during the period. Michael Kim, "The
Apparition of the Rational Public," 149-152.
18
Terasaki Yasuhiro, "Taiwan, Chosen no shohi suijun (The consumption level in Taiwan and Korea),"
in Kyu Nihon shokuminchi keizai tokei (Economic statistics on former Japanese colonies), ed. Toshiyaki
Mizogochu and Mataji Umemura, (Tokyo, 1988), 61, 46, cited in Mitsuhiko Kimura, "Standards of Living
in Colonial Korea: Did the Masses Become Worse Off or Better Off Under Japanese Rule?" The Journal of
Economic History 53, no. 3 (Sept., 1993), 632.
73
early to mid-1920s, approximately 10-20 percent of the Korean population was literate.19
A 1930 national census suggests that 27.4 percent of Koreans over five years of age
were literate, although some scholars have suggested the literacy rate was closer to 15
percent in 1930.20 If the census is to be believed, the literacy rate among men and in the
capital was significantly higher than the nationwide average. The literacy rate among
men between the ages of 15-59 in 1930 was on average more than 50 percent; the literacy
rate of the population living in the capital was 43.3 percent, according to the census.21
The high literacy rates in the capital and among men contrasted with lower rates among
women and those living in the country. The most literate women in 1930 were between
the ages of 15-19 (16.4%), while the literacy rate among women between the ages of
20-59 was on average about 10 percent.22 According to the census, a little less than 7
percent of the Korean population could read both Japanese and Korean in 1930 and
approximately 2 percent of women were fully literate in both languages in 1930—this
despite the increasing number of girls and young women attending a growing number
of schools on the peninsula.23 The 2 percent of Korean women who were bilingual
19
No Yong-t'aek i ^ f 1 ] , "Ilche sigi ui munmaengnyul ch'ui LI lif!!^ JUJfi-] JCfi4 ; Hf.ll- (Changes in illiteracy
rates during the Japanese colonial period), in Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe, ed., Kuksagwan nonch'ong che
51-chip mZ.ftiniistk U51f.t|' (Seoul: Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe, 1994), 129.
20
Chosen Sotokufu, ed., Showa 5 nen Chosen kokusei chosa hdkoku BSW5<I W"tl»M'i?M-ifîr, (National
census of Chosen, 1930), vol. 1 (Keijo: Chosen Sotokufu, 1934), 82-83. It should be noted that those
surveyed in the census were only asked if they could read and did not need to demonstrate that they
could. Kim Yong-hui suggests the literacy rate was closer to 15 percent. Kim Y6ng-hui, "Ilche chibae sigi
Han'gugin ui sinmun chopch'ok kyonghyang %!^1] ^]f}]A]7| s)-s;-°].£l xjJf-^s- ^j-st (Koreans' contact
with newspapers during the Japanese colonial period)," Han'guk ollon hakpo 46, no. 1 (December, 2001):
44, cited in Pak H6n-ho "Tonginji eso sinch'un munye ro: tungdan chedo ui kwSllySkchok pyonhwan
- o ^ ^ H l ^ l -tltrr^Hlsl: -^'3.-^)513] T S ^ ^ J ^ H (New writer competitions in literary coteries: changes
in the structure of authority governing entry into the literary world," in Chakka ui t'ansaeng kwa kiindae
mimhakiii chaesaengsan chedo z\7\s\ f i ^ s } -E!-tf|-§-*)-£] ^fl^^]: T]]}£ (The birth of the author and systems
of modem literature's reproduction), ed. Pak HSn-ho ^ ^ I J L (Seoul: SomySng Ch'ulp'an, 2008), 99.
21
Ch5sen Sotokufu, Showa 5 nen Chosen kokusei chosa hdkoku, 74-75, 82-83.
22
Ibid., 82-83.
23
Chosen Sotokufu, Showa 5 nen Chosen kokusei chosa hdkoku, 74-75. According to Yi Y6-song, 105,872
young women attended school in 1930. They represented approximately 18 percent of the total number of
74
readers roughly corresponds to the number of people who attended public, private, and
missionary schools the previous year, in 1929.24
These literacy figures along with statistics concerning education in Japan's
colony suggest that those who were literate were proficient primarily in three different
languages: Korean, Japanese, and classical Chinese.25 Looking at population statistics,
we can make crude estimates about the relative size of the markets for materials in these
three languages. The population of the peninsula in 1930, including both Korean and
Japanese inhabitants, was slightly more than 21 million, according to the 1930 census.26
If between 15 and 27.4 percent of the Korean population could read Korean, publishers
were servicing a market of very roughly between 3.1 and 5.6 million Korean-language
readers in 1930. This figure does not account for the illiterate population that would
have experienced published materials through the voices of professional readers and
family members, but it does include the 32,714 Japanese readers of Korean living on the
peninsula in 1930.27 The Korean Japanese-language market was a little more than 1.4
Korean students attending schools that year. Yi Y6-song ^kU S, ed., Sutcha Choson yon'gu'î-fVMi^'St (A
study of Choson statistics) (Seoul: Segwangsa, 1931), 81.
24 yi Y6-song, Sutcha Choson yon'gu, 81. According to Yi, 162,247 students attended 11,469 sodang in
1929, which, when combined with the number of students attending the variety of other schools on the
peninsula, meant that 704,633 students received a year of formal education that year. Because he could not
verify what was taught at the sodang, the approximately 160,000 students who received a year of education
at a sodang that year were not included when he calculated the percentage of the Korean population
attending school. The Korean population (in Feb. of 1930) was 20,438,108.
2
^ A smaller percentage of the population, writers from the period, for example, could often read a Western
language such as French or English. A report card from Kim So-wol's fifth grade year at Paejae Haktang
suggests he did better in English class than he did in Korean. Reprinted in Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-
wol chonjip, vol. 2, unnumbered frontispiece. Moreover, Kim So-wol's translation of Guy de Maupassant's
L'Odyssee d'unefille (Ttodora kaniin kyejip ttiiEef 71-^711^ A girl's odyssey) appeared in the March
1923 issue of Paejae, the school's monthly journal, suggesting he was proficient in French. More general
statistics concerning literacy in Western languages are not available for this period.
26
Yi Y6-song, Sutcha Choson yon'gu, 130.
27
There were 527,016 Japanese living on the peninsula in 1930. 6.79 percent of them could read and write
both Korean and Japanese. ChSsen Sotokufu, Showa 5 nen Chosen kokusei chosa hokoku (National census
of Choson, 1930), 72-73, 82-83.
75
million readers, of which a little less than 200,000 were women.28 According to the 1930
census, 73.4 percent of the more than half a million Japanese living on the peninsula
at the time were literate, meaning that there were slightly less than 387,000 Japanese
Japanese-language readers in addition to the approximately 1.4 million Korean readers
of Japanese.29 Even approximate statistics are not available for the number of classical
Chinese readers. However, the approximately 162,000 students studying primarily
classical Chinese materials at 11,469 sodang or "traditional schools" in operation in 1929
suggest that there was indeed a market for readers interested in the Chinese classics and
other classical Chinese texts.30 Moreover, as I will discuss shortly, a substantial number of
classical Chinese materials were published. These sodang students represented about 23
percent of the students attending school in 1929.3I
A series of surveys conducted by the Tonga ilbo in early 1931 allow a glimpse of
what some of these readers were reading and suggest that novels were a "hit." Moreover,
although anecdotal, these surveys, along with statements by an important publisher of
the period, suggest that readers' tastes depended upon where they lived, as well as their
gender, age, and occupation. A January 26 survey of 44 middle school girls asked to
list the books they had been reading indicates that they spent most of their time reading
novels, and that Yi Kwang-su ^%i^f (1892-?) was a favorite writer.32 A February
2 survey of 111 boys at five high schools reveals that the boys were slightly more
interested in what the paper terms ideological materials {sasang soryu), such as Karl
28
Ibid., 80-81.
29
Ibid.
30
Yi Y6-s6ng, Sutcha Choson yon'gu, 81.
31
Ibid.
32
"Tokso kyonghyang: Ch'oego nun sosol 5j?-fi-flfl[nJ: Hxr-j^r 'Jv,fi (Trends in reading: Novels number one),"
Tonga ilbo, January 26, 1931. All three of these articles are cited in Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan
sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 41-42. They are also discussed in Ch'on Chong-hwan, Kimdae ch'aek ilkki,
349-371.
76
Marx's Communist Manifesto. When they did read novels, they read Japanese writers
and foreigners. Of the thirty-two boys that said they read a novel during the week the
survey was conducted, only two said that the author was Korean. The boys were also
active readers of newspapers and journals.33 A March 2 survey of 95 printshop workers
suggests that these factory workers were novel readers as well, but that they also read a
fair number of histories and books in the social sciences.34
A statement in the Choson ilbo in August 1933 by No Ik-hyong iMUst1?, the owner
of one of the era's largest publishers, Pangmun Sogwan, suggests that in addition to age,
gender, and occupation, region was an important variable in taste for books. He is quoted
as saying that there were twice as many orders for novels from the southern provinces
of Ch'ungch'5ng-do, Ky5ngsang-do, and Cholla-do as from the northern provinces of
P'yongan-do, Hamgyong-do, and Hwanghae-do. In the same article, the Choson ilbo
reported that the northern provinces had a penchant for "ideological" books because of
the educational practices initiated at schools established by Western missionaries and the
relatively large Christian population.35
Modern Novels—"Old" and "New"
Pang Hyo-sun, who has compiled the most comprehensive data to date on the
activities of the era's popular publishers, supports the anecdotal evidence presented by
No Ik-hyong and the 1931 Tonga ilbo surveys. She suggests that publishers focused
their resources on novels, both "old" and "new." In her dissertation, Pang identifies
2,665 volumes covering a wide variety of genres published by five important publishers
33
"Tokso kyonghyang: Ch'oego nun sosol DH#rftH["J: iilOTr 'br£t (Trends in reading: Novels number one),"
Tonga ilbo, February 2, 1931.
34
"Tokso kyonghyang: Ch'oego nun sosol ufil£ft|[|"j: iftrB^fe- 'baft (Trends in reading: Novels number one),"
Tonga ilbo, March 2, 1931.
35
Choson ilbo, August 16, 1933. Cited in Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong,"
43.
77
active during the colonial period.36 She identified these books by examining the
collections housed at four large universities in Seoul, as well as publisher catalogs
and advertisements from the colonial period. Pang's statistics together with permit
information recorded by the colonial authority reveal a number of important facts that
help us conceptualize the contours of the colonial publishing market and the relative
importance of individual genres.
First, the data clearly indicate that the novel (both new and old) was the era's
predominate literary genre and immensely important to the nascent popular press.
Second, they suggest that "old" novels, such as the tales of Ch'unhyang and Sim Ch'Sng,
were a defining aspect of "modern" Korean publishing throughout the colonial period,
as insightful recent scholarship has suggested.37 Just as hansi articulated "modern"
vernacular poetry by suggesting the traditions of a previous age, modern ku sosol (old
novels) defined the modernity of sin sosol (new novels). Third, Pang's data and permit
statistics concerning works produced in classical Chinese intimate that the market of
classical Chinese readers was important to publishers who produced a significant number
of books in classical Chinese. Finally, assuming we will be able to identify the books
that received permits, pennit statistics make clear that books of poetry represented a
significant percentage of books published during the colonial period. The percentage
of permits granted to books of poetry, particularly in the 1930s, rivals the percentage
of permits granted to both new and old novels. The number of permits granted to old
novels in the 1930s was roughly equivalent to those granted to poetry; poetry received
about 2 percent fewer permits than new novels. The pennit data also suggest that the five
publishers Pang surveyed were not the most important publishers of poetry in terms of
the number of books they produced.
36
These are Yongch'ang Sogwan, Pangmun Sogwan, Sin'gu Sorim, Hoedong Sogwan, and Tokhung
Sorim.
37
See Chapter One of Ch'on Chong-hwan's Kimdae ui ch'aek ilkki.
78
Looking more closely at Pang's data, we learn that of the 1,475 volumes Pang
identifies as literature among the works she surveyed, 606 volumes (41.1%) are ku sosol.
These books represent 22.7 percent of the books produced by the five publishers she studied.
Sin sosol represented 24.9 percent of Pang's literature category and 13.8 percent of the
books she studied. The five publishers Pang surveys most thoroughly produced 125 volumes
of Chinese classics (kyongsoryu). This represents 4.7 percent of the total number of books
she examined. The thirty-five books of poetry (simun) she identified represent 2.3 percent of
the literary books that she surveyed, and just 1.3 percent of all the books studied.38
Permit information compiled by the colonial authority suggests that the five
publishers Pang studied focused their activities somewhat more intently on new and old
novels and less on poetry than other publishers did at the time. During the 1920s, new
novels were granted the second most publication permits by the colonial authority (8.8
percent of the total number of permits granted between 1920 and 1929) after family
genealogies (chokpo). According to available data from the 1930s, permits for new novels
represented 7.4 percent of the total number of permits. Permits for old novels represented
4.9 percent of the total number of publishing permits issued in the 1920s and 6 percent
in the 1930s.39 Although it is difficult to know which were published for commercial
purposes and which were produced privately for distribution among family members and
acquaintances, genres traditionally written in classical Chinese such as munjip, yugo,
and kydngso (classics) were also granted a large number of publishing permits.40 Munjip,
yugo, and kydngso together represented 14.4 percent of the permits granted in the 1920s
and 10.3 percent in the 1930s. Poetry received 3.4 percent of the permits granted in the
1920s and 6.2 percent of the permits granted in the 1930s.
38
Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 63.
39
Keimukyoku, Toshoka, "Saikin junenkan ni okeru onmon shuppanbutsu no susei," 73-4; Pang Hyo-
sun,"Ilche sidae min'gan sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 35-36.
40
See Chapter One for a description of some of these books.
79
Table 2.1 Number of Permits Granted to New and Old Novels
1920s (Year) 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1920s
permits for new novels 47 72 89 95 100 110 119 99 122 106 959
permits for old novels 37 57 55 49 56 52 65 58 54 46 529
total permits 409 627 854 884 1116 1240 1466 1328 1425 1452 10801
% of permits for new novels 11.49% 11.48% 10.42% 10.75% 8.96% 8.87% 8.12% 7.45% 8.56% 7 30% 8 88%
% of permits for old novels 9.05% 9 09% 6 44% 5.54% 5.02% 4.19% 4.43% 4.37% 3.79% 3.17% 4.90%
1930s (Year) 1931 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1939 1930s
permits for new novels 111 47 55 77 105 138 87 620
permits for old novels 71 139 44 49 79 105 14 501

o
total permits 870 1052 1005 1158 1126 1310 1812 8333
% of permits for new novels 12.76% 4.47% 5.47% 6.65% 9.33% 10.53% 4.80%, 7 44%
% of permits for old novels 8.16% 13.21% 4.38% 4.23% 7.02% 8.02% 0.77% 6 01%
Sources Keimukyoku Toshoka, "Saikin junenkan ni okeru onmon shuppanbutsu no susei," 73-4. Pang, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong," 35-
36. Pang suggests there may be alternate data for 1929. Here and below I have followed what is presented in "Saikin junenkan ni okeru onmon shuppanbutsu
no susei."
Table 2 2 Number of Permits For Munjip, Yugo, Kyongso
1920s (Yeai) 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1920s
peimits foi munjip 35 36 50 60 68 70 68 58 51 50 546

peimits foi yugo 30 55 73 58 80 85 79 78 90 81 709
permits foi Chinese classics {kyongso) 33 25 41 26 37 19 22 25 35 37 300
total permits 409 627 854 884 1116 1240 1466 1328 1425 1452 10801
% of peimits tot munjip 8 56% 5 74% 5 85% 6 79% 6 09% 5 65% 4 64% 4 37% 3 58% 3 44% 5 06%>
% of peimits foi ) ago 7 33% 8 77% 8 55% 6 56% 7 17% 6 85% 5 39% 5 87% 6 32% 5 58% 6 56%
% of permits foi kyongso 8 07% 3 99% 4 80% 2 94% 3 32% 1 53% 1 50% 1 88% 2 46% 2 55% 2 78%
total numbei of permits foi
piedominately classical Chinese matenals 98 116 164 144 185 174 169 161 176 168 1555
% of peimits toi classical Chinese
materials 23 96% 18 50% 19 20% 16 29% 16 58% 14 03% 11 53% 12 12% 12 35% 11 57% 14 40%
1930s (Yeai) 1931 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1939 1930s
peimits foi munjip 64 118 114 103 108 85 49 641

peimits foi vugo 15 41 23 38 15 29 35 196
peimits foi kyongso 4 4 2 4 4 2 20
total peimits 870 1052 1005 1158 1126 1310 1812 8333
% of peimits foi munjip 7 36% 11 22% 11 34% 8 89% 9 59% 6 49% 2 70% 7 69%
% of peimits foi yugo 1 72% 3 90% 2 29% 3 28% 1 33% 2 21% 1 93% 2 35%
% of permits foi kyongso 0 46% 0 38% 0 20% 0 35% 0 00% 0 31% 0 11% 0 24%
total numbei of peimits foi
piedominately classical Chinese matenals 83 163 139 145 123 118 86 857
% of peimits foi classical Chinese
matenals 9 54% 15 49% 13 83% 12 52% 10 92% 9 01% 4 75% 10 28%
Sowces Keimukyoku Toshoka, "Saikin junenkan ni okem onmon shuppanbutsu no susei," 73-4 Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok paihaeng
hwaltong," 35-36
Table 2.3 Number of Permits Granted by the Colonial Governement to Books of Siga
1920s(Year) 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927 1928 1929 1920s
permits granted to poetry 3 17 27 32 40 39 50 58 54 45 365
total permits 409 627 854 884 1116 1240 1466 1328 1425 1452 10801
% of permits granted to poetiy 0.73% 2.71% 3.16% 3.62% 3.58% 3.15% 3.41% 4.37% 3.79% 3.10% 3.38%
1930s (Year) 1931 1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1939 1930s
permits granted to poetiy 61 49 70 98 87 68 82 515
total permits 870 1052 1005 1158 1126 1310 1812 8333
% of permits granted to poetiy 7.01% 4.66% 6 97% 8 46% 7.73% 5.19% 4 53% 6 18%
Sources: Pang Hyo-sun, ''Ilche sidae min'gan sSjok parhaeng hwaltong " 35-36. Keimukyoku Toshoka, "Saikin junenkan ni okeru onmon shuppanbutsu no
susei," 73-4.
oo
The Price of a Book in Colonial Korea
Not surprisingly, ku sosol and sin sosol were the least expensive books a reader
could buy during the colonial period. Of the books examined by Pang, ku sosol were on
average less than one fourth the price of "new literature {sin munye, largely translations
and adaptations of Western literature that, according to Pang's classification, are
distinguished from genres such as sin sosol by elements of realism and inferiority)."41
New novels were on average less than one third the price of "new literature," which was
the second most expensive genre after Chinese classics. An old novel would have cost
what a cement factory worker is likely to have spent to get his hair cut every month.42 The
average cost of a collection of Chinese classics from one of these publishers would set
the same factory worker back what his employers estimated he would spend on a month's
rent.43
In addition to genre, the materials used to make a book, along with its physical
shape, size, and binding method, dictated what the consumer needed to pay for it.
Sewn case-bound books were often 20-40 percent more expensive than books that were
assembled using other binding methods.44 Moreover, because they tended to be longer
than new and old novels, and hence required more paper, volumes of "new literature,"
such as a 1924 rendition of Tagore's Gardener, cost more than novels, both new and old.
41
Pang Hyo-sun,"Ilche sidae min'gan sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 64. There is ongoing debate about these
generic classifications. Here I am simply following Pang.
42
A semi-annual report of a cement plant in Sunhori printed a sample budget for its Korean workers in
1929. They included in that budget 30 sen for barber's fees. Soon-Won Park, Colonial Industrialization and
Labor in Korea (Cambridge (Massachusetts) and London: Harvard Asia Center, 1999), 120. The figures
cited as the price of a book refer to the price printed in the colophon, which may or may not have been what
a consumer actually paid for a title. Publishers, of course, frequently sold their books at a discount for a
variety of reasons.
43
Ibid.
44
83
That said, by the page, colonial consumers paid the most for new novels.4' Although they
were cheaper than other genres, new novels tended to be less than 100 pages long.46
The average price of the books of poetry from the 1920s surveyed is a little more
than 86 chon. Although the comparison can only be approximate,47 poetry was relatively
expensive compared to other genres, but less expensive than the broader category of
"new literature" (of which it was a part). Aside from the latter, only Chinese classics
and histories were more expensive, according to Pang's data. A book of poetry from the
1920s, on average, cost slightly more than a typical medical text and more than twice
what a typical novel (new or old) cost. Please see Appendix 2.10 for a list of prices for
the books of poetry surveyed here.
There are a number of reasons for the high price of poetry. First, of the books in this
sampling, more than 15 percent axe yangjang—that is, sewn and cased-in books. As Pang
points out, whether or not a colonial book was sewn and/or cased in affected its price by
up to 40 percent. Moreover, publishers often made their stab-stitched (stapled) volumes
look like sewn yangjang volumes by casing in the textblock. Approximately forty percent
of the books surveyed are what might be called cased-in pan yangjang titles48—that
is, the volumes have been stapled through the textblock and then cased in. In addition,
more than a quarter of the volumes of poetry in this sampling are translations, which
fetched a higher price in the market. The demand for translated literature appears to have
been more inelastic than the demand for other genres.49 Finally, perhaps contrary to our
45
Ibid., 106.
46
Ibid.
47
This comparison can only be approximate because Pang's data encompass the entire colonial period and
my sampling is only of books from the 1920s Also, the broad definition of poetry that I used to select the
books in my sampling intersects with at least two of Pang's categories, namely ch'angga, or songs, and sin
munyeso, or new literature
48
Pan yangjang might best be translated "ha\f-yangjang." I discuss binding methods in more detail later in
this chapter
49
This is suggested by the high price of "new literature," of which translations were a large percentage.
84
expectations, books of poetry tended to be quite long in the 1920s. The average number
of pages in a collection of poems from the 1920s is slightly more than 166,50 almost twice
as long as the average 86-page new novel surveyed by Pang. Moreover, books of poetry
were nearly as long as the average 179-page old novel in her survey.51 Since paper was
the biggest expense in the production of a book, and publishers are likely to have passed
that expense on when the market would allow it, such as when demand was less elastic,
we can surmise that the relatively high cost of a collection of poetry was related to the
fact that a volume of poetry was longer than most "new" fiction and nearly as long as
"old" novels.
Table 2.4 Comparison of Book Prices by Genre (in chori)
new songs Korean

\Genre old novel self-help farm related astrology
novel sin ch'angga language
kit sosol suyangsd nonghakso chomsongso
sosol so Chosono
Publisher X ^
Pangmun
30.1 34.6 51.2 46.8 70 0 60.6 53.6
Sogwan
Hoedong
31.7 38.4 48.8 43.0 38 6 49.5 63.3
Sogwan
Yongch'ang
31.0 47.5 49.4 39 5 60 0 87.5 100.0
Sorim
Tokhung
29.0 35.0 44.6 59.2 60 0 62.5 65 8
Sorim
Smgu Sorim 30.1 34.5 36.0 45.8 70 0 64.3 66.3
average
30 4 38.0 46 0 46.9 59.7 64.9 69.8
pnce
rank (from
least to most 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
expensive)
(continued below)
50
This number is calculated using data listed in Kim Hae-song's Hydndae Han'guksi sajon iflft'l'fBklirj ftf Jttl
(Dictionary of contemporary Korean poetry) (Seoul: Taegwang Munhwasa, 1988), 663-64.
51
Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 106. Again, the comparison can only be
approximate.
85
Table 2.4 Comparison of Book Prices by Genre (in chori) (continued)
\ collected works
Chinese
\ Genre geography / epistolary medicine history new literature
\ chiriso materials mhakso ) oksaso sin inunye classics
Publisher \ ch'okdoksd kyongso
Pangmun
100.0 77.0 82.0 72.8 120.3 1384
Sogwan
Hoedong
41.7 60.6 87.5 80.7 101.4 116.0
Sogwan
Yongch'ang
95 1 79 6 92.0 136.7 146 4 262 5
Sonm
TSkhung
80.7 76.9 80.0 122.4 182 5 137.5
Sonm
Singu Sonm 37.5 61.7 41 7 62 8 89.7 88.5
average
71.0 71.2 76.6 95 1 128 1 148.6
price
rank (from
least to most 8 9 10 11 12 13
expensive)
Source- Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojokparhacng hwaltong," 104.

Note: italics indicates only one book sampled.
Sellers of Poetry
In addition to buying books of poetry directly from publishers by sending money
to an account listed in the colophons of the era's books, or, presumably, by visiting a
publisher's offices, poetry readers could purchase volumes of poetry from primarily
eleven sellers [please see Appendix 2.9 for a list of these sellers].52 Five of these sellers
were located in the Chongno 2-chongmok (Chongno 2-ka) area of Seoul; the other three
were located near the West, East, and South gates of the city, respectively. Many of these
poetry sellers were also publishers in their own right. For example, Pangmun SSgwan
52
Specific details about how these booksellers distributed their materials are unavailable. None of the
primaiy materials, such as contracts between these publishers/wholesalers and their retailers, appear to have
survived. For a general discussion of how bookselling took place see Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan
sojok parhaeng hwaltong," 26-29. See also Yi Chung-yon's excellent study of used bookshops, Ko sojom
in mimhwasa, which includes sections on colonial-era second-hand bookstores. Yi Chung-yon °1 # ? ! ,
Kosojom ill munhwasa 51 *\ ^ s] -g-SHO- (A cultural history of used bookstores) (Seoul: Hyean, 2007).
86
and Yongch'ang Sogwan both distributed poetry titles. These sellers were also frequently
the publisher of the book of poetry that they were distributing. The printer/ publisher/
bookseller Hansong Toso, for example, is listed as the parhaeng kyom ch'ong p'anmaeso
(publisher and wholesaler) of Ch'oe Nam-son's Choson yuramga (A song of Choson
travels, 1928). Ch'angmunsa, Choson Mundansa, and Munudang are listed as parhaeng
kyompalmaeso (publisher and seller) of Choson tongyojip (Choson children's songs,
1924), Arumdaun saebyok (Beautiful dawn, 1924), Ppairon sijip (The poems of Byron,
1925), respectively.
Examining the organizations listed as poetry sellers in colophons of books of
vernacular poetry reveals a number of important facts about how the poetry itself was
made and circulated during the 1920s. First, as was common more generally during the
period, colophons show that publishers of poetry in colonial Korea were often also its
primary distributors. Seventeen of the forty-five books surveyed do not list a separate
distributor, suggesting that the company listed as the parhaengso was the primary seller
of the book. Second, they suggest that smaller publishers of poetry during this period
were anxious to partner with larger firms such as Hansong Toso. The choice by eight
small publishers, such as Maemunsa and Ch'ongjosa, to partner with seven generally
larger firms means that the distribution of books of poetry produced by the relatively
large number of publishers was aided by a somewhat smaller number of organizations.
Third, we learn from the account numbers listed with the booksellers something about
the scope of the network of poetry sellers in the 1920s and the relative importance of
individual firms. To obtain a copy of their desired book of verse, poetry buyers could
send money to twenty-four different accounts established at the post office in Seoul.
Fourth, we see that Hansong Toso sold or distributed four titles in addition to the books
they published, making them the most active distributor of poetry during this period.
Finally, it is worth noting that Yongch'ang Sogwan and Pangmun Sogwan share an
address as the p'anmaeso and ch'ongp 'anmaeso of Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (second edition,
87
1924), Chayonsong (1929), and Sigajip (1929), respectively. Moreover, we discover that
the publisher of Pom chanditi pat wi e (1924), Ch'unch'ugak, shared an account number
at the Seoul post office with No Cha-yong's Ch'ongjosa. These kinds of details are
important to note because, despite the rather complex rubric of names and organizations
listed in colophons of the era's books, they suggest that many of these firms were rather
closely knit, either by location, banking arrangements, or the poets who came to make
and sell their poetry.
Publication Laws—A Definition of Roles
Although other laws were promulgated in 1938 and 1941, two laws enacted in
1907 and 1909 during the Japanese protectorate period effectively governed publishing
throughout the entire colonial era.53 These were the 1907 Sinmunjipop or Newspaper
Law and the 1909 Ch'ulp'anpop or Publication Law. These laws defined the roles
of parhaengja (publishers), chojakcha (copyright holders), p'yonjibin (editors), and
inswaein (printers), described the process of getting a publication permit, mandated that
publishers have their materials reviewed before dissemination, and delineated penalties
for transgressing the law. The lengthier Newspaper Law is generally more specific
with its instructions and definitions than the Publication Law. The Newspaper Law, for
example, states that that/? 'yonjibin and inswaein must be male residents over twenty
years of age.54 There is no such clause in the Publication Law. In addition, the Newspaper
Law notoriously makes defaming the emperor a crime.55 Moreover, because it applied
to periodicals, the Newspaper Law has many more clauses that concern the timing of
53
Kim Ch'ang-nok ^ %^, "Ilche kangjomgi ollon, ch'ulp'an popche °AA7^?\ "SS- • # ^ ^ 1 (The
media and press laws of Korea under Japanese colonial rule)," Han'guk munhakyon'gu 30 (June 2006):
239-317.
54
Sinmunjipop SfPfllftri, Kwanbo T^tli 38278, July 27, 1907, Article 3, Asea Munhwasa facsimile, 1973.
55
Sinmunjipop, Article 11.
88
submitting materials to government offices prior to publication. Another difference
between the two laws is that the Newspaper Law requires publishers to make a deposit
of 300 won when applying for a publication permit.56 Finally, whereas the printer in the
Publication Law does not face particularly harsh penalties relative to the parhaengja
and chojakcha, the Newspaper Law mandates that inswaein face essentially the same
penalties as the parhaengja and the p'yonjipcha, including up to three years hard labor
and the confiscation of machines used to make materials that defame the emperor, for
example.57 Despite these differences, the general structure of the two laws is very similar.
Moreover, they help us understand the different roles played by copyright holders,
editors, publishers, and printers in the processes of publishing.
A parhaengja (publisher), according to the 1909 Publications Law, was in charge
of the dissemination of a book, its sale and marketing (panpo).58 In theory, it was the
parhaengja that paid the costs of production and did the work of distributing the book.
The parhaengja, as Pang Hyo-sun describes, "would designate their own publishing
company or sign a contract with another publisher to designate that publisher as the
place of publication (parhaengso), facilitate the physical process of publication, and sign
special contracts with bookstores in order to sell the book."59 Pang writes that although
"the place of publication {parhaengso) was in charge of the physical presentation (of a
book) and selling it, as well as advertising it, it was the parhaengja who did all of these
things in reality."60
Sinmunjipop, Article 4.
37
SinmunjipSp, Article 25.
58
Ch'ulp'anpop tBJlSft, Kwanbo 'B'ili 4311, February 26, 1909, Article 1, Asea Munhwasa facsimile,
1973.
59
Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong." 31.
89
Despite Pang's assumption that the place of publication was "in charge {tamdang
ift'ffi)" of a book's presentation and sale, neither the 1907 Newspaper Law or the 1909
Publication Law define the role ofparhaengso. Moreover, when responsibilities and
penalties are delineated in these laws, they apply to the copyright holder {chojakcha),
the person who published the book {parhaengja), and, to a lesser extent, to the printer
(inswaein).61 Although both laws require that the printing and publishing companies
{inswaeso and parhaengso respectively) be listed in the colophons of books, it is the
individual people listed as the publisher, copyright holder, and printer who are legally
responsible for the material they produce and face jail time or fines if they have
transgressed the law.
The fact the parhaengja is defined by the laws but not the parhaengso supports
Pang's claim, however, that it was the parhaengja who handled the actual making and
selling of a book. The fact that the copyright holder is also held responsible for printed
material in which his name appears as the chojakcha suggests that the copyright holder
was often deeply involved in the making and selling of a book as well. The copyright
holder (chojakcha ) , according to the Publication Law, "is the person who writes,
translates or edits a manuscript."62 However, the Publication Law makes provisions
for the transfer of copyrights. Article Three states that if a person has received written
permission from the copyright holder and applies to the government with written
documents assenting to the transfer of a copyright, the copyright can be transferred to
that person.63 In practice, therefore, because a letter of consent for the original copyright
holder was required when applying for a publication permit, publishers often registered
61
Although most of the other punishments delineated by the Publication Law concern the parhaengja and
the chojakcha, Article 11.4 imposes a 100 won fine on the person responsible for printing a book that has
not received a permit. Ch'ulp'anpop, Article 11.4.
62
Ch'ulp'anpop, Article 1.
63
Ch'ulp'anpop, Article 3.
90
themselves as the copyright holder of a given text, having negotiated an arrangement with
whoever held it previously. Consequently, as Pang explains, the person listed as holding
the copyright {chojakcha) in the colophons of colonial-era books is frequently the person
who produced the book.
Along with the fact that the parhaengja and the chojakcha are the entities legally
responsible for the printed material in which their name appears,64 the frequent use of the
phrase chojak kyom parhaengja (copyright holder and publisher) in colophons of books
from the period makes clear how integrated the concepts of owning a copyright and
publishing were at the time. Pang summarizes the possible meanings of this designation:
1) The original author (editor, or translator) paid the costs of production and produced
the book; 2) a person who had obtained the copyright paid the costs of production and
produced the book; 3) a publisher {ch'ulp'an opcha) paid the costs of production and
produced the book, having received written permission from the copyright holder.63 In all
three scenarios, the process of writing, translating, or editing a book is conflated with the
process of making and selling it. When we find, as we frequently do in colonial materials,
the author's {chojd) name listed as the chojakcha we can legitimately suspect that he or
she played an active role in the production of his or her book. When we see an author
listed as the parhaengja, we can be reasonably certain that the book was in fact produced
by the author and that he or she was responsible for its sale.
The Newspaper and Publication Laws remain silent on what constitutes a place of
publication (parhaengso), although they mandate that its name be printed at the end of
all published material. Pang Hyo-sun, having compared the place of publication listed
in the books she surveyed with advertisements printed during the period, suggests that
In the Newspaper Law, it is the.parhaengja and thep'yonjipcha (editor) that are held responsible.
91
parhaengso or place of publication is often interchangeable with p'anmaeso or the "place
where the book is sold."66
Colonial-era Publishers (parhaengso)
The 1920s represent a heyday for these organizations left undefined by the era's
publishing laws, both in terms of the number of publishers operating and their ability to
sell their products throughout the peninsula. Approximately 54 publishing firms were in
operation throughout the 1920s.67 The mid-1920s saw the largest number of publishing
companies operating on the Korean peninsula: 62 companies in 1923, 1924, and 1926.
Fifty-six companies were in operation in 1925.68 This large number of companies
contrasts with the number in operation at the beginning and particularly the end of the
colonial period. During the first decade of the period, an average of approximately forty-
six firms were in operation. Although there were not as many as in the 1920s, the first
decade of Korea's colonial experience saw a steady increase in the number of firms.
The average number of firms in operation during the 1930s was about the same as in the
191 Os: approximately forty-five. Following their military advances into China, Japanese
authorities began rationing paper in 1938.69 In addition to the increasing cost of paper
caused by this rationing, labor shortages and distribution problems also stressed the
publishing industry in the late 30s and early 40s. By the time the war in the Pacific had
begun, the number of publishers had decreased precipitously. In 1945, according to Pang,
there were twenty-three companies operating, fewer than in 1910 when the peninsula was
annexed.
66
Ibid.," 23.
67
Ibid., 20. This average is calculated using the figures provided by Pang.
68
Ibid.
69
Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sqjok parhaeng hwaltong," 1 8.
92
Table 2.5 Number of Publishers on the Korean Peninsula, 1910-1945
new/ new/ new/ new/
year no (failed) year no. (failed) yeai no. (failed) year no. (failed)
1910 28 2(3) 1920 50 6(5) 1930 41 6(13) 1940 39 5 (23)
1911 27 0(2) 1921 51 3(2) 1931 43 6(4) 1941 30 2(11)
1912 36 10(1) 1922 57 10(4) 1932 47 7(3) 1942 27 2(5)
1913 49 13(0) 1923 62 11(6) 1933 46 3(4) 1943 28 3(0)
1914 50 10(9) 1924 62 8(8) 1934 47 3(1) 1944 27 2(3)
1915 49 11(12) 1925 56 5(9) 1935 43 2(6) 1945 23 2(6)
1916 53 6(2) 1926 62 10(4) 1936 41 5(7)
1917 59 10(4) 1927 52 5(15) 1937 42 4(3)
1918 62 9(6) 1928 49 8(11) 1938 47 11(6)
1919 49 2(15) 1929 48 7(8) 1939 57 14(4)
avg. avg. avg. avg.
no. in 46.2 no. in 54.9 no. in 45.4 no. in 34.8
1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s
new/ new/ new/ new/
(failed) 73 (54) (failed) 73 (72) (failed) 61(51) (failed) 16(48)
1910s 1920s 1930s 1940s
Source Pang Hyo-sun, "Ilche sidae min'gan sojok parhaeng hwaltong," 20.
Note: For the names of publishers active between 1910 and 1945, see Kim Chong-su ^j^^r, "Ilche
kangjSmgi Kyongsong ui ch'ulp'an munhwa tonghyang kwa munhak sojok ui kundaejok ui wisang—
Hansong Toso ui hwaltong ul chungsim uro °A *ll 7 o v ^ A 3 'i °1 #?!:£-fl- Tf'J-4 T T « M 3 $\ -=f rfl aj
^^—/^•WI'-'lStlAfjifitsl ^ - S - ? - 3 ° . S (Trends in Seoul's publishing culture during the Japanese
colonial period and the status of modem literature—with a focus on the joint stock company Hansong
Toso)," Sourhakyongu 35 (May 2009): 251-252.
Seoul (Kyongsong; J: Keijo) is where the majority of these publishers established
their businesses. Of the 252 colonial-era publishers Pang lists, 87.7 percent were located
in the capital.70 Although the publishing industry was struggling by 1942, 95 percent of
the books {tanhaengbon) and 60 percent of the peninsula's journals were being produced
in Seoul by that time. Moreover, the few regional publishers in operation frequently
had their materials printed in Seoul. In addition, within Seoul, Korean publishers were
clustered in a number of districts in the northern half of the city, including what are now
70
Ibid.
93
Chongno 2-ka, Chongno 3-ka, Kyonji-dong, Insa-dong, and Kwanhun-dong. Japanese
publishers tended to set up shop south of Chongyech'on. in areas such as what is now
Myong-dong.71
An expanding network of salespeople and civic organizations, as well as an
increasingly efficient postal service, took the products made in Seoul ever deeper into the
countryside throughout the 1920s and into the mid-1930s. By 1935 approximately 1400-
1500 salespeople (potchim changsa) were taking versions of Ch'unhyang chon, Chinese
dictionaries, and various other materials produced at this epicenter to local markets (and
the farmers that frequented them) throughout the country.72 Journals such as Kaebyok
were being distributed by large youth groups associated with the Ch'ondogyo church and
were available at book and sundry stores deep in the countryside.73 Moreover, readers
could more easily order their books by sending money to special accounts that publishers
established through the postal service. A reader of poetry would pay on average about 12
chon to have a volume of poetry shipped to his or her home.74
Where Poetry Was Published
A large percentage of the publishers active in the 1920s produced a book of
poetry. Twenty-eight different publishers (parhaengso) published the approximately
" Ibid.
72
"Okp'yon kwa Ch'unhyang chon che-il EEtra^ 'tt'4rMW,^ (Chinese dictionaries and the Tale of
Ch'unhyang are number one)," Samch'olli (June, 1935), 30, Kuksa P'ySnch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://
db.histoiy.go.kr (accessed Februaiy 28, 2010). According to the article, 20,000 Chinese dictionaries, 70,000
volumes of Ch'unhyang chon, 60,000 volumes of Sim Ch'ong chon, 45,000 volumes of Hong KU-tong
chon, and 15,000 song books (chapka HIWC) were sold in a year. The Samch'olli editors cite a survey by a
merchant's organization, the Chimaesang chohap. I have not been able to locate the original survey.
73 r <
See Ch'oe Su-il i\*r% "Kaebyok" yon'gu 7H^j, S : ? (A study of Kaebyok) (Seoul: Somyong
Ch'ulp'ansa, 2008).
74
This is based on the eight titles that listed postage fees. Please see Appendix 2.
94
forty vernacular titles listed in enumerative bibliographies of modern Korean poetry.75
However, just a handful of parhaengso published more than a few poetry titles. One
of the two most prolific publishers of poetry, Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa, produced
just four titles as a publisher, despite its role as the most important printer of vernacular
poetry in the 1920s and as a "hub" for poetic activity. Yongch'ang sogwan, an important
publisher from the period, also published four titles. The poet No Cha-yong's Ch'ongjosa
released three titles, as did ChosSn Toso Chusik Hoesa. P'ySngmun'gwan, Hoedong
Sogwan, Choson Sidansa, and Maemunsa, produced two titles each. [See Appendix 2.4
for a list of parhaengso that made books of poetry.]
This large number of different publishers would seem to suggest that a diverse
group of people and organizations were making and disseminating poetry. However,
the colophons of the books produced by these parhaengso reveal a relatively smaller
network of poets and publishers actively involved in making poetry during this period.
Two publications produced in the winter of 1925 illustrate this particularly well. The
colophon of Kim Tong-hwan's collection of poems, Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'itn
(Youths ascending to heaven, 1925), for example, reveals that its publisher {parhaengso),
Sin munhaksa, shared an address with Maemunsa, the parhaengso of Kim So-wol's
Chindallaekkot. Moreover, we discover when we compare the colophons of the two
books that the address listed for Maemunsa and Sin munhaksa is the same as the address
listed beside Kim So-wol's name as the publisher (chojak kyom parhaengin) of his own
book. Scholars have presumed that Kim Ok, as the founder of Maemunsa, ran it alone
and published Kim So-wol's now canonical collection of poems, as well as a few other
books and the short-lived poetry journal Kamyon (Mask). As I discuss in more detail in
Chapter Five, that Kim So-wol as the parhaengin of his book shares an address with his
"publisher (parhaengso)" suggests that we need to reconsider this assumption. What is
75
This is based on the books surveyed for this chapter and the enumerative bibliographies of Ha Tong-ho
(1982) and Kim Hae-song (1988).
95
important here is that two of the parlmengso producing books of poetry during this period
may have been sharing an office.
The printing and publication dates that appear in the colophons of Sungch'on hanun
ch'ongch'un and Chindallaekkot also suggest that Kim So-wol, Kim Tong-hwan, and
perhaps Kim Ok76 were working together rather closely in December of 1925. In addition
to the address that their respective publishing houses share, both volumes were produced
within a day of each other by the same printer, No Ki-jong, at Hansdng Toso. Sungch'on
hanun ch'ongch'un was printed on December 22, 1925 and released (parhaeng),
poetically, given its title and Christian overtones, on Christmas day. Chindallaekkot was
printed on December 23 and released on December 26. The fact that Kim So-wol and
Kim Tong-hwan may have been reviewing the page proofs of their respective manuscripts
in the same room in Y5n'gon-dong illustrates how the large number of different
parhaengso obscure the smaller group of poets intensely engaged in making their own
poetry.
Hansdng Toso Chusik Hoesa
Even if Kim Tong-hwan and Kim So-wol were not working out of the same office
in Yon'gon-dong, they would probably have encountered each other at Hansong Toso
Chusik Hoesa where they had their books printed. In fact, as the printer of 17 collections
of poetry, in addition to being one of the era's most active publishers and distributors of
poetry, Hansong Toso was a hub of poetic activity during the 1920s.
Shortly after its founding in late 1919 or early 1920 with paid-in capital of 75,000
won,11 the company purchased a little more than 148p 'yong at Kyonji-dong 32-3 in
76
Kim Ok's name does not appear in either colophon.
77
Chosen SStokufu >3]»!f SS'BJf!, ed., Chosen ni okeru kaisha oyobi kojo no jokyo "TiM — Ifcy Ji'iSitTk.d-
*£> / WkM (The condition of companies and factories in Ch5sen) (Keijo: Ch5sen Sotokufu Shokusankyoku,
1923), 50. Researchers such as Kim Chong-su often cite Hansong Toso's nominal capital of 300,000 won
when they discuss the sum used to found the company. Hansong Toso's paid-in capital, however, gives
a better sense of the scale of Hansong Toso's operations. When exactly Hansong Toso was "founded"
96
July of 1920 for 2,369.6 won,1* where it would operate until 1955. In April of 1920, the
company took over the operation of the magazine Soul Ai -§• (Seoul), which had been
run {chojak kyom parhaengja) by Chang To-bin ife;Btt (1888-1963), a well-known
newspaper reporter at the time. According to Han Yong-son W$&-&, a former manager
(yongop pujang) at Hansong Toso, the idea to begin a publishing venture was Chang's
and he helped muster the intellectual and financial resources to do so, approaching Yi
Chong-jun 4^'&^, Yi Ch'ang-ik 4=tdS, and Han Kyu-sang -^ZE-lfl, with his ideas.79 As
Yi Hang-jin <M'IiI, a former president (sajang) of HansSng Toso, points out in a 1993
interview, the notion of a joint-stock publishing venture was rather novel at the time.
Despite this, the venture attracted the attention of well-known businesspeople, such as
Kim S6ng-su 3tz'|4ft (1891-1955), founder of the daily newspaper Tonga ilbo, who Yi
suggests owned some Hansong Toso stock.80
is somewhat ambiguous. According to the Sotokufu Kanpd, the application to establish Hansong Toso
submitted by Kim Sang-un ^ I D S and eleven others was approved on December 9, 1919. Chosen Sotokujii
Kanpd lMWSl.#lHt5'lli (Daily report of the Government-General of Chosen), December 9, 1919,Kuksa
P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histo17.go.kr (accessed March 1, 2010). According to bank
records, however, Hansong Toso was established (sxi.) on March 28, 1920. Nakamura Sukeyosi 44TJ iSR,
ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku WîWuîiîi (Records of the Bank of Ch5sen) (Keijo: Toa Keizai
Jihosha,1923), 201. Yi Hang-jin $ t a K , a former Hansong Toso president (sajang), suggests the company
was founded on April 9, 1920. Yi Kyong-hun ^ S 3 i , ed., Sok, Ch'aek tin manin iii kot: ku hu 10-yon,
ch'aek munhwa hyonjang til p'yollok hamyo # • ${-& ^ ^ s ] T,]- 3.%. iovi, ^&$r €*J-§: ? ! ^ ^ H (Books
for all (a sequel): Wandering though [Korea's] book culture ten years later) (Seoul: Posongsa, 1993), 296.
78
Kim Chong-su, "Ilche kangjomgi Kyongsong ui ch'ulp'an munhwa tonghyang," 257.
79
Yi Kyong-hun, Ch 'aek tin manin iii kot, 297'. Yi Ch'ang-ik was married to Han Kyu-sang's sister, Han
Yong-suk. Kim Chong-su, "Ilche kangjomgi Kyongsong iii ch'ulp'an munhwa tonghyang," 257.
80
Yi Ky5ng-hun, Ch 'aek itn manin Hi kot, 297'. Bank of Chosen records that I have been able to view
(Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku 1923, 1927, 1931, 1933, and 1939) do not show
Kim S5ng-su as a major shareholder in Hansong Toso. Moreover, Yi Ch'ang-ik does not appear as a
significant shareholder until 1931, when the bank's records indicate that he owned 500 shares of Hansong
Toso and was a director at the company. That said, the 1939 Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku indicates that Yi
Ch'ang-ik was indeed the second largest owner of Hansong Toso stock, with 1,060 shares, second only to
Yi Chong-jun, who held 1,175 shares. Nakamura Sukeyosi ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku 1939, 261.
Clearly, Yi Ch'ang-ik was deeply involved at Hansong Toso, even if, perhaps, it may not have been from
the very beginning.
97
The same month that it purchased its space in Kyonji-dong, Hansong Toso would
launch the magazine Haksaenggye S^'A-Jx- (Student's world) with O Ch'Sn-sok^lXSi
(1901-1987), a member of the Ch'angjo coterie and an editor at the new company, acting
as its parhaengin. In addition to its early periodical publications, Hansong Toso focused
its energies on a number of translations of mostly Western literature translated by its
editorial staff, which, in addition to O Ch'on-sok, included the poets No Cha-yong and
Kim Ok, the pastor and novelist Chon Yong-t'aek E^flf" (1894-1968), Kim Hwan M$k
(?-?), who was also a member of the Ch'angjo coterie, the historian Yi Son-gun ^J-Sffi.,
and Kim Song-nyong ^ I S H B , about whom little is known. Kim Yun-sik 4x.jtW and Yang
Ki-t'ak #^12S acted as advisors (komun BIRIJ) at the company.81
From bank records we learn that the recollections of Yi Hang-jin and Han Yong-son
appear to be largely correct. We also discover something about how the company was
organized, as well as how its shares were distributed. The 1923 Chosen Ginko Kaisha
yoroku #Wfli?j ^>nL^& (Records of the Bank of Chosen) lists Yi Pong-ha 3 - M as
the executive director {ch'wich'eyoksajang ^Ttib fxiiiLfe). Yi Chong-jun is listed as the
managing director (chonmu ch'wich'e ^f^lMi); Han Kyu-sangfry3?-10 and Ho Hon l'\
M are presented as directors (ch'wich'e tlXfa'S). Han Yun-ho frM&g and Kim Yon-byong
^fe/flffi were the company's auditors (kamsa UrS). In 1923 the company had 6000
outstanding shares held by 71 shareholders. Yi Chong-jun and Yi Pong-ha had the largest
stakes in the company, holding 1115 and 1000 shares, respectively. Other members of
the upper management also held sizable stakes in the company. Han Kyu-sang held 500
shares and Ho Hon owned 205. Other significant stakeholders were Pak T'ae-yon I h S S
(400 shares), Yi Ch'ung-gon ^£M (390 shares), Kim Sang-un 4iMx (200 shares), Yi
Chong-gi 4 ^ 1 ? (200 shares), and Yi Ch'on-gon ^~f"ftt (160 shares).82
81
Ha Tong-ho, Han'guk kimdae munhak in soji yon'gii, 91.
82
Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed , Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku 1923, 202.
98
While many of Hansong Toso's investors are difficult to identify, most of Hansong
Toso's management and editors were significant figures of their day. Investigating the
social network of the company, it becomes clear that a significant percentage of its
editors and investors came from Korea's northern provinces, often from the same town,
and many were related by marriage or had worked together before, most notably at the
journal Ch'angjo, frequently described as Korea's first literary coterie magazine, and
at Osan hakkyo, one of the more progressive schools on the peninsula at the time. For
example, Chang To-bin, Kim Ok, Yang Ki-tak, O Ch'6n-s6k, and No Ki-j6ng, the printer
at Hansong Toso, to be discussed in detail shortly, were all from North or South P'yongan
Province. Chang To-bin and No Ki-jong both grew up in Yongbyon. Yi Pong-ha, Yi
Chong-jun, No Cha-yong, and one of the company's larger shareholders, Yi Ch'ung-gon,
all appear to have come from Hwanghae Province; Yi Chong-jun and Yi Ch'ung-gon
were both from the same village, Manch'on-myon Yujong-ni rSjSlEl fis^JI, in Pongsan-
gun.83 Chang To-bin worked at Osan Hakkyo with Kim Ok for a year between 1918 and
1919. Kim 6 k was a member of the Ch'angjo coterie, along with O Ch'on-sok, Kim
Hwan, and Chon Y5ng-t'aek.
The stature of the management and editors at HansSng Toso appears to have
attracted many other important writers, including two who might be considered the
most prominent of the day, Yi Kwang-su and Ch'oe Nam-s5n. Hansong Toso published
Yi Kwang-su's rendition of the Tale of Ch'unhyang, Ilsol Ch'unhyang chonÛi^
I5f$ (1929), Hyongmyongga ui anae ifiJij-i^Sj dfi-fl (The wife of a revolutionary)

83
Kim Chong-su, "Ilche kangjomgi Kyongsong ui ch'ulp'an munhwa tonghyang," 257-258; Chosen
Sotokufu<W"\t&'mIfJ,ed., Chosen Sotokufu shisei nijugoshunen kinen hyoshosha meikan iM'ffSJ/llf JH#p
Hi " + 7I)uJ:%-pd^S#^<;f/iE; (A compendium of meritorious people in celebration of the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the Chosen SStokufu) (Keijo: Chosen Sotokufu Shisei Nijugoshunen Kinen Hyoshosha
Meikan KankSkai, 1935), 1037. Chosen Shinbunsha 'M^Difflf+, ed., Chosen jinji kdshinroku W§ A
4? W B £ $ (A record of Choson people and [their] transactions) (KeijS: Chosen Shinbunsha Chosen Jinji
Koshinroku Hensanbu, 1935), 531, in Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr.
(accessed March 1, 2010). A number of people with the names Yi Chong-jun 4 4 1 K and Yi Ch'ung-gon 4
&& appear in various literature and records of the colonial authority from this period. It is difficult to know
for certain that the Yi Chong-jun and the Yi Ch'ung-gon who appear in these records are the same people
that worked at Hansong Toso, but it seems likely.
99
(1930), and Kunsang $\{% (The multitude) (1939). In addition, the company acted as a
distributor (ch'ongp 'an &)k) for Yi's better known works Mujong litrj (The Heartless)
and Chaesaeng ffi '1_ (Rebirth).84 Ch'oe Nam-son's relationship with Hansong Toso was
even more involved than Yi Kwang-su's. Hansong Toso published Ch'oe's Paektusan
kunch'amgi & "iLilSH#nS (Ajournal of discovering the great Paekdu mountains) (1927)
and Kumgangyech'an ^MW^ritn (In admiration of Kumgang Mountain).85 Moreover,
Ch'oe and Hansong Toso jointly published Sijo yuch'wi lî ^\f^M. (Sijo arranged by kind),
a volume of historical sijo arranged thematically by Ch'oe as editor, and Ch'oe's own
chapbook-length illustrated song, Chosonyuram P)iP.(-$L^ (Travels in Choson) (1928).
Ch'oe and Hansong Toso are listed jointly as chojak kyom parhaengin in both books.
Moreover, Hansong Toso printed and distributed Ch'oe's Paekp'alponnoe (1926), in
which Ch'oe acted as the parhaengin and Tonggwangsa acted as the parhaengso.
Examining the other titles that Hansong Toso published, in which its own editors
feature prominently,86 it becomes clear that not only was Hansong Toso a hub of poetic
activity but that the relationship between Hansong Toso and its poets/editors might
best be thought of as symbiotic. Like Hansong Toso and Ch'oe Nam-son, who played
multifarious and alternating roles for one another, Hansong Toso's editors were frequently
"changing hats" to become Hansong Toso authors. Moreover, Hansong Toso played a
variety of roles for its authors/editors, who were also running their own independent
publishing ventures. In some instances, the arrangement worked as it might today, where
Hansong Toso would pay its editors and publish their work under its name, such as when
Kim Ok was paid handsomely (200-300 won) for his translation work on a series of
books about important world leaders in history.87 In other instances, Hansong Toso would
84
Ha Tong-ho, Han'guk kiindae munhak in soji yon'gu, 92-93.
85
Ibid., 92.
86
See Ha Tong-ho, Han'guk kiindae munhak Hi soji yon'gu, 90-91
87
Kim Chong-su, "Ilche kangjomgi Kyongsong ui ch'ulp'an munhwa tonghyang," 259.
100
publish its editors as Hansong Toso authors, such as when the company produced Kim
Ok's 1928 collection of poems, Anso sijip. In yet another iteration of these relationships,
Hansong Toso would serve as the distributor of works published by companies run by
its editors, such as when No Cha-yong's Ch'Sngjosa brought out the first edition of his
own Ch'onyo ui hwahwan !Miz^] JtlR (A girl's flower garland) (1924). Hansong Toso,
moreover, frequently printed the books of its authors/editors, as it did with Ch'onyo ui
hwahwan. This intricate web of shifting relationships at Hansong Toso reveals that the
roles of "publisher," "editor," and "author" were not so neatly distinguished as we might
imagine.
Poets as publishers (chojak kyom parhaengin)
The ambiguous roles of "author," "editor," and "publisher" at one of the most
important colonial publishers make it less surprising that approximately a quarter of
the books of poetry published between 1921 and 1929 were published by their authors.
Thirteen titles surveyed list the book's author as its copyright holder and publisher
(chojak kyom parhaengin). Another seven authors are listed asp'ydnjip kyom parhaengin
(editor and publisher), chojakcha (copyright holder), orponyokcha (translator), which
means that, according to the 1909 Publication Law and Pang Hyo-sun, these authors
were likely to be very actively involved in the production of their own books. Moreover,
two poets served as publishers (parhaengin) for their fellow poets. Investigating the
colophons of these books we learn that Kim Ok is listed as the parhaengin (publisher) of
his 1923 Haep'ari ui norae ^fl^r^] $] icSfl (Song of the jellyfish), a book often described
as the first collection of modern Korean poetry, as well as his Pom ui norae (Spring's
song, 1924). Kim Ok is also listed as the parhaengin in the 1923 reprint of his book of
translations, The Dance of Anguish, and his own translation of Rabindranath Tagore's
The Gardener in 1924. In March of 1925, Kim Ok appears as the parhaengin for Kim
Tong-hwan's collection, Kukkyong uipam U P a ^ «]- (Night on the border, 1925). Kim
101
Tong-hwan, as I mentioned previously, is listed as the publisher iparhaengin) of his
second collection of poems, Sungch'on haniin ch'ongch'iin (Youths ascending to heaven,
1925). In 1929, Kim Tong-hwan would establish the influential journal Samch'olli ir.
T W- (Korea, literally "three thousand ri") and serve as the parhaengin of Sigajip \A
T&C%L (Collected poems) which includes his own poems and those of Yi Kwang-su and
Chu Yo-han. No Cha-yong is listed as the parhaengin for his own Nae hon ipul t'al
ttae ^T$L°] -1-s"ull (When my soul burns,1928). In addition to Hansong Toso, No also
worked at the Choson ilbo. Moreover, No's own publishing venture, Ch'ongjosa "i±i ,!=(,
ilcL, published Yu To-sun's Hydlhun ui mukhwa jfitlRÎ 111? (The silent flower of blood,
1926), in addition to the journal Sinin munhak ffl\A~$£^. Hwang S6g-u is listed as the
parhaengin of his Chayonsong ft SS5 (Songs of nature, 1929). Manhae Han Yong-un
is listed as the person in charge of publishing his historic Nim Hi ch'immuk ^ 2\ }'kMX
(The silence of love, 1926). Kim So-wol, as I have also mentioned, was the publisher
[parhaengin) of his Chindallaekkot. For a list of the poets who published their own book
of poems, please see Appendix 2.2.
Poetry's Printers (inswaeso)
As the publishers of their own work, poets would have needed to decide on a
printer for their books and oversee the processes of their book's physical making. This
meant that in addition to correcting page proofs, having invested their own capital in
the project, poets would have been actively involved in decisions about such matters
as the format, binding, and edition size of their books. During the 1920s, the printing
industry was expanding rapidly and these poets would have had between approximately
100 and 200 different printers and binderies to choose from.88 This is a startling number
88
S5tokufu records suggest that ninety-nine printing and binding facilities were operating on the Korean
peninsula in 1921. Chosen Sotokufu i ^ f ffi!#JTJ, ed., Chosen m okeru kmsha oyobi kojo nojokyo W^ —
yfi "r )\s is ifrl R-tJ«i / it£/.S. (The condition of companies and factories in Chosen) (Seoul: Chosen Sotokufu
Shokusankyoku, 1923), 82. Other Sotokufu records suggest that there were 209 printing and binding
factories employing 4,145 people in 1930. In fact, there were probably even more. While the 1921 survey
102
given that it had been less than a half century since the first letterpresses arrived on the
peninsula in 1883 and only a decade earlier as few as nineteen printing and binding
facilities were in operation there.89 In the half century since the first presses arrived
to print the Hansong sunbo ?^ft!c/n] rli (Capital gazette) at the Pangmun'guk (Office of
Culture and Information), the printing industry had grown explosively, particularly after
1910. Between 1911 and 1921 the number of printing and binding facilities increased
more than fivefold.90 By the 1920s, a rather large variety of printing equipment—
which included not only letterpress, lithographic, and offset, but collotype and gravure
technologies—was in place to fulfill the ever expanding needs and desires of publishers
and others who used print media.91 The number of printing facilities would more than
double again by 1930 and continue to grow throughout Japan's occupation, although the
rate of growth would slow in the next decade. (Please see Table 2.6) Moreover, although
Seoul was certainly the center of printing and binding activities, statistics suggest that
does not specify what was included, the survey conducted in 1930 and published in 1932 only counted
factories that employed more than five workers. Consequently, many smaller shops were not counted.
Indeed, only three of the ten printing facilities that printed books of vernacular Korean poetry in the 1920s
appear in the survey. Chosen Sotokufu, Shokusankyoku Wf-18'ft Iff M?f W, ed., Chosen kojo meibo W.TT
U-JâJS? (Register of Chosen factories) (Keijd: Chosen Kogyo Ky5kai, 1932), 104. In subsequent surveys,
no more than four of the ten printers of 1920s vernacular poetry appear. Here it is also important to note
that these statistics refer to factories and not companies. Determining the number of companies that owned
these factories is difficult. However, the 1938 Sotokufu records indicate that forty-nine printing and binding
companies were in operation in 1936. They also record that there were 286 factories in operation employing
7,843 workers. Shokusankyoku M/* W, "Kojo su oyobi jugySsha sii cho T' i&W.BLiit'Mi%'$i7J\ (Survey of
numbers of factories and factory workers)," Chosa geppo ?,mitl~\ff«9, no. 2 (February 1938): 33-38.
89
Chosen Sotokufu, ed., Chosen ni okeru kaisha oyobi kojo nojokyo, 82. Binding facilities are not
included in the Chosen ni okeru kaisha oyobi kojo nojokyo statistics, which may make the growth rate of
the printing industiy look even more dramatic because binding facilities are included in the data for 1930
and after. Despite how the addition of binding facilities might skew the data, it is clear that the printing
industiy was growing very rapidly during the first decades of Japan's occupation.
90
Chosen S5tokufu, ed., Chosen m okeru kaisha oyobi kojo nojokyo, 82.
91
Taehan Inswae Munhwa Hyophoe tfl ?l < yillS-2r^S], ed., Taehan Inswae Munhwa Hyophoe 50-yonsa,
1948-1998 cH ?I°] ifl-g-Sr! fl 5 0 \ 1 4 , 1948-1998 (A fifty-year history of the Korean printers' association,
1948-1998) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Munhwa HySphoe, 1999), 226.
103
Table 2.6 Printing and Binding Facilities on the Korean Peninsula, 1911-1940
no. of
printing
& binding output
year facilities (myeri) no. of workers Source
Chosen ni okera kaisha oyobi

1911 19
kojo nojokyo, 1923
1919 69
1921 99
1930 209 4,145 Chosen kojo meibo, 1932
Kojo oyobi kozan ni okeru rodo
1931 111 3,490
joky6 chosa, 1933.
1932 240 9,179,005 4,503 Chosen kojo meibo, 1934

Genroku Suematsu, "Chusho
1939 313 18,876,219 6,905 k5gy5 mondai ni okeru Nai Sen
no hikaku"
1940 324 Chosen kojo meibo, 1942
Sources: Chosen SStokufu W-ii&KIH, ed., kogyo mondai ni okem Nai Sen no hikaku ' M O .
Chosen ni okeru kaisha oyobi kojo nojokyo VB ^Pljiflic Wl+ h \H» <r>l\M (A comparison of the
/»?-M-'r ;u#/i±HT.ig, / %KU (The condition of small and middle-sized factoiy problem in Choson
companies and factories in Chosen) (Keijo: Ch5sen and Japan)," Chosha geppo 12, no. 3 (March
Sotokufu Shokusankyoku, 1923), 82; Chosen 1941): 28-29.
SStokufu MWSSfr'ft, Kojo oyobi kozan ni okeru Notes: Figures for 1911, 1919, 1921 are only for
rodojokyo chosa 1 Wj &Ml 111- Ift!+ h S§ iHhUM printing facilities. Only plants that had ten workers
iM& (Survey of labor conditions in factories and or more were included in the 1931 survey, which
mines) (Keijo: ChSscn Sotokufu, 1933), 9. Chosen accounts for the relatively low number of workers
Sotokufu, Shokusankyoku 1?M ^Wfl Mi£ hn, ed., and plants. Because the survey is structured
Chosen kojo meibo WctT^jZ9) (Register of slightly differently, Genroku Suematsu reports
Chosen factories) (Keijo: Chosen Kogyo Kyokai, that the number of printing and binding facilities
1932, 1934, 1936, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1940, 1942); operating in 1932 is 214 and 296 in 1937. The
Shokusankyoku '/ii&trrj, "Kojo su oyobi jugyosha number of workers reported by these surveys
su cho l-l£>Wt.}k.%tfk~-&$i.i% (Survey of numbers of also varies somewhat because of variations in
factories and factory workers)," Chosa geppo °MA how the surveys were conducted. It is reported in
Bffi (Surveys monthly) 9, no. 2 (February 1938): the February 1938 Chosa geppo that there were
33-38; Shokusankyoku jiff fej, "Chosen ni okem 5,157 workers in the printing and binding industry
koj5 su oyobi jugyosha su 'fcJJW C K-tt h JLi-Mi'&.Tk in 1935 and 7,843 in 1936. Genroku Suematsu
f'tsfe^l^ (Number of Choson factories and factory suggests there were 8,403 people working in the
workers)," Chosa geppo 12, no. 1 (January 1941): industry in 1939.
16-26; Genroku SuematsuyfclfiÂ, "Chusho
104
by 1937 there were a number of printers and binderies serving the needs of those who
lived at a distance from the metropole, most notably in the Kyongsang provinces.92
Suggesting again how tightly knit the literary world was for poets in 1920s Korea,
although poet-publishers and publishers of poetry had a great number of places where
they could have their books printed, they chose primarily just three facilities. More than
40 percent of the books of vernacular poetry produced during the decade were printed
at just one location, Hansong Toso. When we account for the seven books printed at
Taedong Inswaeso, we realize that approximately 60 percent of the decade's vernacular
collections were printed at just two locations. The Christian printing and publishing
venture Ch'angmunsa, launched by Yun Ch'i-ho and his associates in January of 1923,
printed four books that appear in lists of vernacular poetiy (in addition to publishing two),
meaning that about than 70 percent of the era's collections of vernacular poetry were
printed at just these three facilities. In all, just ten different facilities printed the books
surveyed. [Please see Appendices 2.5 and 2.6 for a list of these printers and the books of
poetry they printed.]
While records such as bills of sale, sales reports, invoices, to say nothing of worker
rosters, work schedules, or proof sheets, do not appear to have survived the Korean
War and subsequent decades, we can learn something about how these facilities were
organized and managed, as well as a little bit about the machines they used, from
bank records, surveys conducted by the colonial authority, and personal diaries. These
documents suggest that the companies responsible for printing the largest number of
vernacular poetry titles were small, fiscally unsteady, joint stock operations.
Genroku Suematsu yf^lSJiA, "Chusho kogyo mondai ni okeru Nai Sen no hikaku 4 " h T JfeUdSS tc i t I f &
P~iHcr>lt$l (A comparison of the small and middle-sized factoiy problem in Choson and Japan)," Chosha
geppo 12, no. 3 (March 1941): 24-26.
105
Ch'angmunsa
Yun Ch'i-ho îX^t begins the January 31 entry to his diary in 1923, "Lovely.
Very cold."93 He had been attending various ceremonies commemorating the founding
of Ch'angmunsa # >OILL, a printing and publishing venture in which he was invested,
all day and late into the night. A Christian and prominent figure in elite society
during Korea's colonial ordeal, Yun had served four years in jail between 1911 and
1915 for his alleged involvement in a plot to assassinate Japanese Governor-General
Terauchi Masatake. After Korea's liberation in August of 1945 and his death a few
months later, Yun would be deemed a Japanese collaborator by subsequent South
Korean governments for his attempts to promote Japan's war efforts during the
tumultuous years after 1937. In January of 1923, however, he was content. He and his
colleagues had managed, despite many difficulties, to raise enough capital to launch
their new publishing and printing venture, for which Yun became director (ch'wich'e)
and major shareholder. Hinting at just how difficult it was to raise the capital, Yun
writes (in English; he attended university in the United States) of the company's
formal organization, "All things considered, I'm glad. . . . While the capital had to
be reduced to nearly one third of what the enthusiastic promoters had aimed at viz:
20,000 shares of 1 million yen, the actual paying in of more than 60,000 yen, in
these days of money famine, is another striking evidence that the Christian Church
is a force that is better organized, more intelligent and more public spirited than any
other organization in Korea."94 In the months to follow, the contented tone expressed
so simply by "Lovely" at the opening of Yun's entry would change when the "very
cold" realities of running Ch'angmunsa presented themselves in the months ahead.
Yun Ch'i-ho, diary entry, January 31, 1923, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db histoiy.go.ki-, Yun
Ch'i-ho ilgi, kwdn-8, 348 (accessed August 17, 2009).
106
A little more than a month earlier, on November 17, 1922, Yun recalls in his diary
a meeting of a committee charged with raising capital for the new company. A "fire-red
speech," Yun writes, by Pak Sung-bong k\-$iM., who would also become a director and
the company's largest shareholder, helped cinch passage of a resolution to reduce the
capital they aimed to raise from 20,000 to 7,000 shares. At that point only 5,000 shares
had actually been paid up, and apparently, there were motions by some to reduce the
amount of capital even further since they needed to acquire it quickly. Pak's suggestion
that he would "sell himself" if the money could not be found seemed to sway the
committee to pursue the 7,000-share figure instead of something less. Yun quips in his
diary, "He didn't tell them how much his body would be worth."95 Yun hints that things
did not go particularly smoothly after Ch'anmunsa's founding either when he notes on
February 9 "First meeting of the Directors of Ch'angmunsa from 3 to 11p.m.!"96
By July of 1923, the situation at Ch'angmunsa had taken a turn for the worse.
Management and investors were at "dagger's end," according to Yun, who was
exasperated. He writes laconically in his diary after returning home from another
company meeting:
The Committee of Auditors presented report, showing among other

things (1) [Pak Yong-ui] /t-t§fi had embezzled ¥500.00 substituting
the cash with a promissory note (of no value); (2) [Pak Pung-so] #
Wkfi the present H-f$ [chonmu, managing director] had followed
the example of his predecessor to the amount of ¥700.00; (3) Of the
capital of ¥87,500.00 only ¥73,618.00 paid up while ¥13,882.00
in notes; (4) During the last six months the office expenses had
amounted to ¥3,955.00 averaging ¥659 1/6 per month; (5) The
cash balance now in the banks stands only ¥40,557.59. ^hl$?Hl [Pak
Sung-bong] and WBM [Pak Pung-so] who boastfully told the &!,#
[ch'onghoe, committee] on the Nov. last year that if they failed to
secure the paying up of first instalment [sic] of 2,000 shares inside
95
Yun Ch'i-ho, diary entry, November 17, 1922, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.history.go.kr,
Yun Ch'i-ho ilgi, kwon-8, 336 (accessed August 17, 2009).
96
Yun Ch'i-ho, diary entry, February 9, 1923, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.histoiy.go.kr, Yun
Ch'i-ho ilgi, kwon-%, 350 (accessed August 17, 2009).
107
of 1 month and half, they would make up the amount by (said /f hJ$
JH [Pak Sung-bong]), selling his body, havent [sic] paid in the first
instalment [sic] of 100 or more shares they have so enthusiastically
taken.97
Yun's sharp wit shines through and, in his deadpan rendition of the day's events,
we glimpse not only the everyday challenges of running a small-to-moderately sized
merchandising and printing business in colonial Korea, but discover a statement about
monthly office expenses, helpful for contextualizing the scale of operations of the era's
printing and publishing companies. In addition, we learn that nearly 16 percent of
Ch'angmunsa's paid-in capital was in the form of promissory notes, suggesting that bank
records may obscure the unsettled finances of some of these printing and publishing
companies.
Hansong Toso
According to records from the colonial authority, as well as banking information,
Hansong Toso was similar in size to Ch'angmunsa. Hansong Toso's paid-in capital in
1923 was 75,000 won, with nominal capital of 300,000 won, which approximates the
financial situation at Ch'angmunsa, which had 310,000 won in nominal capital and
approximately 74,000 paid in, despite bank records indicating Ch'angmunsa's paid-in
capital was 87,500 won?% Consequently, we can hypothesize that Hansong Toso would
have had similar monthly office expenses of approximately 600 or 700 won a month.
Interviews with former management at Hansong Toso reveal that the company was
organized into essentially three departments, a publishing department (ch'ulp 'anbu
#^"-T-) in charge of editing manuscripts (as well as translating foreign literature), a sales
97
Yun Ch'i-ho, diary entiy, July 7, 1923, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.histoi-y.go.ki-, Yun
Ch'i-ho ilgi, kwon-8, 386 (accessed August 17, 2009).
98
Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaishayoroku (1923), 201-202, 299.
108
department (yongoppu ^ ^-T-) in charge of selling Hansong Toso's merchandise, and a
printing department (inswaebu ^ ^ r ) that printed and bound its books and journals."
From the recollections of former employees, we also learn something about the
physical space in which Hansong Toso operated and the number of people who worked
there. Han Yong-son, a former head of the sales department, recalls that the Hansong
Toso Kyonji-dong building was two stories. As was common at the time, he relates,
Hansong Toso's bookstore was on the first floor and its offices on the second. The
printing facility was in the rear. We also learn from Han's recollections that Hansong
Toso had only a few employees. "Aside from me," Han remembers, "there were two
others in the sales department. About four people worked in the printing department."100
Han remembers that three or four people worked in the publishing division, which means
that if Han's recollections are correct, less than a dozen people worked at Hansong Toso
in the 1930s when Han joined the company at the age of seventeen.101
Although official reports from the colonial authority also suggest that Hansong Toso
was a relatively small operation, they tell a somewhat different story about the number
of workers there. An annual register of Korean factories compiled by the Sotokufu, the
Chosen kojo meibo f f l J ^ I ^ ^ ^ f (Register of ChSsen factories), classifies factories on
the Korean peninsula into four groups. "A" companies had between 5 and 50 employees.
"B" companies had between 50 and 100 employees. "C" companies had between 100 and
200 employees, and "D" companies had more than 200 employees. While in 1932 the
Chosen kojo meibo indicates that Hansong Toso had between five and 50 employees,102 in
1934 it suggests that Hansong Toso had between 50 and 100 employees, as do the 1936-
Yi Kyong-hun, Ch 'aek tin martin ui kot, 297'.
1
Ibid., 298.
Ibid., 299.
'• The survey published in 1932 was undertaken in 1930.
109
Figure 2 1 Newly built Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa building, Haksaenggye (December 1920),
unnumbered front matter (image from microfilm at the National Library of South Korea) According
to advertisements in the April 1921 and May 1921 issues of Haksaenggye, the work of establishing
Hansong Toso's printing facility was completed in April of that year and, on May 10, 1921, the
first materials were printed there Haksaenggye (April 1921), ad on back cover, Haksaenggye (May
1921), ad following colophon Information in the colophons of the Apnl 1921 and May 1921 issues
of Haksaenggye would seem to confirm the claims made in the advertisements According to the
colophon of the April 1921 Haksaenggye it was printed at Ch'oe Nam-son's Smmun'gwan by
Ch'oe S6ng-u \\ r$ ?? The colophon of the May 1921 issue of Haksaenggye suggests that it was
printed by No Ki-jong at Hansong Tos5 Haksaenggye (April 1921), colophon, Haksaenggye (May
1921), colophon
110
1939 Chosen kojo meibo. The 1940 registry suggests that Hansong Toso had between
5 and 50 employees.103 The differences between Han's statements and the official
documents of the colonial government are difficult to reconcile. However, information
about wages paid out by Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa, a company that printed the
second largest number of books of poetiy in the 1920s and had a similar amount of paid-
in capital as Hansong Toso and Ch'angmunsa suggests,104 although not conclusively, that
Han Yong-son's recollections are somewhat more accurate.
Taedong Inswaeso
While it does not help clarify the situation in the 1930s, we learn from the balance
sheet presented in the 1923 Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku that Taedong Inswaeso paid
800 won in salaries during the year-long period ending in June of that year.105 The
best available data for salaries in colonial Korea comes from 1931 when, according
government statistics, the daily wage for Korean workers in the printing and binding
industry ranged from 4yen to 10 sen.[06 According to the colonial authority the average
wage was 92 sen a day for Korean adult male workers and 47 sen a day for women. Boys
working in the printing and binding industry usually made 28 sen a day, while girls,
interestingly, made just slightly more, 29 sen.101 Although it is a crude calculation based
on data collected from eight years after we get a glimpse of Taedong Inswaeso's finances,
103
Chosen Sotokufu, Shokusankyoku i<JW 1.6'Sf JTT#*-/HJ, ed., Chosen kojo meibo <\<BkfT>g,%,$ (Register of
Ch5sen factories) (Keijo: Chosen Kogyo Kyokai, 1932), 109; Chosen kojo meibo (1934), 124; Chosen kojo
meibo (1936), 143; Chosen kojo meibo (1937), 155; Chosen kojo meibo (1938), 178; Chosen kojo meibo
(1939), 192; Chosen kojo meibo (1940), 203.
104
According to bank records, Taedong Inswaeso had paid-in capital of 87,500 won and authorized capital
of 315,000 won in 1923. Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku (1923), 202.
105
Ibid.
106
Chosen Sotokufu, Kojo oyobi kozan m okeru ni rodojotai chosa (1933), 84, 240.
107
Ibid.
Ill
it is difficult to imagine more than a handful of people working at Taedong Inswaeso
in July of 1923 if the wages the company claims to have paid are any indication. Using
the average wage for Korean workers in the printing industry as a guide, along with
the average number of annual vacation days granted to workers (just 18) that year,108
we discover that probably only two or three people were receiving a regular salary
at Taedong Inswaeso. Even if printers and binders were paid on average half of what
their 1931 counterparts earned, there were probably no more than a half-dozen people
receiving a steady salary from Taedong Inswaeso in 1923.
From Taedong
Inswaeso's 1923 bank records
Table 2.7 Taedong Inswaeso Balance Sheet, 1923 we also learn something
Value about how the company's
Asset (in won)
Unpaid capital -fctfciL'M4<ik 262,500 assets were allocated and a
Accounts receivable T^lfeAsfe 43,099 little about the equipment
Land and buildings ± !&&%!) 31,860
24,558
that such companies used.
Machines and tools i-Stlflc'riSK
Type and line blocks S '?• 55$p 9,228 The following are listed
Matrices -£M 4,445
by the Bank of Chosen as
Received promissory notes 'xlB&.^JtZ 2,400
Advanced payments ftS^fc^fe 2,337 Taedong Inswaeso assets,
Office Furniture ft" §S 2,126
which include sizable
Woodblocks / k l l j 1,723
Paper Wfo 850 allocations for machines and
Gold and silver 4z$M 548
tools, type and line blocks, as
Deposits #','!* 5 1 ^ 484
Paper molds (for stereotyping) |K5i! 411 well as matrices. Taedong's
Copper (printing) plates '£l"TUx 33 biggest assets, however, after
Source: Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku unpaid capital and accounts
1923,202.
Note: The assets have been rearranged by asset size. receivable, were its land and
buildings. (See Table 2.7)
Ibid., 68.
112
Printing Equipment and the Organization of Colonial Prmtshops
Although this glimpse of Taedong Inswaeso's financial situation enables us to
better understand how its assets were allocated, unfortunately, this is also the most
detailed infonnation we have from primary sources about the equipment used at Taedong
Inswaeso, or at any of the printing facilities that printed volumes of Korean poetry during
the 1920s. From it, however, we can glean fragments of infonnation about what kind of
equipment was used at these facilities. For example, we learn from the large investment
in type and matrices that Taedong Inswaeso was most likely a letterpress shop, and
is likely to have had stereotyping equipment. This is suggested by paper molds being
included as part of their assets.
Secondaiy sources help to fill in the picture. The 1969 Han'guk inswae taegam $%
HSCPWJ AIEE (Encyclopedia of Korean printing) confirms that Taedong Inswaeso was
primarily a letterpress shop and adds that so were Hansong Toso and Ch'angmunsa.
According to the encyclopedia, Taedong Inswaeso had "a number of" 4.6 full-sheet
letterpresses {saruk chonji hwalp'an kigye ^HT^ÎiîSJ'iizlllW), as well as 5.7 full-sheet
letterpresses (pch'il chonji hwalp'an kigye 7T LfhfJX/^JlJ^fift).109 The numbers "4.6" and
"5.7" indicate the size of the full sheet that the press could print, (w x h) 788 x 1091 mm
and 636 x 939 mm, respectively. The "5.7" paper size is also called kiikp 'an wonji %'ft\\t^
IK, and, when the sheet is folded four times, it is used to make standard kukp 'arc-sized ~%
)\k printed materials (152 x 218 mm). The encyclopedia adds that Ch'angmunsa had ten
5.7 chonji hwalp 'an kigye and one 4.6 chonji hwalp 'an kigye. Hansong Toso, according
to the encyclopedia, had three 5.7 chonji hwalp'an kigye, although this is contradicted
by Han Yong-son, who suggests that the presses at Hansong Toso were 4.6 chonji
hwalp 'an kigye.uo Son'gwang Inswae Chusik Hoesaft-TXl=PlfilJttJ^#il!i,which printed
109
Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe ±%i F|J»JJ_JM£|n]if[l £ * - £ • # , ed., Han'guk
inswae taegam §iMHW%H^& (Encyclopedia of Korean printing) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong
Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1969), 131.
110
Yi Kyong-hun, Ch'aek im manin in kot, 299
113
one volume of poetry (Hwang Sog-u's 1929 Chayonsong), had 5.7 chonji hwalp'an kigye
installed at its facility.'" The encyclopedia does not note who manufactured the presses,
although we can assume that they were made by Japanese firms, or perhaps imported
from other countries. The first presses to be manufactured by Koreans did not appear
until Kim Ch'ung-sin itr&fo established his Songjon Ch'olgongso felTI$skI#I (Songjon
steelworks) in the spring of 1939.112
Just as we lack primary source information about the kinds of presses used at
facilities such as Taedong Inswaeso, Hansong Toso, Ch'angmunsa, and Son'gwang
inswae, we do not have primary source information about how the physical space of
these shops was organized. It is clear, however, that the nature of Korea's writing systems
at the time dictated an arrangement that left plenty of room for all the sorts needed to
print the more than 11,000 unique syllables used in modern vernacular Korean" 3 and the
distinct typesetting processes this large number of sorts demanded. Moreover, we do have
rather detailed records from the colonial authority's own printing facility, the Chosen
Sotokufu Insatsujo ©WSK'&JfiftlWJFJi,which are useful for conceptualizing how smaller
commercial printing facilities such as Taedong Inswaeso, Hansong Toso, Ch'angmunsa,
and others that printed vernacular poetry were organized.
The large number of sorts needed to print in vernacular Korean meant that rather
than being arranged in one or two cases, before which a compositor stood, the type used
to print vernacular Korean materials was arranged in a long series of cases that probably
stretched from the floor to a height easily reached by the compositor. These cases
111
Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed , Han'guk inswae taegam, 132.
112
Ibid., 203
113
Unfortunately, we do not have records that indicate how many sorts were used to print vernacular
Korean It is clear, however, that by 1937 experiments were underway to identify and cast repeated
elements found in Korean's syllables as their own types in order to reduce the overall number of sorts
needed. Sim Kyu-t'aek //tJ£# describes this in a pamphlet he authored and punted called Chosonmun sin
hwalcha W'f AI/r/iTiT (New types for Korean) in 1937.
114
probably ran along the walls of the composition room and/or were arranged into aisles.
Rather than standing before his or her case to pick type, a compositor at Hansong Toso
or a similar facility would have walked up and down aisles of type, almost like a person
searching for a book in a library."4 The rather large space required for the sheer mass of
metal needed to print in Korean, not to mention Japanese and classical Chinese, meant
that, at least at the significantly more spacious Chdsen SStokufu insatsujo, there was a
large space set aside for composition."5 [Please see Appendix 2.18 for images of how the
typesetting process probably occurred in the 1920s, as well as the layout of the colonial
authority's printing facility.] If space allowed, commercial printers would probably have
done something similar. However, given that Hansong Toso's entire establishment, which
included a bookstore and offices, was only about 148p'yong (approximately 5,267 square
feet), the composition and printing rooms were likely one and the same. By comparison
the letterpress section of the Chosen Sotokufu Insatsujo and accompanying office space
were more than ten times as large, 1,564p'yong, and this does not include intaglio
and lithography facilities, which were a part of the facilities at the Ch5sen S5tokufu
Insatsujo."6
In addition to making a compositor walk around the the room, the large number of
sorts also meant that distributing type—getting the types back into their proper places
after a printing job was completed—presented a considerable challenge. If not done
properly, types put into incorrect compartments would cause errors when the next project
was typeset. Again, no research appears to have been done on how this process took place
prior to the 1920s. By the 1920s, however, printing facilities such as P'yonghwadang
114
So far as I know, the "lay," that is the arrangement of type in these cases, has never been studied.
115
Chosen Sotoku Kanbo Shomubu Insatsujo $JM$.lHfTj ©'".B.'&FlJBiJBIf, ed., Chdsen Sotokufu insatsujo
yoran $j]®f jg3,HKi tlWWi SIS (Survey of the Government-General of Chosen printing facility) (Keijo: n.p.,
1921), unnumbered page in the back matter.
116
Tbid., 44-45.
115
^fiVitL,"7 and likely others such as those that printed vernacular books of poetry, were
melting their type and recasting it once a project was completed, rather than attempting to
distribute it. The advantage was that rather than printers walking up and down the aisles
of type to put individual types back into their proper places, entire compartments of sorts
could be replaced.
Understanding the details of how composition took place at colonial presses and
how the spaces were organized is important for a study of Korean literature and poetry
from this period because it will enable us, especially once we have conducted more
in-depth studies, to better to distinguish between the actors involved in creating a text.
The silence of scholars of Korean literature on such issues implies the assumption that
an author's writing during this period was unaffected by the setting of his or her text in
type. Knowing that compositors walked long aisles of sorts with their composition sticks,
picking type, makes us realize the athleticism and intellectual acuity demanded by the
creative process of making literature in colonial printing facilities. Indeed, we begin to
understand that composing a page of type was an art in itself. Moreover, we also begin
to appreciate that unanswered questions such as who produced the matrices for the fonts
used at these facilities are directly linked to ideological battles over Korean identity that
took place as various parties attempted to standardize the orthography of Sejong's script
in the 1920s and early 30s." 8 For adopting a new orthographic system would mean that
an operation like Taedong Inswaeso would need to purchase expensive new matrices
if it could not produce them itself. Valued at 4,445 won in 1923, the equivalent of five
and a half times what the company reported paying in wages between June of 1922 and
June of 1923, Taedong Inswaeso's matrices were a significant asset. Hence, even if new
1,7
Ch'ae Pok-ki HIB*, 1 - et al., Illyon imnyonsa F|JI|# tM] ,rt (A thirty-year history of printing-related
[activities]) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1982), 122.
118
See Ross King, "Dialect, Orthography, and Regional Identity: P'yongan Christians, Korean Spelling
Reform, and Orthographic Fundamentalism" in The Northern Region of Korea: History, Identity, and
Culture, ed. Sun Joo Kim (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010), 140-180.
116
orthographic standards did not require an entirely new set, orthographic change would
have been an expensive proposition for printers who did not have the equipment to make
their own matrices.
Histories of Korean publishing rightly emphasize the importance of these new
methods of printing and the new ways of reading they necessitated (even if they do not
examine them closely). However, as mentioned in the previous chapter, it is important to
point out that older forms of printing and making books did not vanish with the arrival
of the first letterpress on the Korean peninsula in 1883. Nor had they disappeared by
the 1920s. Instead, just as metal movable type and xylographic printing were utilized
differently during the Koryo and Choson dynasties depending on how a text was to
be used and by whom, the new presses that began arriving at the end of the nineteenth
century made specific kinds of printed materials for an equally specific (if increasingly
large) readership. The new presses made materials such as newspapers, journals, and
novels while xylographic methods were often employed for chokpo, mimjip, andyugo.,]9
If the number of publication permits granted by colonial censors is any indication, these
"traditional" forms, as they are often described, were published in quantities that rivaled
"modern" forms until the end of Japan's colonial occupation in 1945. Consequently,
woodblock and wooden type printing processes were probably used extensively during
Korea's colonial period.
Poetry's Pressmen (inswaein)
Because the 1909 Publication Law required the name of the printer to be printed in
materials he made, it is possible to identify the pressmen who composed Korean poetry
in the 1920s. Identifying them is an important task because editions from the 1920s in
which their names appear have become quite rare and will only be more difficult to find
119
Please see Chapter Ore and my discussion of munjip andyugo. A great many of the books I discuss
were printed using xylographic technologies.
117
with the passage of time. Moreover, new editions of works from this period do not often
include the original colophon information and even the most extensive and authoritative
systematic bibliographies of books of poetry from colonial Korea, such as Ha Tong-ho's
most authoritative 1982 bibliography, do not include information about the printers who
made the books they list.
The colophons of the books surveyed emphasize again that the community of
people making vernacular books of poetry was quite small. One man was responsible
for printing a large percentage of what is now called modern Korean poetry during the
third decade of the twentieth century. No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso oversaw the printing
of at least 11 (and probably 12)120 of the books surveyed here. Consequently, he is
responsible for at least a quarter of the vernacular poetry titles published in the 1920s,
if Ha's suggestion that 40 books of poetry were published during that decade is correct.
Sim U-t'aek at Taedong Inswaeso printed four of the books of poetry surveyed. Together
with No, these two men collectively oversaw the printing of more than one third of the
books of vernacular poetry produced during the 1920s, if Ha Tong-ho's list is accurate.
If we consider the work of printers Kim Chae-sop, Kim Chin-ho, Kim Chung-hwan, and
Kim Hyong-jun, we discover that six men were responsible for printing approximately
two thirds of the vernacular books of poetry. In all, just fifteen pressmen at ten printing
facilities oversaw the printing of the books surveyed here. [Please see Appendices 2.5 and
2.6.]
Qualifying the concept of "Modern Korean Poetry"
Before describing some of the men who printed Korean poetry during the 1920s,
120
Kim Myong-sun's Saengmyong ui kwasil (1925) was printed at Hansong Toso, most probably by No
Ki-jong. However, No's name does not appear in the colophon. Instead, Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
appears where the pressman's name should appear. Both No Ki-jong's and Kim Chae-sop are identified by
the colophons of books of vernacular poetiy printed at Hansong Toso during the 1920s. However, the first
book in which Kim is identified as the pressman dates from 1928. No Ki-jong was responsible for every
collection printed prior to that time, suggesting that he, in fact, was in charge of printing Kim Myong-sun's
collection.
118
it is important to qualify the statistics I have just provided and emphasize that these
are estimates of the contributions made by printers such as No Ki-jong to the making
of vernacular Korean poetry and not necessarily to poetry in general made during the
modern period. No Ki-jong, for example, printed books of classical Chinese poetry such
as Kangdo kogum sisonU] and Choson kundae mydngga sich'o]22 that are not included
in Ha's bibliography in addition to the books of vernacular verse. Moreover, either No
Ki-j5ng or Kim Chae-sop123 is likely to have printed Ch'oe Nam-son's sijo anthology
Sijo yuch'wi, which was published and printed by Hansong Toso, and similarly not
included in Ha's bibliography. Kim Chung-hwan produced at least four books of classical
Chinese poetry124 in addition to the two books of vernacular verse that he is credited with
making.125 It may be that he made more books of classical Chinese poetry than books of
vernacular verse. Because they are conceptually excluded from Ha's system, however,
the books of classical Chinese printed by Kim Chung-hwan are not included in Ha's
bibliography.
121
Ko Yu-sang jiftftHFl ed., Kangdo kogiim sison ILi&is^rVi M (A collection of new and old poetry from
Kangdo) (Kanghwa: Kangdo Kogum Sison Kanhaengso, 1926).
122
Kim Chu-byong Oft I k'i, ed. Choson kundae mydngga sich'o 'WfiULK^Mfîi^ (Poetry by well-known
modern Choson winters) (Seoul: Hoedong Sogwan, 1926).
123
The name of the pressman does not appear in the colophon of Sijo yuch'wi. However, HansSng Toso is
listed as the copyright holder, publisher, and printer, suggesting that it was No Ki-jong or Kim Chae-sop
who printed the book.
124
Kim Chung-hwan printed the following books of classical Chinese poetry: Kwon Sun-gu l#MA, ed.,
Chungdong yongmul yulsdn ' I ' J k s M W S (Collection of songs from China and Korea) (Seoul: Sin'gu
Sorim, 1920); Hong Sun-sim VA?$fc, ed., Tongyangyoktaeyosa sison tl'ft-WitlX'XlP} M. (A collection of
historical poetry by women from the East) (Seoul: Pomun'gwan, 1920); Paek Tu-yong O 4&!i, ed., Chdnju
sagasi %lA FI=l?Mf (Annotated collection of four poets) (Seoul: Hannam Sorim, 1917) (first edition) and
1921 (second edition). Yi Kyu-yong 4?3EM, ed., Chungbo Haedong sison tfiWMtfif^M (Enlarged edition
of the collected poems from Haedong [Korea]) (Seoul: Hoedong Sogwan, 1919).
125
Kim Chung-hwan printed Kwon Ku-hy5n's 1929 Hukpang in sonmul and is listed as the inswaein for
the reissue of Kim Ok's translation of Tagore's Gitanjali, Kot'ong ui sokpak (1927). However, it appears
Kirn Chung-hwan probably only printed a new title page and colophon for the reissue.
119
Finally, even if we accept Ha's system, it is important to recognize that as thorough
as his work is, the 1982 bibliography is nearly thirty years old and needs to be updated.
Bibliographers have attempted to do so. However, they have often only been able to
expand Ha's list by subtly rearticulating the rules of his system. Kim Hae-song's 1988
bibliography, for example, includes Kim Ok's Kot'ong iii sokpak f^CfiS-] 3 5 ^ (The fetters
of pain) published in 1927 by Tongyang Taehaktang, and Ch'oe Nam-son's 1928 Choson
yuramga, which are both omitted from Ha's 1982 contribution. Kot'ong iii sokpak,
however, is actually a reissue of Kim's 1923 translation of Tagore's Gitanjali with a new
title page and colophon126 and Choson yuramga, with a tune to which the "poem" can be
sung printed in the front matter, might well be considered a song book and not a book of
poetry.
The different tallies that result from these manipulations and differing opinions
about what should be considered a book of modem Korean poetry (also discussed in
Chapter One) in turn impact our understanding of the relative importance of printers such
as No Ki-jong, at least in terms of the percentage of books of vernacular poetry that they
printed. This, coupled with the daunting practical challenges associated with finding and
examining these books now hidden away in private collections and rare book rooms,
makes it extremely difficult to confirm the work of bibliographers such as Ha and Kim
and gain a complete understanding of how many books of vernacular poetry were indeed
produced during this period. The challenges associated with attempting to confirm and
update the work of bibliographers such as Ha are dwarfed by the monumental challenges
presented by any attempt to identify the 325 books granted publishing permits by the
Japanese but left out of Ha's bibliography.
I was able to examine both of these books side by side at Hwabong Mun'go. They have identical page
counts, front matter, and paper (with identifiable screen and chain lines), as well as similarly smudged
graphs on the first page of the translator's introduction.
120
No Ki-jong
Despite these challenges and the need to qualify what we mean by Korean poetry,
it is possible to begin learning about the pressmen who made Korean literature. While
many of those who appear in the colophons of books of vernacular poetry from this
period are known only by name, we have particularly detailed information about No Ki-
jong; he ran afoul of the colonial authorities twice and they were keeping a close eye on
him. According to police records, No was born June 18, 1892 in Yongbyon-gun in North
P'yongan Province. Police documents even record the address of the house he lived
in as a child: P'arwon-myon Ag^jfil Yong-dong HI/PH 353. The eldest son, No studied
classical Chinese for three years during his youth and then, at the age of 16 (17-se),
enrolled at Yusin Hakkyo fif l/l-r-HS:. At the age of 22 (23-se), No enrolled at Kyongsong
Sarip Chunghakkyo hliAU^tf.1^^^, from which he graduated. In 1910, he traveled to
Vladivostok and became a teacher at a private academy. He stayed in Russia for about
four years, and returned to Korea on September 24, 1914, where for a time, he became
a teacher at Sungdok Hakkyo s^fSÛ. According to the colonial authority's police
records, in 1919 No left his "current position" (presumably at Sungdok Hakkyo, although
this is not entirely clear) and was "speaking and acting illegally (futei no gendo ^ I I C T ) 5
Si)."127 The records go on to say that for breaking the law No had been sentenced to six
months prison labor and was released from prison on June 27 after receiving a pardon
(onsha J&jJ&). The records do not shed light on the specifics of the crime No committed
or why he was pardoned. Nor is it clear how much time he spent in prison because the
record does not include the date he was sentenced.128

127
Waejong sidae inmul saryo HlJ&IWj fK A'fy'ZlP\ (Historical sources about people during the Japanese
colonial period), reprint of the Kyonghui Taehakkyo edition, vol. 1 (Seoul, Kukhoe Tosogwan, 1983), 217-
218. The Waejong sidae inmul saryo is an undated and unattributed collection of documents. However,
Chang Sin has argued convincingly that these materials were compiled initially in 1927 by the Inspectors
Office at the Seoul Appeals Court (^SfS-lf'/iKllsit/frj) and updated periodically thereafter. See "Ilche ha
ui yosich'al kwa "Waejong sidae inmul saryo" a^l§l°l -S--M %^ rf£Bcffi5 i\MtyiLPh (The surveillance
system and the Waejong sidae inmul saryo)," Yoksa nonmun che yon'gu, no. 11( December, 2003): 143-177.
128
Waejong sidae inmul saryo, vol. 1,217-218.
121
In November of 1922, No was in trouble with the law again, this time for being the
printer of the magazine Sinsaenghwal f/i^L'S (The new life). A special issue celebrating
the fifth anniversary of the Bolshevik Revolution particularly offended colonial censors
and No, along with the editor and publisher of Sinsaenghwal, Pak Hui-do IM'i?,3li (1889-
1951), one of the signers of the Korean Declaration of Independence in 1919, was
detained and interrogated at the Sodaemun prison on November 20.129 The Tonga ilbo
reports on December 13, 1922 that Pak and others were indicted in association with
what the paper termed the Sinsaengwhalpirhwa sakon (Sinsaenghwal literary incident),
but that No received a stay of prosecution and had been released from prison in the late
afternoon the day before.130 For its part in the Sinsaenghwal literary incident, Hansong
Toso had its printing equipment confiscated by the colonial authority according to media
reports from the time.'31 The limited scholarship on Hansong Tos5 does not mention this,
but if it is true, it would probably have been a financial blow to the company.
Whatever the situation, Hansong Toso and No Ki-jong managed to weather the
storm and, in January of 1923, No wrote a short New Year's wish for that month's issue
of Kaebyok. He had been asked what he desired in the New Year and he responded
by extolling Korea's fanners and urging support for a movement to develop rural
communities (nongch'on kyebal undong S ^ J ^ ^ I M i i ) . From his short statement
we learn something about No's personality and intellectual stance. "These days our
industry is not as advanced as others, and we do not have business acumen," No writes.
"However," he continues, "fanning is a weapon that will [enable us] to live in the world;
if [our fanning communities] were to fail and the land be let go, what would become
129
"Tangguk ui ollon appak kwa minjok ui yoron kyogang 1~frJSi2\ £ isteiti 2 ]- iJc ^ —1 îSmSSLffi (The
authorities' oppression of the media and people's feelings of exasperation)," Kaebyok (December, 1922):
90, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.history.go.kr (accessed February 11, 2010).
130
"Sinsaenghwal sakon kiso §f 1L /S^fhliisTs (Sinsaenghwal incident indictments)," Tonga ilbo, December
13, 1922.
131
"Tangguk ui ollon appak kwa minjok ui yoron kyogang," Kaebyok (December, 1922): 90.
122
of the life we have lived for two thousand years? Jesus says that a person does not live
on ttok (rice cakes) alone, that rather he lives on the word of God. However, we live
on ttok alone." He goes on to ridicule intellectuals who have "spent 5-600 won on an
education"132 but cannot solve Korea's fanning problems and make better educational
opportunities available to farmers.133
From a few other short articles by No that appeared in the media at the time, one gets
the sense that in addition to being something of a firebrand, No was incredibly driven.
For the December 1926 issue of Tonggwang (Eastern light) magazine, No was asked
what he would do if he were twenty again. He responds by describing his admiration for
the military and political accomplishments of the Koguryo general and politician Yon
Kaesomun YJ!tllI?^3C (?-665) and other "greats" of England and China who had made
much of themselves at very young ages. He goes on to suggest that he wishes that he had
made more of himself as a young man. For a survey the editors ofPyolgon'gon J&'iJ^z.tif1
(A different world) were conducting for an article that would appear in their December
1928 issue on how important people spent their day, No writes a short contribution:
"I'm in the office day and night. I don't have things to do at assigned times but am busy
all day with company matters; I couldn't say what I was doing at any particular time.
Consequently, I don't have time to exercise or read much. Honestly, I'm like the rice
cake vender who can only smell and never eat his cakes; I get to look at many books but
don't have the leisure to really read many of them. However, when I go to eat and am
waiting for my food, I like to read for a bit. As a hobby, and it's only a hobby, I enjoy
self-cultivation books (ftSitf ft) and books about how to lead a good life (fraffljIIIO."134
132
No Ki-jong et al, "Sinnyon ui sin uigyon ff^Y $\ iftr JtL (New opinions for a New Year)," Kaebyok
(January, 1923). 86-87, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.history.go.kr (accessed December 12,
2008).
133
No Ki-jong et al, "Sinnyon ui sin uigyon," 86-87.
134
"Haro sigan ul ottok'e ssuna, myongbang myonmyongsa ui lhl saenghwal, clugop ttara tarun saenghwal
s}3. H'j IBJ-&- ^ ?H i i M , ftîfrifrt-e] - B'\ /£, I & ^ H W 4 € - ±& (How they spend their time, the
123
No's name appears in the Tonga ilbo in November of 1929 as a member of the
editing committee of a Korean dictionary, along with the poet Chu Yo-han, Ch'oe Tu-son,
Ch'oe Nam-son's younger brother, and Yi Kwang-su, suggesting something about his
interests and, perhaps, about the company he kept.'3S The report written up by the colonial
police suggests that No was an associate of Pak Chung-hwa I r J p ^ , Myong Chun-hang

r
PJft'lM, Ch'oe Chung-ch'ik 'fH'I'J'JJ, and Pak Ch'i-sam h-Hk=. Pak Chung-hwa was a
political activist and labor organizer.136 I have not been able to positively identify the
others.
Other details from the police report round out our sense of No as a man. We learn,
for example, that No was rather wealthy, with an estate worth 5,000 yen and an annual
income of 1,300 yen, and that he was married and had two daughters. Moreover, details
initially recorded, no doubt, to make it easier to identify him should the authorities need
to detain him again, put a very human face on the printer who made so many books of
vernacular Korean poetry. According to those who were surveilling him, No was rather
short, about five feet tall, and had big eyes and a big nose; he wore a mustache and had
light skin.
Sim U-t'aek
We know far less about the second most prolific printer of vernacular poetry in the
1920s, Sim U-t'aek. Even the Ch'ongsong Sim family registry {chokpo) that Sim printed
daily life of important people, the diffeient daily lives of people m different occupations), Pyolgon'gon
(Decembet 1928) 53, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db.h1sto17.go kr (accessed December 12,
2008).
135
"Chosono Sajon P'yonch'anhoe ui ch'angnip Wi ni'vS-tjNUSftl?'-2! MIL (Editorial committee of the
ChosSn language dictionary established)," Tonga ilbo, November 2, 1929.
136
Tongnip Undongsa P'ySnch'an Wiwonhoe ^ H£-Q- A } ?!li-rl -?!3), ed., Tongnip undongsa 1? "cl£-§"A}
(A history of the [Korean] independence movement), vol 10 (Seoul: Tongnip Yugongja Saop Kigum
Unyong Wiwonhoe, 1978), 659, 956, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, db history.go.kr (accessed
March 11,2010)
124
himself at Taedong Inswaeso in September of 1923 does not entirely clarify who he was.
No less than three Sim U-t'aeks appear in the family genealogy, which traces its roots
back to a Koryo dynasty official named Sim Hong-bu l!t'DKr?. One of them is clearly
not the man who worked at Taedong Inswaeso. However, it is difficult to know which
of the remaining two men actually printed the family registry and a number of books of
vernacular poetry. Both Sim U-t'aeks are of the same generation and were born within
two years of each other, 1890 and 1888, respectively. The younger of the two was born
the eldest son of Sim No-hyon \Jc%V& and a woman from the Chonju Yu <fj)p clan.137 He
had two younger brothers, Sim Kun-t'aek \JcPiffi and Sim Kyun-t'aek i'Jti^M, and a
younger sister, who married a man named Kwon Ung-ju Iflilg^J.138 By 1923, he had
married a woman from the Miryang Pak M^ clan and had a son, Sim Sang-nok tt>H3ir&.
Sim Sang-nok would have been five years old (6-se) when the family chokpo was printed
in 1923. The older of the two Sim U-t'aeks was born to Sim Ui-il TJL'IL Fl and a woman
from the Andong Kim 4z clan. He was also the eldest son and had three younger brothers
and a younger sister.139 The older Sim married a woman from the Ch'irwon Sjjjjjl Yun f1"
clan and had a son named Sim Sang-d5k '#fclB jfe, who would have been 11 (12-se) when
the family registry was printed in 1923.'40
Whichever of these two men was the printer at Taedong Inswaeso, bank records
tell us that he was probably quite wealthy. He was a major stakeholder in the company,
holding 1000 shares in 1923, and is listed as the executive director (sangmu ch'wich'e
The given names of wives are generally not included in family registries.
138
Sim U-t'aek tfiL0hffi, ed., Ch'ongsong Sim Ssi sebo n \'i;'(')C&, M
I slf (Genealogy of the Ch'ongsong Sim
family), kwon-5 (Seoul: Ch'ongsong Sim Ssi Insubu Yun Kongp'a Chokposo, 1923), 126b-127a. The
names of girls are replaced in family genealogies once they marry.
139
The names of Sim's brothers are Sim Hui-t'aek i'tP.lT, Sim Kyong-t'aek W$.8r, and Sim Won-t'aek ft
7LM. His younger sister married a man named Sin Hy5n-du *¥&A-.
140
Sim U-t'aek, ed., Ch'ongsong Sim Ssi sebo, 45b-46a.
125
Figure 2.2 Advertisement for Taedong
Inswaeso in Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku.
Source: Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen
Ginko Kaisha yoroku, 1923, unnumbered
sheet after the colophon.
r& $?toiii') of Taedong Inswaeso.141 This
would seem to confirm the assertion made
in the Han'guk inswae taegam that Taedong
Inswaeso was run by Sim, along with Hong
Sun-p'il W,m&, and Chi Song-uk ftlfiM,
as well as No Ik-hyong, the owner of the
publishing venture Pangmun Sogwan.142
Hong Sun-p'il, Chi Song-uk, and No Ik-
hyong are all listed along with Sim in management positions in the bank records from
the period.143 The variety of materials that Sim was in charge of printing is suggested
by the fact that in addition to his own family registry and a number of books of poetry,
Sim also printed the Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku (Records of the Bank of Chosen) in
1923. In fact, a simple but arresting advertisement for Taedong Inswaeso appears in the
back matter of that year's publication. In contrast to No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso, who is
141
Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku (1923), 202.
142
Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed., Han'guk inswae taegam, 131. The two
companies, Pangmun Sogwan and Taedong Inswaeso, would have an intricate relationship with one
another. Yi Ung-gyu ^ J E ^ , the third president of Pangmun Sogwan, describes Taedong Inswaeso as a
subsidiary (panggye {•%'&) of Pangmun Sogwan. Yi Kyong-hun, Ch'aek un manin ui kot, 287. According
to Pang Hyo-sun, Pangmun Sogwan began running Taedong Inswaeso in 1931. Pang Hyo-sun, "Pangmun
Sogwan ui ch'ulp'an hwaltong e kwanhan yon'gu t'1? k.f, ffis] ^ ^9: aj: ^ °11 £'$: 'ST 2 - (A study of Pangmun
Sogwan's publishing activities)," Kukhoe Tosdgwanbo 37, no. 5 (September 2000): 63.
143
Nakamura Sukeyosi, ed., Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku, 1923, 1927, 1931, 1933, 1939. Hong is
included until 1933.
126
listed as a manager {chibaein), it may be that Sim was somewhat more removed from the
fine details of the day-to-day operations of his presses and each project. This said, as the
pressman in charge, he was legally liable for what came out of his shop. Consequently,
he is likely to have been quite involved and aware of what projects were being produced,
even if he was not actually picking type.
Poetry's Typefaces
Indicative of what printers of poetry were able to create in spite of the many
creative restraints imposed on them by the conventions of their day and the resources of
their printshops, the advertisement created for the Chosen Ginko Kaisha yoroku at Sim
U-t'aek's shop is noteworthy because it achieves so much with so little. Just as a single
typeface is used in the ad for Taedong Inswaeso to suggest its idendity as a printing
facility, Sim U-t'aek and No Ki-jong appear to have been working with a limited number
of faces when they created books of vernacular verse. Rather than utilizing a variety
of different typefaces to express the individuality of each book they made, as in the
advertisement for Taedong Insweaso, these printers individuated vernacular books of
poetry largely by manipulating space rather than other typographic elements.
The Typefaces at Hansong Toso and Taedong Inswaeso
No Ki-jong and Sim U-t'aek appear to have used the same set of fonts for the books
that they produced.144 Moreover, these fonts can be associated with the companies at
which they worked. The body and title faces used to print the poems and their titles in the
twelve books of poetry surveyed here that were produced at Hansong Toso by No Ki-j5ng
144
The great number of sorts needed to print vernacular Korean makes a syllable-by-syllable comparison
of the type used in the sixteen books printed by these two men difficult. This statement is based on a
small sampling of syllables from these sixteen books and a comparison of two poems, Kim So-wol's
"Chindallaekkot" and "Kum cbandui," which were printed by No Ki-jong in both Kim So-wol's 1925
collection Chindallaekkot and Kim Ok's 1924 Irqjin chinju. Please see Appendix 2.17 for type samples. I
am conducting a more detailed study of these typefaces that is still in progress.
127
between 1924 and 1926 look essentially the same. Likewise, the faces used to print the
body and titles of the four books printed at the Taedong Inswaeso between 1923 and
1925 also look the same. This is interesting for a number of reasons. Given the expense
of creating matrices for the large number of sorts needed to print in vernacular Korean,
as Taedong Inswaeso's bank records suggest, we might expect a standard typeface to
have been used throughout the peninsula. In fact, the typefaces used at Hansong Toso
and Taedong Inswaeso may be two of a small number in use during this period, although
this is not my impression. However, if important printer/publishers had their own distinct
matrices, they probably saw value in making a significant investment in aesthetically
distinguishing themselves from their competitors.
The continued use of distinct typefaces at Hansong Toso and Taedong Inswaeso is also
interesting because it suggests that No Ki-j5ng or Sim U-t'aek had essentially no creative
freedom when it came to selecting a typeface. This does not mean, however, that we should
abandon Bringhurst's analogy and refuse to think of men like No and Sim as musicians of
a sort, for different projects, as well as the type and machines themselves, always presented
creative challenges. This is attested to by Sim Kyu-t'aek tJc^tf,145 a printer at Munhaedang
Inswaeso in the late 1930s. Writing in 1937 to promote a new system of typecasting that
he was developing, and perhaps, as a consequence, overstating his case, Sim Kyu-t'eak
describes how, even as late as 1937, inconsistencies in typecasting frequently meant that
printers not only had to "get creative" and mix different sizes of metal type, but often had
to use wooden type as well in order to complete a job.146 Moreover, while there is general
uniformity in the typefaces used at Taedong Inswaeso and Hansong Toso, variations
between individual glyphs can be found, as I describe in Chapter Five.
145
A Sim Kyu-taek appears in the genealogy that Sim U-t'aek edited. So, it is possible that the two men
were relatives. This is difficult to confirm, however. Sim U-t'aek, ed., Ch'ongsong Sim Ssi sebo, kwon-4,
52b.
146
Sim Kyu-t'aek ItW'lW, Chosonmun sin hwalcha $M\ ASfffi'T (New Types for Korean) (Seoul, n.p.,
1937), 1.
128
Figure 2 3
Elements of Korean typefaces
Kkok uii|6na
Source- Han Chae-jun QA? , Karo chulgi
ed , Han'gul kiilkkolyongo sajon

i< Jin a "V-/ Kwi
f r ^ i f S - o - 0 ^ } ? ! (A dictionary
of typographic terms for han gul) Saigt Li
f.n.f kv
(Seoul. Sejong Taewang Kinyom KarochuJgi
Turgsm chu gi {.55{*ss^^.--* ' < - .S3
^£/J^
Saophoe, 2000), 46.1 have slightly 1*4 Tot chulgi
S i VB
modified Professor Han's diagram.
In addition to transliterating the w • -\
* % £y - • Naentn
Korean terms and correcting a
i c ;
spelling error, I also added the term j - f ._. <fe ^ Sfl KSIclVim
"ch'ich'im *) ^ " The addition of ' 1

*v ! V C
' lunicnulgi ^ ' " l i 'feaoKi
the term was made at the suggestion Karodiulg .,..-».-». f V J f M| •$•

of Pak Pyong-ch'on ihJV"]^F~, a noted 4 « = ,,- •'0 y*\
TchalDOn MaqiSm
calhgrapher and historian of Korean kidung
typography (Pak Pyong-ch'on, Kyop ktdun^
personal interview, March 19, 2010.)
What might be termed the title face147 that No Ki-jong worked with at Hansong
Toso is identified by the modulation of the strokes that make up its kidung or stems, the
vertical axis of the ppich'im in such letters as kiyok ~i in ki 7], the vertical axis of kkokchi
in letters such as ch'iut ^ , the lengthy modulated ppich'im in siot A and chiut A , and a
relative lack of serifs/square terminals in kyop'kyot chulgi and kyot chulgi. [Please see
Figure 2.3 for a description of these typographic terms] Moreover, with the exception of
Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot and Cho Myong-hui's Pom chandui pat wi e, in each book
from the 1920s examined here, the title case is 4 ho, or 13.75 points. The title case in
Chindallaekkot and Pom chandui pat wi e, is 2 ho, or 21 points 148

147
Please note that because of the gieat numbei of sorts needed to punt vernacular Korean, the descriptions
of these typefaces that follows is necessanly quite general
148
This is based on a comparison between the type in volumes of poetry surveyed and type sizes presented
in Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed , Han'guk mswae taegam, image following
page 884 The system of standardizing type sizes by ho'$kwas developed in 1860 by the American
missionary William Gamble and has been widely used since then, with some modifications, in China,
129
The body face in Hansong Toso poetry titles made by No Ki-jong is characterized
by less modulation in the strokes that make up its kidung, the oblique axis of ppich'im in
letters such as kiyok ~\ in ki 7], short and relatively unmodulated ppich'im in siot A and
chiut A , and brush-formed terminals/serifs. The size of the typeface, like that of the title
face, is remarkably consistent. The body text in every book of vernacular poetry printed
by No Ki-jong at HansSng Toso in the 1920s is 5 ho, or 10.5 points.
Many aspects of the title and body face of Hansong Toso are also found in the faces
used by Sim U-t'aek at Taedong Inswaeso. Like the books printed at Hansong Toso, those
printed at Taedong Inswaeso use two distinct faces to distinguish titles from body text and
they are generally the same size, 3 ho and 5 ho, respectively.149 However, the distinction
between these two faces is much finer in books produced by Taedong Inswaeso than in
those produced at Hansong Toso. Indeed, some syllables in the title face look identical
to those found in the body face. In general, the faces used at Taedong Inswaeso can be
distinguished from those found in books printed at HansSng Tos5 by weight of the stroke
in both the title and body face. The strokes of stems and chulgi tend to be thinner than in
Hansong Toso faces. Also, the stroke of a Taedong title face tends to be less modulated
than a Hansong Toso title face. For example, the distinctive wide stroke of Hansong
Toso's title face, which tapers dramatically toward its lower terminals, contrasts with
the less dramatic modulation of line in the Taedong Inswaeso title face. In contrast, the
stroke in the Taedong Inswaeso body face tends to be more modulated and the oblique
axis of stokes more pronounced than in Hansong Toso's body face. See, for example,
the difference between the weight and axis of the strokes in tang ^ in Nae hon ipul
t 'al ttae (Hansong Toso, 1928, pg. 27, Figure 2.4 above) and Hukpang pigok (Taedong
Japan, and Korea. The conversion to points here is based on the American point system where one point
is .3514 mm. Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed., Han'guk inswae taegam, 544;
Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso t r ^ - f t - ^ ^ l - ^ i , ed., Ch'ulp'an sajon HjJiJzffjHt (Dictionary of publishing
[terms]) (Seoul: Pomusa, 2002), s.vv. "hwalcha k'ugi," "p'oint'u hwalcha."
149
It is interesting to note that the same sizes for title and body faces are used in most contemporary
volumes of poetry in South Korea.
130
Inswaeso, 1924, pg. 22, Figure 2 4 below). Theppich'im Figure 2 4
Type comparison—tang
of siot A and c//zw/ X also tend to be longer. [Please see
images in Appendix 2.17 for additional type samples ..... '*.'*•

r - - " -j
from Hansong Toso Inswaeso and Taedong Inswaeso.] ". ^?-£%
Although No Ki-jong and Sim U-t'aek seem to have , y
always used the same typefaces when printing books of

%
poetry in the 1920s, other typefaces were used by subsequent
or different printers at both Hansong Toso and Taedong
Inswaeso. For example, when Kim Chae-s5p printed No
Cha-yong's Ch'onyo iii hwahwan at Hansong Toso in 1929
he used a typeface that, while not the same, resembled the
typefaces in use at Taedong Inswaeso. Also, when Kwon
Chung-hyop printed Yi Hag-in's Mugunghwa in 1925 at
Taedong Inswaeso he used typefaces rather different from those used by Sim U-t'aek. Of
course, decorative typefaces were also employed for book covers and title pages by both
companies, as well as roman and Japanese typefaces when the occasion called for them.
These other typefaces are important to study to learn more about the two most important
printers of poetry in 1920s Korea and the aesthetic stance of each volume. However, the
title and body faces used by No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso and Sim U-t'aek at Taedong
Inswaeso between 1923 and 1926 establish an aesthetic rhythm so characteristic
that even before one checks the colophon of a book, it is often easy to identify the
volume as being printed at one of the two printing facilities by one or the other of
these men, simply by looking at the type. A description of these typefaces seemed the
most efficient way to begin a discussion of type in colonial Korea, a discussion long
overdue given the importance of print media to the culture of the Korean peninsula
during this period. To date, there appears to be essentially no scholarship on the topic.
131
Paper
In 1957, the poet So Chong-ju had a poem published in the trade magazine Cheji ;M
M, (Paper manufacturing). Although So was born in 1915 and did not start publishing his
poetry until the mid-1930s, his poem expresses the notion that poetry is song—a belief
held by more senior poets writing in the 1920s—and that paper itself can sing.
To A CERTAIN FRIEND, THE PAPER SELLER
When I go to see you on a bright day,

be sitting there having ripped some new paper and pasted it to your spring windows
and doors.
"Anyone there?" I'll inquire from outside.
"Oy," you'll answer from inside.
The new paper on the sliding door will rumble like a new temple drum,
the small talk we exchange will lighten,
and then move through.
That's how it will be, and I will be writing my songs on your paper again.
I will be writing songs in this place that sings out
for our bony, bowlegged, scholar friends,
paper trees in your stand of paper trees. (See Figure 2.5)
When poets and publishers in the 1920s went to choose the paper that would sing the
songs in their books, nearly all of them made different choices. Much of the paper found
in books of vernacular poetry is similar, but little appears to be the same. A study of the
paper in these collections is hampered by a number of difficulties. The first is that none
of it is watermarked and we do not have paper samples from the period (except in other
books) against which we can compare the paper found in these collections. Hence, it is
very difficult to associate what is found in a book with a particular factory or assert with
any certainty how much it might have cost or describe the particular details of its making.
Moreover, because these collections of poetry are housed at scattered locations around
132
C3'<-
•i-irmrnr
Figure 2.5 "To a Certain

j 6|cg ^ 6 | > g . ^ ^^^7i! Friend, the Paper Seller" by So
Chong-ju.
Source: So Chong-ju, "Otton
ft
chongi changsu ch'ingu ege
°]ai #°l^Hr ^ ^ l ? ! ) (To
v?rtM-& 4 M | 'J HH £ Hi H a Certain Friend, the Paper
Seller)," Cheji (February,
t!
1957), 65. My thanks to
M - M J ^ =»I A i > I- "--«• "-
O Yong-sik for pointing
i ^ „ s ) j oj.oj| AJ 4.3) -v 05 >a s}°i
this poem out to me. I am
not certain about the word
•t-i'l -r-tt Hi-fe -ItXt-S-fr a|^/| monjong tari fl^t}^ that
appears in the penultimate line
of the original. I've rendered
it as "bowlegged" in the
translation, but this is a guess.
4rfiHI i-*i <4-*f* &*\ «+ -v-y- This poem does not appear
in the complete works of So
Chong-ju, Midang si chonjip
v A
}^ l ^ ^ (Complete
poetic works of Midang [So
Chong-ju]), vols. 1-3 (Seoul:
(65> Minumsa, 1994).
Seoul and the rest of the country, it is impossible to collect all of them in one place in
order to do a side-by-side comparison of the paper used to make them. Occasionally
more than one kind of paper is used even in the main body of the text, illustrating the
complexity of positively identifying the kind of paper used in a particular volume. This
said, a study of paper in colonial Korea conducted during that period, Chosenshi ni kan
suru chosa #JI'fSU-l!3~t~ & sf i t (A survey of Choson paper, 1922), as well as a few
remaining paper-sample books {kyonbon ^ / K ) from the 1930s shed some light on the
133
paper that poets and publishers used for books of poetry and enable us to make some
general comments about the paper used in the volumes of poetry surveyed.
The 1922 survey of Korean paper conducted by the colonial authority reveals
the prices of some varieties of paper that poets and publishers may have considered.
This survey was conducted because exports of Korean paper to China were valued at
approximately 100,000 won at the time and the colonial authority wished to understand
this success.150 Consequently, the survey does not focus on paper consumption in Korea.
Moreover, its authors were most interested in handmade Korean mulberry paper as
opposed to machine-made papers. Through its various analyses, the survey identifies
essentially three regional varieties of paper that competed with Korean handmade paper:
paper from China, paper from Japan, and paper from Manchuria. While describing this
competition, those conducting the survey list the prices of Japanese mozoshi (K: mojoji
#H£M,, sulfite-processed paper also known as imitation vellum) suitable for use on the
presses at a facility such as Hansong Tos5 or Taedong Inswaeso. Consequently, we gain
a glimpse of what printers of poetry may have paid for paper in 1922. According to the
survey, ten sheets of Japanese mozoshi, depending on weight, cost between 4 sen and 7.5
sen.15* The small quantities suggest that this paper was probably writing paper. Still, it
provides a clue to the cost of paper for publishers during this period.
From a bound collection of paper samples from approximately 1934 titled Yoshi
mihon #M,JrL>(< (Samples of Western-style paper),152 we learn that in addition to Japanese
mozoshi, publishers, poets, and printers in colonial Korea would have been able to choose
150
Ch5sen Sotokufu 'M-'Mtf/Mlfl, e<±, Chosenshi ni kan suru chosa 'M/'TMl-lxli" Z> Sii- (A survey of
Choson paper) (Seoul: Chosen Sotokufu, 1922), Minsogwon facsimile, 1989, 1.
151
Chosen Sotokufu, ed., Chosenshi ni kan suru chosa, 47-48.
152
This sample book is housed in the collection of Somyong Ch'ulp'ansa. Folded into the book is a note
written on letterhead from a manufacturer of printing equipment, Hatsuda Kappan Seizosho -fe/JDEIfSJlS&Ii
jirf;/I, dated Feb. 5, 1934. Consequently, we can be reasonably certain about when the book was being
circulated although there is no date of manufacture. My sincere thanks to Pak Song-mo at Somyong
Ch'ulp'ansa for allowing me to view his collection and this material in particular.
134
from a rather large variety of different kinds of paper. Although the small number of
large-scale paper manufacturing operations on the peninsula during the colonial period
(just one in 1919 and twenty-one by 1945)1''3 might suggest that paper choice would have
been more limited, the sample book contains approximately 200 different kinds of paper
loosely arranged into categories such as paper for printing RJWJIft., cover paper |£$ft,
and ground-wood paper {koshi K: kaengji 3EM,, woodchips with 30 percent chemically
processed pulp).'54 Some paper samples indicate that the paper was imported, while
others do not. Included in this wide sampling are eight different varieties of mozoshi of
various weights, and eight different varieties of koshi, also of various weights. In addition
to these sixteen varieties clearly marked as suitable for printing, there were also many
others obviously suitable as well.
Some poets and publishers from the 1920s, such as Ch'oe Nam-son, chose paper
that feels subjectively like a high-quality art paper for their collections. Others, such as
Kim Ki-jin and No Ik-hy5ng at Pangmun Sogwan, chose much coarser stock in which the
wood fiber is clearly visible. The paper in other vernacular books of poetry falls between
these two poles and is very similar to what the paper sample book from 1934 identifies
as mozoshi and koshi. The one exception is Kim Ok's 1924 translation of Arthur Symons,
Irojin chinju, which was printed on what is known as noruji ic-r-^1, a kind of thin
brown parchment paper. Although more research is needed, this suggests that the era's
poets were generally singing out, to use So Chong-ju's metaphor, from machine-made
mozoshi and koshi, and not the handmade paper the colonial authority was so interested
in studying.
Although it is impossible to know for sure how they may be related, it is interesting
to note that a paper very similar to what is identified by the sample book as kameko
153
Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, ed., Han'guk inswae taegam, 194.
154
Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso, ed., Ch'itlp'an sajon, s.v. "kaengji." The proportions of chemically
processed pulp may have been different in the 1920s.
135
hyoshi (K: knja p'yoji 4|| \T~ltlft) appears to have been popular among poets of the
1920s. Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot, for example, uses a strikingly similar paper for
its case. Kim Si-hong's translation of Byron, Ppairon myong sijip (in the Om Tong-sop
collection), also uses a similar cover stock. In addition, the Sotokufu appears to have used
a similar paper as the cover material for its 1942 Chosen kojo meibo (Registry of factories
in Chosen). Indeed, the paper-sample book itself appears to use this same paper for its
own cover. Although this paper came in a variety of colors, the assortment of Korean
poets and printers, clerks at the Sotokufu, and the paper manufacturer itself all seem to
have agreed that "chestnut" jfefe was the most attractive shade. [Please see Appendix
2.19 for a comparison of paper used in the covers of these titles.]
Binding and Format
The paper poets and publishers chose was folded and trimmed into primarily three
sizes and bound using essentially two binding methods. The so-called 4.6-p'an size (128
x 188 mm) is the most prevalent among books surveyed here. Twenty-three of the forty-
five books surveyed are this size, which is achieved by folding a "4.6" sheet (788 x 1091
mm) five times. The second most prevalent size is the kukpanp 'an, or hdlf-kukp 'an (112
x 152 mm). Twelve of the books surveyed are this size, which is achieved by folding a
full sheet of kukp 'an paper five times. Four of the books are formatted in the so-called
4.6-p'anhyong.155 Finally, there is the unique shape of Ch'oe Nam-son's chapbook-like
song, Choson yuramga, which is 10.5 cm x 18.4 centimeters, suggesting that it was
printed on 4.6-p'an chonji, folded as if it were to be in the standard 4.6-p'an size, and
then trimmed down so that its width is similar to the kukpanp 'an size. It should be noted
that while most of the books fell into these rather standard sizes, few are exactly the
same size. Consequently, the proportion defined by their height and width is a useful
155
Here I am following Pang Hyo-sun's naming convention; Pang Hyo-sun, ''Ilche sidae min'gan sojok
parhaeng hwaltong," 141.1 am uncertain about the size of the original sheet and, consequently, not certain
how it would have been folded. Presumably, it was folded like the 4.6 sheet.
136
measure for conceptualizing the shape of these books. We discover that the proportions of
books of vernacular Korean poetry range from 1:1.311 {Hyolhun ui mukhwa) to 1:1.752
(Choson yuramga). The proportion defined by the height and width of all but two books
is between what is defined by a fourth and a fifth in the Western musical scale.
Although there were a number of other binding methods to choose from, poets
and publishers of vernacular poetry in 1920s Korea chose primarily two. The first, the
yangjang # 3£ or Western method, as its name would imply, is derived from Western
practices of sewing gathered signatures of a book together and then "casing them in"—
that is, attaching the textblock to a separately made "case," which consists of cloth (or
more often paper in 1920s Korea) wrapped around the boards that make up the two
covers and the spine of the book. Six books surveyed here are bound in this fashion,
including the first edition of Onoe ui mudo,^6 K'it'anjari, Nim ui ch'immuk, Paekp'al
ponnoe, and Chosen min'yoshu. The most predominate method of binding vernacular
books of poetry during this period, however, is known as the panyangjang "tNlf-ilS, or
"half-Western style."157 Instead of being sewn together, in this method of binding, the
signatures are side or "stab"-stitched—one or two staples are stapled vertically through
the textblock. In all, twenty-nine of the books surveyed were bound in this fashion.
Approximately half of these (15), have paper or heavy card stock cover materials glued
to the textblock. The other half are "cased-in," that is, their textblocks are set in a case.
Cased-in panyangjang give the appearance of being more sturdy case-bound books, but
they would not have required the time and expense of sewing the signatures. Finally,
Kim Ok's Haep 'ari ui norae and the second edition of his Onoe ui mudo are bound in a
156
This book is sewn, but does not have a case. Instead, its cover is a moderately heavy card stock.
157
Here I am following Pang Hyo-sun's naming convention in "Ilche sidae min'gan s5jok parhaeng
hwaltong," 136. She categorizes books with "stapled" textblocks glued to paper covers or cases as
panyangjang. Dictionaries suggest panyangjang generally refers to a book with a sewn textblock and a
paper cover; Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso, ed., Ch'ulp 'an sajon, s.v. "panyangjang." My own anecdotal
experience suggests that panyangjang in contemporary South Korea can also suggest a perfect-bound
paperback. More research is needed to determine how this term was used in the 1920s.
137
similar and unique fashion among books of poetry that appeared in the 1920s. Four holes
were punched through both the textblock and cover materials. Then two short lengths of
cord were run through the holes and tied so that the knots appear as decorative elements
of the covers. [See the third and fourth entries in Appendix 2.1. See also Appendix 2.14
and 2.15 for more details about the format and bindings of volumes surveyed.]
Conclusion—Poetry on the Page
The page layout in each collection surveyed here is like a snowflake. With the possible
exception of Kim Ki-jin's 1925 collection of translations, Aerydn mosa (Yearning
thoughts of love), and Pak Chong-hwa's 1924 Hukpang pigok (Secret songs from a dark
room), no two are the same.158 Many of the differences are subtle. The layout of Kim Ok's
Haep 'ari ui norae (Song of the jellyfish) and the second edition of his Onoe ui mudo
(Dance of anguish), for example, are nearly identical. In fact the two books were printed
within months of each other (June and August, respectively) by Sim U-t'aek at Taedong
Inswaeso on what looks like the same paper stock with the same typefaces. The margins
around the poems are even quite similar. Yet the books "feel" different when you open
them, even before you begin reading. This is because Kim Ok and Sim U-t'aek decided
to shift the position of the folios. In Haep 'ari ui norae, they are placed on the outside
margin, up off the bottom of the page. In the 1923 edition of Onoe ui mudo the folios are
near the bottom of the page and in tight to the gutter. As a result, the two page layouts are
balanced quite differently.
In contrast, the differences between the layout found in the first edition of No
Cha-yong's Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (A girl's flower garland) and that found in Kim Ok's
translation of Rabindranath Tagore's The Gardener, Wonjong, are quite stark. Both books
1S8
While quite similar, the layouts of these two books may originally have been somewhat different.
However, it is impossible to know because Aerydn mosa has been rebound. Consequently, comparing the
original gutter dimensions is impossible. There is hardly a gutter at all in Aerydn mosa, while the gutter in
Hukpang pigok is spacious.
138
were printed by No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso within months of each other (October and
December 1924, respectively) using the same typefaces. And yet, the poems were laid out
quite differently on the page. The short lines of No Cha-yong's poems caused No Cha-
yong and his printer, No Ki-jong, to increase the top margin, so the poems sit lower on
the page. In fact, all the margins are quite generous. Moreover, the position of the running
heads and folios creates a rectangular grid that frames the poems. The long prose lines of
Tagore's poems, alternately, led No Ki-jong to shrink the top and bottom margins so the
lines could stretch farther down the page. Moreover, he centered the running head over
the textblock and positioned the folios directly beneath it to similarly encourage the eyes
to travel down the page along the long length of each line.
Ellen Lupton writes that the grids designers have used to lay out their pages have
evolved across centuries and can be "carefully honed intellectual devices, infused with
ideology and ambition, . . . they are the inescapable mesh that filters, at some level
of resolution, nearly every system of writing and reproduction.'"59 To understand the
ambitions and ideology that might be infused into each of the layouts presented in these
books of poetry will take a great deal more research. We need to learn more about the
men who, in addition to No Ki-jong and Sim U-t'aek, printed these books, as well as their
printshops. What this survey makes clear, however, is that the page itself was used as a
creative space in 1920s Korea by poets and their printers. This is quite remarkable when
we consider the limitations imposed by a standard set of fonts, two standard-sized presses
and similarly standard paper sizes, as well as what was apparently a standard system for
delineating poem titles and their bodies—not to mention the fact that a high percentage
of books were printed at the same facilities by the same people. There is every reason
to expect that a great many of these pages would have been laid out in exactly the same
fashion.
159
Ellen Lupton, Thinking with Type: A Critical Guide for Designers, Writers, Editors, & Students (New
York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2004), 113.
139
Or perhaps it was inevitable that they would all become different. Given all the other
constraints, maybe the desire of these poets and printers to express themselves chose
the path of least resistance. Ideas naturally came to be expressed spatially instead of by
historical analogy, for example, as can be done by selecting a typeface such as Garamond,
which cannot escape its past, or Helvetica, which we cannot escape in our present. Either
way, we see, quite literally, that the space on the page was important to poets and printers
in colonial Korea during the 1920s.
The chapters to come take a closer look at how one poet in particular, along with the
pressmen who made his poems, manipulated this space and the language it presents to
create their poetry and make their music.
140
Chapter 3—Kim So-wol in Colonial Periodicals, 1920-1925
Reaching the end of the July 1922 edition of Kaebydk magazine, colonial-era readers
probably longed for the Sapporo beer advertised on the back cover. Traversing the
expansive terrain articulated by this special edition of one of colonial Korea's most
widely read monthlies still makes for strenuous, though intriguing, reading. This was the
issue of Kaebydk in which Kim So-wol's iconic poem "Chindallaekkot" first appeared.1
In Chapters Three and Four I analyze Kim So-wol's poetry as it appeared in ten different
journals and newspapers published between March 1920 and December 1925. This
chapter provides an overview of Kim So-wol's publishing activities during this period
and the periodicals in which his poetry appeared. The next explores how Kim So-wol's
poems operate within the specific bibliographic and textual contexts of the July 1922
Kaebydk issue and three other publications. My aim is to demonstrate how Kim So-wol's
work mattered in the variety of contexts provided by periodicals prior to the release of
his only collection in late 1925. This approach reveals where Kim So-wol focused his
publishing energies and uncovers the individual histories of his poems. It also sheds light
on the social network of a poet central to our understanding of vernacular poetry during
this period. Knowledge of these histories and networks casts Kim So-wol's only book in
a new light. For the better part of a century scholars and critics have been extracting the
work of poets such as Kim So-wol from periodicals. My goal is to put it back.
Of course it is not possible to completely "re-embody" So-wol's writings in their
initial contexts. This chapter and its appendices are not the periodicals in which Kim
So-wol's poetry appeared. Even those journals and newspapers with their brittle paper
and gritty lineblock images—their dated stories, high-minded treatises, and local
gossip—necessarily mean something different to us now. The attempt to re-embody this
work, however, reveals the sociology of Kim So-wol's texts. Moreover, it provides an
1
This issue of Kaebydk is 152 pages long with a separately numbered 77-page supplement. The contents
of this issue are discussed at length in the next chapter. Also, please see entry 16 in Appendix 3.1 for a
translation of the table of contents.
141
historically focused way to examine the relationship between Kim So-wol's poetry and
other textual entities sharing its bibliographic space. Such examinations, in turn, enable
us to see, with a precision not otherwise possible, the performances of individual poems
during this period.
If we do not read So-wol's poems in the context of the journals in which they
initially appeared, we cannot sip the beer at the end of the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok.
Divorced from their original orthographies, the images and advertisements that
surrounded them, and the literary themes developed by other poets and storytellers, as
well as the news and politics of the day, poems matter differently. By extracting poems
from their original context we miss important insights that items such as the Sapporo
advertisement can reveal about the social, cultural, and economic systems that supported
the publication of periodicals such as Kaebyok and Kim So-wol's now iconic "Azaleas."
For example, advertisements can reveal the diverse motives and practices behind the
phrase "Japanese colonizer." The Sapporo beer advertisement, presumably paid for by the
Japanese company, supported a publication that the Japanese colonial government would
close down in less than three years for being a danger to social order on the peninsula.
A closer look at this advertisement reveals

T h e Kai - SycU.
more about the context in which Kim So-wol's
"Azaleas" initially appeared and what, in addition
to the poem, may have intoxicated his readers.
Like the refreshing flavor of its beer, the ad is
calculated to sell the image of a well-capitalized
international business, and perhaps some company
Figure 3.1
Sapporo beer advertisement on back cover of the July
1922 issue of Kaebyok.
In the Adan Mun'go collection.
142
stock. The bold print of the advertisement declares "40,000,000 won in capital." What
might be called the advertisement's subheadings read, "Our manufacturing powers
are number one in the world" and "The quality of Sapporo beer is number one in the
world." The body text of the advertisement wrapping around the image of a bottle
of beer centered in the lower third of the advertisement boasts of the brand's global
distribution and numerous breweries. The label on the bottle is printed in English and
makes the point that, political realities aside, Korea is not Japan by including the phrase
"Specially Brewed for Export." So Korea was not considered a domestic but an export
market. Writing on the paper ribbon looping the neck of the bottle crows about the
brand's international success: SAPPORO BEER, GRAND PRIZE, BRITISH EXHIBITION.2
Capitalized business and the pleasure suggested by a bottle of beer are conjoined just
as literary art was coupled with the advertising that supported it—couplings that were
unknown in Korea before the twentieth century. Moreover, the Sapporo ad, as well as the
contexts of this issue of Kaebyok (described below), reveal Kim So-wol's "traditional"
lyric in the rather cosmopolitan context of its initial performance.
This chapter begins with a discussion of the large body of scholarly work securing
Kim So-wol's central place in Korea's literary canon. A brief account of his early
life illuminates important themes in this scholarship and is followed by a description
of the limitations of this discourse that reads Kim So-wol's work divorced from the
bibliographic contexts of its initial publication. To address these limitations, I provide a
general description of journals based on a survey of thirty-eight individual issues of the
periodicals in which Kim So-wol's poetry appeared between 1920 and 1925, followed by
more detailed descriptions of the publishers, pressmen, and printing facilities that made
these journals, as well as the advertisers that supported them. The second half of the
chapter discusses the authors with whom Kim So-wol appeared and two organizations
central to his career: the literary coterie that published Ch'angjo ft|j£ (Creation), where
2
Kaebyok (July 1922), back cover.
143
Kim So-wol's poems first appeared in March of 1920, and Kaebyoksa, the publisher of
Kaebyok, where the largest number of Kim So-wol's poems appeared between 1920 and
1925. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the editors who oversaw the publication
of Kim So-wol's poems in these ten periodicals.
The narrative emerging from these analyses is that Kim So-wol was a poet of the
intellectual monthlies and the daily newspaper, and the editors and publishers who made
his poetry between 1920 and 1925 tended to be quite young, like Kim So-wol and his
readers. Moreover, also like Kim So-wol, his editors and those who contributed most
frequently to the periodicals in which his poems appear were often from the northern
provinces of Korea. Kim Ok, six years Kim So-wol's senior and a native of Kim So-wol's
home prefecture of Chongju in North P'yongan Province, most significantly shaped the
textual context in which Kim So-wol's poetry appeared, as well as the scholarly discourse
that followed. Moreover, it is clear that the Ch'angjo coterie, of which Kim Ok was a
member, not only launched Kim So-wol's career but defined the context in which his
poetry would appear in the vernacular press. Of the ten authors with whom Kim So-wol
appeared most frequently in periodicals between 1920 and 1925, five were members of
the Ch'angjo coterie. As So-wol's editors at a number of periodicals, Ch'angjo writers
were also in a position to amend Kim So-wol's manuscripts and determine where his
poems would be placed. Although playwright Hyon Ch'ol 2,'t^ (ne Hyon Hui-un SfS :
jj£, 1891-1965) had the opportunity to shape the largest number of poems, Ch'angjo
coterie members Kim Ok, Kim Tong-in, and O Ch'on-sok all served as Kim So-wol's
editors. Finally, these analyses reveal that, like the vernacular books of poetry described
in Chapter Two, these periodicals were printed at a relatively small number of facilities
by a similarly small number of men. This suggests again how localized the production of
vernacular poetry was during the 1920s.
144
Critical Contexts
A separate dissertation could be written about the critical discourse that now secures
a place for Kim So-wol and his poetry in the history of modern Korea Kwon Yong-
min, m a paper delivered at Harvard University in 2004, estimated that more than five
hundred books and articles have been written about Kim So-wol 3 Indeed, the critical
bibliographies included m the complete works of Kim So-wol edited by Kim Chong-uk
and Kim Yong-jik each list more than 360 books and articles,4 and do not include the
decade prior to Kwon's addiess or the six years since Since 1995, when both Kim Yong-
jik and Kim Chong-uk end their bibliographies, the number of articles, dissertations, and
books about Kim So-wol has continued to grow The National Libraiy of South Korea
and South Korea's Assembly Libiary hold more than fifty books and 120 master's and
doctoral dissertations published since 1995 that address Kim So-wol ^ Two impoitant
databases containing journal articles from many of South Korea's impoitant humanities
journals list more than 120 articles about Kim So-wol dating fiom 1995 to the present 6
To this we can add nearly 60 articles listed by the National Assembly Library 7
While these databases include many important South Korean literary journals, they
leave out others such as Munhak kwa chisong Jr'$\2f^1A3 (Literature and intelligence)
3
Kwon Young-min, "Poetic Meaning and Pioblems of Linguistic Interpietation With an Emphasis on Kim
So-wol's 'Azaleas'" (papei lead at the Harvaid Univeisity Koiea Institute Colloquium Senes, Cambudge,
MA, Apnl 15,2004)
4
Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol 2, 513-531, Kim Yong-jik 7r] -§-î, Kim So-v\ 61 chonjip
^ i * ! ^ (Complete woiks of Kim So-w51) 2001 lepnnt (Seoul Soul Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 1996),
570-590 Kim Han-ho 7A t l ^-, Siilp'un sun in norae # 3 - Al •?]-&] \-^ (The songs of a sonowful poet)
(Seoul Munye Madang, 2000) includes a less cntical bibliogiaphy of Kim So-wol scholaislup which lists
826 books and articles
5
Keywoid seaich, "Kim So-wol," at The National Libiary of Koiea website, http //wwwnl goki/index
php, and the National Assembly Libiary website, http //wwwnanet go ki/main jsp, August 9, 2010
6
Keywoid seaich, ""Kim So-w51," at DBpia, www dbpia co ki, and Koiean Studies Information Service
System, http //kiss kstudy com, August 9, 2010
7
Keywoid seaich, "Kim So-wol," National Assembly Libiary, http //www nanet go ki/main jsp, August 9,
2010
145
and Segye ui munhak A] 3] °] ^r^] (The world's literature). Moreover, the national
libraries of South Korea present only fragmented information concerning what North
Korean scholars have written about Kim So-wol.8 Suffice it to say, only the most cursory
summary of this scholarship is possible here.
We gain a sense of the interest in Kim So-wol by charting the number of articles and
books listed in critical bibliographies such as those found in Kim Yong-jik's and Kim
Chong-uk's collected works of Kim So-wol. Such a table, however crude, makes clear
that serious scholarly interest in Kim So-wol was not expressed in South Korea until
after the Korean War (1950-1953). We also see that the most intense period of interest
in Kim So-wol occurred in the late 1970s and the 1980s. During this period, scholars
were actively seeking out Kim So-wol's papers and manuscripts, as well as excavating
his poems from the journals in which they initially appeared. The former task proved
relatively difficult by comparison to the latter; only a moderate number of documents and
manuscripts attributable to Kim So-wol were discovered.9 However, "complete works"
based largely on what could be culled from colonial-era journals and "facsimile" copies
of Kim So-wol's 1925 Chindallaekkot]0 began appearing in significant numbers in the
For a discussion of how Kim So-wol's woik has been treated by North Korean critics and literary
historians see Kwon Y5ng-mm T5 1 ?], Pyongyang ep'in chindallaekkot Pukhan munhaksa sok in Kim
So-wol SJ °<H1 ^ ?J ^ * ' 4 S H r ^ - 4 # - ^ ^ i - S (The azaleas that blossom in P'yongyang: Kim So-
wSl's place in North Korean literary history) (Seoul. T'ongil Munhak, 2002)
9
The most significant discovery of So-wol-i elated matei lals was announced in the Novembet 1977
issue of Munhak sasang. There, authors known collectively as the Charyo Chosa Yon'gusil (materials
research office), described the discovery of a notebook that contained a number of poems by Kim Ok and
Kim So-wol They also describe a number of handwritten poems that appeared on scrap papei from the
Chongju office of the Tonga ilbo where Kim So-wol worked from late July of 1926 until March of 1927,
which they attribute to Kim So-wol. At the time, it was believed that forty-seven unpublished poems had
been discovered, along with a handful of other unpublished texts such as a letter and a few short essays
Charyo Chosa Yon'gusil, "Ich'yojin chakp'um ul ch'ajaso Si*!?! fhin-lr -55"44 (Lost works found),"
Munhak sasang (November 1977) 392-431 In his most lecent collected woiks of Kim So-wol, however,
Kim Chong-uk excludes ten of the poems that were originally associated with Kim So-wol because he
is uncertain they can be attributed to him Kim Chong-uk, "Tllodugi "H ?i T"- 'A (Explanatory notes)," in
Chongbon So-wol chonjip, unnumbered page in front matter
10
I will discuss this in more detail in Chapter Five It is clear, however, that all of the significant complete
works of Kim So-wol's poetry since ChoTong-il 3 : - i l l and Yun Chu-un's T T - C Kim So-wol sison
146
Table 3.1 Number of Books and Articles about Kim So-wol, 1923-2010
Database
Year Kim Yong-jik Kim Chong-uk and Libraiy
Searches
1923-1929 1 1
1930-1939 6 8
1940-1949 9 8
1950-1959 36 34
1960-1969 43 49
1970-1979 89 98
1980-1989 155 138
1990-1994 46 45
1995-1999 47
93 (including 92 (including
1990-1999 (totals)
libraiy searches) libraiy searches)
2000-2010 140
Note: Neither Kim Yong-jik nor Kim Chong-uk May of 1921. Moreover, Yi Kwang-su's article docs
include early, fragmented criticism that mentions not appear in the Januaiy 2, 1926 issue of the Tonga
Kim So-wol such as Pak Chong-hwa 4M4II, ilbo, as O suggests, but in the Januaiy 1, 1925 issue.
"Mundan ui illyon ui ch'uok haya hySnhwang kwa O suggests inconect titles for two of the articles he
chakp'um ill kaep'yong hanora -§r1cr^) - •fT--§- jfl cites. Although the meaning is essentially the same,
1 6 4 4 mi 4 fhVi-lr K 4 4 ^ 4 (Remembering the title of Chu Yo-han's short piece is "Mundan
the year in literature: the current situation and sip'yong >4Hft?fs¥ (Comments on literature)" and
an initial critical review of the work)," Kaebyok not "Munye sip'yong §• °fl 4 3 j (Comments on
(Januaiy, 1923): 1-14, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe literature)." The title of Kim Ok's December 1923
(National Institute of Korean Histoiy) database, piece is "Sidan ui illyon n^~JB4 — %• (The year in
http://db.histoiy.go.kr, accessed October 22, 2010; poetiy)" and not "Mundan ui imyon -§-^:-2] "S'd
Kim Ok, "Sidan ui illyon U 1-^4 — ¥ (The year in (The year in literature)." Finally, the text of the
poetry)," Kaebyok (December 1923): 39-51, Kuksa passages that O cites appears to be altered in places.
database, accessed October 22, 2010; Chu Yo-han For example, Kim Ki-jin's comments about Kim
i\-WMi, "Mundan sip'yong jZWl^fif (Comments on So-wol in the April 1925 issue of Kaebyok,
literature)," Choson mundan (October 1924):65-67; "6\ A}HJ-o) 4 < y a _ 3 . 4 4 * # ! £ , 711B]^ Vl-S-4 $£
Songjin Munhwasa facsimile (1971):85-87; Kim Ki- InNMllH] °AA 4 - 4 t r 4 — ^ 4 ? ! - 4 , " are presented
jin 4?Jjtjf;, "Hyon sidan ui siin 1 5 ^ 1 1 4 \,\\ (The by O to read: " ° | 4 ^ 4 4 ^ 5 - 4 4 ^ - &
poets of our contemporary poetiy community)," 7iiui^ 4-3-3 4 ^ ° 1 1 ?J4 44-&7> ^ 4 4 4 . "
Kaebyok (April, 1925): 23-34, Kuksa database, In addition to modernizing the orthography,
accessed October 22, 2010; Yi Kwang-su 4=3t#k, transcribing the Sino-Korean graphs, and removing
"Choson mundan ui hyonsang kwa changnae Wi(\ X the comma, O substitutes "sojongsong 4 4 4
J"S4 J=fl;iA4!H* (The present and future of Choson
(lyricism) "for "sojong sogok J&tiVhlll] (short
literature)," Tonga ilbo, Januaiy 1, 1925.
lyric songs)." O Se-yong, Kim So-wol, ku sam kwa
Passages from these short articles are cited in O munhak, 27; Kim Ki-jin, "Hyon sidan ui siin,"
Se-yong, Kim So-wol, ku sain kwa munhak, 27-8. 29, Kuksa database, accessed October 22, 2010.
However, O Se-yong makes a number of errors It is not uncommon to find errors in the Kuksa
when citing these texts. Pak Chong-hwa's article P'ySnch'an Wiwonhoe database. It is unlikely,
appears in the Januaiy 1923 issue of Kaebyok however, that "sojongsogok iStra'hft (short lyric
and not, as O suggests, the Januaiy 1923 issue of songs)" is an error and O's text is correct.
Ch'angjo. The last issue of Ch'angjo appeared in
147
late 1970s and early 1980s. While Ha Tong-ho and Paek Sun-jae's &&{+ 1966 Mot ijul
ku saram: kydlchongp'an So-wo I chonjip -£ $}-§; O- *\ %h VOilfk ^J-J i t $t (The one not
forgotten: authoritative complete works of So-wol) was the first complete works of Kim
So-wol, Yun Chu-un and Cho Tong-il, as well as Kim Yong-jik, O Se-yong, and Kim
Chong-uk all brought out collected works of Kim So-wol between 1979 and 1982."
After the 1980s, scholarly interest in Kim So-wol waned. Even if Kim Chong-uk and
Kim Yong-jik had included all of the articles found in the database and library searches
I describe above, we would still see a decline in serious writing about Kim So-wol in
the 1990s. That said, scholars such as O Ha-gun were quite active during this period and
did a great deal of important work. For example, O's 1995 Kim So-wol siopop ydn'gu
^ i-^l Al °"1 ^ ^n 2 " (Research on the poetic language of Kim So-wol) was a significant
contribution and remains an indispensible tool for the study of Kim So-w51.
The 2000s saw a flurry of scholarly activity at the beginning of the decade,
particularly in 2002, the one-hundredth anniversary of Kim So-wol's birth.12 Moreover,
ydn'gu •# Jl M rf SI$\ % (A study of Kim So-wol's book of poems) (Seoul: Hangmunsa, 1980) have used
a 1970s "facsimile" as their copy-text. Moreover, a comparison of this "facsimile" with extant copies of
the two versons of Kim So-wol's 1925 Chindallaekkot makes it clear that these reproductions have been
altered. Tt should be noted that it is also quite likely that Cho and Yun's 1979 Kim So-wol si chonso -fc^j=j
uifi^-S (Complete poetiy of Kim So-wol) (Seoul: Munhwa Ch'ulp'ansa, 1979) is likely to have also utilized
the altered facsimile of Chindallaekkot as its copy-text. However, I have not been able to locate a copy of
this book.
11
These are Cho Tong-il and Yun Chu-un, eds., Kim So-wol si chonso #HIM s H j^S (Complete poetiy
of Kim So-w51) (Seoul: Munhwa Ch'ulp'ansa, 1979) [I have not been able to see a copy of this book];
Cho Tong-il and Yun Chu-un, eds., Kim So-wol sisonydn'gu (Seoul: Hangmunsa, 1980); Cho Tong-il and
Yun Chu-un, eds., So-wol si chonso: nijottun mam MR B-tri?SI: M-^J-E-^ (Complete poetic works of So-
wol: forgotten heart) (Seoul: Hangmunsa, 1980); Kim Yong-jik -HfftW, ed.,Kim So-wol chonjip: mot ijd
saenggak nagetchiyo -&MJ]±$k - ^ " ^ ^ZfM^W-fi- (Complete works of Kim So-wol: Not forgotten, he
will be remembered) (Seoul: Toso Ch'ulp'an Munjang, 1981); O Se-yong !/Itll JE, ed., Kkwn tiro omin han
saram: Kim So-wol chonjip ? A 5 . _$_fe #A1-^1: aiJS J1 5i#i (That one who comes in a dream: complete
works of Kim So-wol) (Seoul: Munhak Sasangsa, 1981); Kim Chong-uk, ed., Wonbon So-wol chonjip Isfl/K
Jfefl ^Hs (Complete original works of So-wol) (Seoul: Hongsongsa, 1982).
12
It is worth emphasizing that the data for the 2000s does not represent works from critical bibliographies
such as Kim Yong-jik's or Kim Chong-uk's. Consequently, the number of articles published after the
millennium surely overstates the number of articles scholars such as Kim Yong-jik and Kim Chong-uk
might include in a critical bibliography. Why Kim Chong-uk did not extend his critical bibliography
beyond 1995 when he brought out his 2005 collected works of Kim So-wol is perplexing.
148
there was an effort to update the presentation of Kim So-wol's texts. In 2005, Kim
Chong-uk brought out an updated edition of his two-volume Wonbon So-wol chonjip
(Complete original works of So-wol) called Chongbon So-wol chonjip (Complete correct
original works of So-wol). In 2007, Kwon Y6ng-min published his Kim So-wol si chonjip
7
A :£.TS A1 ?1 H (Complete collected poetry of Kim So-wol), which provides renditions of
Kim So-wol's poems in South Korea's contemporary orthography alongside orthographic
approximations of how the poems were presented in Kim So-wol's day.
The Early Life of Kim So-wol
Kim Chong-sik ^&ji (So-wol's given name) was born in September of 1902,
presumably under an early autumn sky. Chang Kyong-suk fe^M, his mother, had left her
husband's house in Namdan-dong Fr^S/l"!13 to give birth in Wangin-dong Ifff" M where
her parents lived. Mother and son returned to Namdan-dong one hundred days later, as
was customary; Chong-sik grew up there, the son of a wealthy businessman.14
To the south of the mountain village the Yellow Sea was visible in the distance and,
almost like a shadow floating on the ocean, Samgak Mountain —.ft ill rose up from Sinmi
Island IHff Ife. A clear brook flowed in front of Chong-sik's home and rolled down toward
the ocean through terraced rice fields. A low, crumbling, rock wall that circled what was
once a mountain fortress on nearby Nunghan Mountain {HEIRLU lent an air of mystery to
the place.
Chongju, in North P'yongan Province where Namdan-dong is located, opened
its eyes early to enlightenment thinking. Chong-sik grew up in a traditional Confucian
family but Chongju was a place of intellectual and cultural change and home to people
such as Yi Sung-hun $ # ^ (1864-1930), a leader of the Independence Movement and

13
Namdan-dong is frequently referred to as "Namsan Mill" in documents about Kim So-w51.1 use the two
names interchangeably.
14
Kim So-wol's father appears to have been mentally unwell and by the time So-wol returned from Japan
in late 1923 the family was beginning to face financial difficulties.
149
one of thirty-three men who signed the Korean Declaration of Independence in 1919.
Other nationalists such as An Ch'ang-ho -£ § & (1878-1938) and Cho Man-sik ts H!t
Iff (1882-1950) were from nearby. The ghost of General Im Kyong-6p fAftH (1594-
1646), famous for his desire to attack the Qing after King Injo (r. 1623-1649) decided to
surrender to Chinese forces in 1636, seemed to linger like the shadow thrown by Samgak
Mountain where Im is said to have trained in the martial arts.
Yi Kwang-su, author of novels such as Mnjong tofiti (The heartless) and a seminal
figure in the creation of a new, modern literature, also had his roots in Chongju. Osan
Middle School, one of the era's most progressive educational organizations, was there as
well. In fact, Yi Kwang-su taught at Osan for a short period. Moreover, the well-respected
poet and translator of Western verse Kim Ok attended the school before becoming one of
its instructors. Kim is said to have helped propagate the first waves of Western poetics in
the soon-to-be turbulent literary waters of the twentieth century. Chong-sik also attended
Osan where he became one of Kim Ok's students. Recognizing Chong-sik's prodigious
literary gifts, Kim Ok introduced Chong-sik to the literary world, which would know
him by his pen name So-wol ME . As a poet in Chongju, So-wol wanted for nothing and
began to produce verse that, like William Wordsworth's poems about his Cumberland
countryside, sang about his home.
Themes in So-wol Scholarship
This is a well-known story and, for those familiar with the body of scholarship
regarding Kim So-wol, a version that will feel especially familiar. To construct the
narrative that I have just related I have taken fragments from the limpid first chapter
of Kim So-wol, ku sam kwa munhak 7v :i1=, 3. £,]-2f -§7?}- (Kim So-wol, his life and
literature) by O Se-Ydng and reshaped them to convey something of what we know about
Kim Chong-sik's early life and highlight themes in So-w51 scholarship.15

15
O Se-Y5ng Mffl.35,Kim So-wol, ku sam kwa munhak 7J i - U , o. $ 4 ^ (Kim So-wol, his life and
literature) (Seoul: Soul Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 2000), 9-32.
150
Among the most prevalent themes is that Kim So-wol and his poetry are thoroughly
Korean and rooted in the soil of P'yongan's northern province. This reflects the earliest
critical stances toward Kim So-wol. Kim So-w5Ps instructor at the Osan school, Kim
Ok, who has had the most profound influence over how scholars have approached Kim
So-w5l, championed the association of Kim So-wol's poetry with "traditional" Korea,
Korean folk song, and a newly created critical category,16 folk-song-style poetry (minyosi
KnSn'j).17 In a 1923 article, for example, in which Kim initially pans a pair of So-wol's
poems only to exalt others that he associated with folk-song-style poetry, Kim Ok urges
Kim So-wol to lead the way for minyosi. '8
So-wol would take issue with Kim Ok's treatment of his poems and would later
write his only theoretical statement about poetry, "Sihon i.J |S| (Poetic Soul),"19 in
response to Kim Ok's critical thrashing of his two poems in 1923. Moreover, by Kim
Ok's own admission, So-wol never appreciated his association with minyosi. Kim Ok
writes in a remembrance of Kim So-wol published shortly after Kim So-wol's death in
16
Pak Hye-suk and Pak Kyong-su both suggest that the first use of the term "minyosi" was beside Kim So-
wol's poem "Chindallaekkot (Azaleas)" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok. Pak Kyong-su argues that Kim
6k, not Kim So-wol, is likely to have had the term printed beside the poem. Pak Kyong-su ^ ^ ^ r , Han'guk
kundae minyosi yon'gu Q^ 5-tfl "3-S--M ^ T 1 (A study of modem Korean folk-song-style poetry) (Seoul:
Han'guk Munhwasa, 1998), 24-25; Pak Hye-suk ^Nl^r, Han'guk minyosi yon'gu t t ^ ^ - S - ^ 'SIT 1 (A study
of Korean folk-song-style poetiy), 14. As I discuss later in this chapter and the next, it appears to be true
that the term minyosi first appeared in the July 1922 Kaebyok beside "Chindallaekkot." Moreover, as both
Paks argue, it also appears to be tine that Kim Ok is the first to have defined the term minyosi. However,
Hyon Ch'ol, the editor of the literature and arts section in July of 1922, is likely to have made the final
decision to include the term minyosi next to Kim So-wol's poem. Whether or not Kim Ok influenced that
decision is difficult to know.
17
The term minyosi appears to have had significant critical force in 1920s Korea even if it was not used
consistently and lacked any real conceptual cohesion. See Pak Hye-suk, Han'guk minyosi yon'gu, 24-28 and
Pak Kyong-su, Han'guk kundae minyosi yon'gu, 26-27'.
18
Kim Anso &it%% (Kim 6k), "Sidan ui illyon f>&iW.^\ ^T (The year in poetiy)," Kaebyok (December
1923): 43-44, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr.
19
Kim So-wol, "Sihon ^?5| (Poetic soul)," Kaebyok(May 1925): 11-17.
151
1934, "I'm not sure why, but he hated being called a folk-song-style poet and demanded
that if he was a poet, he be called a poet."20
Despite So-w6Ps objections, commentators during So-wol's lifetime and after have
consistently associated his poetry with folk song and traditional Korea. The poet Chu
Yo-han Ifff ^ (1900-1979), for example, suggests in October of 1924 that Kim So-wdl's
poems have a "folk-song-like atmosphere that will be difficult to find elsewhere"21 and
Kim Ki-jin "feSEIft (1903-1985), in a less appreciative review of So-wol's work, writes in
April of 1925, "I think that perhaps light, short, folk-song-like lyrics {minyochok sojong
sogok ^-S-î Mtri^flh) are the essence (pollydng ^ H E ) of [Kim So-wol] as a poet."22
In the mid-to-late 1950s, during the first rush of serious critical engagement with Kim
So-wol's poetry, critics such as Chong T'ae-yong ftP#l§ (1919-1972) wrote a number
of articles that cast Kim So-w51 as a folk-song-style poet of the Korean minjok ( K K ,
nation).23 At the peak of critical interest in Kim So-wol in the late 1970s and the 1980s,
20
Kim Anso, "Yojorhan pakhaeng siin Kim So-wol e tahan ch'uok Alf\ ?b 'tfjii i:'i A <fcS5 M °fl t\ ^ Jtits.
(Remembering the unfortunate poet Kim So-wol who died too young)," Choson chungang ilbo, January
22-26, 1935, reprinted in Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon Kim So-wol chonjip, 405.
21
Chu Yo-han, "Mundan sip'yong ilflBtsf (Comments on literature)," Choson mundan (October 1924):
66, Songjin Munhwasa facsimile, 1971, 86.
22
Kim Ki-jin, "Hy5n sidan ui siin l5hVi\%$2\ IJj A. (The poets of our contemporary poetry community),"
Kaebyok (April 1925): 29, Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.ki', accessed October
22,2010.
23
Minjok is a difficult term to translate. As Gi-Wook Shin points out, it can refer to "nation," "ethnie,"
"race," or all three. Gi-Wook Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea: Genealogy, Politics, and Legacy
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), 4. Consequently, T generally transcribe the term and do not
translate it. For a list of articles from the 1950s about Kim So-wol as a folk-song-style poet and poet of
the Korean minjok see Kim Chong-uk, ed., Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol. 2, 513-514. It should be noted,
however, that Kim appears to have made a number of errors in his bibliography. For example, I am not
able to find Chong T'ae-yong's §|S^S§ "Minjok siin Kim So-wol KW-ViK 4 i ^ / 3 (Minjokpoet Kim So-
wol)" in the June 1957 issue of Hyondae munhak where Kim Chong-uk suggests it appears. Nor am I able
to find Chong T'ae-yong's "Hyondae siin yon'gu: minyo siindul MKP\ K®\%: KnUetA-P- (A study of
contemporaiy poets: the folk-song-style poets)," in the August 1957 Hyondae munhak. Articles that appear
to roughly correspond to what Kim suggests appeared in the June and August issues of Hyondae munhak
appear in Chong T'ae-yong's 1976 collected works, Chong T'ae-yong sonjip: Han'guk hyondae siin yon'gu,
kit 'a MSÎSiS*: $ S i H f t ^ ABT3S i t fill (Collected works of Chong T'ae-yong: studies of contemporaiy
Korean poets and other writings) (Seoul: Omun'gak, 1976). The emphasis Chong appears to have placed
on Kim So-wol as a poet of the Korean minjok with titles such as "Minjok poet Kim So-wol" is not as
152
scholars such as O Se-yong, in his hugely influential Han 'guk nangmanjuui siyon'gu \\t
ffl'S/ST j'%A W\ % (A study of Korean romantic poetry), associated Kim So-wol with a
group of poets who were exploring the traditional world of the minjok. Discussing the
various attempts made by Korean poets to search out a "new beginning" in the aftermath
of the failed 1919 March First Independence Movement O writes, "Where poets such as
Kim Sok-song 5&5l^ [Kim Hyong-won ^fefluJ^L (1900-?)] were attempting to actualize
the principles of democracy, and poets such as Pak Yong-hui ll^!! 8 , [1901-?], Pak
Chong-hwa ^hlifn [1901-1981], and Yi Sang-hwa 4MflW [1901-1943] were dreaming
of an imagined ideal world {kwannyomjok isang segye M^t,(fy WfM l u "#), poets such as
Hong Sa-yong Vm® [1900-1947], Kim So-wol, Chu Yo-han XMt ft (1900-1979), and
Kim Ok found this [new beginning] in the traditional world of the minjok (minjokchok
chont'ong segye KtM(ft f$Mlil.#)." 24 Indeed, while acknowledging that these poets did
not identify themselves as such, O suggests that Kim Ok, Chu Yo-han, Hong Sa-yong,
Kim So-wol, and Kim Tong-hwan can be viewed as members of what O terms "a folk-
song-style poetry coterie (minyosip'a KfSss^fJJx)."25 As if to appease the ghost of General
Im Kyong-6p, in the late 1980s critics began to explore the relationship between Kim So-
wol and what is often considered the most Korean of Korea's many spiritual practices and
traditions, Korean shamanism.26
explicit in the essays that appear in his 1976 collected works. The association is strongly implied, however.
Moreover, Chong does discuss Kim So-wol as a "folk-song-style poet."
24
O Se-yong, Han guk nangmanjuui siyon'gu 'SHiliisLL jln^Wfrft (A study of Korean romantic poetry),
seventh printing (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1980), 21.
25
Ibid., 10.
26
For example, see Yi Yong-ch'un $ ^ 1 ^ , "Kim So-wol si e panyongdoen musoksong yon'gu ^r%
Y\ n-j°ll teB!*i^! 3if{>tt ${3L (A Study of the shamanistic characteristics apparent in the poetry of Kim
So-wol)" (master's thesis, Kyonghui Taehakkyo, 1988) and any number of more recent articles such as
Kim Y6ng-s5k 7A °§ ^, "Han'guk hyondaesi ui minsokchok sangsangnyok tb"^ î^H Al °] x ?]# ^ ^^'^
(Shamanistic imaginaiy in contemporary Korean poetry)" in Kim Yong-s5k, Han'guk hyondaesi ui nolli
tr^îtfl-M- 2 ! fc-2} (The logic of contemporary poetry) (Seoul: Samgy5ng Munhwasa, 1999): 214-262;
Sin Pom-sun -il'Sfr, "Syamonijum ui kundaejok kyesung kwa sihakchok yangsang: Kim So-w5l ul
c h u n g s i m u r o ^ M 1 - ! ^ ! ^ A %Â A}^*\ °<M)---34^-fr f ^ ° - J ? - (Shamanism's early modem
153
Important currents within this dominant discourse were initiated in the late 1950s by
writers and critics such as Kim Tong-ni &Jk Y (1913-1995), So Chong-ju %&]• (1915-
2000), and a number of commentators from North Korea. Assuming the relationship
implicitly, these observers focused somewhat less on associating Kim So-wol's poetry
with Korean tradition and more on the causes and implications of the emotions expressed
in his work. Summarizing these feelings most frequently with the terms han tS or
chonghan tntil (resentment), these scholars and critics identified the source of So-wol's
speakers' grief in causes as diverse as estrangement from nature and Japanese oppression.
Kim Tong-ni, for example, famously describes how the phrase chomanch'i *i ^ ^ l
(over there) in the poem "Sanyuhwa ill ^ ?t (Flowers on the mountain)" suggests its
speaker's alienation from the natural world.27 North Korean commentators, particularly
in the late fifties, tended to praise Kim So-wol as a realist poet who sang of his love for
his nation and his people. They considered Japanese colonial oppression the cause of
the resentment expressed by So-wol's speakers.28 So Chong-ju, in an astutely contrarian
article published in the late 1950s, considered the despair expressed in So-wol's poetry as
a means of overcoming despair. While recognizing the sense of resignation that pervades
Kim So-wol's poetry, So asserts in 1959 that poems such as "Kaeami 7fl°rnl (Ants),"
"Pat korang ueso ^3-"% -f °ll A1 (On the furrow of a field)," and "Na ui chip q-^ 3 (My
manifestations and place in [early modem] poetics: with a focus on Kim So-wol," Sian (December 2002):
37-53; and O T'ae-hwan JLEfl^, "Hon kwa iii sot'ong, tto nun musokjok yoso ui munhakjok ch'ungwi:
Kim So-wol, Yi Sang, Paek Sok si ui musokjok sangsangnyok £ - 4 ^ i - f , S-rz " - # * ! ^ - i ^ l X T ^
%•$]—^ztî °]<$ ««^ A]O] J f ^ a ] 4M>V^ (Communicating with souls and the literary layers of
shamanism: shamamstic imaginary in the poems of Kim So-w5l, Yi Sang, and Paek Sok)," Kukche omun
(April 2008): 203-241.
27
See Kim Tong-ni Ajfii!, "Ch'ongsan kwa ui kori pf ili^r-S] KFftff- (The distance from the blue
mountains)," in Kim Tong-ni, Munhak kwa in'gan "Z^^lAFnl (People and literature) (Seoul: Paengmin
Munhwasa, 1948): 48-58.
28
Na Hui-dok M-s] ej, " Kim So-wol si ui suyong kwajong ^ i-f! Al &] ^ - § - 4 ^ (The reception of Kim
So-wol's poems)," Han'guk munhak iron kwa pip'yong 17 (December 2002), 288.
154
home)" suggest a muted hopefulness to be found in community, diligence, and individual
determination.29
Using Yeats—The Limits of So-wol Scholarship
The relationship between Kim So-wol's poetry and foreign literatures has been
another important current within Kim So-wol scholarship, one which also highlights
the conceptual instabilities and limitations of the discourse. The drive to present Kim
So-wol's poetry as thoroughly Korean anachronistically dichotomizes its relationship
to non-Korean literature that influenced Kim So-wol and appeared alongside his work
in the periodicals of his day. This polemical stance and the lack of attention paid to the
frequent juxtaposition, by colonial-era editors, of Kim So-wol's poetry with works such
as Shakespeare's Hamlet suggest that Kim So-wol scholarship has been limited by its
disregard for the initial bibliographic contexts of his work.
The discussion of Kim So-w51 and foreign writers has centered on the notion of
influence (yonghyang). Some scholars see the strong influence of writers such as W.B.
Yeats (1865-1939) and Arthur Symons (1865-1945), while others see little or no influence
by writers such as these on Kim So-wol. Yi Yang-ha ^ ^ M appears to have been the first
to point out the similarity between Kim So-wol's "Azaleas," where the speaker asks her
love to tread gently on azalea flowers, and Yeats's poem "He Wishes For the Cloths of
Heaven,"30 where the speaker states, "I have spread my dreams under your feet;/ Tread
softly because you tread on my dreams."31 In addition, critics such as Kim Yong-jik have
29
So Chong-ju mitt, "So-w5l si e issoso ui chonghan ui ch'ori fr,H s J H $ i ° H ^ Ipf'iU °1 ^ A (A
treatment of the resentment found in So-wol's poems)," Hydndae mimhak 52 (July 1959): 197-205.
30 r
Yi Yang-ha ^ S M , "So-wol ui chindallae wa Yeich'u ui kkum £J] -2] llimty °\] °] * j -2] i? (So-wol's
azaleas and Yeats's dreams)," in Chong Py5ng-jo SWlffi., ed., Yi Yang-ha Kyosu Ch'unyom munjip ^Wi'M
W&- ;6^:i.lfe (Collected writings and remembrances of Professor Yi Y6ng-ha) (Seoul: Printed at Minjok
Sogwan, 1964): 62-63.
31
William Butler Yeats, "He wishes for the Cloths of Heaven," in The Yeats Reader, ed Richard J. Finneran
(New York: Scribner Poetry, 2002), 29.
155
suggested that the poetry and thought of Arthur Symons influenced Kim So-wol.32 Kevin
O'Rourke, in his important Han'guk kundaesi uiyongsiyonghyangyon'gu WHiHf^
r^j -1 ~5[BTI °j U ^ T 1 " (A study of the influence of English poetry on early modern Korean
poetry) makes the case for the importance of Yeats and Symons to both Kim 6 k and Kim
So-wol.33 More recent articles such as Im Chae-ho's somewhat awkward "Yongsi wa
Han'guksi: Yeich'u wa So-wol ui yonghyang kwan'gye °J ^] &} f } ^ A l : ^1 °] * $ } ±.Q $]
°J ^ ^ r ^ l (English and Korean poetry: Yeats's influence on So-wol)"34 have also probed
the relationship between So-wol and Yeats.
In contrast, So Chong-ju has argued that because So-wol's poetry has its foundations
in Korean tradition, "compared with any other poet from after the enlightenment period
[late nineteenth/early twentieth century], the influence of foreign poetries is rather small
[in his work]."35 Moreover, foreign literature and poets are often a foil against which
Kim So-wol and his "traditional" poetry are defined. In Peter Lee's A History of Korean
Literature, for example, we find the following in a discussion of "folk-song-style poetry":
"[Kim So-wol's] adoption of stock diction and meter was to revive the voice of the people
at a time when the contemporary trend was an injudicious imitation of Western poetry."36
32
Kim Yong-jik, "Hyongsonggi ui Han'guk kundaesi e mich'm A. Simonju ui yonghyang )[£]$.&s\ #?
13 iSffr 0 ]] Dl ?! A. Al -5-.3. £] %3-W (The influence of A. Symons during the development of early modern
Korean poetry)," Kwanak omun che 3-chip (March 1979): 128, cited in Kevin O'Rourke, Han'guk kundaesi
iii yongsi yonghyang yon'gu ffiSJifcTA —1 3is-5 %>ZE W rjft. (A study of the influence of English poetiy on
early modem Korean poetiy) (Seoul: Saemunsa, 1984), 89.
33
Kevin O'Rourke, Han 'guk kundaesi iii yongsi yonghyang yon'gu •j'.THJfLfUi °I A M ' T ^ U ^ T 1 (A study of
the influence of English poetiy on early modem Korean poetiy) (Seoul: Saemunsa, 1984), 87-116.
34
Im Chae-ho <y tf\SL, "Yongsi wa Han'guksi: Yeich'u wa So-wol ui yonghyang kwan'gye ^ A l2j- t l ^ - M .
°1] °] Z-s\ ±.-fl •£] °& *}-& ?fl (English and Korean poetiy: Yeats's influence on So-wol)," Cheimsu Choisu
chonol 8, no. 1 (June 2002): 169-180.
35
So Chong-ju, "Kim So-wol kwa ku ill si 4£^/3 -0} :n.£] „4 (Kim So-wol and his poetiy)," in Han'guk
ui hydndaesi §iM&°lilftrf (Contemporaiy Korean poetiy) (Seoul: Ilchisa, 1969), 156, cited in Kevin
O'Rourke, Han'guk kundaesi iii yongsi yonghyang yon'gu, 93-93.
36
Peter Lee, A History ojKorean Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 349.
156
In addition to the problematic notion of "the voice of the people," Peter Lee's
statement shows how the discourse can belittle Korean poets who experimented with
foreign literatures and obscure that fact that works of Western poets and discussions
of Western poetry were not only a defining aspect of Korean poetry but also of the
discussion of Kim So-wol's work. This is demonstrated most readily by Kim Ok's
frequent and creative use of Yeats's poetry in his discussions of Kim So-wol.
For example, Kim Ok begins the 1923 essay in which he encourages Kim So-wol
to lead the way for minyosi with a translation of the last lines of Yeats's poem "The Old
Men Admiring Themselves in the Water." He uses Yeats rhetorically to throw down a
gauntlet before his readers, whom he assumes to be aspiring poets: the translated excerpt,
"All that's beautiful drifts away/ like the waters," is meant to encourage the creation of
lasting art. "Life is short," Kim Ok writes in the opening paragraph that follows, "but art
is long."37 With Hippocrates' aphorism, Kim poses the following question to his readers:
Do you wish to "drift away" or do you aspire to the immortality that well-made art can
provide? For dramatic effect, he concludes his essay by repeating the lines from Yeats.38
The discourse that presents Kim So-wol as a "traditional Korean poet" frames him within
a perceived dichotomy between what is Korean and what is not. Ironically, Kim Ok
frames the essay that helped initiate this discourse by repeating a translation of Yeats.
Kim Ok also uses these same lines from Yeats in his eulogistic essay "Remembrance
of So-wol," published shortly after Kim So-wol's death. The appearance of these lines in
a wholly different context (and a somewhat different translation) shows the importance
of Yeats for Kim 6k and his discussion of Kim So-wol. Here Kim 6k presents Yeats
to express his own emotional quandary following the death of his student and friend.
While he continues to press his case for Kim So-wol's importance as a folk-song-style
poet, Kim uses Yeats's lines to express his sorrow at Kim So-wol's death. Moreover, in
37
Kim Anso, "Sidan ui lllyon „JfiS-2-l •% (The year in poetry)," Kaebyok (December 1923): 39.
157
an interesting reversal Kim Ok praises Kim So-wol's poem "Love's Song," the same
poem he panned in a review in 1923. In his remembrance, Kim lauds the poem for
being "gentle" and "mysterious," as well as being able to "beautifully evoke a purity of
emotion (sunjong Mtiu)."39
Kim Ok's frequent and varied use of Yeats in his discussions of Kim So-wol shows
the instability of the conceptual dichotomy that separates Kim So-wol from non-Korean
poets. While Kim 6 k promotes the idea that the best of what Kim So-wol writes is
authentically Korean, he does so by invoking associations with foreign writers such
as Yeats and using the works of these writers to forward his own aesthetic agenda. As
a result, it can be said that Yeats and other foreign poets helped define Kim So-wol's
Korean authenticity.
While the discourse that Kim 6 k helped to initiate made it polemical to associate
figures such as Yeats with Kim So-wol, such associations were not uncommon during
Kim So-wol's lifetime and shortly afterward. When contemplating Kim So-wol's death,
Kim Ok's thoughts turn first to Yeats. "What am I to think?" Kim writes early in his
remembrance. "On the day that a beloved poet, from whom we expected so much, passes
away—what, truly, am I to think? Alone, with that poet of Ireland William Butler Yeats,
am I to breathe out with a sigh: All that's beautiful drifts away/ Like the waters?"40 Kim
makes it clear that the answer to this rhetorical question is "yes." Later in the same
paragraph he writes, ". . . those precious memories we hold quietly in our hearts, we can
have them for a time, but not forever."41
Discussion of the relationship between Kim So-wol and foreign writers reveals
the extent to which the initial bibliographic contexts for Kim So-wol's poems have
39
Kim Anso, "Kim So-w5l e tahan ch'uok," Choson chitngang ilbo, January 22-26, 1935, reprinted in Kim
Chong-uk, Chongbon Kim So-wol chonjip, 402.
40
Ibid., 393.
41
Ibid., 394.
158
been ignored. Focused on origins, transmission, and diachronic relationships—and
intertwined with notions of tradition—the discussion has failed to take into account the
synchronic relationship between Kim So-wol and foreign writers appearing with him in
printed publications. Kevin O'Rourke makes an important contribution by delineating
what foreign writers So-wol probably read and making insightful observations about
similarities between Kim So-wol's poetry and that of Yeats and Symons. Such an
approach, however, has little to say about why Kim So-wol's poetry frequently shared
bibliographic space with authors such as the American mystery writer Arthur B. Reeve
(1880-1936), as well as William Shakespeare.
How to read Kim So-wol in juxtaposition with these authors has not yet been
addressed. Nor is the current discourse about Kim So-w51 suited to answering questions
raised by these juxtapositions. It would be difficult, for example, to argue that Arthur
Reeve was an influence upon So-wol's work, despite the fact that we can be reasonably
certain that Reeve was an author Kim So-wol knew. Like other readers turning to the last
page of their paper,42 when So-wol went looking for his own poems in the newspaper in
1921 he would have found Reeve's stories. So, if not an influence, then what?
The Periodicals
The arbitrariness of the juxtaposition between Reeve and So-w51 suggests that the
linkage between them is imagined. When we see So-wol beside Reeve in the context of
the Tonga ilbo in 1921 we see how his poetry was imagined then as a consequence of
calendrical happenstance and editorial choices that materialized his poetry on a particular
day and in a specific bibliographic context. Benedict Anderson has written that "reading a
newspaper is like reading a novel whose author has abandoned any thought of a coherent
42
Kim So-wol's poems always appear on page four (the last page) when they appear in the Tonga ilbo in
1921.
159
plot."43 To see Kim So-wol's poetry with Reeve's fiction in 1921 is to see it as part of that
plotless novel, before it became woven into the powerfully coherent narrative of national
imagining created, in part, by readers reading the roughly 27,50044 daily issues of the
Tonga ilbo that have been produced since April of 1921 when Kim So-wol first appeared
in the paper. Recognizing the presence of Reeve's stories rather than looking past them is
to see the tonnage of these successive issues of the Tonga ilbo and Kim So-wol's poetry
as it was performed in the 1920s among the ads for gonorrhea medicine and updates on
fund-raising activities for a new hospital in Seoul—fixtures of page four, like Reeve's
stories, when Kim So-wol's poetry appeared in the newspaper in 1921.45
Describing the journals in which Kim So-wol's poetry originally appeared, we
recognize its iconic place in our present while improving our chances of understanding
its place in his time before it became that icon. We begin to address the shortcomings
in So-wol scholarship (and Korean literary studies more generally), especially the
dichotomization between Korean and foreign works, and the neglect of bibliographic
contexts. Knowing that writers such as Yeats and Symons were important to So-wol
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread ojNationalism,
revised and extended edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), 33 n54.
44
27,631 issues of the Tonga ilbo have been created between April 9, 1921 and February 18, 2011. The
April 9, 1921 issue of the Tonga ilbo, in which Kim So-wol's poetry first appeared, was the paper's 224th.
(Tonga ilbo, April 9, 1921). The Februaiy 1 8, 2011 issue of the paper is the 27,855th. (Tonga ilbo, February
18,2011).
45
"Maedok Imjil v§^ %i 7i (Syphilis [medicine] Gonorrhea [medicine]," Tonga ilbo, April 9, 1921; Arthur
B. Reeve, "Ellen ui kong—p'i ppanun kwisin (4) " i ^ -t'j—2-14^1^1 (4) (The exploits of Elaine—'the
vampire'(part four))," translated by Ch'olligu T-tpS*), Tonga ilbo, April 9, 1921; "Maedok Imjil #Jif 4i
0k (Syphilis [medicine] Gonorrhea [medicine]," Tonga ilbo, April 27, 1921; Arthur B. Reeve, "Ellen ui
kong—sumun moksori (5) IS ^1-2] Vj—-sr^r-^-rtB] (5) (The exploits of Elaine—'the hidden voice'(part
five))," translated by Ch'Slligu, Tonga ilbo, April 27, 1921; "Maedok Tmjil <fe HI Mfk (Syphilis [medicine]
Gonorrhea [medicine]," Tonga ilbo, June 8, 1921; Arthur B. Reeve, "Ellen ui kong—p'itpangul (7) %8 ^fl.2-1
-£&—sl A*JJ -§• (7) (The exploits of Elaine—'the blood crystals' [the translation of the subtitle reads 'drops
of blood'] (part seven))," translated by Ch'olligu, Tonga ilbo, June 8, 1921; "P'i pyongwSn kibugum $t
^K-L^lffJ i t (Donations for an isolation hospital)," Tonga ilbo, June 8, 1921; "Maedok Imjil ft) m ft\-fe
(Syphilis [medicine] Gonorrhea [medicine]," Tonga ilbo, June 14, 1921; Arthur B. Reeve, "Ellen ui kong—
sipsam, kwisin sungbaeja (il) "fit!! 2] JJ—-(-£., T ^ I T H O * ] - ( —) (The exploits of Elaine—13. 'the devil
worshippers[sic]' (part one))," translated by Ch'olligu, Tonga ilbo, June 14, 1921; "P'i pyongwon kibugum
jKÊLTfrffi'-ifc" (Donations for an isolation hospital)," Tonga ilbo, June 14, 1921.
160
and integral to discussions about him from the beginning, we can expand the discussion
of Kim So-wol and foreign writers to investigate how their works were juxtaposed in
periodicals of the day. Works by writers as varied as Li Bai (701-762), Charles Baudelaire
(1821-1867), Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941), Maxim Gorky (1868-1936), and Walt
Whitman (1819-1892), in addition to Shakespeare and Arthur Reeve, appeared in at
least thirty of the thirty-nine periodical publications in which Kim So-wol's poetry was
presented between 1920 and 1925.46 Viewing Kim So-wol in these periodicals inevitably
brings Yeats and Symons into the discussion, and many other foreign writers as well.
Importantly, we also begin to identify the broader group of authors and works that
constituted the textual world inhabited by Kim So-wol's poems in these publications.
An Overview of Kim So-wol's Publishing Activities and the Periodicals in Which He
Published, 1920-1925
Kim So-wol's poetry, fiction, and essays appeared in thirty-nine different issues
of at least ten different periodicals between March of 1920, when his work first began
to appear in print, and late December of 1925, when his collection Azaleas appeared.47
There is also the likelihood that a significant number of Kim So-wol's poems appeared
in Maemunsa's literary journal Kamyon iUM (Mask) in late 1925 and early 1926.48
6
T have not been able to examine a copy of the August 1923 Sinch'onji, which may include translations as
well.
These include Ch'angjo, Haksaenggye, Tonga ilbo, Kaebyok, Paejae, Sinch'onji, Sinyosong, Yongdae,
Choson mundan, Munmyong, and Kamyon.
48
Kim Ok remarks in a 1939 collection of poems by Kim So-wol that he edited, So-wol sich'o MFi u-ti'b (A
gathering of poems by So-wol), that the selection he presents is in no way a complete representation of Kim
So-wol's work. Kim suggests that just the poems Kim So-wol published in Kamyon would be sufficient
to make an entire collection (sijip iHfS:). Kim writes that, unfortunately, because of his own carelessness,
he no longer has copies of Kamyon that would enable him to present all of Kim So-wol's poems.
Consequently, he writes, he selected poems from So-wol's Chindallaekkot, as well as Kaebyok, Samch'olli,
and the sixth and seventh issues of Kamyon. Kim Ok, "Yeon miS (A word about the collection)," in So-wol
sich'o MHrfi'P (A gathering of poems by So-wol) (Seoul: Pangmun Ch'ulp'ansa, 1939), 3. In the O Yong-
sik collection. I discuss Kamyon in more detail in Chapter Five.
161
However, these issues of Kamyon are now lost.49
These ten periodicals are most often presented in a 4.6-p'an (128 x 188 mm) or
kukp'an (152 x 218 mm) format and printed on generally low-quality, machine-made
paper. Metal staples still bind those issues that have not been rebound since their initial
publication. In terms of general character, layout, and distribution, these publications
include wide-margined but less widely distributed literary coterie magazines, such as
Ch'angjo Miu (Creation) and Yongdae MM (The soul's place). They also include the
narrow-margined presentations of the era's most widely distributed publications, such
as the intellectual monthly50 Kaebyok and the daily newspaper the Tonga ilbo. Between
these poles, Kim So-wol's poems also appear in magazines such as Haksaenggye ^ ^ k ^
(Student's world) and Sinyosong %~k 14 (New woman) aimed at specific demographics
within the larger population of colonial readers.
Examining the number of works So-wol published in each periodical, it is clear that
he was a poet of the intellectual monthly Kaebyok and the daily newspaper Tonga ilbo.
Of the 127 works51 by So-wol that scholars have been able to identify in journals from
this period, about 40 percent appear in Kaebyok and a quarter in the Tonga ilbo. Indeed,
about two-thirds of Kim So-wol's literary output between 1920 and 1925 appears in just
these two periodicals. We see that while So-wol began his career in the important literary
journal Ch'angjo and a magazine for students, Haksaenggye, So-wol published almost all
Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol. 2, 538-539.
50
This is the term that Michael Robinson uses for chonghap chapchi S fs jfl n.k such as Kaebyok that
covered current affairs and topics of wide appeal while also including intellectual subjects. Michael
Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 54.
51
Kim So-wol often published the same poem in a number of different journals, and this number includes
multiple publications. Moreover, it is important to note that this number depends upon what one considers a
"work." Kim Yong-jik, for example, considers Kim So-wol's short story "Ch'unjo # # l (Spring morning)"
and the short poem it contains two separate literary entities when he lists Kim So-wol's texts in his Kim
So-wol chonjip. I present "Ch'unjo" as a single work in my tally. For a description of how I reached this
number, please see Table 3.2.
162
his works that would appear in 1921 in the Tonga ilbo. Everything he published in 1922,
his most active year for periodical publication, appeared in Kaebyok.
In the early years of Kim So-wol's career the number of works he published each
year initially increased quite rapidly and reached a peak in 1922 during his time at Paejae
High School (Paejae Kodung Pot'ong Hakkyo Û M^r P, M ¥ S ) . 5 2 In 1923 the number
of published works declined, perhaps because So-wol was busy traveling and coping
with the events of that tumultuous year. After graduating from Paejae High School in
March of 1923,53 So-wol went to Tokyo to study at Tokyo Commercial College JlUxTjiH
X.54 He returned to Korea approximately eight months later, shortly after the Great Kanto
Earthquake struck Japan in September of that year. Nineteen twenty-three also saw the
birth of So-w6Ps third child and first son, Chun-ho fSSra.
So-wol published even fewer poems (just eight) in 1924, when accounts of his life
begin to conflict and it is difficult to know precisely where he was living or what he
was doing.55 As I will discuss shortly, So-wol may have been working to complete what
While still quite young, just 20 years old in 1922, So-wol was already married and by the end of that
year was the father of two daughters. Kim So-wol's mairiage was arranged, and he was wed in 1916 at the
age of 13 (14 se) to Hong Tan-sil iftJiS, the daughter of a wealthy family from Sosan-myon jSiliiii in
Kusong SIM. In all So-wol had six children, four boys and two girls: Ku-saeng - H i (b. 1919), Ku-w5n j |
Vi (b. 1922), Chun-ho ftm (b. 1923), Un-ho mm (b. 1925), Chong-ho TFifi (b. 1932), and Nak-ho iftlfi (b.
1934). Kye Hui-yong fetf^zk, Yaksan chindallae nun uryonpulgora: Kim So-wol ui saengae SS?Lii ?!^:2l|fe
- v S t H 5r: #SitJ1 2] i f f (Yaksan's azaleas are a faint red: the life of Kim So-wol) (Seoul: Munhak
Segyesa, 1982), family lineage on recto page after table of contents, 190. O Se-yong, Kim So-wol, kit sam
kwa munhak, 24; Sin Tong-uk H'1 JliM and Kim Yol-gyu # M ± , ed., Kim So-wol yongu %-fstt W\9t (A
study of Kim So-wol) (Seoul: Saemunsa, 1982), V-38.
53
The March issue of Paejae describes So-wol as "studying in Japan (Ilbon yuhak 0 ^ K S ' T ' ) " when he is
listed with other members of his class near the end of the publication. "Kodung pot'ong hakkyo che 7-hoe
ift# & xfi'PIS mi\e-\ (The seventh class of Paejae High School)," Paejae (March 1923), 163.
54
It is unclear if So-wol ever matriculated at the college. Despite assertions by Kim Ok that he studied
bookkeeping in Tokyo (Kim Ok, "So-wol ui saengae StM °] i f f (So-wol's life)," Yosong (June 1939):
96-100, cited in Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip, 424), no documents have surfaced that prove
positively that So-wol began his studies.
55
O Se-yong suggests that Kim So-wol returned from Japan in October of 1923, after the Great Kanto
Earthquake; then, in 1924, according to O, So-wol sold his family estate and moved to P'yongji-dong 3s-
itilM in Kusong-gun JMfticffi. O suggests that "two years later," So-wol moved to Namsi fgitl in Kusong-
gun tfelSli. O Se-yong, Kim So-wol, ku sam kwa munhak, 28; Kye Hui-yong, So-wol's aunt, suggests that
163
would become Chindallaekkot. A New Year's Day article in January of 1925 by Kim Ok
mentions a completed manuscript by Kim So-wol. In 1925, during the year leading up to
the publication of Azaleas in December, we see So-wol publishing more actively in the
periodicals again. (See Table 3.2)
The Periodical Publishers
As in Chapter Two, we can organize our discussion of the broad textual sociology
of which these 127 poems were a part by describing the people and organizations
represented by the nodes along Robert Darnton's "communications circuit," such as
publishers, printers, booksellers, and readers (see Figure 1.4). Investigating topics such
So-wol sold everything and moved to Kusong shortly after she left Namsan for P'yongyang in January of
1924. Kye Hui-yong, "Nae ka kimn So-wol ifl7r 7]-g- %fi (The So-wol I raised)," in Kye Hui-yong, So-
wol sotyip (Seoul, Changmun'gak, 1970), 325. She also suggests that So-wol returned from Japan shortly
after the 1923 Kanto earthquake. Kye Hui-yong, "Nae ka kimn So-wol," 293.
Kim Ok suggests that So-wol spent a year in Tokyo studying bookkeeping. Kim Ok then describes Kim
So-w5l staying in Seoul for a few months after returning from Japan. Kim 6k, "So-wol ui saengae 5fe
}] °] zt iff (The life of So-wol)," Yosong (June 1939), cited in Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip,
422-429. This would mean So-wol was in Seoul, according to Kim 6k, between approximately March and
June of 1924. After this short stay in Seoul, Kim 6 k asserts that So-wol went back to Namsan. Three or
four years later, according to Kim 6k, So-wol moved to Kusong. This would be 1927 or 1928. The Tonga
Ilbosa sa (A history of Tonga Ilbosa), however, suggests that Kim So-wol worked as the manager of their
Kusong office from August of 1926 to March of 1927. Tonga Ilbosa Sa P'yonjip Wiwonhoe Jfc'"1 0 Ê/lctit
I S ^ ^ S . %, Tonga Ilbosa sa i l i S P yli/Pt £ (A history of Tonga Ilbosa) (Seoul: Tonga Ilbosa, 1975), 445.
Consequently, Kim 6 k appears to be incorrect about when So-w5I moved.
O Se-y5ng and Kye Hui-yong may also be incorrect about when Kim So-wol sold his home in Namsan
and moved. The October 1925 issue of Choson mundan lists the names and addresses of its contributors.
There Kim So-wol is listed as living in Namdan (i.e. Namsan. Namsan is the name the area is called by
those who live there. Namdan is the official name of the ri tp). "Kul ssunun idul ui chuso i^-rTolii-S] ff
fcf (Contributor's addresses),"CAoi-d« mundan (October 1925): 181 -82.
The famous last letter Kim 6 k describes receiving from Kim So-wol in his "Remembrance" also
suggests that O and Kye may be incorrect about when Kim So-wol moved. Kim 6k relates that Kim So-
wol sent his letter after he had sent Kim So-wol a copy of his book ofhansi translations, Manguch'o Jf>S
V (Daylily) (Seoul: Hansong Toso, 1934). Manguch'o was printed on September 8, 1934 and released on
September 10. Kim 6k, Manguch'o iiS'SH (Daylily) (Seoul: Hansong Toso, 1934), colophon of the copy in
the Adan Mun'go collection. In his letter to Kim 6k, Kim So-wol writes, "Next year I will have been living
in Kusong for ten years." This suggests that Kim So-wol moved to Kusong sometime in 1925, nine years
before September of 1934, when Kim 6 k is likely to have sent Kim So-wol his book.
In sum, we simply do not know precisely where Kim So-wol was living or what he was doing after he
graduated from Paejae High School in March of 1923. It is clear that in 1923 he went to study in Japan and
returned to his hometown of Namsan after a relatively short stay there of not more than a year. Then, most
likely between October of 1925 and August of 1926, So-wol sold his family estate in Namsan and moved
to Kusong, first to P'y5ngji-dong TÛkfl"] (according to O) and then to Nam-si pfj ili, where Tonga Ilbosa sa
confirms that he was working for the newspaper company's regional office.
164
Table 3.2 Number of Literary Works Published by Kim So-wol March 1920 to December 1925
%ot
Penodical
total total
/ Numbei Tonga Choson
Ch'angjo Haksaenggye Kaebyok Paejae Sinch'onji Sinyosong Yongdae Munm) ong Kamyon no by no of
of woiks ilbo mundan
yeai woiks
by year
by yeai
1920 10 7 9%
1921 23 18 1%
1922 42 42 33 1%
1923 6 18 14 2%
1924 8 6 3%
1925 4 •> 26 20 5%
total no
of woiks
between 32 51 127 100%
1920 and
1925
% of total
4% 7% 25% 40% 6% 3% 1% 6% 4% 3% 100%
woiks
Source Kim Yong-jik, Kim So-wol chonjip, 2001 edition (Seoul Soul Taehdkkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 1996), 556-563, 'So-wol ui ch'ogi si 3-p'yon kwa huigwi
han kongsik munkon 'Kohyang ul ch'ajaso palgyon i-H-a] i 7 ] A] 3-^1} $} -f\ ol -g1^] Jg-^1 <iLsj=-g- ^J-^l-'H > QQ (The discoveiy ot thiee eaily poems by
So-wol and the idle official [North Korean] document "Finding [So-wol's] home") "Munhaksasang (May 2004) 70-101 I have added the poems that weie
lecently lediscoveied in Haksaenggye Also, I have tieated "Sayokchol WiA'fi (Thinking about ending it)" in the May 1923 issue ot Kaebyok as a single poem
because the poem is piesented as a single poem in five parts in this issue of Kaebyok Similaily, I have tieated "Sodo youn [^bUttii!1 (Impiessions of Sodo
[Iiteially, "western piovinces " In this case, "Sodo" suggests the northern legion of Koiea])" in the Januaiy 1, 1925 issue of the Tonga i/bo as a single poem in
two parts Kim Yong-jik lists the titled sections of "Sodo youn," "Pae ul] (Boat)" and "Ot kwa pap kwa chayu -^lo 1 " 2 }- IJ ill (Clothes and food and fieedom),"
individually In addition, I have not included the poem tound in the short stoiy "fo ,'li Ch'unjo (Spimg morning)," which appeals in the Octobei 1920 issue ot
Haksaenggye, because it is part of the stoiy The poem "Soio midum * ] 5 "?}-§- (Believing each othei)" has been included m the tally foi Tonga ilbo in 1925
because the poem appeals in the July 21, 1925 issue ot the papei and not, as Kim Yong-jik claims, the July 21, 1924 issue Kim Chong-uk also piovides an
inconect date foi this poem in his collected woiks of So-wol Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol 2, 93 In addition, I have lemoved the poem
(continued below)
(Table 3.2 "sources" continued)
"Sinang fu ffli (Belief)" that Kim Yong-jik asserts appears in the June 1924 issue of Sinyosong. The poem
does not appear in copies of the original journal available at Korea University or the 1982 Hyondaesa
facsimile reproduction of the journal. In fact, I have not discovered the poem in issues of Sinyosong
published between November of 1923 and January of 1926 available at Korea University or in the
Hyondaesa facsimile. Finally, Kim Yong-jik makes a number of enors when dating individual works. For
example, he suggests that the poem "Chajon'go 1=1 #115 (Bicycle)" appears in the February 2, 1925 issue
of Tonga ilbo. However, the poem appears in the April 13, 1925 Tonga ilbo. These enors, however, do not
impact the data presented here.
Please note, the Korea University Library has digitized its copies of Sinyosong and only allows one to
view the paper versions of the journal under very special circumstances. I have viewed the digital copies.
as advertising illuminates some of the complex economic, intellectual, and political
conjunctures that Darnton identifies at the center of his schematic.
Beginning with the periodical publishers [parhaengso), we find that eight
organizations were responsible for publishing the thirty-nine individual publications in
which Kim So-wol's poems appeared between 1920 and 1925. These include reasonably
well-financed and enduring companies such as Tonga Ilbosa, Kaebyoksa, and Hansong
Toso, publishers of the Tonga ilbo, Kaebyok and Sinyosong, as well as Haksaenggye,
respectively. They also include organizations such as YSngdaesa, which only managed to
produce five issues of the journal it was founded to produce and, according to Kim Tong-
in, hardly made enough money to pay for Kim Ok's drinks and Im Chang-hwa's ^ M f P
(?-?) bean sprouts.56
Choson mundansa, which was financed by Pang In-gun ^jtffi. (1899-1975) through
the sale of family lands that he had inherited, might be situated somewhere between
these two extremes. Presided over editorially by Yi Kwang-su, at least initially, Choson
Mundansa's first offering was a sensation by the standards of the time when it was
released in October of 1924, and the initial print run of 1,500 copies of Choson mundan
M%£j£tSL (Choson literature) was succeeded by another.57 Moreover, Choson Mundansa

36
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan 30-yon ui palchach'wi -§rS+ 3 0 ^ ^ a" A^\ (Traces of thirty years in the literary
community)," Sinch'onji (March-December 1948), cited in Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchipaengnyon,
vol.2, 91-92.
57
Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 2, 131.
166
managed to stay in business for more than a decade, although it produced its journal only
sporadically in its waning years.58
Paejae -tfi'M (Paejae) was produced by a youth organization, the Paejae Haksaeng
Ch'ongnyonhoe ifiM l i l ^ f S , at Kim So-wol's high school. Henry Dodge
Appenzeller, the son of the school's missionary founder, Henry Gerhard Appenzeller, is
listed as the editor and publisher of the first two issues of the publication. As Paejae's
principal at the time, he probably funded the publication initially with money from the
school, or perhaps his own.59
Information about Sinch'onjisa, the place of publication listed in Sinch'onji ?f\
J\i1k (The new heaven and earth), is somewhat more difficult to obtain despite the
publication's distinction of being one of two that ran seriously afoul of the colonial
authority's publishing laws in November of 1922, a transgression that resulted in its
editor, Paek Tae-jin £j X'm (1893-1967), serving time in prison. According to the
recollections of one of Paek Tae-jin's friends, Paek, who had been working at the daily
newspaper the Maeil sinbo % R tH Hi, began Sinch'onji with an acquaintance from the
paper.60 Similarly little is known about Kwahak T'ongsinsa, the organization responsible
for producing Munmyong ^M (Civilization). The fact that so few extant copies of
individual issues of Munmyong and Sinch'onji remain makes it difficult to examine them
and reconstruct the histories of their making.
The Pressmen (inswaein) Who Printed So-wol's Poetry in the Periodicals
Suggesting again the localization of poetry's material production during this period,
like books of poetry in the 1920s, the journals in which Kim So-wol published were
Paejae (November 1922), colophon; Paejae (March 1923), colophon
Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'gak chapchipaengnyon, vol. 2, 53-54.
167
printed at a limited number of facilities by what appears to have been a relatively small
number of men. Eight pressmen at eight printing facilities oversaw the printing of the
journals in which So-wol published. Given the rise in the number of printing facilities on
the peninsula during this period and the increasing number of choices journal publishers
had with regard to the printing of their publications (described in Chapter Two), this small
group of printers is indicative of the relatively small network of people and organizations
that made the public presentation of Kim So-wol's poetry possible.
The four most important pressmen in terms of the number of So-wol's literary works
that they printed are Min Y5ng-sun Bfl#k/M (7-1929),61 who was mentioned in Chapter
One and responsible for the production of Kaebyok; the two pressmen who worked for
Tonga Ilbosa between 1920 and 1925, Yi Yong-mun ^^-yC (?-?) and Cho Ui-sun i S S ^
(1889-?); and No Ki-jong, the pressman at Hansong Toso described in Chapter Two, who
oversaw the production of a few issues of Haksaenggye, as well as an issue of Choson
mundan and the issue of Munmyong in which Kim So-wol's work appears.
Little is known about those in charge of printing poetry books in the 1920s, and
the same is true of periodical pressmen. What we know about No Ki-jong was related
in Chapter Two. Yi Yong-mun was responsible for printing the first issue of the Tonga
ilbo, which appeared on April 1, 1920. We can surmise that despite being responsible for
all the early issues of the newspaper, Yi had an uneasy relationship with Tonga Ilbosa.
He did not formally join the company (z/waAiiiL) until September of 1924. He then left
in February of 1926 and returned again in April of 1928 before leaving yet again at an
61
When Min was bom is uncertain. Cho Kyu-t'ae suggests he was bom in 1 890 in Kyonggi-do, but I have
not been able to confirm this. Cho Kyu-t'ae STTEI), Ch'6ndog)>o ui munhwa undongnon kwa mimhwa
undong ^£32.-2] -§-41-£-§-•§• ^ \r-£)-£-§• (The theory and practice of the Ch'ondogyo's cultural movement)
(Seoul: Kukhak Charyowon, 2006), 114. Min's death on March 31, 1929, at about 10 A.M., was announced
in the Chungoe ilbo ^ l - B *& (Home and abroad daily) on April 2, 1929. "Sosik ifJB (Gossip)," Chungoe
ilbo, April 2, 1929. Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.history.go.kr, accessed December 22,
2010.
168
undetermined date.62 By contrast, Cho Ui-sun's career at the Tonga Ilbosa appears to have
progressed steadily. Hired in April of 1920 as a proof corrector (chongp'an %£¥&), Cho
quickly worked his way up to become head of the printing facility (kongjang chang 1'JMi
jk) and pressman (inswaein F|J^!l A) in October of 1924, a position he held until February
of 1933 when he left the company.63
We know somewhat more about Min Yong-sun than his fellow pressmen at Tonga
Ilbosa. However, much of what appears to have been a rather dramatic life behind the
scenes of the Korean nationalist movement in the late 1910s and early 1920s—a narrative
that has him imprisoned by colonial police on numerous occasions—is difficult to
confirm. What is reasonably clear is that he was an important member of the Ch'ondogyo,
the syncretic religious organization responsible for the publication of Kaebyok, as well as
an essayist and a hansi poet. Moreover, it is clear that Min was arrested at least once in
the days before the unrest of June 10, 1926 that accompanied the funeral of the Choson
dynasty's last monarch, Sunjong.64
Min's seems to have had two primary roles within the Ch'Sndogyo organization.
On the one hand, he was an organizer and leader of the Ch'ondogyo Youth Association
(Ch'ondogyo Ch'ongnySnhoe AjEifr rl^Fl?).65 On the other, he was responsible for
overseeing the printing of the Ch'ondogyo's many publications. These two roles were
62
Tonga Ilbosa Sa P'yonjip Wiwonhoe jfeii U Û;l±5t^ttSM ™ , Tonga Ilbosa sa jjii!!' LI iU/l'tit (A history
of Tonga Ilbosa) (Seoul: Tonga Ilbosa, 1975), 106,418.
6j
Tonga Ilbosa Sa P'yonjip Wiwonhoe, Tonga Ilbosa sa, 413, 421.
64
The Tonga ilbo reports on June 8, 1926 that a "Mm mo B93L" and a number of Ch'ondogyo church
leaders, as well as about thirty students were arrested. In the context of the article, it is clear that Mm mo
is Mm Yong-sun. Moreover, the July issue of Kaebyok reports that Min and a number of others who were
arrested on June 6 were released on June 13, 1926. "Susip hyongsa ka chadongch'a 5-tae (odae) ro kyodang
kwa sangch'unwon ul susaek K + J i y ^ ^ r fl £!)"?" 71*5- ikw'^} Tiii~\3ii &-% (Dozens of investigators
in five cars search church and Sangch'unwon [residence of Pak In-ho ^hKfi])," Tonga ilbo June 8, 1926;
"Ch'oegun segyesang iftir W [ ft-kW (Current world events)," Kaebyok (July 1926): 83. Kuksa P'yonch'an
Wiwonhoe database, http://db.history go kr, accessed September 30, 2010.
65
Cho Kyu-t'ae S i f Efl, Ch'ondogyo m imnjok undong yon'gu *}ilii^l ^ ^ ^ r ^ ' S T 1 (A Study of the
Ch'ondogyo's nationahst movement) (Seoul: Sonin, 2006), 131.
169
quite complementary because it was the Ch'ondogyo Youth Association, as I will describe
shortly, that formed Kaebyoksa, the company that published Kaebyok and Sinyosong where
Kim So-wol's poems appeared. Min also printed Sinyosong's predecessor publication, Puin
® A(Wife), as well as a number of issues of Kaebyoksa's Orini °\ ?1 °] (Youth).66
In addition to overseeing the printing of the Ch'Sndogyo journals, Min also
contributed to them. A long tribute to Kim Ok-kyun ^r^M (1851-1894), an instigator
of the failed 1884 Kapsin coup d'etat, in which Min praises Kim as a "hero (yongung/
wiin)" appears in the September and October 1920 issues of Kaebyok.61 In addition, Min
contributes poems in classical Chinese to Kaebyok in August 1920, November 1922, and
December 1922. Suggesting, like Yi Hyong-u's poem "Airplane" (discussed in Chapter
One), that hansi frequently addressed contemporary topics, Min's August 1920 series
titled "Hongsu chung Yongsan i l ^ ^ 5 fit ill (Yongsan in the flood)" is about the severe
floods of July 1920 that submerged Yongsan and killed a number of people.68 The first
quatrain reads:
Swirling waters flood the town by the river.

New and Old Yongsan are half gone.
Cho Kyu-t'ae, Ch'ondogyo ui munhwa undongnon kwa munhwa undong, 112.
61
"Ch'ungdal Kong Kim Ok-kyun Sonsaeng &&£; ^-fci^J 'L'L (Ch'ungdal Kim Ok-kyun)," Kaebyok
(September 1920): 41-56. This article is unattributed in the online version of Kaebyok in the Kuksa
P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr, accessed October 1, 2010. However, Cho Kyu-
t'ae and Ch'oe Su-il attribute it to Kuamsanin ÎgUiA, one of Min Yong-sun's aliases. Cho Kyu-t'ae,
Ch'ondogyo ui munhwa undongnon kwa munhwa undong, 68; Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok"yon'gu, 656, 738.
Moreover, the "follow-up" article on Kim Ok-kyun, "Ch'ungdal Kong silgi ui kodum ,£}'ii>SnLl-l >!•§•
(The papers of Ch'ungdal Kim Ok-kyun)," in the October issue of Kaebyok is clearly attributed to Min.
Min Yong-sun, "Ch'ungdal Kong silgi ui kodum S j i S U f f l - l A% (The papers of Ch'ungdal Kim Ok-
kyun)," Kaebyok (October 1920 ): 67-76. Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoty.go.kr,
accessed October 1, 2010.
68
"Yongsan ch'imsu och'onho nfeiLiff/K K f p (Five thousand homes in Yongsan flooded)," Tonga ilbo,
July 10, 1920; "Sujungui wSnhon: nemyong i chugotta /.K c M?£4t: ^11 ^ °1 ^ & t } (Bitter souls in the
water: four die)," Tonga ilbo, July 10, 1920.
170
Water creatures have come to where people lived.
Pity those made spirits in the bellies offish.69
The Printing Facilities (inswaeso)
Min Yong-sun printed his poem and rest of the August 1920 issue of Kaebyok at
Ch'oe Nam-son's Sinmun'gwan, the facility responsible for producing the largest number
of individual issues of Kaebyok and other periodicals that carried Kim So-wol's work.
Before Kaebyoksa decided to have Kaebyok printed at Taedong Inswaeso in early 1923,
the journal was made at Sinmun'gwan. Early issues of Hansong Toso's Haksaenggye
were also printed at Ch'oe's facility before Hansong Toso completed construction of its
Kyonji-dong company building and printing facility in May of 1921.70 As mentioned
previously, little is known about Sinmun'gwan's printing facilities despite its importance
to this era's literature and the fact that initial copies of the March 1919 Declaration of
Independence were produced there.71 What we do know is derived from our biographical
understanding of Sinmun'gwan's founder, Ch'oe Nam-son.
Ch'oe grew up in a family of means and spent time in Japan as a young man on two
separate occasions. Although ostensibly for study, these sojourns resulted in Ch'oe being
dazzled more, it appears, by the books and journals he found in Tokyo's bookshops than
Min Yong-sun, "Hongsu chung Yongsan iJl/M'nEili (Yongsan in the Flood)," Kaebyok (August 1920):
129-130. Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr, accessed October 1, 2010;
t'angnyu nanip kiin kangch'on /Si/itRLAiii/J k-\l sin'gu Yongsan sil panbun Dfflffe[U^;-|i»/ sujok nacjom
ipchuch'o /KifeKAAttJiS/ karyon sujakobokhon «T$fsffrT,%!IH4&.
70
The December 1920 issue of Haksaenggye contains a picture of the new HansSng Toso facility in the
front matter. However, the first issue of Haksaenggye was not printed at Hansong Toso until May of 1921.
"Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa sin konch'uk ^MIBIlSWcA'n Jctlfr t£.2fe (The newly constmcted HansSng Tos5
joint stock company [building]," Haksaenggye (December 1920), front matter; Haksaenggye (May 1921),
colophon.
71
The most complete description of Sinmun'gwan's many publishing activities in English is found in
Michael Kim's dissertation "The Apparition of the Rational Public: Reading Collective Subjectivity in the
Korean Public Sphere" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2004). Cho Kyu-t'ae in his Ch'dndogyo in minjok
undong yon'gu discusses where the declaration of independence was printed and how it was distributed,
particularly on pages 25-31.
171
by those he encountered in his classrooms. He writes in the June 1910 issue of Sonyon, "In
the autumn of my fifteenth year I went to Japan and was astounded. Their publishing world
dwarfed our own. When I went into bookstores, the books and periodicals (imsi kanhaengmul-
chonggi kanghaengmul tteU^ WilÂ • /LJUJUJI J W) were all publications I had never seen
before. Their contents and design (oetno ^\-%i) were beyond criticism for my uneducated eyes,
but so impressive. Amazing. Brilliant. Redolent. In a word, I was overwhelmed."72
Shortly after returning from his second trip to Japan, and with his father serving as
his primary benefactor, Ch'oe founded Sinmun'gwan. Precisely when Sinmun'gwan's
operations began is uncertain.73 However, the company's first book, Ch'oe's own long
song, Kyongbu ch'oltoga M^Jsta&'ffc (A song of the Kyongbu Railroad), appeared in
March of 1908. This suggests that the work of establishing the publishing house and
installing its presses probably began in 1907.74 Just what kind of printing equipment the
company utilized is also unclear. Researchers offer little more than that Ch'oe purchased
letterpresses (hwalp'an inswaegi JSJISCPWJ^) and a casting machine (chujogi Wiia.^),
as well as other equipment, from Shueisha 5f Ut^, a large Japanese maker of printing
machines.75 Ch'oe also seems to have hired Japanese technicians, at least initially, to help
him install the presses.76
72
Ch'oe Nam-son, "Sonyon sion ^""fFWis (Youth news)," Sonyon (June 1910): 12.
73
Kim Chong-suk 4f sKM, "Ch'ulp'anin Ch'oe Nam-son yon'gu MiUfeA ii' fa% W$i (A study of the
publisher Ch'oe Nam-son)" (master's thesis, Chungang Taehakkyo, 1991), 35-36.
74
Kim Chong-suk, "Ch'ulp'anin Ch'oe Nam-son yon'gu," 36.
75
Kim Ch5ng-suk and Ko Chong-il both suggest Ch'oe also purchased a chamogi "pEl®.. I am not certain
whether this is shorthand for chamo kakki -/'f§ M$L, a matrix-cutting machine, or a typographical error
on the part of both researchers. Kim Chong-suk, "Ch'ulp'anin Ch'oe Nam-son," 35 Ko Chong-il 3.7£ U,
"Sinmun'gwan Ch'oe Nam-son, K5dansha Noma Seiji yon'gu- Han'guk-Ilbon kundaehwagi tu ch'ulp'anin
ui saengae wa sasang IfrXW, ffipH^ 3k%m ms\^(h \mi: %^ <H^ ecH-sM n- %-'^°A^\ '•MQ
A
\~% (A study of Ch'oe Nam-son at Sinmun'gwan's and Noma Seiji at Kodansha: The lives and thought of
two publishers from Japan and Korea during the early modem period)" (master's thesis, S5nggyun'gwan
Taehakkyo, 2003), 30.
76
Although the number of technicians Ch'oe is said to have employed varies, Ko Chong-il, Ch'oe Tok-
kyo, and Chizuko Takeuchi (Allen), as well as other accounts I have read, all suggest that Ch'oe employed
172
While a large percentage of Kim So-wol's early poetry was made at Sinmun'gwan,
none of his later work was produced there. After the February 1923 issue, Kaebyok
was printed at Taedong Inswaeso. Consequently, it and Hansong Toso (described in
Chapter Two), along with the presses at Tonga Ilbosa, were primarily responsible for
impressing Kim So-wol's poems to their pages. More research is needed to determine if
this change is indicative of larger business or political trends. However, it is clear that
while Sinmun'gwan produced the bulk of Kim So-wol's early texts, his works were made
elsewhere after the spring of 1923.
Advertisers that Supported the Publication of Kim So-wol's Poetry
Advertising revenue most certainly helped pay for the pressmen and their presses at
facilities such as Sinmun'gwan, Hansong Toso, and Taedong Inswaeso. Ch'oe Tok-kyo
has written that the journals of this era lived and died by the advertising revenue they
were able to generate.77 The current bibliographic situation of periodicals from this period,
however, makes it quite difficult to determine precisely which advertisers contributed, and
how much, to the financial life and death of the periodicals that presented Kim So-wol's
poetry.78 Some general observations about these advertisers can be made, however.
Japanese technicians. Ko Chong-il, "Sinmun'gwan Ch'oe Nam-son, Kodansha Noma Seiji yon'gu," 30;
Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 1, 252; Chizuko Takeuchi, "Ch'oe Nam-s5n: History and
Nationalism in Modem Korea" (Ph D. diss., University of Hawai'i, 1988), 28-29.
77
Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 2, 133
78
Because documents such as accounting ledgers have been lost, information about which advertisers
supported specific publications must come from the publications themselves Moreover, to assess
accurately who placed ads in specific issues of these periodicals it is important to view multiple copies of
these issues because individual copies are often missing their ads For example, although it is unclear why,
many of the ads in the copies of Kaebyok housed at Adam Mun'go are lost. Complicating matters is the
fact that there are often multiple versions of individual issues, each of which, in addition to being textually
different, can contain different advertisements For example, because of its encounter with colonial censors,
there are three different versions of the inaugural issue of Kaebyok. Housed as they are in any number of
university libraries and private collections, locating and examining any single copy of a journal from this
period takes a great deal of time. Finding more than one copy is that much more difficult. See Ch'oe Su-
ll, "Kaebyok" yon'gu, 72-90 for a discussion of this issue and a description of the different holdings of
Kaebyok at universities and private institutions in South Korea.
173
Because so many of Kim So-wol's poems appeared in Kaebyok we can assert,
drawing upon research by Ch'oe Su-il, that commercially oriented sellers of consumer
goods and services were primarily responsible for supporting the large percentage of Kim
So-wol's work that appeared in the journal. Moreover, the precipitous drop in advertising
in Kaebyok in the summer of 1922 following the publication of a controversial essay by
Yi Kwang-su tells us something about the political views of these advertisers and the
financial means they used to express them. In addition, the colophons of some of these
periodicals list advertising prices and provide a glimpse of what advertisers probably paid
for space beside Kim So-wol's poems. These prices suggest that the revenues earned by
the publishing companies producing these publications were likely to be significant.
In his "Kaebyok" yon'gn (A study of Kaebyok), Ch'oe Su-il argues that the success
of the monthly was a function of two interrelated factors: a) the organizational structures
that made the journal's wide distribution possible (described below) and b) the number
and kind of advertisers this wide distribution attracted. Ch'oe bases his argument on a
comparison of the advertising in Kaebyok with that in Ch'angjo. Comparing the number
of pages of advertising Ch'oe suggests, not surprisingly, that Kaebyok has a higher
percentage of pages devoted to advertising than its more literary predecessor. He also
shows that ads placed in Kaebyok tend to be from large proprietors of consumer goods
and services selling hats, medicines, and financial products. In contrast, ads in Ch'angjo
are as likely to be from a mining company as from a middle school. Moreover, they often
reflect the regional affiliation of the Ch'angjo coterie, or a kind of "inter-organizational
trade" where publishers exchanged advertising space with one another.79
In addition to making it difficult to provide a detailed account of who supported the publication of Kim
So-wol's poetiy economically with their advertising, these same challenges also make difficult any detailed
discussion of how advertisements function as part of the graphic, textual, and paratextual apparatuses that
create the performative context of Kim So-wol's poetiy. The challenges are not insurmountable, however,
and T am currently working to create an index of the advertisements that appeared with Kim So-wol's texts.
79
Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok" jyon'gw, 308-13.
174
On average, according to Ch'oe, more than 9 percent of the first thirty-two issues of
Kaebyok are devoted to advertising. This average takes into account the higher numbers
of ads appearing in special issues such as the July 1922 Kaebyok that features Kim So-
wol's poem "Azaleas," where more than 24 percent of the magazine's space was devoted
to ads. It also accounts for those issues of Kaebyok immediately following the July 1922
issue when ads as a percentage of pages in the magazine fell dramatically to as low as 1.5
percent in response to Yi Kwang-su's essay "Minjok kaejoron KlUdji^m (Treatise on
the reconstruction of the nation)," published earlier that year.80 Although the number of
issues sampled is significantly smaller for Ch'angjo, Ch'oe shows that, on average, just 4
percent of Ch'angjo's pages are devoted to advertising, less than half of those so devoted
in Kaebyok.
These facts, together with the different natures of the companies advertising in
the two periodicals, suggest to Ch'oe that whereas access to Kaebyok's significant
readership encouraged large commercial organizations to support Kaebyok, Ch'angjo
coterie members needed to tug more often on the philanthropic heartstrings of friends
and associates. The response of advertisers in the summer of 1922 also makes clear that
the organizations supporting Kaebyok and, indirectly, Kim So-wol's place in it, could not
abide the gradualist reform Yi Kwang-su proposed in his treatise whether for business or
more purely political reasons.
The drop in advertising in Kaebyok following the publication of Yi Kwang-su's
treatise shines a light on the political backdrop against which Kim So-wol's iconic
poem "Azaleas" was first performed, as well as a large number of his other poems that
appeared in the journal in 1922. As Michael Robinson writes, "[Yi Kwang-su's treatise]
crystallized the debate between gradualists [who argued for national reform within the
limits prescribed the Japanese colonial system] and activists who promoted violent
overthrow of Japanese rule, an argument that had already emerged in the exile movement
80
Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok"yon'gu, 308-309.
175
and came to dominate discussion within the colony after 1922."81 Yi Kwang-su's treatise
and the precipitous drop in Kaebyok advertising in the summer of 1922 following its
appearance demonstrate how these political opinions were expressed both publicly and
behind the scenes at Kaebyok during the year that Kim So-wol published most actively in
the journal.
Precise data about how frankly these opinions could be expressed in terms of
advertising revenue at Kaebyok are not available. Nor do we have data concerning the
advertising revenue generated by the other publications in which Kim So-wol appeared.
Even the prices that advertisers paid for space in the journals featuring Kim So-w5Ps
work are rarely known. Leaving aside the likelihood that discounts were often used to
entice companies to support these publications, only three of the ten periodicals in which
Kim So-wol published—Haksaenggye, Tonga ilbo, and Choson mundan—tell us the
price of space on their pages.
From this partial data, however, we can surmise that advertising represented an
important part of the income received by companies publishing Kim So-wol's poetry
and that the displeasure of advertisers would have been keenly felt by Kaebyoksa in
the summer and fall of 1922. In monthly magazines such as Haksaenggye and Choson
mundan, advertising rates ranged from 5 to 30 won. Ch'oe Su-il suggests that the price of
advertisements in Kaebyok ranged from 4 won 50 chon for a quarter-page "third-grade" ad
to 45 won for a "special" full-page ad during the period that Kim So-wol appeared in the
journal.82 Rates are organized somewhat differently by Tonga Ilbosa, which charged for
space by the line of type in their newspaper. For example, simple announcements cost 1 won
for a one-column line of fourteen characters set in 5-ho type. The same column line cost 2
won when it appeared as part of a designated advertising space (chappo nannae IftylxIffikS).
81
Michael Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 64. For a discussion of Yi's treatise and his
proposals, see pages 64-73.
82
Ibid., 307.
176
To put these prices in perspective we might compare them to the price of the
periodicals themselves. A simple fourteen-character announcement in the Tonga ilbo
was roughly the equivalent of a month's subscription to the newspaper (including the
cost of postage), which was consistently 95 chon between 1921 and 1925. The 2-won
fee for the same space in a designated advertisement would go a long way toward
buying a three-month subscription to the paper, which was 2 won 75 chon for the same
period. The equivalent of a year's subscription to the Tonga ilbo, which was 10 won 90
chon, would have purchased approximately five and a half lines of regular advertising
space. The cheapest ad in Haksaenggye was equivalent to two, year-long subscriptions
to the magazine. A "special" full-page ad was roughly equivalent to seven year-long
subscriptions. While it is not possible to determine precisely how much revenue was
generated, the prices of these ads relative to the selling price of the periodicals in which
they appeared indicate that it was probably significant. (Please see Appendix 3.7 and 3.8
for the prices of the journals and their advertising rates.)
The Authors with Whom So-wol Appeared
In addition to the men who made the physical texts and the financial systems
enabling their work, the authors published alongside Kim So-wol in periodicals helped
define the contexts in which his poems appeared. The tables of contents of the thirty-eight
publications I have examined name approximately 280 Korean authors and translators.
By indexing these authors and sorting them by known pen names and other aliases, I have
been able to identify approximately 120 of these men and women.83 These 120 names
83
The following sources were used to identify authors and their various courtesy names, pen names, and
other aliases: [O Yong-sik J ^ l f ] , " A h o pyorho mit p'llmyong yemyong illam WM WJk 35 iu.45 Sî —S£
(A catalog of aliases, nicknames, pen names, and stage names)," Puram t'ongsin fiPfbilfe 12 (November
2005): 160-227; Ch'oe Su-il, "Purok 10, 'Kaebyok'p'ilmyong saegin -f^- 10, r ^ « j H^^-y
(Appendix 10, index of pen names used in Kaebyok)," 738-741, in Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok" >w? 'gu; Yi
Sang-gyong °1^" ; 3, '"Pum'eso 'Sinyosong' kkaji: kundaeyosongyon'guui kich'o charyo "'-T-'JIJ °llAi f ^ l ° l ^ j
7
4^1: 5-tfl °i ^ 'ST 1 - 2 ] 71 i ^ f S . (From Puin [Wife] to Sinyosong [New women]: primary materials for the
study of modem women)," 3-35, in Puin/ Sinyosong feiA/l/iirtt (Wife/ new women), vol. 1, K'ep'oi Puksu
177
reveal a number of significant facts, two of which are most pertinent to our discussion of
Kim So-wol and the sociology of his texts: 1) Kim Ok appeared with great regularity in
the journals featuring his student's poetry; and 2) works by Ch'angjo coterie members
appear consistently and in large numbers in the journals where Kim So-w5Ps poems
appeared between 1920 and 1925. (Please see Appendix 3.11, 3.12, and 3.13 for a list of
the authors with whom Kim So-wol appeared.)
Kim Ok's importance to Kim So-wol and his role as So-wol's teacher at Osan are
well known. However, scholars have not noticed how often Kim Ok's writings feature in,
and consequently define, the textual environment of So-wol's poetry in the 1920s. Just as
Kim So-w5l was unable to avoid Kim Ok's characterizations of his poetry, he was unable
to escape the proximity of his teacher in the periodicals. Work by Kim Ok is present in at
least twenty-four of the thirty-nine individual publications in which Kim So-wol's work
appears. Moreover, Kim Ok often contributed more than one article or series of poems to
an issue, making his presence even more pronounced. The tables of contents of the thirty-
eight individual publications examined here announce forty-five contributions by Kim
Ok, ranging from his own poetry to his views on Esperanto.
Of the ten authors who appear most frequently with Kim So-wol, five were Ch'angjo
coterie members.84 In addition to Kim Ok, these writers include Kim Tong-in, Yi Kwang-
su, Chon Yong-t'aek FFlUff (1894-1968), and O Ch'on-sok. Moreover, as we see in
Table 3.3 below, these authors published not only frequently but consistently with Kim
So-wol over the five-year period between Kim So-wol's debut in Ch'angjo and the
publication of his only book.
reprint of Puin and Sinydsong (Seoul: K'ep'oi Puksu Ch'ulp'ansa, 2009). Other sources used in this chapter
to determine biographical information for authors are described in note 93 below.
84
"Tongin ui ch'oso \n} A3] MF/i (Coterie members' addresses)," Ch'angjo (March 1920), 74; "Tongin ui
hyonju laJAîSfi (Coterie members' current addresses)," Ch'angjo (July 1920), 56; "Tongin ui hySnju IRI
A-2-1 JHtt (Coterie members' current addresses)," Ch'angjo (January 1921), above colophon; "Tongin ui
hyonju |HJ A-UJ11L (Cotene members' current addresses)" Ch'angjo (June 1921), above colophon.
178
Table 3.3 The Authors with Whom Kim So-wol Most Frequently Appeared, 1920-1925
Ten Most Frequent Contributors to the Journals in Whiich So-wol Appeared
author/year 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 total
Kim Ok 6 2 15 3 5 14 45
No Cha-yong 5 9 3 17
Kim Tong-in 2 1 5 8 16
0 Ch'6n-sok 10 1 1 2 14
Hyon Hui-un 12 1 13
Yi Kwang-su 4 2 7 13
Hyon Chin-gon 6 3 3 12
Kim Ki-jon 8 3 11
Chon Yong-t'aek 4 2 5 11
Yom Sang-sop 6 4 10
Ch'angjo Coterie Contributors to the Journals in Whit:h So-wol.Appeared

author/year 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 total
Kim Ok 6 2 15 3 5 14 45
Kim Tong-in 2 1 5 8 16
0 Ch'on-sok 10 1 1 2 14
Yi Kwang-su 4 2 7 13
Chon Yong-t'aek 4 2 5 11
Kim Ch'an-yong 2 1 1 2 1 7
Chu Yo-han 2 1 1 2 6
Yill 2 3 5
Kim Hwan 2 2
Kim Kwan-ho 2 2
Pak Sog-yun 1 1
Im Chang-hwa 1 1
Ch'oe Sung-man 1 1
Identifying this core group of authors from Ch'angjo enables us to see with clarity
the intricate social web represented by Kim So-wol's texts and those surrounding them.
Typical of the Ch'angjo coterie generally, all five of these authors come from the northern
region of the Korean peninsula and two from Kim So-wol's home prefecture of Chongju.
We recall that in addition to Kim Ok, Yi Kwang-su was also an instructor at Osan Middle
School, albeit before Kim So-wol's time at the school. We remember that O Ch'on-sok,
179
as editor and publisher ofHaksaenggye, like Kim Ok had particularly close ties with
Hansong Toso (discussed in Chapter Two). Moreover, we observe that Hansong Tos5
printed the issues of Paejae, Choson mundan, and Munmyong that feature Kim So-
wol's poetry, in addition to his 1925 collection. We learn from Kim Tong-in that the idea
for Yongdae, the coterie magazine that featured a number of Kim So-wol's poems in
late 1924 and 1925, came to him and Kim Ok at dinner after a day spent fishing on the
Taedong River.85
A Young Poet Edited by Young Editors for Young Readers: Ch'angjosa and Kaebyoksa
A more detailed look at Ch'angjosa, the company that published Ch'angjo, deepens
our understanding of the people and social structures that created the contexts in which
Kim So-w5Ps work was read between 1920 and 1925. A comparison with Kaebyoksa,
the company responsible for circulating the largest number of Kim So-wol's poems, is
also instructive. In addition to revealing demographic facts about these authors, such
as birthplace and age, such investigations provide a sense of the personality of these
organizations. A closer look at the organizational structures of these two groups and how
they distributed their journals also reveals the editors who shaped Kim So-wol's texts,
and those who were mostly likely to have been his readers.
Ch'angjo and Ch'angjosa
Frequently described as Korea's first literary coterie, Ch'angjo was the inspiration
of Kim Tong-in, Chu Yo-han, and Chon Yong-t'aek, all of whom were young men from
P'yongyang studying in Japan when they founded the magazine. According to Kim
Tong-in, the idea to start a journal was Chu Yo-han's. In a 1934 Choson ilbo article, Kim
relates how Chu came to visit him at his boarding house on a cold winter night in late
85
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan 30-yon ui palchach'wi," cited in Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchi paengnyon,
vol.2, 91-92.
180
1918. He and Chu stayed up much of the night playing two-ten-jack and drinking coffee
they made from a "coffee syrup 7] it] A] fj-" s o ld at a place called Cafe P'aollisut'a (7f5fl
Sf-IrS] Ê}-).86 Then, at about four o'clock in the morning, Chu sprang the idea upon him.
"I just stared at him," Kim recalls, relating how initially he thought it would cost about
100,000 won to initiate such a venture. "A magazine? Where are you going to get that
kind of money?"87 Kim asked. Chu responded that he thought it would only take 200 won
to produce the first issue of a journal. It would cost perhaps another 100 won for each
subsequent issue, Chu surmised, a cost he hoped the sale of the magazine would defray.
"Tong-in, what do you say? You put up the money for the first issue and we see what
happens with the second . . ."88 Chu cajoled, knowing that Kim was wealthy.
According to Kim, nothing was decided that night. After thinking it over, however,
Kim decided to provide the 200 won for the first issue.89 According Chon Yong-t'aek,
the third founding member of the journal, Kim Tong-in and Chu Yo-han "just showed
up" some time later where he was studying and proposed that the three of them begin
a literary journal.90 Chon relates that he quickly agreed and describes, in a 1960 article,
how Kim Tong-in had gained an understanding of trends in both Japanese and Western
literature by fostering a close relationship with those involved with the important
Japanese journal Shirakaba (lllfip1, White Birch). Chu Yo-han, according to Chon, had
become close to Kawaji Ryuko JUK&fPJtLl (1888-1959), a Japanese poet and art critic
86
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan sibonyon miyonsa i J f l + / i 'Flftlftl'i; (2) (The hidden history of the literary
community's [last] fifteen years (2))," Choson ilbo, April 1, 1934. Unless otherwise noted, Choson ilbo
citations were retrieved from the Chosun (Choson) Ilbo Archive i - i i ^ J S . °l-7r0lJEL, http://srchdbl.chosun.
com.ezp-prodl.hul.hai-vard.edu/pdf/i_archive/.
87
Ibid.
88
Ibid.
89
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan sibonyon imyonsa i i i + l L ; r K i l i 5 t l (3) (The hidden histoiy of the literary
community's [last] fifteen years (3))," Choson ilbo, April 3, 1934.
90 r
Chon Yong-t'aek, "Ch'angjo #Jj£ji ([About the journal] Creation)," Sasanggye (January 1960):
246-248.
181
important to Japanese vernacular poetry at the time. Moreover, Chon emphasizes that
he had written for periodicals such as Hakchigwang W^^L% (Student's light), a journal
published for Korean students studying in Japan, and that Chu had gained some editing
experience by working on his school's literary magazine. Thus with an awareness of
developing trends in Japanese literary circles, the Western literature these Japanese circles
were investigating, and the important role periodicals could play in facilitating a new
literature, Kim, Chu, and Ch5n produced the first issue of Ch'angjo in February of 1919.
Printed in Yokohama, the initial issue of Ch'angjo is an 84-page publication in the
kukp'an format. Its signatures were left untrimmed, according to bibliographer Ch'oe
Tok-kyo, so that readers had to cut it open in order to read it.91 After literally tearing into
the publication, readers would have found a vernacular Korean literature unlike anything
that had come before. Chu Yo-han's "Pullori -ir if 0 ] (Fireworks)," for example, the poem
most frequently cited as the first Korean free-verse poem, is included in Ch'angjo's first
issue. Kim Tong-in's "Yakhanja ui sulp'um ^ t r ^ S ] =&# (Sorrow of the weak)," which
is noted for its innovative use of tense and pronouns, also appears in the inaugural issue
of Ch'angjo.
By the time Kim So-wol's poems appeared in the fifth issue in March 1920, there
were eight Ch'angjo coterie members (tongiri). By June of 1921, when the last issue
of the journal appeared, there were thirteen. In addition to Kim Tong-in, Chu Yo-han,
and Chon Yong-t'aek, Ch'angjo coterie members included the previously mentioned Yi
Kwang-su and O Ch'on-sok, as well as Yi II =£— (Yi Chin-sik ^'mM, 1892-?), Kim Yu-
bang r&tff-^ (Kim Ch'an-yong &T&&, 1893-1960), Pak Sog-yun MUl (1897-?), Ch'oe
Sung-man W&& (1897-?), Kim Kwan-ho &WL& (1890-after 1950), Im Chang-hwa M
In (?-?), and of course, Kim Ok. 92
91
Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchipaengnyon, vol 2,522.
92
"Tongin ui ch'oso |njKs\ ])gj'f\ (Coterie members' addresses)," Ch'angjo (March, 1920): 74.
182
A few demographic facts about this group help put Kim So-wdl's career and
literature in perspective. The first is the youth of its members. Kim Tong-in and Chu
Yo-han were not yet twenty years old when they launched Ch'angjo. Chon Yong-t'aek
was only twenty-five. Born in 1892, Yi Kwang-su was a coterie "elder" but would not
celebrate his thirtieth birthday while Ch'angjo was still being published. The oldest
member of the coterie, the painter Kim Kwan-ho, was thirty-one in 1921 when the
publication was halted. Although biographical information for some of the coterie
members, such as Kim Hwan &M (?-?), is not available, the average age of the Ch'angjo
group in 1920 was approximately twenty-four, just six years older than the eighteen-year-
old So-wol when he first published with them.93
In addition to the youthful character of the group, two additional demographic
facts about the Ch'angjo group are important. The first is that, with the exception of
Pak Sog-yun, all of the coterie members were from either North or South P'yongan
Province. Three came from North P'yongan Province; six came from South P'yongan
Province, four being from P'yongyang. The second is that, although missing biographical
information makes it difficult to say if all coterie members attended school in Japan,
clearly the majority spent significant time there.
Dates and other biographical information concerning Ch'angjo coterie members described in this chapter
come from the following sources: Kwon Yong-min, ed., Han'guk hyondae munin taesajon fi? HUE ft XKi\
f¥?Jtt> (Encyclopedia of contemporary Korean literary figures) (Seoul: Asea Munhwasa, 1991); Yi Ung-baek
DISS'S, Kim W6n-gy5ng ÎHfllffll, Kim S5n-p'ung sirl'fil, eds., Kugo kungmunhak charyo sajon HsilS
Xf¥fiP\^lM (A dictionary of Korean literary and linguistic materials) (Seoul: Han'guk SajSn Yon'gusa,
1994); Pang Min-ho aov"?!:&, ed., Angma ui sarang ^ M ^ A\^% (A devil's love) (Seoul: Hyangyon, 2002),
157-1 83; Chong Y6ng-su M^XK, "Ch'onwon O Ch'on-sok ui kyoyuk sasang yon'gu 3vil §kXWs2] %kItffl
M W\% (A study of Ch'onwon O Ch'on-sok's philosophy of education)" (master's thesis, Inha Taehakkyo,
2003), 3-11; Kwon Yong-min, ed., Han'guk hyondae munin taesajon Q^Q cfl-5-4)"^ Ar-?i (Encyclopedia
of contemporary Korean literary figures) (Seoul: Soul Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 2004); Yi Kwang-p'yo
°1 ^ JEL, "Han'guk kundaegi ui chahwasang yon'gu Q^ 2-tfl7l-a] ^j-5)-^}- "ST 1 (A study of Korean self-
portraits from the early modem period)" (master's thesis, Hongikdae Taehangwon, 2007), 38; Yun Pom-
mo f^Jt^, "1910-yondae ui soyang hoehwa suyong kwa chakka uisik 1910 -%-ft-S] i^fffsii " i : S 4 ft
'%MM. (The acceptance of Western-style painting in the 1910s and the thought of [Korean] painters),"
Misul sahakyon'gu (September 1994): 111-156; Han'guk Inmyong Taesajon P'yonch'ansil, eds., Han'guk
inmyong taesajon t ^ " ? ] ^ tfl^Hi (Encyclopedia of Korean persons) (Seoul: Sin'gu Munhwasa, 1967); and
documents, such as Weajong sidae inmul satyo i t i & H ^ f t A ^ ' t W (Historical sources about people during
the Japanese colonial period), available in the Kuksa P'ySnch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.history,
co.kr.
183
Finally, it is interesting to note with regard to Kim So-wol's relationship to
the Ch'angjo coterie, and Kim Ok in particular, that Kim So-w61 became formally
involved with the group before his mentor. While Kim Tong-in suggests that Kim Ok
recommended Kim So-wol's work to the coterie94 and we are accustomed to thinking
about the relationship between Kim Ok and Kim So-wol as one denned by a teacher/
student hierarchy, the May 1920 issue of Ch'angjo implies that So-wol's position vis-a-
vis Kim Ok's at Ch'angjo was somewhat more senior, even though So-wol would never
become a formal member of the group. The editors write in a section titled "Namun mal
^ T T aT (Notes)," which is set in rather small type just before the colophon, "We are
delighted to announce that in addition to coterie members and friends such as Ch'onwon
[O Ch'on-sok], Kim So-wol, and Songdang Saeng f£'i£iL who already contribute, the
bright stars of our new community of poets here in Korea, Sangat'ap |£ Jd -4J- [Hwang
S6g-u uJSjfGj (1895-1960)] and Anso [Kim Ok], along with Pyokp'a Pang In-gun (who
currently resides in Tokyo), will become regular contributors to Ch'angjo."9^ While it
hardly disproves Kim Tong-in's assertions about Kim Ok's role in So-wol's debut, the
phrasing of this passage portrays Kim So-wol as an "already" established contributor to
Ch'angjo and Kim Ok as a "bright star" who has recently agreed to join the group.
Indicative of the quixotic relationship that smaller coterie magazines such as
Ch'angjo had with the rapidly changing economic systems of their day, less than two
years after Kim Tong-in offered to pay 200 won to launch the journal, Ch'angjosa was
announcing detailed plans for an offering of 300,000 won in stock.96 Moreover, according
to Kim Tong-in, the offering went well, at least initially, and four thousand shares
94
Kim Tong-in, "Nae ka bon sun Kim So-wol," Choson ilbo, December 10-12, 1929, cited in Kim Chong-
uk, Chongbon So-wol chdnjip, vol. 2, 410.
95
"Namun mal ^-rrli (Notes)," Ch'angjo (May 1920): 75. T am unsure who Songdang Saeng might be.
96
"Chusik hoesa Ch'angjosa palgi ch'wijiso #k A1S~/jit MjSTi&fikjitM u tf (Prospectus for the formation
of the joint stock company Ch'angjosa)," Ch'angjo (January 1921): inside of front cover and first printed
verso page.
184
were sold. Soon afterward, however, the company failed and the last issue of Ch'angjo
appeared in June of 1921. According to Kim's account, coterie members absconded with
and squandered much of the money they had been able to raise.97 Despite this, the journal
had already published a number of era-defining literary works. Moreover, by the time
the last issue of Ch'angjo appeared, the coterie consisted of a group of people who were
already, or would soon become, central figures in Korea's literary community.
Kaebyok and Kaebyoksa
In addition to coterie members' mismanagement of the money raised through its
stock offering, Ch'angjo also appears to have failed because Ch'angjosa was never able
to establish a wide distribution network. As Ch'oe Su-il points out, Ch'angjo was sold at
just eightpunmaeso frMffli or retailers. Consequently, Ch'angjosa was never able to sell
more than approximately 2,000 copies of their journal.98 By contrast, Kaebyoksa was
able to create an expansive distribution system and its magazine, Kaebyok, sold more
than triple that on a regular basis to become, according to Michael Robinson, the premier
journal of its day.99 Featuring articles on any number of topics ranging from social reform
and economics to literary criticism and the arts, as well as a high percentage of original
literary work and translations of foreign literature, Kaebyok was not only a central venue
for the discourse Michael Robinson summarizes with the term "cultural nationalism,"
but a foremost venue for literary creation.100 Kaebyoksa, the company that produced the
97
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan hoego JifflfS?^ (Recollections of the literary community)," Maeil sinbo August,
23-September 2, 1931, cited in Choson Ubosa, ed., Kim Tong-in chonjip #îC^:tfc (Complete works of
Kim Tong-in), vol. 16 (Seoul: Choson Ilbosa, 1988), 320-21.
98
Ch'oe Su-il, "'Kaebyok'yut'ongmang ui hySnhwang kwa tamdangch'ung r7fMj -fr-f-'^sl ^ s ^ s f ^ ^ ^
{Kaebyok's distribution network and those responsible for it)," in "Kaebyok" epich'in singminji Choson ui
olgul r7fl^ji °)1 «1?1 ÂA 3i^s) •§-!• (The face of colonial Choson reflected in Kaebyok), ed Im Kyong-
sok <?} ^ 1 and Ch'a Hye-yong * H I ^ (Seoul: Toso Ch'ulp'an Mosinun saramdul, 2007), 32.
99
Michael Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 56.
100
For a more thorough discussion of the contents of Kaebyok see Chapter Six of Gi-Wook Shin's Ethnic
Nationalism in Korea (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), specifically pages 124-134. See also
185
journal, was organized and funded, as I have mentioned, by members of the Ch'ondogyo
in the months after the March 1 Independence Movement. In line with the sharp increase
in the number of youth organizations that appeared contemporaneously with new journals
and newspapers in the early 1920s,'01 it was young people within the Ch'ondogyo
organization that not only initiated Kaebyok but ensured its wide distribution.
In September of 1919 Yi Ton-hwa ^fiit (1884-?), who would become Kaebyok'?,
editor (pyonjibin fljijilA), Yi Tu-song 4M!"t: (1896-?), who would become Kaebyok's
publisher (parhaengiri), Pak Tal-song \-\-^J$L (1895-?), who would become the publisher
of Sinyosong f/r^rtl (New woman) (another Kaebyoksa journal), and a number of others
organized the Ch'ondogyo Youth Association (Ch'ondogyo Ch'ongnyonhoe j\^Ltk n^f
I??).102 They made Kaebyok their first project. With capital of 1000 won from Ch'ondogyo
member Ch'oe Chong-jong WMffi., who would become the company president, and 500
won from Pyon Kun-hang iSS'l'M, they initiated their work by applying for a publishing
permit in December of 1919.'03 Five months later, in May of 1920, the publishing permit
was granted.104 After colonial censors disallowed two initial attempts to publish the first
Ch'oe Su-il's general discussion of the journal's contents in the fourth chapter of "Kaebyok" yon 'git (Seoul:
Somyong Ch'ulp'ansa, 2008) and a more thorough treatment of the literature presented by Kaebyok in the
fifth chapter.
101
The number of youth organizations nearly doubled between 1920 and 1922 from 251 to 488. The
number of youth organizations associated with religious organizations such as the Ch'ondogyo expanded
even more rapidly; in 1920 there were 98 such organizations. By 1922 there were 271. Ch'oe Su-il,
"Kaebyok" yon'gu, 30.
102
This organization was originally called the Ch'ondogyo Ch'ongnyon Kyori Kangyonbu "XSMiM%%ii
MM WuK (Ch'ondogyo Youth Doctrinal Study Division). The name was changed to Ch'ondogyo Youth
Association in March of 1920. Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok" yon'gu, 29. Dates of birth are according to Cho
Kyu-t'ae, Ch'ondogyo id minjok undongyon'gu, 137 and Cho Kyu-t'ae, Ch'ondogyo id munhwa imdongnon
kwa munhwa undong, 114-115.
103
"KaebySksa yaksa Hfllif if±»&$. (A brief history of Kaebyoksa)," Pyolgon'gon (July 1930): 8-9.
104
Ibid. "Kaebyoksa yaksa" suggests that the publishing permit was granted on May 20, 1920. A short
announcement in the June 2, 1920 Tonga ilbo, however, suggests the permit was received on May 22, 1920.
"Kaebyok chapchi hoga IJFMM M FrF «I ([Publishing] permit for Kaebyok magazine)," Tonga ilbo June 2,
1920,3.
186
issue, the inaugural issue of Kaebyok was finally released on June 25, 1920 having been
printed a few days earlier by Min Y6ng-sun at Ch'oe Nam-son's Sinmun'gwan.105
Precise data concerning print runs and readership are not available. However, Ch'oe
Su-il estimates that on average approximately 8,000 or 9,000 copies of each issue were
printed and that approximately 7,000 copies of each issue were distributed throughout the
peninsula.106 The number of copies distributed would probably have been significantly
higher if the colonial censors had not confiscated a sizable number of the issues before
eventually closing the journal down in August of 1926. The network that made this
wide distribution of the journal possible, while initially based on affiliated Ch'Sndogyo
churches and organizations, quickly broadened to include an increasing number of
bookstores and trading companies.107
As with the founding of the company, young people appear to have been
instrumental in Kaebyok's wide circulation. A small army of at least 475 people was
involved. Of these nearly five hundred people, about 170 can be identified. Among
these, approximately 100 of the people most involved were members of youth groups
and other social organizations working to make the journal available to members of their
respective constituents.108 Consequently, it was members of these youth groups and social
organizations that were Kaebyok's and, consequently, Kim So-wol's, core readers.109
"Kaebyoksa yaksa," 8-9; Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 56; Ch'oe Su-il,
'"Kaebyok"yon'gu, 13; Kaebyok (July 1920), colophon (of the copy in the Adan Mun'go collection).
106
This is based on an announcement in the July of 1924 issue of Kaebyok that suggests collectively
434,000 copies of the magazine had been printed and 112,000 had been confiscated. While it is our best
data, it does not include the period from July of 1924 until August of 1926, when Kaebyok was shut down.
Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok" yon'gu, 313-317.
107
Ch'oe Su-il, '"KaebySk'yut'ongmang ui hyonhwang kwa tamdangch'Qng," 59-72.
108
Ibid., 47-48.
109
Ibid., 53.
187
So-wdl's Editors
Just as an understanding of how Kaebyok was distributed reveals who is likely to
have been reading Kim So-wol's work, how Kaebyoksa was structured as a company
helps clarify who at the journal is likely to have been editing it. As noted in Chapter One
(and to be described in more detail in the next chapter), Kim So-wol paid considerable
attention to the presentation of his poetry. Of course he had only partial control of how it
appeared in the periodicals of his day and editors at Kaebyoksa certainly played a role in
shaping his work. However, to date, there have been no systematic studies of how editors
at organizations such as Kaebyoksa may have molded the public presentation of So-wol's
poems. We can begin this work by simply attempting to identify So-wol's editors.
A closer look at how Kaebyoksa was structured, along with information from the
colophons of the periodicals surveyed here, suggests that Hy5n Ch'ol 5; 15 had direct
editorial control of the largest number of Kim So-wol's literary works and that Kim
6k, as well as members of the Ch'angjo coterie, played significant roles. The Ch'angjo
group's role in editing Kim So-wol's poems means that Kim So-wol's editors were often
just a few years older than he was and also from the P'yongan provinces. In trying to
identify Kim So-wol's editors we learn that in some instances, such as when he published
in Paejae, the journal produced by his high school, So-wol probably edited his own
poetry.
With the success of Kaebyok and the launching of a new journal, Puin (Wife),'10 in
June of 1922, the staff at Kaebyoksa grew to approximately twenty people by January
of 1923."' This staff was organized into three departments: an editorial department
ip 'yonjipknk WM inj) that consisted of a research section (chosabu rJlilEM), a politics
and economy section {chonggyongbu %M. u|5), a society section {sahoebu I|LL# PIJ),
110
After fifteen issues Pmn would become, in September of 1923, Smyosong. Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'gitk
chapchi paengnyon, vol. 1, 317-318.
111
Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok"yoVgw, 34-35.
188
}
and a literature and arts section (hagyebu -îki%)\ a business and finance department
(yongopkuk # S / n i ) that consisted of an accounting section (kyongnibu |¥I'I' UIJ), a sales
section (p 'anmaebu JUsiH SIJ), an advertising section {kwanggobu JK rf UIJ), a printing
section (ch'ulp'anbu MUIRUIJ), and a distribution section (taeribu IVJ'fluC); as well as
a general affairs department (somugwa f?;|â!R). Each department was overseen by a
governing board that consisted of the company president, the editor-in-chief (chugan ^F
££), and the heads of each department. 112
From this organizational schematic we learn that while Yi Ton-hwa is listed as the
editor of Kaebyok for each issue in which Kim So-wol appeared, Kim Ki-jon <feA38
(1894-?), from Kim So-wol's home prefecture (kun iift) of Kusong, 113 is likely to have
been the editor-in-chief of Kaebyok when Kim So-w51 was publishing most actively in
the journal." 4 Moreover, we see that the playwright Hyon Ch'61 and the leftist poet Pak
Yong-hui ^ h ^ J S (1901-? ), who attended Paejae High School a few years before So-
w5l," 5 both of whom served as head of the literature and art section, would have most
directly overseen Kim So-wol's manuscripts. The precise length of time that each man
served in the position is unclear. However, an announcement in the March 1922 issue of
Kaebyok suggests that Hyon Ch'61 was head of the literature and arts section beginning in
the spring of that year. Moreover, he appears to have held this position at least until April
of 1924, and perhaps as late as June of 1925, when Pak Y6ng-hui took over the post. 116
112
Ibid., 31-33.
113
ChoKyu-t'ae, Ch'ondogyo in minjok undongyon'gu, 137.
114
"Sawon tongjong jitrfijjiiiii (People moving in the company)," Kaebyok (October 1922), above the
colophon.
115
Pak Yong-hui was also likely to have been in relatively direct editorial control of Kim So-wol's poem
"Musim Ifi-ij (Indifference)" in the January 1925 issue of Sinyosong. Yi Sang-gyong °] A o v ^, "'Puin' eso
'Sinyosong' kkaji," 9.
116
Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok"yon gu, 35.
189
Colophons are only partially indicative of who was actually handling So-wol's
manuscripts, as the situation dXKaebyok demonstrates. However, colophons of the
publications in which So-wol's poetry appears suggest that his work was guided through
publication at the highest level by a different editor at each journal. These editors include
Kim Hwan £M (?-?) at Ch'angjo, O Ch'6n-s6k ^k% (1901-1987) at Haksaenggye,
Yi Ton-hwa 4=£fcft (1884-?) at Kaebyok, Yi Sang-hyop ^m\U (1893-1957) and Kim
Ch'ol-chung M^ (1882-?) at the Tonga ilbo, Henry Dodge Appenzeller (1889-1953)
at Paejae, Paek Tae-chin & X.M (1892-1967) at Sinch'6nji,ul Pang Chong-hwan TJ'J'IL
•M (1899-1931) at Sinyosong, Im Chang-hwa ttefLI (?-?) at Yongdae, Pang In-gun Tii -
ti (1899-1975) at Choson mundan, and Kim Ch'ang-gwon 4ZI=IIS (?-?) at Mimmyong. A
glance at the birth dates of these most senior editors suggests that they were not entirely
"senior" in terms of their age. Although I am uncertain about Kim Ch'ang-gwon's dates
and Im Chang-hwa's are unknown, only Kim Ch'ol-chung and Yi Tong-hwa appear to
have been in their forties when So-wol's poems appeared in their publications. Even So-
wol's principal at Paejae High School was quite young when he served as the editor of
Paejae; Henry Appenzeller would have been thirty-four when So-wol's poems appeared
in the school's periodical.
Kim Ok and O Ch'on-sok, a young man just a year older than So-wol, who would
study in the United States and become an important figure in South Korean education,"8
are most likely to have handled the manuscripts for many of Kim So-wol's early
publications. O, a member of the Ch'angjo coterie and editor of the new journal launched
by Hansong Toso, was deeply involved with the first issue of Haksaenggye that appeared
in July of 1920. In addition to editing the new publication, O wrote six of the works
117
This is necessarily a supposition. Currently, not even a facsimile copy of the August 1923 issue in which
So-wol's poetry appears is extant in South Korean libraries. Nor have T been able to discover it in a private
collection. Consequently, this supposition is based on the last legible colophon in the facsimile housed
at Korea University's Research Institute of Korean Studies (Minjok Munhwa Yon'guwon), which is the
November 1922 issue.
118
Chong Yong-su, "Ch'onwon O Ch'on-sok ui kyoyuk sasang yon'gu," 3-11.
190
included in Haksaenggye''s inaugural issue. Given his intense involvement, it is likely that
he would have taken an active role in determining how "M6n huil ^ t i : H (Some day long
from now)" and other poems by Kim So-wol were presented in the journal. Moreover, he
is the person who awarded Kim So-wol's short story "Ch'unjo ^tfjj (Spring morning)"
second prize {chi Mfe) in the October 1920 Haksaenggye literary contest, for which
Kim So-wol earned 1 won.U9 Kim So-w6Ps subsequent contributions to Haksaenggye,
some of which were only recently rediscovered,120 all appear as winners of the monthly
literary contest held by HaJcsaenggye. These later contests were all judged by Kim 6 k . m
Consequently, we can be reasonably certain that Kim Ok acted as the editor of Kim So-
wol's poems in Haksaenggye in late 1920 and early 1921.
We can also be reasonably certain that Kim Ok had editorial control of Kim
So-wol's contributions to the Tonga ilbo newspaper between the spring of 1924 and
the summer of 1925. The Tonga Ilbosa sa (A history of Tonga Ilbosa), our primary
1,9
Kim So-wol, "Ch'unjo tf-'l'/l (Spring morning)," Haksaenggye (October 1920): 74-76; O Ch'on-sok,
"Soma iii mal 3S •& si i t (A word from the judge)," Haksaenggye (October 1920): 80.
120
See anonymous, "So-wol ui ch'ogi si 3-p'y5n kwa huigwi han kongsik munkon 'Kohyang ul ch'ajaso'
palgyon ±Q£] 3^7] A] 33} 4 s\j\ sv -£• *)-§-£[ <JL%1=-&- %o\*\> 1 ^ (The discovery of three early poems
by So-wol and the rare official [North Korean] document 'Finding [So-wol's] home')," Munhak sasang
(May 2004): 70-101.
121
Kim 6 k is listed as the judge of the December 1920 Haksaenggye contest where Kim So-wol's poem
"Soul ui kon •*!-§--£] 7\ e] (Seoul Streets)" was awarded second (ilk) prize. The prize categories are listed as
ch'on A, chi J=tb, and in A, "heaven," "earth," and "people," respectively. The "heaven" price was worth
1 won 50 chon, the "earth prize" 1 won, and the "people" prize 50 chon. Kim So-wol received the "earth"
prize for "Soul ui kori" in the December 1920 Haksaenggye, the "heaven" prize for "I han pam °] t i l l
(This one night)" and "Mat naeryonun simsa ^^ 3] fe /(_>$> (Thoughts of meeting) in the January 1921
Haksaenggye, the "earth" prize for "Majusok )Sfj£ E (Stone totem)" in the April 1921 Haksaenggye, and
the "earth" prize for "Kungin ch'ang '£'AnH (A palace person's song)" in the May 1921 Haksaenggye.
Consequently, Kim So-wol would have received 4 won 50 chon for his contributions to Haksaenggye.
"Hyonsang mojip IS Jt!£it (Seeking contest entries)," Haksaenggye (November 1920), above the
colophon; "Hyonsang mojip ( " I K ^ I l (Seeking contest entries)," Haksaenggye (December 1920), above
the colophon; "Hyonsang mojip Ilf.K-^lfe (Seeking contest entries)," Haksaenggye (January 1921), above
the colophon; "Hyonsang mojip SIK^tJfc (Seeking contest entries)," Haksaenggj'e (April 1921), above
the colophon; "Hyonsang mojip H'M'UKc (Seeking contest entries)," Haksaenggye (May 1920), above the
colophon; Kim So-wol, "Soul ui kori," Haksaenggye (December 1920): 82; Kim So-wol, "1 han pam," and
"Mat naeryonun simsa," Haksaenggye (January 1921): 44; Kim So-wol, "Majusok," Haksaenggye (April
1921): 93; Kim So-wol, "Kungin ch'ang," Haksaenggye (May 1921): 81-82.
191
source for who worked at the paper and when, is silent about the editor in charge of the
literature and arts section between June of 1920 and December of 1925.,22 Consequently,
it is unclear who chose and edited the poems So-wol contributed so frequently to the
"Reader's Literature (tokcha mundane M^ SliS.)" section of the Tonga ilbo in 1921.
However, the Tonga Ilbosa sa records that Kim Ok was a reporter and "an editor" at the
paper from May of 1924 until August of 1925. Specifically, it states that Kim was the
editor of the literature and arts section on Mondays.123 Although it has gone unnoticed by
scholars, nearly all of the poems by So-wol that appear in the Tonga ilbo between May
1924 and August 1925 appear on a Monday.124 The only time that So-wol's poems do
not appear on a Monday during this period is when they appear in the 1925 New Year's
Day edition of the paper. In this issue, Kim So-w51's poems are printed directly beneath
an article by Kim Ok, which suggests that here, too, he was probably instrumental in the
presentation of So-wol's work.125
Kim Tong-in, one of the founding members of Ch'angjo, had a hand in arranging
Kim So-wol's poetry in the periodicals, further evidence of the central role Ch'angjo
members, in addition to Kim Ok and O Ch'on-sok, played in editing Kim So-wol's
poems. As I discuss in Chapter One, Kim Tong-in describes a letter he received from So-
wol "while editing" the coterie magazine Yongdae. In that same 1929 newspaper article,
he also vividly describes handling the manuscripts for the poems that would introduce
Kim So-wol to the literary world in the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo.126 Ch'angjo coterie
122
Tonga Ilbosa Sa P'yonjip Wiwonhoe, Tonga Ilbosa sa, 414.
123
Kim 6 k is listed as the "Literature and arts editor for Mondays (woiyotl chuim munyebu hi J1 Hf U _Lff
X4kn\'M:)" Tonga Ilbosa Sa P'yonjip Wiwonhoe, Tonga Ilbosa sa, 425.
124
Tonga ilbo, November 24, 1924; Tonga ilbo, January 4, 1925; Tonga ilbo, February 2, 1925; and Tonga
ilbo, July 21, 1925.
125
Tonga ilbo, January 1, 1925.
126
Kim Tong-in, "Nae ka bon siin Kim So-wol," cited in Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chdnjip, 410,
419.
192
members also appear to have been in control of the editorial process at Choson mundan
when Kim So-wol's poems appeared there. While it is not clear who specifically was
handling his work, editorial notes at the end of the April and July 1925 issues of Choson
mundan in which Kim So-wol's poems appear suggest that Kim Tong-in, Kim Ok, and O
Ch'on-sok, as well as Chon Yong-t'aek, were quite involved.127
A short passage in the editorial notes at the end of the March 1923 issue of Paejae,
the publication supported by Kim So-wol's high school, suggests that in addition to
having his work edited by members of the Ch'angjo coterie, So-wol also edited some
of his own poetry. Although it is impossible to know who is speaking, a member of the
editorial group responsible for the text of the March issue mentions So-wol. He writes,
referring to a poem called "Songnim fe# (Pine forest)" by Chang Tae-jin $k AH! that
appears on page 131, "I wasn't sure what So-wol was talking about when he said with a
smile on his round face, 'Let's work on this one. The bones are good;' it was the poem
[by Chang Tae-jin]."128
While not as as concretely, another short editorial note at the end of the March issue
of Paejae also suggests So-wol's editorial involvement. The following short passage is
also included with other brief editorial blurbs near the end of the periodical: "Needing
to take that dreadful entrance exam, I returned home before we were able to finish
the editing; I beg of my fellow editors many pardons."129 The character so {%) from
So-w5l's pen name appears in parentheses after the short statement. Although this is
hardly concrete proof of So-wol's authorship, Sino-Korean characters that suggest other
127
"Munsadul iii i moyang cho moyang: p'ySnjibin i I -I--2-] ^ S - ^ ^ i SLfy. JiM'M A (Writers in this situation
and that: the editors)," Choson mundan, SSngjin Munhwa facsimile at Adan Mun'go, (April 1925): 127-
128; "Munsa sosik p'yonpyon "X I rft\&JJi Y\ (Bits of writers' gossip)," Choson mundan (July 1925): 215-
216. Ch'angjo coterie members were an important element in the group that edited Choson mundan. It
should be noted, however, that the group of editors listed by Choson mundan in these two issues contains
fifteen writers, making it difficult to know who specifically was responsible for handling the manuscripts.
128
"P'yonjipsil i&S^? (The editors' room)," Paejae (March 1923), 165.
129
Ibid.
193
M - #: JK f- IBI -L' ft ff A
Figure 3.2 The graduating class of Paejae High School, 1923
Note: This photograph appears in the March 1923 issue of Paejae It impossible to identify Kim
So-w51 or even to be certain that he appears in it. The caption reads, "the students of [Paejae]
High School's seventh graduating class," but the figures in the photograph are not identified.
Editorial notes in this issue of Paejae suggest that Kim So-wol may have left Seoul before
the editing of the journal was completed Consequently, he may have left before this picture
was taken However, the young man in the front row, second from the right, roughly matches
contemporaiy descriptions of Kim So-wol. Kim 6k, for example, describes Kim So-wol as "short
and thin," with a "round face" and "bright" eyes. Kim 6k, "So-wol ui saengae ^/J s\ 'Afrl(So-
wol's life)," Yosong (June 1939). 96-100, cited in Kim Chong-uk, ed , Chongbon So-wol chonjip,
424. Although I have not transcribed them here, Appendix 3.14 presents a list of the students
in So-wol \s graduating class and the editorial notes that mention So-wol. Like this picture, this
information does not appear elsewhere in the available scholarship on Kim So-wol.
Source: Paejae (March 1923), unnumbered page following the table of contents.
194
members of So-wol's high school class appear among these short editorial notes as well,
indicating that so (iF?) may indeed refer to So-wol. The character chong "(15)" appears
after the fifth short passage and the characters pyong hui (H|*lK?,) are found after the final
short editorial notice. Pyong-hui is very likely to be Han Pyong-hui W'W'i?, (1903-1932),
a young man listed with Kim So-w6Ps graduating class in this same issue of Paejae. !3°
"Chong" is likely to be Yun Chong-ho 'FMfrn, who is also listed with Kim So-wol's
graduating class and, like So-wol, left shortly after his graduation from high school to
study in Japan.131
Table 3.4 (below, after the conclusion) records the poems that So-wol's various
editors were most likely to have influenced. Critics and scholars have long known that
Kim Ok played a role in crafting Kim So-wol's poems, but they have not attempted
to identify with any precision which poems Kim Ok is likely to have influenced most
profoundly.132 This table begins to fill a gap in our knowledge about how Kim So-w51's
poems were made during his lifetime and have been understood since. It helps us to see,
Han Pyong-hui's name appears, along with So-wol's, in the list of students that graduated in Paejae
High School's seventh class in 1923. "Kodung pot'ong hakkyo che 7-hoe a ^ m M^H % t: (til (The
seventh high school class)," Paejae (March 1923): 163-64. Han appears to have had a short, troubled life.
The Tonga ilbo reports his death by suicide at the age of 29 (30-.se) in 1932. According to the article, he
became ill and started acting strangely after spending two years in prison for his involvement with the
anarchist group Hukki nyonmaeng (Black Flag Federation) in 1925. "Hukki Yonmaeng chojikcha Han
Pyong-hui Ssi chasal %1MwTMU.% ^nfit&ft rl %& (Black Flag Federation member Han Pyon-hui commits
suicide)," Tonga ilbo October 10, 1932.
131
Yun is the only student in So-wol's class whose name includes the character "Chong ift." "P'yonjipsil,"
Paejae (March 1923): 165-66; "Kodung pot'ong hakkyo che 7-hoe," Paejae (March 1923): 163-64. Other
than what is suggested in this issue of Paejae, information about Yun's life, including his date of birth, is
not readily available.
132
Kim Tong-in appears to be the first to explicitly discuss Kim Ok's importance to Kim So-wol in his
1929 article "Nae ka bon siin Kim So-wol," Choson ilbo, December 10-12, 1929. More recently Chon
Chong-gu presents an interesting discussion of the relationship between Kim So-wol and Kim Ok. See the
first chapter in Chon Chong-gu ^ ^ T 1 , Kim Chong-sik chakp'am yon'gu 7T] ^ A1 ^tir ' S T 1 (A study of the
works of Kim Chong-sik) (Seoul: Somyong Ch'ulp'ansa, 2007). Pak Tae-hon goes so far as to suggest that
Kim Ok may have even authored poems attributed to Kim So-wol. See Pak Tae-hon SrtflHl, Koso iyagi:
Hosanbang chum Pak Tae-hon ui yet ch'aek handam kaeksoli~£°] a\7}: siiUffi ^-<Q ^Hfls} 3] ^ i ^
nfc'&M (Tales of old books: the stories of Pak Tae-hon, owner of [the antiquarian bookshop] Hosanbang)
(Seoul: Yorhwadang, 2008), 97-102.
195
for example, that while Kim Ok may have had an impact on Kim So-wol's canonical
"Azaleas" before it was sent to Kaebyok, it was Hyon Ch'ol, as head of the literature and
arts department at Kaebyoksa, who would have overseen the making of the poem that
appeared in the July 1922 issue of the journal. Moreover, although it is unclear what, if
any, influence Kim Ok may have had upon the choice, it was ultimately Hyon Ch'ol's
decision to print the word "minyosi tvlntuî (folk-song poem)" next to Kim So-wol's
poem, a decision that, along with Kim Ok's assertions about Kim So-wol's importance as
a folk-song-style poet, has had a profound influence upon how Kim So-wol's poems have
mattered.
Conclusion
This chapter began by discussing the large body of scholarly work about Kim So-wol,
the central themes of this scholarship, as well as its limitations. I argued that the primary
limitation of this scholarship is its disregard for the bibliographic contexts of Kim So-
wol's work and the sociology of publications in which Kim So-wol's poetry appeared.
To address these limitations, I identified where Kim So-wol most frequently had his
poetiy published and provided a general description of periodicals in which Kim So-
wol's poetry appeared between 1920 and 1925. This was followed by a more detailed
description of the sociology of these texts, including analyses of the publishers, pressmen,
and printing facilities that made these journals, as well as the advertisers that supported
them. The second half of the chapter described the authors with whom Kim So-wol
appeared, the two organizations central to his career, and the editors who oversaw the
publication of Kim So-wol's poems in these ten periodicals.
Based on these analyses, I argued that Kim So-wol was a poet of the intellectual
monthlies and the daily newspaper and that the production of these journals was localized
in a small number of printshops. I showed that Kim So-wol's editors and publishers,
like Kim So-wol himself and his readers, tended to be quite young, and that those who
196
contributed most frequently to the periodicals in which his poems appear were often from
the northern provinces of Korea. I demonstrated that the Ch'angjo coterie, initiated by
men from the north of Korea, not only launched Kim So-wol's career but that writings
by its members, most significantly Kim Ok, defined the context in which his poetry
appeared. As So-wol's editors at a number of periodicals, Ch'angjo writers were also in a
position to amend Kim So-wol's manuscripts and determine where his poems would be
placed. I showed that the playwright Hyon Ch'61 had the opportunity to edit the largest
number of poems by Kim So-wol but that Ch'angjo coterie members Kim 6k, Kim Tong-
in, and O Ch'on-sok all served as Kim So-wol's editors.
Observing how young Kim So-wol was when he composed the bulk of his oeuvre, as
well as how he frequently addresses romantic love in his work, the poet O Chang-hwan
(1918-1951) has suggested that So-wol's poem "Nim ui norae \l$] tJfl (Love's song)"
and his book Chindallaekkot are "a mirror of the emotions of ChosSn's young people"133
during the troubled period of the Japanese occupation. Leaving aside whether Kim So-
wol's poetry stood for the emotions of all of Choson's young people, it is certainly true
that Kim So-w51 was very young when he published many of his now canonical poems.
It is also true that romantic love, particularly lost love, is a theme to which Kim So-
wol returns frequently. Cho Tong-il has suggested that So-wol's frequent choice of this
theme reflects Korea's political situation and associates lost love {nim) in Kim So-wol's
poetry with Korea's loss of national sovereignty.134 Cho also suggests historical parallels
between Kim So-wol's era and that of "Western romantic poets," asserting that lost love
in Kim So-w51's poetry can also be aligned with the loss of traditional ways of life as the
133
O Chang-hwan S-^^k, "So-wol si ui t'uksong: sijip Chindallaekkot ui yon'gu rfc-H-M-S] ^ - A j : A l ^
^Jii sH^r—l ' S T 1 (The unique characteristics of So-wol's poetry: A study of his collection Azaleas)," in
Kim Chae-yong ^ A-%-, ed., O Chang-hwan chonjip, Kyobo Mun'go digital book edition, (Seoul: Silch'Sn
Munhaksa, 2002), 522-23.
134
Cho Tong-il, "Kim So-wol, Yi Sang-hwa, Han Yong-un ui nim 7 J i ^ l , ° R v 2 h ?!"§-£2l \E] (Love (nim)
for Kim So-wol, Yi Sang-hwa, and Han Yong-un)," Munhak kwa chisong (June 1976), 459.
197
Korean peninsula modernized.135 Kevin O'Rourke points out that Kim So-wol's thematic
choices probably reflect the poetry he was reading, particularly Arthur Symons and W.B.
Yeats.136 Examining the periodicals in which So-wol published reveals that, like So-wol,
the writers with whom he published, as well as his editors, publishers, and readers, were
mostly quite young. Consequently, to the list of possible reasons why Kim So-wol's
poems often treat amorousness, infatuation, and loss, we might add that love is often a
preoccupation of those in their teens and twenties.
The next chapter examines how Kim So-wol's poems, and the broader sociology
articulated by the thirty-eight publications described here, are performed in individual
issues of these periodicals. Because love and loss is an important theme of the literature
in these periodicals and Kim So-wol's poetry specifically, I focus my discussion on
how Kim So-wol and the young writers with whom he published used the theme of
love and loss to express their devotion to making art. To emphasize the importance of
their bibliographic contexts and presentation, I demonstrate how Kim So-wol's poems
in these journals form tropically cohesive structures that have gone unrecognized by
scholarship that focuses on individual poems without recognizing how individual works
are articulated by those around them. The next chapter also details how individual texts
by Kim So-wol, and those of his contemporaries, were made to enact the love and loss
they address thematically.
135
Ibid., 458-459. Cho does not specify which Western romantic poets he is discussing or precisely what
period.
136 Kevin O'Rourke, Han'guk kimdaesi uiyongsiyonghyangyon'gu, 104.
198
Table 3 4 K i m S o - w o l ' s Editors
Editoi/ Periodical Ch'angjo (March 1920)
"Nangin m pom & A - l §- (Wanderei 's spring)"

"Ya ui ujok-ft °1 \\iM (The night's 1 am diops)"
Kim Tong-m "Ogwa ui up 4 ^ ° 1 ^'' (Afternoon teais)"
"Ktiiiwo J.EI-T-1 (Lonely)"
"Ch'un'gang iMM (Spung hill)"
Editoi/ Periodical Haksaenggye Tonga ilbo
"Namunbol noiae ^n t i l ^ t e ) ] (Song of Namunbol)"

"Soul ui kon ^ i l 5-H A (Seoul sheets)" (Decembei 1920)
Novembei 24, 1924)
"I han pam °1 £}'# (This one night)" (January 1921) "Ch'awason + £Hn (Cais and boats)" (Novembei 24, 1924)
"Mat naeryonun simsa 'î-fl 3} T=- 'ij'S (Thoughts of meeting)
"Iyo {'{',% (Folk song)" (Novembei 24, 1924)
(January 1921)
"Sodo youn 1 Ot kwa pap kwa chayu 2 Pae \,b\)(i\T in
"Majusok fell -fi (Stone totem)" (Apul 1921) -g-n)-«]-ii)- \-\ 111 H}] (Impi essions of the Western Pi o\ inces 1
Clothes and nee and fieedom 2 Boat)" (Januaiy 1, 1925)
"Kungin ch'ang w A "a (Apalace peison's song)" (May 1921) "Malhsong wSiM (The Gieat Wall)" (Januaiy 1, 1925)
Kim Ok "Ch'olh malh T 4J,'Lnj UJ (One thousand, ten thousand u)"

(Januaiy 1, 1925)
"Nam ui nai a ttang uv£| <-|5] *§ (The soil of another countiy)
(Januaiy 1, 1925)
"Ot * (Clothes)" (Januaiy 1, 1925)
"Kamak tombul 7} n j-^l- (Cosmos floweis)" (Januaiy 4, 1925)
"Hansik lîX (Cold food)" (February 2, 1925)
"Pot maul ôl.A(Afiiend'svillage)"(Febiuaiy2, 1925)
"Soio midiim (abun) A ii? Dl ^- (J'I'tai) (Believing each othei
(ihyming)"(July21, 1925)
(continued) Table 3.4 Kim So-wol's Editors
Editor/ Periodical Haksaenggye
"Mon huil 'JUD Id (Some day long from now)" (July 1920)
"Koch'un p'ul hot'urojin moraedong uro ^-g-lr ^JEL.213! HHfl-S-AS. (Toward sand drifts scattered with wild grasses)" (July 1920)
O Ch'on-sok "Chugumyon ^f.° ^ ? (If death?)" (July 1920)
"Ch'unjo tf'l'Ji (Spring morning)" October 1920)
Editor/ Periodical Kaebyok
"Kum chandui ^ r ^ S ] (Amber grass)" (January 1922)

"Kkum v (Dreams)" (January 1922)
"Ch'ot ch'ima ^ *1 °} (Her first skirt)" (January 1922)
"Oma ya nuna ya <H u}°\ T L 1 o\ (O Mom, O Sister)" (January 1922)
"Tal maji ^ M (First full moon)" (January 1922)
to
§ "Kaeami 7fl°uH (Ants)" (January 1922)
"Chebi 4*) (Swallow)" (January 1922)
"Sua tiJ^T (Buds)" (January 1922)
" P u h o n g s a e - ^ 4 1 (Owl)" (January 1922)
Hyon Ch'ol "Hwangch'okpul ih'RH^- (Yellow lamp)" (January 1922)
"Tak un kkokkuyo &-&$."•&- (The cock crows)" (February 1922)
"Kkum kkwin ku nennal T r f ] ^ ^ ^ (A dream of that past)" (February 1922)
"Chemulp'o eso 'pam' f?W4/iH A1 r
^ j (At Chemulpo 'night')" (February 1922)
"Seabyok 4^ (Dawn)" (February 1922)
"Nae chip vfl.*S (My home)" (Febmaiy 1922)
"Param ui pom 4 ^ ° ] - n (Spring's wind)" (April 1922)
"Mulkyol i pyonhayo ppongnamu pat i doendago # ; 3 6 iy|or 0 l : "f^n'^0} 5 1 ^ 2 (They say waves become a mulberry grove)" (April 1922)
"Tungpul kwa majo anjossuryamyon ^-1-2-]- v\^_ °}3!"2.|-?i (When I sat facing the lamp)" (April 1922)
"Pom pam £># (Spring night)" (April 1922)
(continued) Table 3 4 Kim Sowol's Editors
"Yollak U% (Pleasuie)" (June 1922)
"KongwSn ui pam :Z>Ly£-l ^ (The gai den's night)" (June 1922)
"Onun pom JJ-T^ £ (Coming spung)" (June 1922)
"Mam e sok uit saiam Y-H^r^]- 5 !)- (The one m my heait)" (June 1922)
•'Chindallaekkot ^\i^\% (Azaleas)" (July 1922)
"Kaeyoul (cho) A (IX)°1% (Stiearn)" (July 1922)
"Chebi 4*} (Spanows)" (July 1922)
"Changbyolli TWJMJ (Changbyolli)" (July 1922)
"Kojokhan nal iH-bi.Q'g (Quiet lonely day)" (July 1922)
"Kangch'on /I <H (Rivei town)" (July 1922)
"Mon hull î£. U (Some day long fiom now)" (August 1922)
"P'ulttagi # 4 7 ] (Plucking glass)" (August 1922)
o HyonCh'61 "Ku san u e aili^> °]| (On that mountain)" (August 1922)
"Pada aft} (The sea)" (August 1922)
"Kiphi mittun simsong 7ô] ^js- jj^Jj (A sinceiity I deeply believed)" (August 1922)
"Nyennat Â9: (A familial tace)" (August 1922)
"Kaul A-% (Autumn)" (August 1922)
"Nun kwapot Y-!2} 93 (Fnends and loveis)" (August 1922)
"Nyottun mam i - l ^ - F ^ (The foigotten heait)" (August 1922)
'"Kanun pom sam w51 7fe-n-_ ft (Maich spung leaving)" (August 1922)
'"Hambak nun $ a f e (Big snowflakes)" (Octobei 1922)
"Kkumchan tv^M (Dieam place)" (Novembei 1922)
"Kiphun kumong ^ ^ (The deep hole)" (Novembei 1922)
"Nim ui norae Yi-liiSll (Love's song)" (February 1923)
"Nyetiagi ^ M ^ M (Old stones)" (Febiuary 1923)
(continued) Table 3.4 Kim So-wol's Editors
"Sayokchol I. mot nit torok saenggak nagetchiyo II Yejon en mitch'o mollassoyo III. Hae ka san mam e chomuroyo IIV [sic].
Nunmul 1 shwimm hullonamnida V Chana kkena, anjuna sona 'i'f^g I S ^ £ f *§z] M-3W-3- II ^ I J U ^ 3!*1 -g-^M S_ III sfl7r
i l i f r ^ l ^ l - ^ IIV [sic] ?--§-<>] ^|=-ri i ^ u q c-l-v 4 4 *)14-, ° > ^ i 4 ^ M - (Thinking about ending it I Theie will be thoughts
I can't forget II I didn't realize III. Sun setting on the mountain ridge IIV [sic]. Tears flow easily V Sleeping or waking, sitting or
Hyon Ch'51 standing)" (May 1923)
"Sakchu kusong fMW'^k (Sakchu kusong)" (Octobei 1923)
"Kanun kil 7r^z=) (The road away)" (October 1923)
"San ill (Mountain)" (Octobei 1923)
Editor/ Periodical Kaebyok
"Sinang faffiJ (Belief)" (January 1925)

Hyon Ch'ol oi "Chonyok ttae *] "A "fl (At dusk)" (January 1925)
Pak Yong-hfli
"Sihon „^Jl (Poetic Soul)" (May 1925)
o
Editor/ Periodical Sinyosong (January 1925)
Pak Yong-hui "Musim ty<b (Indifference)"
Editor/ Periodical Paejae (March 1923)
"Ttodora kanfln kyejip 4 £ 2 } 7} ^7-]]^ (L'Odyssee d'unefille

[A Girl's Odyssey])"
"Talpam %*\ (Moonlit night)"
"Kipko kipp'un onyak ^ JI-U S-î^J; (The deepest depth of my word )"
Table 3.4 Sources (in addition to those discussed
"Osinun nun .$- A ]^^r (Coming snow)" m the mam body of this chapter). Yi Sang-gyong
Kim So-wol
"Chyoptong ^%- (Cuckoo)" 0
l^>Vy8, "'Puin' eso 'Sinyosong' kkaji," 3-35.
"Kilson 7i£ (Traveler)"
"Pom param -£- a r^ (Spring wind)"
"Pidan an'gae ul\+°>/fl (Silk mist)"

Chapter Four—Love, Art, and Commas
In the previous chapter I illuminated the broader sociology of the periodicals in which
Kim So-wol's poetry appeared before Chindallaekkot (1925). In this chapter I examine
his poems as individual performances within the bibliographic contexts of specific
issues. Neither approach has yet been pursued by scholars. Given the importance of
the social network represented by the Ch'angjo coterie and the frequency with which
Kim So-wol published in Kaebyok, I devote special attention to specific issues of these
journals, in particular the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo, where Kim So-wol published
his first poems, as well as two issues of Kaebyok, which contain, respectively, a version
of "Mon huil ^ / u [fie] R (Some day long from now)" and So-wol's most famous poem,
"Chindallaekkot ^1 sT^l^r (Azaleas)." The July 1920 issue of Hakksaenggye, another
example of the kind of periodical in which Kim So-wol's poetry appeared, contains an
early version of his important poem "Some Day Long from Now." In the context of these
publications, I explore the narrative order suggested by the sequences in which Kim So-
wol's poems appear and the relationship between So-wol's poems and the surrounding
texts. Using the presentation of Kim So-wol's poems in journals to guide our reading of
his work, I demonstrate how his poems mattered in the 1920s as performances that cite
the sociology of their textual condition and utilize their material bodies to enact their
themes and metaphors. I also demonstrate how foreign literature was integral to how Kim
So-wol's poetry gained its significance as folk-song poetry, extending my discussion of
this topic begun in the last chapter.
The chapter begins with a discussion of the great importance Kim So-wol placed on
the presentation of his poetry and how he restlessly reworked and republished many of
his poems between 1920 and 1925. After situating his poetic sequence "Nangin ui pom ik
A2] T§- (Wanderer's spring)" in the context of the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo, where
love and separation are frequently conjoined metaphorically with art, I describe how Kim
So-wol manipulates punctuation and space to intimate the footfalls of the lonely travelers
203
who, in the constative reality of their poetic situations, are only allowed to imagine
reunion with their beloveds in the missed beats and empty spaces of the sequence's
metric. I demonstrate how the investigation of vernacular Korean as a literary medium by
Ch'angjo writers was frequently the context in which Kim So-wol's poetry appeared by
pointing out similar themes and the prevalence of works by Ch'angjo writers in the July
1920 issue of Haksaenggye where Kim So-wol's well-known poem "Some Day Long
from Now" was first published. I show in the context of this issue of Haksaenggye how
bibliographic space is manipulated in So-wol's poem to emphasize the signifying body
of the "you {tangsin t3"yil)" to whom the poem is addressed and loss. This poem together
with "Wanderer's Spring," I argue, suggests a elegiac dynamic at work in So-wol's
texts: the presence of the one yearned for is intimated by voids in the poems' metric and
bibliographic patterns; to signify the one desired is to forsake him or her. A discussion of
"Some Day Long From Now" as it appears in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok begins
to illuminate this dynamic at work in the context created by Kaebyok magazine where
Kim So-wol had the highest percentage of his poems published.
The chapter continues with a discussion of the contents of the July 1922 issue of
Kaebyok, including the poetic sequence that begins with an early version of what would
become the title poem of Kim So-wol's 1925 collection. The cosmopolitan nature of this
special issue illustrates the importance of foreign literatures to the bibliographic context
in which Kim So-w51's traditional, folk-song-style poetry {minyosi) initially appeared. I
show "Azaleas" within this context as part of a series of poems that take as their object
the medium of their presentation and argue that the poem itself is about the tremulous
hope that vernacular art can exist as something other than an expression of loss. The
chapter concludes with a brief discussion of the term minyosi that is printed beside
"Azaleas" and Kim Ok's initial definition of the genre in the preface to a book of poems
by Arthur Symons. The aim is to further clarify how Kim-So-wol's poetry came to matter
as folk-song poetry.
204
Relentlessly Reworking the Page
Kim So-wol seems never to have been satisfied with his poems and perpetually
revised his work. Of the 127 poems he published in periodicals between March of 1920
and December of 1925, sixty-seven appear in his 1925 collection.' Most striking is that
all sixty-seven poems had been revised. Moreover, thirteen of them had been republished
by Kim So-wol twice or more before he included them in his collection; each time he
republished them, he changed them. That he not only republished many of the poems
that appeared between 1920 and 1925 but revised them is important for three interrelated
reasons.
First, these revisions make the case for reading each presentation of So-wol's
poetry as its own performance revealing certain histories. Each iteration shows Kim
So-wol's poetry and the sociology of its textual environment in a new light. Second,
the manner in which So-wol republished his poems reflects a pattern: the poems often
appear in identifiable groupings that will form the basis of the sixteen sections of his
1925 collection. This suggests that So-wol saw certain groups of poems as poetic units.
Although he adds, removes, and changes the order of poems, these groupings remain
identifiable and can guide our reading of his work in productive ways.
Third, the repeated revision and re-publication of Kim So-wol's poetiy shows just
how fastidiously he reworked his poems and how much importance he placed upon their
presentation. Kim So-wol's few extant manuscripts along with historical accounts by his
contemporaries suggest that he was in fact mildly obsessive when it came to the contours
of his poetic compositions. Kim Ok, Paek Sok &fa (1912-1995), and Kim Tong-in all
mention his fastidiousness. Kim Tong-in describes a letter from Kim So-wol in which
he asks Tong-in to pay close attention to his manuscript and print his poems exactly as
he submitted them. Paek Sok describes Kim So-wol's original manuscripts as a mess of
1
This tally of sixty-seven includes poems such as "Yejon en mitch'6 mollassoyo °i);5l<S13l^|-irl?!'Ai-S-
(I didn't realize then)" that were initially part of longer works but are presented as individual poems in
Azaleas.
205
notes and erasures: "On Kim So-wol's unpublished poems, there were sometimes two or
three notes written in prose about his thoughts and wishes; and then the thought would be
blocked, or there would be something undesirable to publish, or a cartoon would appear.
Line by line, character by character, it was difficult to distinguish what was written
because erasures and addendums littered all of his poems singing about home, liquor,
responsibility, and emotion."2
Kim Ok discusses So-wol's continuous revisions in a number of articles including
a piece that appeared in the journal Yosong irl'4: (Women) in June 1939 and his
"Remembrance of Kim So-wol." In this remembrance, Kim Ok writes, "Concerning the
revision of his manuscripts, [So-wol's] efforts were hardly ordinary. He did not simply
dash something off but worked with the most deliberate care, repeatedly correcting and
erasing, erasing and correcting."3 In the Yosong article Kim Ok writes, "He took drafts
produced at Osan back and forth with him from Seoul to Tokyo, polishing and polishing
so that, when he returned to his hometown, he had a number completed."4
Love, Art, and Commas5—So-wol in the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo
Kim So-wol's incessant revisions resulted in meticulous and intricately arranged poems.
Although they would not be included in Chindallaekkot, his first published poems are
particularly good examples of how Kim So-wol's texts are organized and structured.
These poems in the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo also clearly demonstrate the dynamic
2
Paek Sok ill77, "So-wol lava Cho Sonsaeng H?H 4 W T L ^ , " Choson ilbo, May 1, 1939, quoted in O Ha-
giin, Kim So-wol siopopyon 'gu 7A i-f! Al °] *8 ?! ^ (Seoul: Chimmundang, 1995), 23.
3
Kim Ok, "Kim So-w51 e tahan ch'uok," Choson chungang ilbo, January 22-26, 1935, cited in Kim
Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol. 2, 403.
4
Kim Ok, "So-wol ui saengae," Yosong (June 1939), quoted in O Ha-gun, Kim So-wol siopop yon'gu
(Seoul: Chimmundang, 1995), 23.
3
Tn vertically typeset materials, the proper term for punctuation marks that approximate commas in Korean
is mo chom ( S - ^ ) . To simplify my description of the texts described in this chapter and elsewhere, I
sometimes refer to these marks as commas.
206
in So-wol's texts where recognizable voids created by the patterning of his poems hint
at the presence of what is desired but not signified. Finally, because Ch'angjo writers
contributed most actively to the periodicals in which Kim So-wol appeared, viewing his
poems in this issue of Ch'angjo is helpful for understanding the kind of literary works
that often appeared with his poetry in the periodicals. The contents of the March 1920
Ch'angjo make it clear that love and separation frequently served as a trope for literary
art in the stories and poems that surrounded Kim So-wol's.
Punctuation or Bibliographic Code?
Jerome McGann never attempts to vigorously distinguish between the "bibliographic
codes" and "linguistic codes" that he sees working together as a kind of double helix
in literary art. This is because, as his metaphor suggests, these codes cannot be easily
segregated, particular in literary creations. The issue of punctuation is a case (pardon
the pun) in point. The white space "punctuating" individual words in early twentieth-
century Korean texts, for example, at once orders the linguistic systems of publications
and associates them with the bibliographic practices of their time. The blank spaces that
distinguish individual linguistic units also distinguish these texts from earlier texts created
on the peninsula when scriptura continua was privileged. The same blank spaces are
manipulated by poets such as Kim So-wol to create rhythmic and other literary effects.6
In what follows I devote considerable attention to how individual texts are
punctuated and how their bibliographic resources are used for literary effect. Like
6
Robert Bringhurst calls these spaces semoprosodic signs when they function to order the meaning of a
text, while leaving open the possibility that they may also function as what he calls alphaprosodic signs,
signs that suggest how a text is to be spoken, in verse. Robert Bringhurst, The Solid Form of Language
(Kentville: Gaspereau Press, 2004), 66-69. John Lennard would associate the white space between words
with the second of his eight-level "axis" of punctuation. These include: "1) letter-forms, punctuating the
blank page 2) interword spaces . . . 3) the marks of punctuation (including stops, tone indicators, [etc.] . . .
4) words or other units distinguished by fount, face, case, . . . 5) the organization of the page . . . basic fount
and face, margins 6) pagination and foliation . . . 7) the structure of grouped pages . . . 8) the book itself,
as a complete object punctuating space." John Lennard, "Mark, Space, Axis, Function" in Ma(r)king the
Text: The Presentation of Meaning on the Literary Page, ed. Joe Bray, Miriam Handley, and Anne C. Henry
(Aldershot, Hampshire and Burlington, Maine: Ashgate, 2000), 5-6.
207
McGann, however, 1 do not attempt to draw a sharp conceptual distinction between
bibliographic and linguistic codes, particularly when discussing punctuation. Rather
than conceptually delineating these terms, I use them to describe how poets and printers
manipulated available resources, both bibliographic and linguistic, to make the art that
appears in specific issues of periodicals.
The March 1920 Issue o/Ch'angjo
Presented in the kukp'an format (152 mm x 218 mm), 100 pages of poems and
essays, fiction, and translations by seven identifiable authors other than Kim So-wol
create the bibliographic context in which So-wol made his debut as a poet in the March
1920 issue of Ch'angjo. Love, separation, and art are central concerns of these texts. In
addition to notes on recent literature, Kim Tong-in, who edited Kim So-wol's poems in
this issue, contributes the third installment of his confessional love story Maum iyot'un
chayol nf-§"°l °} €- ^ ° i ! (Shallow-hearted people!). Fellow coterie member Kim Hwan
presents the second section of an essay on art, focusing on early Egypt. O Ch'6n-sok
presents his poem "Kkumkil %Q (Dream trail)," which suggests an amorous reunion
in a Christian afterlife. In addition to a portion of his story "Saengmyong ui pom 'Ai
w2| |j- (The spring of life)," also about love, parting, and art, Chon Y5ng-t'aek includes
translations of poems by Heinrich Heine and Goethe.
Chon's story comes first, setting the tone for the entire issue and hence the stage for
the initial presentation of Kim So-wol's poems in print. Moreover, its presentation reveals
some of the ways in which love and leave-taking are performed by the bibliographic
codes of the literary art in this issue. Framing the story, and more generally this issue
of Ch'angjo, "The Spring of Life" starts with an excerpt from the Song of Songs. The
Shulamite hears the voice of her shepherd lover approaching. The issue begins, following
the title of Chon's story, with "The voice of my beloved! behold, he cometh leaping upon
208
the mountains, skipping upon the hills."7 The passage, which includes lines eight through
fourteen of the Song's second chapter, reads like a poem in its own right, and covers the
entire first page of the issue.
The passionate devotion suggested by the Song is presented metonymically as a
solution to the metaphysical dilemma with which Chon's protagonist Y6ng-sun grapples:
how do life and death mean? Yong-sun will answer this question by metaphorically
conjoining life and mortality with art to make the actions of living and dying have
meaning as artistic expression. This resolution reveals the epigraphic presentation of the
Song at the opening of Chon's story as an icon for a life devoted to love and to art, as well
as the Christian God. The spring in the Song of Songs is the spring of life in Chon's story.
The central narrative of the "The Spring of Life," which is set in P'yongyang, begins
on the page following the Song with a depiction of Yong-sun hurrying over a frozen
Taedong River and through the city. In descriptive language as crisp as the opening scene
it suggests, the central narrative commences, "A clear, glass-like sheet of ice had settled
in the night over the blue of the Taedong River's flowing waters." Listless fish hover
beneath the ice as people and animals hurry over it. Yong-sun has been up late writing
a eulogy, which he is hurrying to deliver at the funeral of Pastor P. After the funeral,
Yong-sun visits his wife, who has been imprisoned and has become quite frail. We also
learn that the death of Pastor P was caused by his imprisonment at the same facility. Why
Pastor P and Yong-sun's wife were imprisoned is not made clear, but both appear to have
been in some "incident." Yong-sun's attendance at the funeral, his reading of the eulogy,
and worry that his wife will share Pastor P's fate set the stage for the story's meditation
on death and the meaning of life, love, and art.
The grand resolution articulated by Yong-sun in the chill of Pyongyang's winter
landscape is that death, as well as individual lives and loves, are themselves art. Pastor
7
Song of Sol. 2:8.
209
P's death is a kind of "art (lift)," he suggests: "It is a kind of great, recondite poem."8
"Yong-son," Yong-sun's wife, "is a novel (/M£)." '"I am a novel,'" Yong-sun says
to himself. '"People are novels' . . . 'Life ( l w ) and the world are novels,""' he hears
himself saying. Yong-sun will later state matter-of-factly that "love (Af%") and art (!i%)
are one,"10 thereby yoking literary art and his love for his wife and Pastor P in metaphoric
similitude.
Predictably, this first installment of "The Spring of Life" ends with Yong-sun
writing his own story. Unable to sleep after the day's events, he takes out some writing
paper {won go yongji IsR^ffllR) that has been sent to him by a periodical publisher
{chapchisa Mf,l fti) in Tokyo and begins to compose. What he composes, a letter to his
wife, is less expected and nicely articulates Yong-sun's assertions that life, love, and art
are one. The letter expresses Yong-sun's devotion to both his love and his art.
The manipulation of what Jerome McGann would call Ch'angjo's bibliographic
codes is central to Yong-sun's art/act of devotion and emblematic of how these codes
are used throughout this issue of Ch'angjo. To present Chon's story within a story,
the typography of "The Spring of Life" is manipulated to suggest that the letter/story
composed by Chon's fictional character is "real." To accomplish this, the title of the
letter/story "Okchung ui anhae uige M + S] ^m $] 7]] (To my wife in prison)" is set in the
same typeface used for the titles of other stories and poems in this issue of Ch'angjo. To
ensure that the central thrust of the story is not misunderstood, the sentence "love and
art are one" is highlighted by a series of mo chom. The effect is similar to underlining
the sentence. Foliation is also instrumental in emphasizing the passage from the Song of
Songs so that it can serve its metonymic and iconic functions.
8
Chon Yong-t'aek lil^tff, "Saengmyong ui pom ' r * s | lr (Spring of life)," Ch'angjo (March 1920). 10.
9
Ibid
10
Ibid, 12.
210
Figure 4.1
"The Song of Solomon" (right) on the first page of the March 1920 issue of
Ch'angjo. Yong-sun's letter/ story (left) in Chon Yong-t'aek's "The Spring of Life "
Source: Chon Yong-t'aek m^/J', "Saengmyong Qi pom ^wi?^} Ir (Spring of life),"
Ch'angjo (March 1920):1, 21-22. In the AdanMun'go collection.
The use of bibliographical resources to perform, in this theatrical sense, the central
themes of Chon's story, is also a clear example of the performative nature of the textual
milieu of Kim So-wol's poems in the second sense described in Chapter One: as citations
of the text's sociology. The effect of the title of Yong-sun's story/letter, for example, is
enabled by the use of a typeface that cites the broader textual sociology suggested by this
issue of Ch'angjo. It matters in the way that it does because the same typeface is used
throughout the rest of the journal to indicate the titles of other literary works in Ch'angjo.
The emphasis suggested by the series of mo chom highlighting a central point m Chon's
story is similarly facilitated by the textual practices of Ch'angjo's authors, as well as
the typographic practices in the Japanese printshop where this issue was printed. In an
even broader sense, the physical position of the Song of Songs on its own page and the
function this serves in Chon's story are citing the nearly ubiquitous textual sociology of
211
the codex in modern Korea. To recognize this, we need only try to imagine "The Spring
of Life" as a scroll.
Kim So-wol's "Wanderer's Spring"
The sequence of poems beginning with Kim So-wol's "Wanderer's Spring" treats
longing and estrangement, like other texts in this issue of Ch'angjo, and describes
nostalgia for a springtime before its wanderers parted from those they love. The sequence
is also performative in the two senses described above. Bibliographic codes enact
semantic meaning in a theatrical sense, as in the title of Yong-sun's story. When the
sequence describes flowers falling, for example, the line describing their descent cascades
down the page to mime the action. Just as the typeface used to suggest the title of Yong-
sun's story/letter reflects the broader sociology of Ch'angjo's, textual environment,
this performance of falling flowers is enabled by Ch'angjo's vertically typeset page,
a common textual practice in East Asia at the time. How integral this sociology is to
the performance of this series and Kim So-wol's poetry in general is suggested by the
fact that the flowers in Kim So-wol's sequence do not "fall" in more recently produced
iterations of the "Wanderer's Spring" sequence, such as the numerous collected works
of his poetry, but are indented horizontally. This is because typographic practice has
changed considerably in Korea since the 1920s and Kim So-wol's texts have been
designed to be read horizontally from left to right instead of vertically from right to left as
they were in the 1920s.
"Wanderer's Spring" as a Unified Series
Because scholars have overlooked or obscured the performative aspects of Kim
So-wol's poetry and ignored its bibliographic contexts, they generally read "Wanderer's
Spring" as a single poem followed by four others. This approach overlooks the many
elements that bind these poems into the integrated series appearing on the verso and recto
212
Figure 4.2 Kim So-wol, "Nangin ui pom:MA-2] -§- (Wanderer's spring)" and other poems in
Ch'angjo (March 1920): 77-8. In the Adan Mun'go collection. Note: In addition to a number of
other typographic errors that appear in the poems (and probably incensed So-wol), only the first
two characters of his name have been printed beside his poems.
of a single sheet (pages 77 and 78) of Ch'angjo's fifth issue: the thematic and narrative
unity of the sequence, its unified and calculated metric, and what might be described as
its punctuation scheme.
Like many of Kim So-wol's poems published in periodicals, "Wanderer's Spring"
and the poems that follow it limn a narrative arc, suggesting the unity of the sequence.
This particular series progresses from a grammatically disjointed description of the lonely
landscape through which So-wol's speakers travel, to the more grammatically complete
fantasy they long to share. Also typical of Kim So-wol's work, this search for union with
a lost or distant love is presented from a variety of subjective positions. Although the
213
gender of the speakers is not always clear, the sequence hints at a dialogue between male
and female. The first poem of the sequence, "Wanderer's Spring," presents a traveler
making his way through a forlorn and rugged countryside to arrive at a dreary inn, where
later that night he will have thoughts of spring and his love that foreshadow the setting of
the final poem in the sequence. The second poem, titled "Ya iii ujok -tk-S-] rfi/isj (The night's
raindrops)," appears to be in the voice of a woman. Her fate {sinse # ^ 1 ) is personified
and wanders through a similarly inhospitable landscape of rivers and rugged mountains.
The third poem in the series, "Ogwa ui up T ;M^\ />'' (Afternoon tears)," probably in
the voice of a male speaker, nostalgically depicts a spring scene in the countryside,
suggestive of the sequence's progression toward the lush, fantastic springtime with which
it concludes. "Kuriwo H5]-£] (Longing)," the penultimate poem in the series, is in the
voice of a female speaker who expresses how fervently she desires the arrival of her
love on a spring day. In the last poem of the sequence, "Ch'un'gang Siwi (Spring hill),"
a speaker of unknown gender describes a fantastic landscape of butterflies and flower
blossoms, and the desire to share it with his/her love.
WANDERER'S SPRING"
Over dizzy hills

and bending rivers,
in green grass, among crimson flowers—
worry12—walking the trail.
" These translations are based on a copy of the March 1920 Ch'angjo housed at Adan Mun'go Where the
meaning of specific passages is unclear or disputed, here as elsewhere I have followed readings suggested
by O Ha-gun in Kim So-wol swpop yon'gu (1995) and Kwon Y6ng-mm in Kim So-wdl si chonjip (2007).
Please note that I have not attempted to recreate the punctuation scheme orchestrated in So-wol's sequence.
12
The Korean for what I translate as "worry (sirum A] •§-)" is glossed with the Sino-Korean character sn
?£ (worry). Glosses also appear in lines four of the second and third stanzas These are important elements
of the original text, I have not attempted to render them in my translation fearing that they would confuse
rather than clarify the poems.
214
Yellow-leaved maples,
season-green willows,
the evening sun already,
wind slipping past.
Smoke rising from the valleys

is caught in the creases of the peaks-
the fading shadow of a traveler
wandering the spur of the mountain.
Solitary inn along the mountain trail,

God, so lonesome—
the weary voice of
a trader arriving before him. li
T
Shadows of the fallen sun,
Figure 4.3 A
how far have you traveled today? ''Wanderer's
Wandering to find a place Spring" in
behind the darkness to stay. Ch 'angjo.
H»
a-
?I' # ^f l|5
#X<* #v £* ^'
•1 * * 4 •
H«*î
215
Mists in the meadows,
birds rustle in the moonlight,
a beautiful spring, even at midnight—
thoughts of you.
THE NIGHT'S RAINDROPS
Toward where do you return?

my fate—
even sad, my fate
is like water.
If rugged mountains stand in your way,

do you not wheel around them?
If jagged boulders,
do you not flow over?
And yet, even so

there is no getting free,
just this pitiful sadness
pressing in my chest.
Maybe, with
the night's raindrops,
like them, you wander too,
directionless.
Figure 4.4
"The Night's Raindrops" in Ch 'angjo.
216
AFTFRTsOON T F A R S
Embroidered in yellow flowers

and green peaks,
the sun's shadow—
moving without pausing to look.
A basket of wild herbs hung from her side,

a young daughter
watches a butterfly go—
the falling of her tears.
Willow leaves along the path ahead,

already green,
azaleas I saw yesterday—
their scattering.
A farm in late spring

is a lonesome place,
just the sliding door slid shut—
the clucking of chickens.
The wind in the field

mt't
sends the sun away—
the sounds of the birds in the valley •
growing pale.
Where I lay gradually Figure 4 5 "Afternoon

grows damp. Tears" in Ch'angjo
{continued below).
<SS^ i!??,^ ^îsss^^W^^
17
#gj 7l v; A
**• f 38113 *r
gl MM H
mm w%.
m « % ii
217
In worry I can't name, Figure 4.5 (continued)
the sun leaving. 'Afternoon Tears" in Ctiangjo.
". MM ' !§>
LONGING •w
S #1 *F
Before spring is gone
and these flowers scatter, air
WA%W W>d>
will he come?
before the risen sun sets.
Because wind is heavy

in dawn fog—l3
the shape of the moon falling all night,
like that yesterday.
With no way to send this heart,

if that crying bird were to meet him
and he were to hear its next song14
and always me with it.
Figure 4.6 "Longing" in Ch'angjo.
'.- t r *x* -^X ma. #, ;»3n

Js. *l - ©Ik Sta '
</^g^- v <&t^
13
I suspect there may be a typographical error in this line. The line begins with "yolge It Til" meaning
"to open," which may suggest a "clearing" fog. Such a reading is grammatically awkward, however.
Consequently, I suspect that ''yol •§" may have been inadvertently substituted for "yot ?!," which would
suggest "thin," when the poem was typeset. I have elided the difficulty of interpreting this line, which
might be read "in clearing white fog" or "in thin white fog," by rendering it "dawn fog."
14
There is a typographical error in this line of the poem. The last line begins with nun "TT," which is
meaningless. Kwon Yong-min suggests it should be nut'%," which means "always" or "all the time." I
follow his suggestion.
218
SPRING HILL
The green inner leaves of lovely grasses

as if to whisper.
Squinting
in the beautiful rays of the sun.
On flowers painted purple

and mountain chrysanthemums dyed yellow
a thin, sweet honey spills—
bees and butterflies rest.
Peach trees, apricot trees

flush drunk—
an arm of the pussy willow
stretches out easily.
The cow sold and taken off to work

bellows despairingly.
A sleepy dog that doesn't know worry
stretches his legs and yawns.
This place a tangle of green green grasses,

bud after bud—a forest of crimson blossoms,
like a dream and where I strolled
hand in hand with my love.
Figure 4.7 "Spring Hill" in Ch'angjo.
219
The Grammar and Syntax of "Wanderer's Spring"
The manner in which So-wol's grammar and syntax have been manipulated
suggests a journey from the constative realities of the speakers' landscapes toward a
depiction of the fantasy they wish to inhabit together. As if to emphasize the corporeality
of the landscape described and the emotions expressed in the sequence's initial poem,
the countryside in the first poem is presented by means of grammatically incomplete
sentences that tend to end with nouns. With the exception of the fifth stanza, every
quatrain in the poem "Wanderer's Spring" is a grammatical fragment. These fragments
conclude, respectively, with "worry," "wind," "shadow," "sound," and "thought."
To suggest the proximity desired by the speakers, when the speaker's perspective
is more contemplative and her fate is personified in the second poem, "The Night's
Raindrops," the grammar, while complicated, generally resolves into a complete
syntactical structure. While the last stanza of the poem can be read in a variety of ways
and it is not entirely clear who (or what) is wandering with whom in the final quatrain,
the description is grammatically complete and the two entities seem to share the
experience of the rain. Whether they enjoy physical or figurative proximity, the word
kach'i y\*\, which can be read to mean "together" or "with," as well as "like" or "similar
to," is repeated twice in the short twenty-four-syllable stanza to emphasize both senses
of nearness. Consequently, we see that syntactical completeness in the series can be
associated with nearness.
The syntax of the third poem, "Afternoon Tears," is also suggestive of the poetic
space inhabited by its speaker and the position of the poem as the numerical halfway
point in the sequence. As a kind of middle ground between the complete and incomplete
syntactical structures in the first two poems, the nostalgic, almost cinematic, depiction of
the rural setting of the poem—the girl watching the butterfly, the azaleas scattering, the
chickens clucking, the fading sound of the birds—is described in stanzas that conclude
with nominalized verbs (substantives). Worry and the damp ground upon which the
220
speaker lies in the final stanza of the poem are all that seem to keep him tethered to the
harsher realities of the first poem in the sequence.
In the penultimate poem of the sequence, longing is defined grammatically by a
series of temporal and conditional phrases. Echoing the irresolvable feelings inherent in
the emotion of the poem's title, none of the quatrains in this section make grammatically
complete statements. The final line of the poem, for example, implies that the reunion
of the speaker with his beloved can only occur if the conditional phrase that ends the
quatrain is completed. As in many of Kim So-wol's poems, there is silence rather than a
statement about reunion. In contrast to "Longing," "Spring Hill," the poem that concludes
the sequence, is comprised of five quatrains that use complete syntactical structures
to present a time when the speaker was with his/her love. This is the place where the
speaker and his/her love walked hand in hand, as if in a dream; the poems lament that
they no longer share this fantastic space.
The Art of Commas—The Rhythmic Footprints of "Wanderer's Spring"
In addition to neglecting the narrative progression of the poems, critics who read
the "Wanderer's Spring" sequence as five individual poems also overlook the manner
in which the rhythmic and visual presentation of the sequence is manipulated to suggest
the footfalls of the wanderers in the iambic patterning of punctuation. Every stanza in
the "Wanderer's Spring" sequence is a quatrain punctuated by a mo chom (the equivalent
of a comma in vertically typeset text) at the end of the second line. A kori chom (the
equivalent of a full stop in vertically typeset text) punctuates every fourth line. This
creates a rhythmic base line that, in the context of the sequence about travelers, can easily
be associated with the speakers' footsteps.
These punctuation marks work in concert with the syllabic meter of the poems and
their arrangement on the page to create a nearly unifonn temporal and visual presentation
of the first, fourth, and fifth poems of the sequence. A different but equally uniform
221
pattern is created in the second and third poems by these same elements. Because white
space does not punctuate individual words in So-wol's sequence15 the poems' strict
adherence to a seven-syllable metric line results in the lines of the first, fourth, and
fifth poems being nearly identical in length both visually and temporally. A similarly
predictable pattern of long and short lines is established in the second and third poems,
where the poems are set in a meter in which lines alternate between five and seven
syllables in length. The pattered presentation of wo chom and kori chom complements
this metric and graphic evenness by emphasizing syntactic pauses and, at times,
alleviating the metric and graphic uniformity of the lines. The collective effect is a sense
of syncopation whereby one hears the occasional shuffle and misstep of the travelers in
the patterned evenness. This control of the sequence's bibliographic space also enables
the halting pauses at the end of "Longing," for example, that help to define the breathless
sense of desire presented there and at other moments in the sequence.
Bibliographic Performance and the Silence of Reunion in "Wanderer's Spring"
In addition to the highly orchestrated metric space enabled by the punctuation of the
sequence, the visual plane of "Wanderer's Spring" is manipulated so that the physical
presentation of the poem emulates its semantic sense. When in the second poem of the
sequence, for example, a mountain stands in the way of the speaker's fate, the rhetorical
question that completes the next line suggests that his fate simply "wheels around" it. A
more literal translation might be "turns around it and goes." Mirroring the content of the
line, its position on the page is similarly "turned around." As I have suggested, the metric
structure of the second section creates a visual pattern where each quatrain is composed
of a long line followed by a short one. Every short line in the poem, with the exception
of one, is justified toward the bottom of the page. Where the linguistic codes suggest the
15
It is clear that the exclusion of space between the words in the poems of So-wol's sequence is a choice.
Other poems in this issue of Ch'angjo punctuate their words with white space.
222
"turn," we see a similar "turn" suggested by the poem's bibliographic codes. The short
line "turns around it and goes" is justified toward the top of the page, moving the line up
against the direction of the reader's eyes, which are moving down.
"Longing" presents a similarly orchestrated performance. As I mentioned above,
where flowers are set to scatter and fall in the second line of the poem, the line itself
"falls" down the page. This sense of falling again emulates the content of the line and is
enabled by the way the lines are justified on the page. With the exception of the second
line, every line in this poem is justified toward the top of the page. In the second line,
however, the equivalent of a two-syllable blank space appears before the line so that it
seems to "drop" out of the stanza like the spring flowers the line describes.
Finally, So-wol's strict adherence to his audio/visual metric also enables the
sequence to hint at a present in which his speakers are together. The meter of the
sequence falters twice, and in each instance the given line is shortened by a syllable. The
first is in "The Night's Raindrops" when the title of the section is repeated in the second
line of the final quatrain. The second is in the first line of the poem titled "Longing,"
which precedes the flowers "falling" down the page: "before spring is gone." In both
instances, linguistic codes suggest a time when the speakers are with their beloveds.
The final stanza of "The Night's Raindrops" suggests that togetherness is possible in the
shared experience of the rain and the patterned silence that accompanies it. In "Longing,"
a similarly patterned quiet accompanies the line "before spring is gone," which can be
associated with the spring of the title poem and the description in "Spring Hill." Thus,
both poems hint at reunion in the hush of their missing beats—in "night rain" and
"before spring is gone"—before the "flowers" scatter down the page. That such a reunion
is only implied and associated with silence contributes to the pathos of the poems and
suggests a dynamic of presence and reunion hinted at by absences made visible through
Kim So-wol's highly orchestrated poetic performances.
223
Patterning Loss: "Some Day Long from Now"
in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye and the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok
Two iterations of "Some Day Long from Now" published in 1920 and 1922 respectively
are good examples of the performative nature of Kim So-wol's poetry. They also help
clarify the dynamic in which the presence of love is often only implied by voids in the
patterns of So-wol's poems and the signifiers of a speaker's love frequently stand, to
borrow from the American poet Robert Hass, as elegies to what they signify.16 In contrast
to the "Wanderer's Spring" sequence but in keeping with this elegiac signification,
in "Some Day Long from Now" bibliographic space and metric are manipulated to
emphasize the beloved's linguistic signifier and to suggest that the love described in
the poem will be forgotten. In the poems of "Wanderer's Spring," "voids" in a highly
orchestrated presentation suggest the intimacy of the speakers with those they desire.
"Some Day Long from Now" is patterned to emphasize the bibliographic presence of the
desired one and her ultimate estrangement from the speaker.17 These versions of "Some
Day Long from Now" also help to illuminate this same dynamic at work in Kim So-wol's
book, as we will see in Chapter Six.
"Some Day Long from Now " in the July 1920 issue of Haksaenggye
A familiar cast of historical figures and organizations contributed to the creation of
the inaugural issue of Haksaenggye in which the first version of "Some Day Long from
Now" appeared along with two other poems by Kim So-wol. Published by Hansong
Toso, this issue was edited by O Ch'on-sok, a Ch'angjo coterie member whose poem
"Dream Trail," mentioned above, appears on the page before Kim So-wol's "Wanderer's
Spring." In fact, Ch'angjo members contributed more than half of the significant articles
16
See "Meditation at Lagunitas" in Praise (Hopewell, New Jersey: The Ecco Press, 1999), 4-5.
17
As is often the case in Kim So-wol's poems, the gender of the speaker is somewhat unclear. It is also
possible to read the poem as being spoken by a young woman.
224
listed in the table of contents. In addition to O Ch'on-sok's many contributions, Kim Ok
contributed two essays (one on literature and one about Esperanto), as well as his own
poems Kim Hwan contributed an article about art and Chon Yong-t'aek a translation
of a poem by Heme. (Please see the table of contents presented with the second entry in
Appendix 3.1)
The artistic themes announced by this issue of Haksaengye are also similar to those
of the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo. While the overall tone ofHaksaenggye is more
pedantic and the focus more pedagogical because the periodical is aimed at students,
there are striking resemblances between the poems and stories found here and in the issue
of Ch'angjo where Kim So-w6Ps poems first appeared. For example, a poem titled "Pom
til korum -§--£] U£- (Spring's footsteps)" by Yi II (another Ch'angjo coterie member) that
appears beneath a woodblock print just
V after the front matter in Haksaenggye

^\.. *:u\3h begins with lines that might easily be
taken from Ch5n Yong-t'aek's story
"The Spring of Life" in the March
issue of Ch'angjo. Yi's poem, which
reads like a call for solidarity among
Haksaenggye'a youthful student
i a a s> a ± %
•i -f n H Figure 4.8
t~ * * •} Ml ~
Yi II ^—, "Pom in korum ^$] ^ - § -
H « «f
t J. «!
•1 aV *
(Sprmg's footsteps)," Haksaenggye
(July 1920). I
Note: Yi II and Yi Tongwon 4îfe
lal are both pen names used by Yi
Mi* Chin-sik ^MMl (1892-?). He is best
known as Yi II.
225
readers, starts this way: "Something from the winter of death/ comes alive in the spring
of life."18 In addition, the cover art, in which a young woman gazes amorously at a
young man in a school uniform, created by painter and Ch'angjo member Kim Yu-bang
makes it clear that "love" as a theme was on the minds of those who made this issue of
Haksaenggye. (Please see the image presented with the second entry in Appendix 3.1 )
There are also similarities between how "Some Day Long from Now" and
"Wanderer's Spring" are performed, despite their different aims. The visual arrangement
of the poems and precise syllabic meters contribute to both performances. In "Some
Day Long from Now," as it appears in Haksaenggye and in the August issue of Kaebyok,
the material presence of what signifies the beloved to whom the poem is addressed is
emphasized by linguistic and bibliographic elements suggesting that the beloved has
been forsaken. In an important reversal, described in detail in Chapter Six, the material
absence of the beloved's signifier is emphasized in the 1925 Chindallaekkot presentation
of the poem.
SOME DAY LONG FROM Now [in the July 1922 issue of Haksaenggye]
Some day long from now, if you find me, then, I'll say—I have forgotten.
If there is blame in your voice, such awful longing—I have forgotten.
And if you still blame me, because I don't believe it—I have forgotten.
Today and yesterday, I can't forget you; some day long from now, then I have forgotten.
In this first July 1920 version of the poem, So-wol highlights the material presence
of what signifies the speaker's love by altering the syllable count of the final line in order
to present the body of the beloved to whom the poem is addressed in a space left empty
18
Yi I] $ — , "Pomui korum -g-^1 l!-g- (Spring's footsteps)," Haksaenggye (July 1920): 1.
226
Figure 4.9 "Some Day Long from Now" with "Chugumyon ^ A 1 ? ! ? (If death?)" and "Koch'un
p'ul hdturojin moraedong uro 7\ §#*•] 3. &| ^1SL 2]] -ÂiS. (Toward a sandy bank of scattered
rough grasses)." Source: Haksaenggye (July 1920): 42. In the Seoul National University Library
collection.
by the pattern of the three previous lines. A shift in the internal rhyme scheme19 occurs
simultaneously with the break in the visual and syllabic pattern instigated by the previous
lines. The parallel structure of these lines is also altered, placing yet more emphasis on the
signifier tangsin ^^1 %% or "you" in the final line.
Looking more closely at how this performance is orchestrated, we notice that
white space punctuates the center of the first three lines following the conditional phrase
indicated by "myon 1 S," indicating a caesura. In fact, these lines pause at precisely the
same place on the page because their clauses are syllabically the same length. Breaking
19
I am aware that end rhyme is not normally considered a part of Korean poetics. I use the term here for
lack of a better one and in recognition of the fact that authors such as Kim So-wol's teacher Kim 6k, as well
as Yi Kwang-su, were experimenting with the use of rhyme in their work during this period.
227
this pattern, the fourth line is one syllable longer and lacks a conditional phrase. In
addition, rather than "myon," we find the word tangsin "(you)." The extra syllable that
extends the line before the caesura is "<•]#," or the "body" of the person the speaker is
addressing. The precision of the syllable count throughout the poem and placement of
this "body" in a space previously left blank implies that, despite the speaker's repeated
pronouncements that he will have forgotten his love sometime in the future, he has not yet
forgotten her. The placement of the beloved's "body" in the patterned empty space of the
poem creates a metaphor for the idea that the beloved appears where she does not belong
and emphasizes that the signifying "body" given so much attention by the poem is not
that of the beloved who is already estranged from the speaker. Moreover, the grammar
of the final line of the poem suggests that this lingering love will eventually be forgotten.
We see again the semantic sense and metaphors of So-wol's texts enacted by means of its
bibliographic codes.
"Some Day Long from Now " in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok
The second published version of "Some Day Long from Now," appearing in the
August 1922 issue of Kaebyok, further clarifies how Kim So-wol's poems are performed
by the interplay of their bibliographic and linguistic resources. It also allows us to view
these performances in the rather different bibliographic context created by Kaebyok, a
publication where the highest percentage of Kim So-wol's poems appeared. How Kim
So-wol's poetry fits in among the more diverse texts presented by Kaebyok is suggested
by the positioning of "Some Day Long from Now" and other poems by So-wol between
an article about art from Korea's Three Kingdoms period (?-668) by the philosopher
and educator Pak Chong-hong #£$&! (1903-1976) and the first half of Honore de
Balzac's (1799-1850) "Une passion dans le desert (^?ji<?Hfft#Ji, Passion in the desert)"
translated by the poet Pyon Y6ng-no l ^ - f r (1898-1961). In addition to a discussion of
art in Korea's Three Kingdoms period, a diverse range of other issues are addressed in
228
Figure 4.10 "Some Day Long from Now" in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok. Other poems
that appeared following "Some Day Long from Now" include, "P'ul ttagi # / c r7l (Plucking
grass)," "San u e LLJ-T-°1] (On the mountain)," "Pada tfj-cf (The sea)," "Kiphi mittun simsong
^ «1 ^€-'JL\,feic (Sincerity I deeply believed)," "Nennat ^ (A familiar face)," "Kaul 7}-%;
1
(Autumn)," "Nim kwa pot ^ ^r /} (Lovers and friends)," "Nijottun mam ^ -3J-&0" (Forgotten
heart)," "Kanun pom samwol y\^^--r.J] (March spring leaving)." Source: Kaebyok (August
1922): 24-26. In the Adan Mun'go collection.
this issue of Kaebyok including the large-scale land survey undertaken by the Japanese
between 1910 and 1918, and current events in France. Moreover, as was common when
Kim So-wol appeared in Kaebyok, literary texts dealing with subjects as disparate in form
and provenance as Shakespeare's Hamlet and sijo20 by So-wol's contemporary Yi Sang-
jong 4 s +n /i: (1897-1947) appear as well. (Please see the table of contents of this issue of
Kaebyok in entry 17 in Appendix 3.1.)
20
The precise nature of the sijo form was debated during this period. What became the consensus definition
holds that p'yong sijo (the most common variant of the form) are three-line poems of approximately forty-
three syllables in length. The first two lines are approximately fourteen syllables long with a caesura at the
center of each line. The third line begins with a three-syllable phrase followed by a significantly longer
(generally five syllables or more) phase. The third line then eases back into something similar to the 3-4
syllabic pattern that, in general, constitutes the first two lines. Thematically, the first line of the poem
presents the poetic situation. The second develops it, and when the three-syllable phrase is presented in the
third line, there is a "twist" in the direction taken by the whole poetic situation. This is often followed by
the speaker's emotional response to the poetic situation as a whole.
229
Like the version in Haksaenggye, the version of "Some Day Long from Now" that
appears in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok also emphasizes the word tangsin, or "you."
The method, however, is somewhat different. Rather than emphasizing the presence of
the speaker's beloved by positioning the word in an anticipated empty space, the 1922
Kaebyok presentation draws attention to the beloved by means of an end rhyme created
by the conditional marker "myon" and "ra s}-," an indicative assertive ending.21 The
poem has been rearranged into couplets and when tangsin appears in the penultimate
line, the rhyme scheme is altered. The object particle "ul -§r" appears after tangsin,
breaking the patterned ending of the first six lines of the poem and again suggesting that
for a moment in the penultimate line, the speaker's beloved cannot be forgotten although
tangsin is the object of the verb "to '% &. *X'; st *%/ a|y&M|» H I "JIlM
y. -wyA m MP* WW- I - firx *
forget" in the perfective. The metaphor
is enacted differently but suggests =^T^\ %$%ii T§M m Jilt * # <

something similar to what occurs in *»&**$ sate n%i*%#%- *™ "
«»'' ' " * * ' i i r '. V. * "-a .. »*-".;.; >-,.-, ».
the Haksaenggye version of the poem.
Instead of being found in a patterned
empty space, here the unforgettable

' *' ^ •%, ,_\. >«\js? \K,, ^f$k **&%. „ Is
beloved is suspended within the line
break that creates the final couplet before o
being "forgotten" as the object of the

Figure 4.11 Enlargement of "Some Day Long
verb that concludes the poem. From Now," Kaebyok (August 1922): 24.
SOME DAY LONG FROM N O W
Some day long from now, if you find me

I'll say, then, "I have forgotten."
21
Samuel E. Martin, A Reference Grammar of Korean: A Complete Guide to the Grammar and History of
the Korean Language (Tokyo: Rutland, Vermont; Singapore: Tuttle Publishing, 1992), 561, 588.
230
If, in your heart, you blame me,
I'll say, "I missed you so terribly, I have forgotten."
And if you still blame me,

I'll say, then, "Because I don't believe it, I have forgotten."
Today and yesterday, I can't forget you,

some day long from now, then, I have forgotten.
The Vernacular Word: Kim So-wol in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok
The sequence initiated by Kim So-wol's most famous poem "Azaleas" in the July 1922
issue of Kaebyok also makes bibliographic space and punctuation an integral part of a
poetic performance calculated to manifest the speaker's love by implication rather than
signification. Moreover, in keeping with the broader investigation by Kim So-w51 and
his contemporaries of vernacular Korean as a literaiy medium, the medium of vernacular
literature is figured self-reflexively in the poems as well. Suggesting the way in which
signification in Korean is associated with loss in Kim So-wol's work, "dmmtn $.~$C or
the "vulgar [Korean] script" is described as the teardrops of an estranged love.
This special issue of Kaebyok also demonstrates the importance of foreign literatures
to the context of Kim So-wol's poems in the periodicals; even his most "traditional"
Korean "folk-song-like" poetry was part of a celebration of literature from other parts
of the world when it was first published. How Kim So-wol's poetry came to mean and
matter cannot be easily extracted from its relationship to foreign literature, a point made
again by Kim Ok's use of another version of "Azaleas" to define the term minyosi in
a 1924 discussion of Arthur Symons, French Symbolism, and Western literature more
generally.
231
Celebrating World Literature—The July 1922 Issue q/ Kaebyok
The multilingual contents of the special second anniversary issue of Kaebyok are
as diverse in tone and topic as they are varied in the nationalities represented by their
authors. Essays like "Humanistic Relativism and the People of ChosonAMfflfil "rJl^r
Wf-A" are juxtaposed to short, quixotic discussions of the first East Asian to drive a
car.22 Discussions of Confucianism are featured alongside stories by Russian writers
such as Evgenii Chirkov (1864-1932). Kim Ok and Kim Hyong-won <£MTL (1900-?)
contribute poems. The journalist and Ch'Sndogyo member Yi Chong-nin <HiifeS (1883-
1950), finding it significant that Kaebyok's second anniversary issue appears on the
seventh month of an imsul (Ch: renxu) year, recalls the Song dynasty poet Su Shi M$X
(1037-1101) in exile and suggests that imsul years have not been particularly auspicious
in East Asia. His article, titled "Imsul chi ch'u ch'ilwol XFH^-'k-l^ff (The July autumn
of the imsul year [1922])," notes that Confucius died in the fourth month of a renxu year,
and in a hyperbolic association, that Son Pyong-hui W&.W. (1861-1922), an instigator of
the March 1 Independence movement, the third progenitor of the Chondogyo religious
organization,23 and, according to Kaebyok gossip, the first East Asian driver of an
automobile,24 had died earlier in 1922 (also a imsul year). Suggesting the multilingual
abilities of Kaebyok'?, readership and one role that classical Chinese continued to play in
the textual environment surrounding Kim So-wol's poetry, Yi Chong-nin's article begins
in vernacular Korean and continues in unglossed classical Chinese when he discusses Su
Shi. (Please see the table of contents in entry 16 in Appendix 3.1.)

22
According to a short article in this issue of Kaebyok, the first person in East Asia to drive a car was
Ch'ondogyo leader Son Pyong-hui lÂSfi (1861-1922). According to the article, Son purchased a car
and received driving lessons from an American while Son toured Japan in 1903. Memorably, it describes
him zooming around Osaka with his topknot tied up tight and wearing his kat (a tall hat generally
made of horsehair) "Tongyang eso chadongch'a cheil monjo t'ani ka nugu ilka !i<?-°l] *\ 1=] Hi">f W,
— *$.*{ E W 7pr : T L< y 7} (Who was the first in East Asia to ride in a car?)," Kaebyok (July 1922): 59.
23
Ki-baik Lee (Yi Ki-baek), A New History of Korea, trans. Edward W. Wagner with Edward J. Shultz
(Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England: Harvard University Press, 1984), 335, 341.
24
"Tongyang eso chadongch'a cheil monjo t'ani ka nugu ilka," 59.
232
Appearing just a few pages after the presentation of Kim So-wol's "Azaleas" and
displaying the cosmopolitan textual environment of the poem's initial publication, a
special supplement, numbered separately and with its own table of contents, devoted to
"Surpassing Works of Famous World Literature U

| ^ f ^ f F ^ M " celebrates the second
anniversary of the periodical's initial publication. A brief summary of the works included
in this supplement suggests the diversity of literary texts with which Kim So-wol's best-
known poem initially shared bibliographic space.
"Four Days," a story about a wounded solder by the Russian writer Vsevolod
Garshin (1855-1888)25 begins this special section. Garshin's emotionally intense war
story is followed by a short essay about Walt Whitman and selections from his Leaves of
Grass26 translated by Kim Hyong-won. Kim's selection shows Whitman exalting pioneers
and prostitutes, and in "This Moment, Yearning and Thoughtful," peoples of the world as
"brethren and lovers."
Whitman's poems are followed by Maxim Gorky's "One Autumn Night"27 in which
the destitute prostitute Natasha and the male narrator, after stealing a loaf of bread, spend
a cold, rainy night together on the banks of a river. As if to illustrate the tension between
the erotic and more "brotherly" feelings that the narrator has for Natasha, two sketches
by An Sok-chu 'iHPlW (1901-1950) appear in the middle of Gorky's story. One image is
titled "Na ui aein M-^l f A My Lover" and features an attractive woman with bobbed
hair wearing a hanbok seated indoors facing Kaebyok\ readers. The other, "Kamsang iii
"Four Days" appears to be the standard translation of Garshin's stoiy and is how it appears in Robert
Auty and Dimitri Obolensky, An Introduction to Russian Language and Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1977), 179.
26
The poems include "Pioneers! O Pioneers!," "As I Watch'd the Ploughman Ploughing," "This Moment,
Yearning and Thoughtful," "Poets to Come," "To a Common Prostitute," "Visor'd."
27
This appears to be the standard translation for the title of Gorky's story and is by R. Nisbet Bain. Maxim
Gorky, Tales from Gorky, translated by R. Nisbet Bain, reprint of the New York: Funk and Wagnall's
Company, 1902 edition, internet archive, http://www.archive.org/details/talesfromgorkyOOgorkiala.
233
yorum l^ft-^l a ]H- (Summer sentiments)," depicts a female nude in the woods with her
back to the viewer.
Translations by Kim Ok of poetry by Tagore and Sarojini Naidu (1879-1949) follow
An's images and Gorky's story and continue the celebration of literature from around the
world in a more mystical, if equally erotic, register.28 The tragic one-act play by the Irish
playwright John Millington Synge (1871-1909) "Riders to the Sea" and "The Wedding
March"29 by Selma Lagerlof (1858-1940), like Tagore a Nobel prize winner, are also
included in the commemorative supplement. A children's story by Anatole France (1844-
1924), another Nobel laureate, concludes the special supplement and this issue of Kaebvok.
Between Shakespeare and Sijo—"Azaleas " in July of 1922
When "Azaleas" first appeared in July of 1922, it was positioned, along with a
handful of other poems by Kim So-wol, between a pair of sijo by Yi Sang-jong and
a translation of Shakespeare's Hamlet by Hyon Ch'61, the editor of the literature and
arts section of Kaebyok. Installments of Hyon Ch'ol's translation had been appearing
in Kaebyok since May of 192130 and Kim So-w6Ps poems are printed just before Act 4
Scene 1 of Shakespeare's tragedy; Gertrude is confiding to Claudius that Hamlet has just
killed Polonius.
Yi Sang-jong's sijo might be rendered in English:
The poems are from Tagore's The Gardener (1913) and Naidu's The Broken Wing (1917).
29
This translation is by Velma Swanston Howard. Selma Lagerlof, "The Wedding March," in The
Girl from the March Croft, translated by Velma Swanston Howard, reprint of the Garden City:
Doubleday, Page & Company, 1916 edition, 163-173, internet archive, http://www.archive.org/details/
girlfrommarshcro001858.
30
William Shakespeare, Hamlet, translated by Hyon Ch'ol, Kaebyok (May 1921): 137-142. Kuksa
P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr. The play appears in serialized form until its
completion in December of 1922. William Shakespeare, Hamlet, translated by Hyon Ch'51, Kaebyok
(December 1922): 57-68. Kuksa P'yonch'an Wiwonhoe database, http://db.histoiy.go.kr.
234
Washing red dust from my body in blue waves,
making a friend of my one-leaf boat, I recline on the five lakes. Are these,
the pleasures of spring, only a dream?
I loathe you, but you are my love. You are beautiful, and you are my love.
You are my man on a fast horse, my gentle man. You don't know. As night
approaches dawn and the roosters call, I roll up in my quilt and cry.
Framed by Shakespeare and Yi's sijo, the six poems by Kim So-wol that begin
with "Azaleas" relate their own tragedy. As in "Some Day Long from Now" and the
"Wanderer's Spring" sequence, the sense of inevitable loss associated with signification
is central to the drama they present. This is even more evident in poems that feature
the act of interpreting vernacular script as their central dilemma. Like Kim So-wol's
poems in the March 1920 issue of Ch'angjo, the poems that begin on page 146 of this
issue of Kaebyok also suggest that they are meant to be read as a sequence. They are
held in tight relation to one another not by formal structures but by a narrative arc. As
in the "Wanderer's Spring" sequence, they are joined despite the presence of difference
speakers in each poem.
This narrative arc stretches from the speaker in "Azaleas" expressing her devotion
to a love that has not yet left, to two utterly lonely and forlorn figures in "Kangch'on fll-N
(River town)." After the speaker in "Azaleas" professes her love, the speaker in "Kaeyoul
7
H °\%: (Stream)" contemplates the meaning of her love's departure. This departure is
presented in the following poem, "Chebi ^] y l (Sparrows),"31 by birds heading south,

31
Sparrows
This morning, at dawn,

chattering, the sparrows
went south for a wanner country.
They left
as a gentle morning breeze,
as if to wish them well, blew.
235
Figure 4 12
The poems by Kim So-w51 that
appear in this issue of Kaebyok
included, "Chindallaekkot
? l i H ^ (Azaleas)," "Kaeyoul
A °i -§r (Stream)," "Chebi ^1 «1
(Swallows), "Changbyolli Yi'M
4J (Changbyolli)," "Kojokhan nal
M ^ f P s " (A quiet lonely day),"
and "Kangch'on iL^\ (River
town) " So-wol includes revised
versions of "Chindallaekkot" and
"Kaeyoul" in the section titled
"Chindallaekkot" in his collection.
A poem entitled "Chebi" also
appears in this section of Azaleas.
However, it is not the same poem
that appears here. "Kangch'on"
appears in the section of Azalea
called "Kum chandm (Amber
grass)." "Changbyolli" and
"Kojokhan nal" do not appear
in Azaleas Source: Kaebyok
(July 1922). 146-150. In the Adan
Mun'go collection.
and in the fourth poem in the sequence, "Changbyolli )lf 30 t1. (Changbyolli [a district in
P'yongyang]),"32 by a description of lovers parting. "Kojokhan nal BL&fr s" (A quiet
lonely day)" describes the speaker receiving a letter from-his love that suggests the pain
of their separation. The sequence concludes with "Kangch'on f[M (River town)" and two
destitute and lonely figures.
The tragedy of the sequence beginning with "Azalea" is thus the inevitability of
parting and sorrow. Even the faint hope of consolation suggested by "River Town," the
poem toward which the sequence flows like the rivers the sequence describes, is only
made possible by the recognition that both of the poem's central figures are alone. Two
speakers are implied by "River Town." The first is a poor traveler, the second a widow.
In the fourth through sixth lines, the widow describes being left in the river village by her
husband. "Here is the river town °i J| fe- £Lfcl," she states, "I am a widow
(M-fe- s-°i u l 5.^1.)" The traveler responds by saying that he too is alone and grieving.
The poem concludes abruptly, "I am a scholar, poor all my life/," transposing the
32
They arc sparrows Changbyolli
staring at the sky of their hometown
leaving their parents. Pale pink chogori—even in P'yongyang,
lit up by red lights, and famous Changbyolli,
I am a wanderer at the roadside, rain, in gold threads, silver threads,
so, even though falls sideways, scatters,
a cold morning breeze blew, I left.
On the parasol with the plain snake pattern,
the rain, coming down, going,
under and on top, falls, scatters.
A charm of hummingbirds turning and humming

over the middle of the flowing Taedong River—
even as we part,
the rain falls without pause, scatters.
Chogori: the short jacket of a woman's hanbok

(traditional dress).
Note: Kwon Yong-min suggests thatpolsae 'jUll
(hummingbird) can be read T H (field bird) in the poem
"Wangsimni tI+4!(Wangsimni)," Kwon Yong-min, Kim
So-wol si chonjip, 277. Consequently, the first line of the
last stanze may be read, "Field birds turning and crying."
237
subject of the widow's earlier statement "you. a widow in the river town (^<:l-rr iLfJ °1]
^c°] u l -§•)." The implication is that these two isolated people may console one another.
However, whatever solace may be found is only discovered through the recognition that
they are both alone. This is emphasized by a grammatical transposition that makes both
the "I (i-rfe-)" and the "You (%<&)" "widows ( 1 - ^ *1)." 33
RIVER T O W N
Day fades, and in the moon rising

white water, rushing.
Gold sands, glimmering.
My husband! carried off on his young mule.
Here is the river town;
I am a widow.
And I, I
have been mourning my long-mourned for family
this whole late-spring day.
I am a scholar, poor all my life.
You, a widow in the river town.
Figure 4.13 "River

Town" in the July
1922 issue of
Kaebyok.
Source: Kaebyok
tMi (July 1922):150. In
™- - tm .mitt the Adan Mun'go
mmmmmJm collection.
33
The term horomi -fi-<H D l, which I am translating here, does not always mean a woman whose husband
has died. Its more literal sense is "a mother who has been deserted." In the context of Kim So-wol's poem,
however, "widow" seems the most appropriate translation.
238
In the poem preceding "River Town," "A Quiet Lonely Day," loneliness and
loss are also a central concern, as the title suggests. However, instead of two forlorn
characters evoking heartache, the Korean vernacular script—writing and interpreting
what is written—suggests the speaker's sorrow at the loss of love. The speaker describes
receiving a letter that s/he34 finds incomprehensible. It is presumably from the speaker's
beloved, who has written that the characters s/he has used to write the letter are his/her
tears. The letter asks the speaker to throw the letter into the water, and the poem revolves
around the speaker trying to interpret what this directive might mean. In the final stanza,
the speaker resolves that it must imply that he/she is supposed to read the letter, as well as
the script in which it is written, "lovingly," as the passionate "tears" of her/his beloved.
A QUIET LONELY DAY
The day I got

your letter
sad rumors swirled.
When you asked me to throw it into the water

I thought it meant
I should think, dreaming, always of you.
You wrote
in flowing characters
in the vulgar script
that each was a tear you were sending to me.
When you asked me to throw it into the water

you were asking me to read these lovingly, weren't you?
These drops of your warm tears flowing along.
The gender of the speaker is unclear.
239
The poem "Stream" presents a similar dilemma of interpretation, and resolves it
somewhat differently. Whereas in "A Quiet Lonely Day" the vernacular script is figured
as tears, in this poem the script itself enacts what the speaker's love has said. Like the
speaker in "A Quiet Lonely Day" who wishes to understand what "throw it into the
water" really means, the speaker in "Stream" struggles to understand his beloved's
twice-repeated statement "I'm leaving/ but not forever." The speaker understands the
first instance as a "promise" and second as an entreaty to remember. Unable to consider
the statement as constatively descriptive of an event that has taken place in the poetic
situation, we instead see it figured as an act of "trust" and then of "memory."
Illustrating again how Kim So-wol's poetry is performative in two ways, the
performative acts presented by "Stream" themselves enact the beloved's reported speech
in a theatrical sense while citing their textual condition. Emphasizing the role of their
own typography, when the beloved's statement is presented a chulp 'yogi (—) and a mium
( o ) are utilized to nominalize the statement in the final stanza of the poem. The effect is
to emphasize the beloved's statement that he will not be gone forever as reported and to
show that it bears no relation to the truth of the poetic situation, where the central figure
of the poem feels as if her beloved has left for good. Mium is a graphic representation of
240
the mouth when it is articulating an [m] sound.35 Moreover, it is a graphic synonym for
the Sino-Korean character ku P , which means "mouth." The typography thus enacts the
idea that what has been presented has indeed been uttered, or rather "mouthed" by the
speaker's beloved. Moreover, it does so by citing one of the most elemental aspects of
the Korean script, the script's inexorable relationship to Chinese, and the broader textual
sociology suggested by these writing systems. The heartbreak of the poem, in keeping
with the stance of So-wol's poems toward signification, is that what the beloved has
said cannot be seen to be true. The interpretive acts, however, are central to the doleful
sentiment of the poem.
STREAM 36
Why do you sit,

my love?
Slumped there by the stream alone.
As green grasses
sprout,
when quiet waters are harassed by spring wind.
I'm leaving but

not forever—
there would have been that promise.
You come every day to the stream

and sit
trying incessantly to forget.
35
Young-Key Kim-Renaud, ed., "Appendix 1: A Brief Description of the Korean Alphabet," in The Korean
Alphabet: Its History and Structure (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997), 279.
36 The title of this poem is glossed with the character cho Wi (stream).
241
I'm leaving but
not forever—37
is the obstinate plea that you don't, isn't it?
It
if*
7} f 4t -&
g $ nf- ft i. *f ft
%$> f t i[ 4 f l I f 7f
H 7%
i+ 'i m •
"XT'
if* SI let ml ?
?": J M 51 7|. it
7}
5
«fer
o
it f
f o
if
Figure 4.15 "Stream" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok.

Source: Kaebyok (July 1922): 147-48. In the Adan Mun'go collection.
In this context where the script is figured as tears and made explicitly part of
enacting such figures, we see "Azaleas" as part of a series of poems that take as their
object the medium of their presentation. Moreover, the act of interpreting that medium
is integral to the emotional stance of the sequence that figures figuration as loss.
Presented with "Azaleas" out of context or before we know the tragedy of its metaphor,
like the speakers in "A Quiet Lonely Day" and "Stream" we are tempted, as the many
pronouncements about the "resentment" expressed in the poem show, to make "Azaleas"
something other than what it is. However, "Azaleas" imagines a reading where action
forestalls figuration, nothing is said (mal opsi ^ ^ A l), and no tears are shed. Moreover,
Here is where the mium ( o ) I describe appears.
242
it is the only poem in its sequence where the lovers are not yet separated. The point
and pathos of the poem is the tremulousness of such imagining, a point suggested by
the punctuation found in the final line. If we do not tread carefully, the "pause" comes
dangerously close to a "full stop." In the awkward grammar of the final line, the
precopular noun38 that negates the verb "to cry" may no longer do so and the speaker may
weep for the loss: "Even if it kills me, No. I will cry." The pause suggests and resists
the impossibility of leaving the words as they were before they become a promise in
"Stream," or tears in "A Quiet Lonely Day."
AZALEAS
When you go, sick of the sight of me,

then, I will send you away
gently. Calmly, without a word.
I will pluck an armful of

those azaleas
from Yaksan in Yongbyon and scatter them over your path.
Go and make each step, every one,

along the flowers I've scattered
easy and sure.39
When you leave sick of the sight of me

then, even if it kills me,
no tears will fall.40
38
Samuel Martin, A Reference Grammar of Korean, 420.
39
Here I follow Yi Ki-mun's suggestion that the stepping is done with a certain amount of force rather than
Kwon Yong-min's assertion that the stepping is done "before" other events transpire. See Kwon, Kim So-
wol si chonjip, 289.
40
I have used extra space to suggest the weight of the pause implied by the mo chom in the original.
243
5 t 5J *> ** 2 i *, i ^* *
S £4 * t -=*•
» ?r.
*. ^*r ^c
* wUi A
-s. *t
^ %
?i * * * M? » | jg,
* A 31 * * 'V * « 7H
04
../r ;: I • * °4 i r> $
Azaleas in the Jt *! *fl *|
July 1922 issue of 4 * ** "*£ iff
Kaebyok. t% >| *|
Source: Kaebyok <gi 'Qjjj*
(July 1922). 146- "t t I
147. IntheAdan " W
Mun'go collection. H*
» ifs
"Azaleas " as a Folk-Song-Style Poem
In addition to the integral role they play in the performance of Kim So-wol's poems,
the bibliographic resources of Kabyok also play a central role in articulating the poem's
significance to readers. Printed in parentheses beneath the title of "Azaleas" is the term
minyosi K ^ B J J (folk-song poem). Speaking to the frequently unrecognized power
of printed material's bibliographic codes, this parenthetical definition has forcefully
suggested how the poem is to matter and shaped the voluminous discourse about Kim
So-wol.
Most striking about this particular display of bibliographic force is that the
parentheses and space used to suggest minyosi as a definition authorize a term that, in
July of 1922, was itself devoid of any historical antecedent in the Korean language.
While, of course, each of the individual Sino-Korean graphs and the compound minyo
KnS (folk song) had a long history in the language, the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok
244
introduces the term minyosi as a literary genre to the Korean lexicon.41 Recognizing
this, it becomes clear that Kim So-wol's poem itself defines minyosi as much as the tenn
defines the poem.
This point is recapitulated by Kim Ok's use of Kim So-wol's "Azaleas" when he
initially defines the term minyosi in 1924.42 In the preface to his translation of poetry
by Arthur Symons, while attempting situate Symons for his readers and articulate his
understanding of Western poetry, Kim Ok defines a number of poetic terms and styles.
Central among these, since Arthur Symons was an important translator of fin de siecle
French writers into English, were symbolism (sangjingjuui MLWL^^Z) and vers litre
(chayusi ft l±l §-!)-)• It is in this context and as the antithesis to free-verse poetry that we first
see minyosi defined. Kim writes,
There seem to be similarities between minyosi and free-verse

poetry. However, this is not the case; they are vastly different. The
special character of free-verse poetry is to shatter form, something
which essentially shows the inner rhythm of the poet himself.
Minyosi do not do that but are what follow traditional poetic form.43
The notion of "traditional form," which Kim associates with a poem's rhythmic
presentation,44 is what defines minyosi for him. Following this definition, as an example
of "traditional form," Kim 6 k presents Kim So-wol's "Azaleas," as well as his "Kum
chandi ii"^rS] (Amber grass)," first published in the January 1922 issue of Kaebyok,
as examples of minyosi. In light of Kim Ok's definition, we might expect that even if
41
Pak Kyong-su ^ I ^ T " - , Han'guk kundae minyosi yon'git Q^ -Eftfl ^J-L-M ^ n 1 (A study of modem
Korean folk-song-style poetry) (Seoul Han'guk Munhwasa, 1998), 24; Pak Hye-suk ^Ml^% Han'guk
minyosi yon'git 'Q^QSL*] ' S T 1 (A study of Korean folk-song-style poetiy), 14.
42
Pak Kyong-su, Han'guk kundae minyosi yon'git, 24.
43
Kim 6k, "Somun taesin e," 23-24.
44
Kim 6k, "Somun taesin e," 27.
245
Figure 4.17 Kim So-wol's "Azaleas" as it appeared in the introduction to Kim Ok's translation
of Arthur Symons. Source: Kim Ok, "Somun taesin e," in Arthur Symons, Irojin chinju,
translated by Kim 6k (Seoul: P'yongmun'gwan, 1924), 26-27'. In the Yonsei University
collection.
the diction of the poems were to change, their formal, and particularly their rhythmic
and metric, qualities would remain the same. Instead, we discover that they are rather
different poems, especially in terms of their formal characteristics.
Focusing on "Azaleas" as it is presented in Kim Ok's introduction, we find that
the second and third line of the first stanza, as well as the first two lines of the third, are
significantly different from the version of the poem presented in Kaebyok in July of 1922,
both rhythmically and semantically. A mo chom has been added to the end of the first
lines of both the first and third stanzas as well. In the second stanza the phrase "pick an
armful ?r<:,f#1IIrcf" has been moved from the third line to the second, and a mo chom
has been added after "azaleas ?1 sr'Lfl^c," substantially altering the rhythm of these lines.
In the last stanza, a mo chom and the phrase Mddae enim (then) has been added to the
second line, similarly altering the poem's prosody. The mo chom in the final line of the
Kaebyok version of the poem has been removed.
246
The point to be made by examining these iterations of Kim So-wol's poem in
relation to minyosi and tradition is that while Kim So-wol was associated with traditional
Korea during his lifetime and has become an icon of "traditional" folk-song-style poetry
since, the "tradition" represented by his poetry was quite fluid and articulated differently
in (and by) a variety of bibliographic contexts. Kim Ok's notion of "traditional form"
refers to a shifting formal shape. Kim So-wol's "Azaleas" would be revised and appear in
a new rhythmic shape when published in his collection.
To observe how the bibliographic presentation of the term minyosi enables its
relationship to Kim So-wol's poem and how the shifting forms of Kim So-wol's poems
undermine Kim Ok's definition of minyosi is not to suggest that Kim So-wol's poetry
be dissociated from folk song and the link to Korea's past it suggests. As I have shown
in Chapter Three, Kim So-wol's earliest critics made such associations. Rather, the
essentially bibliographic nature of the definition of minyosi in the July 1922 issue of
Kaebyok and the changing shape of Kim So-wol's poem vis-a-vis Kim Ok's notion of
traditional form show that as much as Kim So-wol's poems may be derivative of some
historical antecedent, they defined and redefined the term minyosi, as well as the notion of
"traditional form" in the 1920s.
Conclusion
Pointing out the context of Kim Ok's first definition of minyosi and his discussion of Kim
So-wol's poems in the preface to a collection of poems by Arthur Symons may belabor
the point that foreign poetry was integral to how Kim So-wol's poetry mattered in the
1920s. However, it serves to illustrate the importance of viewing each iteration of Kim
So-wol's poetry in the contexts in which it appeared for understanding how his poetry
was significant during his lifetime. Reading the iterations of a number of important
poems by Kim So-wol in the variety of contexts provided by the periodicals reveals
247
a number of important facts about his poetry and the textual environment in which it
appeared.
First, the iterations of Kim So-wol's poems in the periodicals suggest that his poetry
mattered perfonnatively in the dual senses I have been describing, as performances
that cite the sociology of their textual condition and that utilize their material bodies
to enact their themes and metaphors. Such iterations also illuminate the self-reflexive
investigation of vernacular Korean as a literary medium by Kim So-wol and his
contemporaries, and the narrative sequences suggested when his poems are read as they
were arranged in the periodicals. In addition, the iterations of Kim So-wol's poetry
suggest it is important to investigate how his poetry was articulated bibliographically
and by foreign literatures if the "tradition" with which his work is frequently associated
is to be understood. Finally, iterations of Kim So-wol's poetry in the periodicals reveal a
central dynamic in his texts: the presence of what is yearned for is hinted at by voids in
the patterning of those texts. To signify what is desired is to forsake it.
As I describe in Chapter Six, the poems in Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot articulate
a similar dynamic. However, before describing this dynamic in Kim So-wol's collection,
it is important to clarify which text I am referring to when I say Kim So-wol's
Chindallaekkot. This is important because his collection was itself iterated in at least two
distinct ways during Kim So-wol's lifetime. Moreover, as I describe in the following
chapter, it turns out that scholars have not been reading either iteration but an alternate
presentation from the 1970s.
248
Chapter 5—Azaleas' Iterations
How can we know the dancer from the dance'

— "AmongSchool Children," W.B. Yeats
Until recently, if scholars were to ask, "What book are we reading when we say we
are reading Chindallaekkot?" the question would have been considered merely rhetorical.
Yet the rediscovery of a second version of Chindallaekkot in late spring 2010, which was
announced in August,1 shows that this question is worthy of being asked in earnest. The
importance of this question is also demonstrated by the fact that the scholars who produced
our most authoritative collected works of Kim So-wol 's poetry were not working directly
from either Chindallaekkot printed by No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso Chushik Hoesa in
December of 1925. Rather, as I explain in this chapter, our most important collected works
of Kim So-wol are based upon a text created in the mid-to-late 1970s.
These facts provide perhaps the plainest examples of how scholars have not been
reading poetic works from 1920s Korea in the forms in which they were created. In
addition to overlooking a second version of a book as central to the canon of modern
Korean literature as Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot, scholars had not even read extant
copies of the 1925 collection known to exist when they were creating their compilations
of Kim So-wol's work. The two versions of Chindallaekkot also serve as a clear example
of how poetry from this period mattered (and continues to matter) as a function of how
it was iterated materially. The two materially different presentations of this single, and
arguably singularly important, title that were created in late 1925 show that Kim So-wol's
Chindallaekkot would have been understood differently in the 1920s depending upon
which version was read.
1
Kwon Yong-min, "Kim So-wol ui sijip 'Chindallaekkot' ui tu kaji p'anbon ^ J ^ - S l -*1^]
< < ? ! 1 i l ' ^ I S > > ^ TF A7-] $-•£ (The two issues of Kim So-61's collection of poems Chindallaekkot),"
Munhak Sasang (August 2010): 18-27.
249
This chapter has twin aims. The first is to demonstrate that students of Korean
literature must begin to take literally questions once assumed to be merely rhetorical.
Reinflecting our inquiries about poetry from 1920s Korea to bring physical books into
clearer focus, we discover that a title as fundamental to our understanding of modern
Korean literature as Chindallaekkot does not describe multiple, identical copies of a
singular text but a multiplicity of individuated material performances. Paul de Man has
suggested something similar with his reading of the poem "Among School Children" by
W.B. Yeats: reinflecting the question with which Yeats concludes—"How can we know
the dancer from the dance?"—enables a reiteration of all of the poem's symbolic details.2
Recognizing the salience of de Man's insights, we can note that these same details are
reiterated by the variety of ways in which Yeats's poem was published in a number of
material contexts during his lifetime.3 This is also true for the poetry of Kim So-wol.
My second goal is to describe the two books presented to readers as Chindallaekkot
the day after Christmas in 1925. While allaying, but not wholly dismissing, doubts that
have been voiced about the provenance of both versions of Kim So-wol's book, I show
how readers encountering the two versions of Chindallaekkot in late 1925 and early 1926
were reading two books that are quite different textually, paratextually, and physically.
Rather than suggesting that either version is an "ideal" or "original" presentation
of Chindallaekot, I make the case for viewing these two books as mutually defining
performances of Kim So-wol's poetry.
The chapter begins with a discussion ofChindallaekkofs, place of publication,
(parhaengso) Maemunsa. A description of the two Chindallaekkot, based on an
2
Paul de Man, "Semiology and Rhetoric," in The Norton Anthology oj Theory and Criticism, ed. Vincent
B. Leitch (New York and London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2001), 1521.
3
"Among School Children" was published in The London Mercury and The Dial, as well as the short
collection October Blast, published by Yeats's sister Elizabeth at the Cuala Press, in 1927. The poem also
appears in The Tower, which was published in London in 1928 by the Macmillan Company. For some of
the ways that Yeats revised the poem, see Marion Witt, "A Competition for Eternity: Yeats's Revision of
His Later Poems," PMLA 64, no. 1 (March 1949): 40-58.
250
examination of six extant copies, follows. I then discuss two important facsimile
(yonginbon) reproductions of Azaleas and how they do not accurately represent either of
presentation of Chindallaekkot from 1925. I show how all of the important anthologists
of Kim So-wol's poetry since 1980 have used these yonginbon as their copy-texts and not
extant copies of either 1925 Chindallaekkot.
The Publication of Azaleas
No more than a few pages of the vast scholarship focused on the poetry of Kim So-wol is
devoted to the publication of his only collection of poems, Azaleas. The physical work of
producing So-wol's canonical text, if mentioned at all, is most often brushed aside with
a sentence or two. Kim Young-jik, for example, simply writes in his complete works of
Kim So-wol, "Azaleas, published by Maemunsa in December of 1925, is So-wol's first
[and only] book of poems (ch'onyo sijip)."4 He then goes on to describe the contents of
Azaleas.
What we know about the publication of So-wol's collection comes from only a
small number of sources: the extant copies of Chindallaekkot and their colophons, as
well advertisements and announcements for Chindallaekkot and its publisher, Maemunsa,
in newspapers and the few remaining extant Maemunsa publications. These primary
sources are supplemented by recollections of how Maemunsa was founded and operated.
So-wol's contemporaries, such as Kim Tong-in and Kye Yong-muk t£$?§fX (1904-
1961),5 as well as the poet O Chang-hwan JS.^^!; (1918-1961), have each contributed
something to our understanding of how Kim So-wol's books were made. Although the
accounts of these men have been the received wisdom concerning the publication of
Chindallaekkot, their recollections often contradict each other and are sometimes simply
incorrect. Moreover, while Kim Ok was certainly involved, the fragmentary historical
4
Kim Yong-jik, ed., Kim So-wol chonjip, 514.
5
Dates according to Ch'oe Tok-kyo, Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 2, 95.
251
record concerning Maemunsa suggests that rather than anything so formal as the word
"company" suggests, Maemunsa was little more than a name, an address, and a bank
account that enabled Kim Ok, Kim So-wol, and perhaps Kim Tong-hwan to publish their
own work, as well as the poetry of their associates in the literary journal Kamyon ftM[fii
(Mask).
Maemunsa
Kim Tong-in, the novelist and Ch'angjo coterie member discussed previously,
mentions Maemunsa, if only briefly, in a 1949 essay. There he relates how Kim Ok,
having achieved a modicum of financial stability by selling biographies of George
Washington and Abraham Lincoln "to some publishing company"6 after moving to Seoul,
published "an issue (was it two?) of an independent journal called Kamyon"1 Kim Tong-
in appears to have misremembered how many issues of Kamyon appeared, however.
Announcements for six issues of Kamyon appeared in the Tonga ilbo between November
of 1925 and July of 1926.8 The bibliographer Mun T6k-su has suggested that nine issues
appeared between November 1925 and July 1926, which coincides with the timing of the
announcements in the Tonga ilbo and is likely to be the correct number of issues.9
In 1947, the poet O Chang-hwan writes, "Maemunsa was not a business [-oriented]
publishing company that hung up a sign, but the place where teacher Anso [Kim Ok]
edited the literary magazine Kamyon that he had funded with his own money; there
wasn't even an office and it was run out of Kim Anso's own home."10 O goes on to say
6
This would have been Hansong Toso.
7
Kim Tong-in, "Mundan 30-y5n ui palchach'wi," cited in Ch'oe Tok-kyo, ed., Han'gak chapchi
paengnyon, vol. 2, 94.
8
The dates of these announcements are November 18, 1925; December 18, 1925; January 25, 1926; March
6, 1926; May 11, 1926; July 17, 1926.
9
Mun T6k-su, Segye munye taesajon, cited in Ch'oe Tok-kyo, ed., Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 2, 94.
10
O Chang-hwan, "So-wol si t'uksong," in O Chang-hwan chonjip, Kyobo Mun'go digital book edition, 523.
252
that, according to Kim Ok, the manuscript of Azaleas was ready to be published three
years before it was printed at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa. Because So-wol was from the
countryside and without a recognizable name in Seoul, O relates, no one was anxious to
publish his manuscript. But after three years, according to O, Kim Ok had no choice but
to publish So-wol's poetry with his own money because he felt so strongly about it."
Many of O's assertions are difficult to confirm. For example, it is difficult to know
when the manuscript for Azaleas was completed because Kim 6k, not always a reliable
narrator, is O's primary source of this information. While Kim Ok probably told O
Chang-hwan that Kim So-wol's manuscript was completed three years prior to its 1925
release when Kim So-wol was attending Paejae High School, Kim Ok has also stated that
Kim So-wol was actively revising his poetry while he was in Japan, where he traveled
after graduating from Paejae.12 It does seem likely, however, that a version of what would
become Chindallaekkot was prepared well before the book's publication. Although
Kim 6 k is again our source of the information, Kim writes in a 1925 New Year's Day
essay that an unpublished collection of poems by Kim So-wol titled Kum chadui ^"^rS]
(Amber grass) was one of 1924's poetic accomplishments.13
The novelist Kye Yong-muk contradicts O Chang-hwan's understanding of how and
why Chindallaekkot was published in 1925. Writing briefly in 1955 about Maemunsa,
Kim So-wol, and the relationship between the journal Kamyon and Chindallaekkot,
Kye asserts that the publication of Chindallaekkot was conceived by Kim 6 k as a way
to rescue his journal, which was in danger of closing down for financial reasons. Kim
So-wol, according to Kye, having gained something of a literary reputation by 1925,
entrusted his teacher not only with all of his previously published poems, but some that
12
Kim 6k, "So-wol ui saengae," Yosong (June 1939), quoted in O Ha-gun, Kim So-wolsiopopyon'gu
(Seoul: Chimmundang, 1995), 23.
13
Kim Anso [6k], "Sidan illyon trtV—^r- (A year of poetry)," Tonga ilbo, January 1, 1925.
253
he had not yet published. Moreover, according to Kye, So-wol granted Kim Ok, the
copyrights to these poems as well. The hope, Kye suggests, was that the sale of So-wol's
collection would put "Kamyonsa (flxt&JlLl)" on a more stable financial footing.14
In addition to misremembering the name of Maemunsa as Kamyonsa, Kye provides
other details that are suspect or simply incorrect. For example, he claims that Kim So-wol
agreed to assist his teacher after Kamyon had run into financial difficulties. If this were
true, then Kamyon was in trouble as soon as it was launched. According to a November 8,
1925 announcement in the Tonga ilbo,15 the first issue of Kamyon appeared on November
6, 1925, a little more than a month before Azaleas was published. Moreover, the Tonga
ilbo announced the second issue of Kamyon on December 18, just six days before Azaleas
was printed and eight days before it was released (parhaeng).]6 If indeed So-wol's book
was published with the hope that it would support Kamyon financially, it was more likely
part of a longer-term plan than an ill-conceived financial rescue operation, particularly if
Kim So-wol and/or Kim Ok had been planning to publish So-wol's manuscript for some
time, as Kim Ok's 1925 New Year's Day essay suggests.
The suggestion that Chindallaekkot was published to rescue Kamyon is unlikely,
but Kye is simply incorrect when he writes that Kim So-wol granted the copyright of his
poems to Kim Ok. The colophons of both issues of Chindallaekkot clearly indicate that
Kim So-wol was the owner of Chindallaekkofs, copyright. There, as 1 have mentioned,
So-wol is listed as the chojak kydm parhaengja (copyright holder and publisher), with all
of the legal implications described in the era's Publication Law. Similarly, as I describe
in Chapter Two, because the publishers {parhaengja) were most often financially
14
Kye Yong-muk 7i]-§-^-, Han'guk mundan ch'iigmydnsa 'KHîHfJlloSit (Aspects of the history of
Korea's literary community), Hyondae munhak (October 1955, December 1955, January 1956), cited in
Ch'oe T5k-kyo, ed., Han'guk chapchi paengnyon, vol. 2, 96.
15
"Sin'gan sogae i f f i S ^ (New publications)," Tonga ilbo, November 8, 1925.
16
"Sin'gan sogae IffTUSiiV (New publications)," Tonga ilbo, December 18, 1925.
254
responsible for publications during this period, it is likely that Kim So-wol funded his
own publication, rather than Kim 6k, as Kye implies and O Chang-hwan asserts.
Maemunsa's Address
Attempts to identify the nature of Maemunsa's "headquarters" at Yon'gon-dong
121-ponji (Jl^/Pll———#llil, near where the Seoul National University Hospital is
currently located) in order to confirm O Chang-hwan's statements about Maemunsa and
understand the nature of the company have yielded no clear answer. However, even if
Maemunsa was run out of Kim Ok's home, it was an operation aimed at enabling Kim
6k, Kim So-wol, and perhaps Kim Tong-hwan to publish their own books.
Historical records reveal little about Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji other than that it was a
moderately small space (36 p 'yong or approximately 1280 sq. ft.) owned at the time that
Maemunsa was operating by a man named Song Song-mun 9KW >£,17 whom I have not
been able to identify. Consequently, we must attempt to discern the nature of Maemunsa's
office in north-central Seoul and its business operations from the materials Maemunsa
published and other publications produced at the time.
The first important fact revealed by these materials is that Maemunsa's address is
associated with Kim So-w51's name and not Kim Ok's. Both issues of Chindallaekkot
list Maemunsa's address, Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji, beside Kim So-wol's name as
Chindallaekkot'?, publisher and copyright holder. Moreover, when Maemunsa acts as
the place of publication for Kim Ok's own collection of poems Pom ui norae (Songs of
spring) in September of 1925, for which Kim 6 k served as the chojak kyom parhaengja
(publisher and copyright holder), Kim Ok's address is listed as Ikson-dong 45-ponji ( S S -
MWfc-lhWL). The fact that Kim Ok's address is also listed as Ikson-dong 45-ponji in Kim
Tong-hwan's Kukkyong pam (Night on the border), a title for which Kim 6k served as
17
Keijo-fu kannai chiseki mokuroku jkMlfJ If l*|J4fe$S @ %%• (Accounting of land use and buildings m Keij5),
Taenm Toso Ch'ulp'an Hoesa facsimile, 1982 (Keijo: Jinnai Rokusuke, 1927), 42.
255
the editor and publisher (p 'yonjip kyom parhaengja) when it was reprinted in November
of 1925, suggests that Kim Ok was living in Ikson-dong and not in Yon'gon-dong in late
1925.
The fact that Kim So-wol and Maemunsa share an address would seem to disprove
O Chang-hwan's statements about Kim Ok running Maemunsa out of his home.
Moreover, if there were no additional evidence to the contrary, the discovery that Kim
So-wol shared an address with Maemunsa would suggest that Kim So-wol ran and/or
funded the small publishing venture that made his book. And this is still a possibility.
However, the announcement of the inaugural issue of Kamyon in the November 8, 1925
issue of the Tonga ilbo states clearly that Kim Ok was managing Kamyon. The brief
announcement reads, "Inaugural Issue of Kamyon—Kamyon, a monthly journal managed
ikyongyong) by Kim Ok, a number of preparations having been completed, released
its first issue on November 6; it includes the work of many writers."18 In addition, an
advertisement for Maemunsa's books that appears at the end of Kim Ok's collection of
poems, Pom ui norae, suggests that Kim Ok was the public face of Maemunsa. Kim Ok
is listed as the person "responsible" for the company {ch'aegimja ftff:^f) beneath a short
list of books the advertisement suggests Maemunsa will produce. Finally, the October
1925 issue of the monthly Choson mundan, in which Kim So-wol's poetry appears, lists
the addresses of its contributors near the end of the publication. There Kim Ok's address
is listed as Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji, Maemunsa's address, and Kim So-wol's address is
listed as P'yongan-bukto Chongju-gun Kwaksan-myon Namdan-dong 577 (^k/E'JilljESftS
iliffli^yrffiS-fc-t:), the address of his childhood home.19
The evidence provided by these publications is contradictory. Information in
the colophons of Pom ui norae and Kukkyong uipam suggests that Kim Ok lived
18
"Kamyon ch'anggan (gFffl iOTiJ (Inaugural issue of Kamyon)" Tonga ilbo, pg. 3, November 8, 1925. A
separate announcement appears on page five of the same day's newspaper.
19
"Kul ssunun idul ui chuso #:^TT o l-&°]ft0i (The addresses of writers)," Choson mundan (October
1925): 181.
256
in Ikson-dong between September 25, 1925, when Pom id norae was printed, and
November 18, 1925, when Kim Tong-hwan's Kukkyong uipam was reprinted. However,
the October issue of Choson mundan, printed on September 29, 1925, just five days after
the printing oi Pom ui norae, suggests that Kim Ok's address is the same as Maemunsa's,
Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji. This same October issue of Choson mundan suggests that Kim
So-wol was living in Chongju until just a few months before his book of poems appeared,
the colophon of which suggests that he was residing in Seoul.
If little else, these contradictions make it clear that we cannot assume Kim 6k was
the sole-proprietor and decision maker at Maemunsa. Any number of explanations might
be proffered to explain why only Kim So-w6Ps name is associated with Maemunsa's
address in extant Maemunsa publications, and not Kim Ok's. We can imagine, for
example, that Kim 6 k let Kim So-wol use the address of his publishing venture as his
own. It is equally plausible, however, that Kim So-wol, having recently sold his family
estate in Namsan20 and frustrated that his manuscript had not been published for more
than a year, briefly came to Seoul to publish his book. Similarly, we might imagine any
number of scenarios to explain why Choson mundan editors would suggest that Kim 6 k
lived in Y5n'gon-dong in September of 1925 although the colophon of Kim Tong-hwan's
collection of poetry suggests that he lived in Ikson-dong.
Despite all of the contradictions suggested by these sources, there is one
consistency that supports a working hypothesis concerning Maemunsa, if not a concrete
understanding of its business. Both Kim 6 k and Kim So-wol are listed as the publishers
(parhaengja) and copyright holders of the books that were produced by Maemunsa,
which suggests that, fundamentally, Maemunsa was a collaborative vehicle enabling
Kim 6 k and Kim So-wol to publish their own poetry. Two additional pieces of evidence
support this hypothesis and provide a glimpse of the kinds of materials Maemunsa
intended to produce.
20
Please see Chapter Three concerning the events of Kim So-wol's life during this period.
257
Figure 5.1 Advertisement for Maemunsa
books in Kim Ok's Pom ui norae.
3*0 Source: Kim Ok, Pom ui norae
'-.^ ft " *
;
ft
T§-£] iifiH (Songs of spring) (Seoul:
; * • Maemunsa, 1925): sheet following
i i ffl ® colophon. In the Changsogak Library at
m UK the Academy of Korean Studies, Seoul.
m it
2c IS If
/5] fiJ-. B
if
,3*
!
if! iff '' "^"Ivfe'W* ¥ *
*~* :^* <>T **P l*?*Hr'E' J!?' ii§* -• o,S / ^ ^^s^#
' * j j»i* W* ~ S * Ei* 1*8 KS tt <R& V ,s v ^^sfeSw^
The first is an advertisement for Maemunsa books that makes it clear that, as of
September 1925, the company planned only to publish books authored by Kim Ok, Kim
So-wol, and one additional author I have not been able to identify whose pen name was
Kaul Mul (7}-|: -§-, fall water). The ad, mentioned previously, appears at the end of Kim
Ok's Pom ui norae and lists five books as "forthcoming" or "at press." They include a
book of Choson children's stories called Kkot isiil ^°}ii: (Flower dew) edited by Kaul
Mul; a collection of essays by Kim Ok called Sasang sanp'il ^ i S I (Assorted writings
on the sand); Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot, which is described as a collection of lyric
poetry (sojong sijip IT'titi iNf ;tte); a collection of children's stories from around the world
called Usum ui kkot -f-^-^ 3r (Laughter's flowers) edited by the "Maemunsa editorial
department," most certainly Kim 6 k and perhaps Kim So-wol; a novel by Kim 6 k called
258
Chaebok wa hamkkui jj<.(|ifn5f f)"1*] (Together with luck and disaster); and a book about
literature called Munhak kaeron X^Wknm (An introduction to literature) by Kim Ok.2'
One more piece of evidence supports viewing Maemunsa as a shared space that
enabled Kim Ok and Kim So-wol, and perhaps their associates, to publish their own
books. As mentioned in Chapter Two, Sin Munhaksa, the listed place of publication
(parhaengso) for Kim Tong-hwan's 1925 book of poems, Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch 'un,
shares an address with Maemunsa. Like Kim Ok and Kim So-wol, authors of Pom ui
norae and Chindallaekkot, respectively, Kim Tong-hwan is simultaneously his book's
copyright holder, publisher (parhangja), and author. Moreover, Kim Tong-hwan's book
was printed just a day before Chindallaekkot by Azaleas' printer No Ki-jong at Hansong
Toso. Consequently, there is a reasonable chance that Kim Tong-hwan "borrowed"
Maemunsa's address for Sin Munhaksa.
In sum, considerably more research is required in order to understand the nature of
Maemunsa's operations. However, from fragmented evidence presented by the books
Maemunsa produced and other historical materials it is clear we cannot assume that
Maemunsa was operated solely by Kim Ok. Rather, this evidence suggests the hypothesis
that Maemunsa was a collaborative venture that enabled Kim 6k, Kim So-wol, and
perhaps Kim Tong-hwan, to publish their own work.
The Extant Copies ofSo-wol's 1925 Chindallaekkot
There are ten known extant copies of Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot. The remarkable
generosity of a number of individuals and organizations including Om Tong-sop, Ch'oe

21
Besides Chindallaekkot, Sasang sanp 'il is the only other book whose publication I have been able
to confirm, despite the fact that Kkot isiil is listed as "at press fPllilJ1!1" in the advertisement. Moreover,
available information about Sasang sanp 'il simply confuses the already confusing situation with regard
to Maemunsa's operations. The two announcements for Sasang sanp 'il that appear in the Tonga ilbo on
December 11, 1925 and January 21, 1926, respectively, both list the publisher of Kim Ok's Sasang sanp 'il
as Paegyolsa bJîtt at Susong-dong 62-p5nji. Perhaps Kim 6k found another place of publication for his
book of essays between late September and early December. "Sin'gan sogae Iff TiL-gUr (New publications),"
Tonga ilbo, December 11, 1925, and "Sin'gan sogae ST W^/i- (New publications)," Tonga ilbo, January 21,
1926.
259
Ch'or-hwan, Y6 Sung-gu at Hwabong Mun'go, Kim Chong-hyon at the Appenzeller-
Noble Memorial Museum, Kim Chae-hong at the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan,
and the family of Kim Song-hun have made it possible for me to examine six of these
books. These include two copies of what has, since August 2010, come to be called
the Chungang Sorim p'anbon or Chungang Sorim pon (4J^viSf#[)lR]^) and four
copies of the HansSng Toso p'anbon or Hansong Toso pon (t^fticlSlff [JIS]^).22 This
recently developed naming convention derives from the different distributors (ch 'ong
panmaeso) Chungang Sorim and Hansong Toso, respectively, listed in the colophons. I
am aware of three additional copies of the Hansong Toso pon currently housed in private
collections but have not been able to examine them. Similarly, I know of one additional
copy of the Chungang Sorim pon that I have not been able to view. It is housed in the
private collection of Yun Kil-su - t r l l ^ and is discussed by Kwon Yong-min in the
August 2010 Munhak sasang article announcing the rediscovery of the second issue of
Chindallaekkot.23'
The Two Issues of Chindallaekkot: A Definition of Terms
Rumors have circulated among Korean book collectors for some time that perhaps
two editions (p 'anbon J1S4-) of Chindallaekkot existed. Indeed, in the front matter of his
2005 Chongbon So-wol chonjip, Kim Chong-uk subtly acknowledges the existence of
two alternate presentations of Kim So-wol's 1925 book. An image of what Kim labels
a "second edition (chaep 'anbon A ^-^r)" of Chindallaekkot is presented alongside a
colophon from what he claims to be a "first edition (ch'op 'an S ^ ) . " However, Kim
Chong-uk does not present any additional information about these two "editions."
22
The circumstances of my examinations of these six copies of Chindallaekkot varied. Consequently,
the depth of my investigation of each book was not uniform. In some instances, I was able to spend
considerable time with a specific copy and allowed to photograph the entire book. In other instances,
time only allowed a cursory investigation and/or I was not permitted to photograph more than the cover,
colophon, and a few pages of the body.
23
Kwon Yong-min, "Kim So-wol ui sijip 'Chindallaekkot' m tu kaji p'anbon," 1 8-27.
260
Moreover, although it became clear to me after my examination of Ch'oe Ch'or-
hwan's copy of Chindallaekkot in June of 2010 that he is referring to the Chungang
Sorim p'anbon as a first edition and the Hansong Toso p'anbon as a second edition of
Chindallaekkot, Kim does not detail any of the differences between the two versions
of Kim So-wol's book despite meticulously tracking the different presentations of Kim
So-wol's poems in journals as well as significant collections of So-wol's poetry that were
published after his death. This suggests that while Kim Chong-uk has seen copies of both
versions of Chindallaekkot he did not examine them carefully. As I describe below, the
fact that he (along with the other scholars who have made our important collected works)
did not use either version of Chindallaekkot as his copy-text when compiling either
edition of his Collected Works of Kim So-woP4 also suggests that Kim did not examine
any of the 1925 copies of Chindallaekkot in detail.
When multiple copies of the books Kim associates with different "editions" of
Chindallaekkot are carefully examined, it becomes clear that both versions of the
1925 Chindallaekkot were printed from substantially the same setting of type and,
consequently, should be considered a single "edition," as the term is defined by
bibliographers such as Philip Gaskell.25 This is also in keeping with the fundamental
definition of edition (p 'anbon JTS^K) in Korean bibliographic practice where &p 'anbon
suggests the impressions made from a single/? 'an, or, in this case, setting of type.26
Rather than two editions, where the setting of type would have been more significantly
altered, we might better understand the alternate presentations of Chindallaekkot as two
issues of a single 1925 edition. It is important to clarify what I mean by the term "issue,"
however, since I use it in a rather specific sense and without some of the assumptions
24
Kim Chong-uk, Chongbon So-wol chonjip (2005) and Wonbon So-wol chonjip (1982).
25
Phillip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972; corrected
reprint, New Castle, Del.: Oak Knoll Press, 1995), 313.
26
Ch'onWye-bong, Hang'uksojihak, 85, 149.
261
sometimes implied by the term. This clarification will also help illuminate both subtle
and less subtle differences in how readers would have encountered the poems in
Chindallaekkot in 1920s.
Like his definition of "edition," certain aspects of Gaskell's definition of "issue" are
quite helpful for a discussion of Chindallaekkot, especially the physical criteria he uses.
However, aspects of what underpins his classification method conceptually, such as his
notion of an "ideal copy," are less useful. Leading up to his definition of "issue" Gaskell
writes,
Before considering issue and state, the bibliographic concept of

'ideal copy' must be introduced. . . . A description of this ideal
copy would note all the blank leaves intended to be a part of its
gatherings, and all excisions, insertions, and cancellantia which
belong to the most perfect copy of the work as originally completed
by its printer and first put to sale by its publisher.27
Even if envisioning an ideal copy of a publication is generally possible, our
proscribed knowledge of Chindallaekkot's production precludes us from asserting which
Chindallaekkot may have been originally completed by its printer and first put to sale
by its publisher. In fact, the dates of printing and release (parhaeng) that appear in the
colophons of both issues are the same. Recent arguments to the contrary notwithstanding,
this suggests that they were completed and "put to sale" at the same time. A pattern
emerges in the variants in the body text of the two issues that also suggests the books
were produced at the same time, as I describe below.
Defining "issue" specifically, Gaskell asserts that an "issue is all the copies of that
part of an edition which is identifiable as a consciously planned printed unit distinctive
from the basic form of the ideal copy."28 Again, the idea of an ideal copy is not helpful
27
Phillip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography, 315.
28
Ibid. Emphasis in the original.
262
for describing the alternate presentations of Chindallaekkot. It is clear that the differences
between the two issues were consciously planned but no letters or other datable historical
documents remain that indicate which presentation of Chindallaekkot might be the "ideal
copy" and which the "printed unit distinctive from the basic form of the ideal copy."
Less direct evidence indicating which issue might be the "ideal" issue is lacking or
contradictory.
As a consequence of these facts and in keeping with my general argument
concerning the performative nature of individual poetic texts, it is important to point out
that when I use the term "issue" to describe Chindallaekkot I do not intend to suggest that
either presentation of Chindallaekkot is the "ideal." Rather, drawing on specific physical
criteria Gaskell uses to define "issue," I mean to suggest two mutually defining, alternate
performances of So-w51's poetry: books printed from a largely similar setting of type on
different kinds of paper that incorporate variant covers, colophons, and title pages. As
elsewhere, I use the term "performance" here to emphasize that these differences reflect
the performative choices of those who created the books.
Describing the physical criteria of an "issue," Gaskell writes,
The criteria are that a book must differ in some typographical way
from copies of the edition first put to market, yet be composed
largely of sheets deriving from the original setting [of type];
and that the copies forming another issue must be a purposeful
publishing unit removed from the original issue either in form
(separate issue) or in time (reissue).29
Acknowledging the difficulties presented by the word "original" and the phrase
"first put to market" in Gaskell's description, both Chindallaekkot are composed largely
of sheets deriving from a single setting of type. In addition, although they are derived
from the same initial setting, the two versions of Chindallaekkot differ typographically
29
Ibid.
263
from each other. While not reset in order to change the format of the book as Gaskell's
term "issue" can imply, a number of typographical changes were made to the body of
Chindallaekkot.
Some of the physical criteria Gaskell uses to define the concept of "separate
issues" also describe the two versions of the 1925 Chindallaekkot. Gaskell suggests that
examples of "separate issues" would include copies of books where the title page has
been altered "to suit the issue of a book simultaneously in two or more different forms"30
or when a separate impression has been made on "special paper" that is "distinguished
from ordinary copies by added, deleted, or substituted material."31 While the two
versions of Chindallaekkot are not distinguished by different formats or added, deleted,
or substituted material, the type of their title pages was reset and the title pages were
printed using different color inks. Moreover, the colophons of the two versions represent
two settings of type and indicate, importantly, that the two versions were distributed by
different companies—Chungang Sorim and Hansong Tosd Chusik Hoesa, respectively.
Furthermore, the alternate texts of the main body of the book are printed on different
kinds of paper. Finally, the variants in the body text can be identifiably associated with
the different kinds of paper used to make the two versions. As I will describe in more
detail shortly, portions of the body of one issue of Chindallaekkot were probably printed
on one kind of paper, then, after modifications to the standing type of certain forms, those
portions were printed again on a different kind of paper.
An argument might be mounted for seeing the two versions of Chindallaekkot
as two alternate "states" in Gaskell's terms, which he defines as errors and alterations
made intentionally or accidently during the process of printing a given issue or edition.
Those who might wish to pursue this argument can rightfully point out that the format
of Chindallaekkot was not altered and the typographical changes, while important, are
264
not extensive. However the fact that a) the title pages and colophons of the two versions
represent two settings of type, and that b) impressions were made from altered forms
on different kinds of paper, argues for seeing the two versions of Chindallaekkot as two
separate issues of the 1925 edition as opposed to two states.
Recognizing that the alternate presentations of Chindallaekkot and what we
know about how they were made do not make for an easy categorical fit, but lacking
a better term, in what follows I will refer to the two presentations of Chindallaekkot
as the Hansong Toso issue or Hansong Toso pon, and the Chungang Sorim issue or
Chungang Sorim pon after the names of the two different companies that distributed
Chindallaekkot's alternate presentations, Chungang Sorim and Hansong Toso Chusik
Hoesa, respectively.
Chindallaekkot's Two Issues
Gerard Genette has written that the paratexts (seuils) of a book, that is textual elements
such as the title or a publisher's name embedded in the design of a cover or presented in a
colophon, act as a threshold that can control one's whole reading of the text.32 Indeed, the
paratextual differences between Chindallaekkot's two issues, along with the significantly
different cases, title pages, and paper, have caused investigators of the two issues to reach
different understandings of the books' significance since August of 2010, suggesting how
these differences set the stage for experiencing the poetry in each issue quite differently.
The poetry in the Hansong Toso issue is presented on a rough, natural-colored, ground-
wood paper that complements the warm colors of its title page and cover. The hand-
lettered title and simplistic representation of azalea flowers on the cover of the Hansong
Toso pon also suggest a certain warmth and romantic earthiness. Alternately, the poetry
in the Chungang Sorim issue is presented on a more refined, noticeably whiter, mojoji
32
Gerard Genette, Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation, trans. Jane E. Lewin, Literature, Culture,
Theory 20 (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 1-2.
265
paper that coincides with the cool colors of its title page and the minimalist, imageless
presentation of its cover.
The Covers
The cases of both issues of Chindallaekkot serve as the books' covers and, in
addition to being rather dissimilar aesthetic presentations, were made differently as well.
The cover of the better-known Hansong Toso issue consists of a relief print probably
made from a drawing that was photoengraved on a copper or steel plate. Half-tone
dots are visible throughout the image. Printed in a dark crimson on a textured paper
wrapped over the boards of the book's case, the cover of the Hansong issue features the
hand-lettered title Chindallaekkot reversed out of its crimson background. What look
to be azalea flowers beside a boulder appear beneath the title. Chindallaekkot is meant
to be read from left to right and the final syllable kkot is presented with a ssang kiyok
consisting of two kiyok (TI). The patch'im of the syllable is a ch'iut ( ^ ) .
The book's genre is indicated by the designation sijip (n'i ^ft), also read right to
left, directly beneath the main title on the cover. Toward the bottom of the presentation
another crimson "strip" appears, similar to, if smaller than, the "strip" in which the
book's title is presented. While hardly distinguishable from the crimson background,
upon close inspection, the words "Kim So-wol chak ^feJlJI \'y (A work by Kim So-wol),"
also hand-lettered, can be seen.
In contrast to the relief-print cover of the Hansong Toso issue and suggesting the
rather different performative choices of its making, the front cover of the Chungang
issue is typeset and printed in black on a light blue laid-like paper that wraps the boards
of its case. It contains no images. Indicating the book's author and genre, reading right
to left, the underlined phrase "Kim So-wol sijip sk^JI t-!i M (A book of poems by Kim
266
Figure 5.2 The Covers of the Hansong Toso issue (left, in the Appenzeller-Noble Memorial
Museum) and the Chungang Sorim issue (right, in the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan
[Museum of Contemporary Korean Poetry]). (See also entries 21-25 in Appendix 2.1)
So-wol)" is set in 4-ho type (13.75 pt.)33 down 2.6 cm from the top of the case's front
board. The title, also underlined and reading right to left, is set in a face .85 cm34 square,
or just slightly larger than \-ho (27.5 pt.) type. From the top of the board to the top of
the title face is 3.6 cm. The year of the book's publication is printed in 5-ho (10.5 pt.)
type with two em-dash-like lines to either side, centered near the bottom of the cover
and reading left to right. The manner in which the title is presented orthographically also
33
Type equivalencies are based on type sizes presented in Han'guk inswae taegam (Encyclopedia of
Korean printing) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1969), image following
page 884. Conversion to points is based on the American point system where one point is .3514 mm.
Han'guk inswae taegam, 544; Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso &^"#:?]:<?lTLi, ed., Ch'ulp'an sajon UDikfotjHl
(Dictionary of publishing [terms]) (Seoul: Pomusa, 2002), s.vv. "hwalcha k'ugi," ''p'oint'u hwalcha."
34
There is a slight discrepancy (.5 mm) between my measurements here.
267
distinguishes the Chungang Sorim issue from the Hansong Toso issue. The last syllable
in Chindallaekkot is spelled with a ssang kiyok consisting of a siot and a kiyok (AT). The
patch'im used in the syllable is siot ( A ) .
The cover of the copy of the Chungang Sorim issue that I viewed at the Han'guk
Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan (Museum of Contemporary Korean Poetry) is framed by two
thin lines. These lines are set in approximately .2 cm from the edge of the case's boards
on the top, bottom, and outside edges. They appear farther in from the spine, about 1
cm. It is difficult to know whether these lines were printed on the paper used to wrap the
case in December of 1925. I suspect that they were added later because they appear to be
in blue ink. While certainly not beyond the capabilities of the Hansong Toso printshop,
printing a thinly lined blue border on blue paper probably added considerably to the cost
of producing the cover, with little gain in aesthetic effect. The added color hardly shows
up on the bluish paper of the cover of the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan's copy.
Moreover, although tape obscures the edges of the copy of the Chungang SSrim issue
that I viewed at the Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan collection, these lines are not readily apparent on
the cover of that copy. The mislabeled picture of the Chungang Sorim issue from Yun
Kil-su's collection that Kwon Yong-min presents in the August 2010 issue of Munhak
sasang (Literature and thought)35 does not appear to display these lines either, although
it is somewhat difficult to tell because the image has been cropped. (See entries 21-25 in
Appendix 2.1)
The Debate Over the Authenticity of the Two Issues
Illustrating how significance discerned by readers (albeit from a later historical
35
Kwon Yong-min, "Kim So-wol ui sijip 'Chindallaekkot' ui tu kaji p'anbon," recto of the spread
following the journal's table of contents in the unnumbered front matter. Although the journal's editors
suggest that the cover presented here is from the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan, it is clearly from the
Yun Kil-su collection: the pattern of smudges on the cover does not match those on the cover of the copy
housed at the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan.
268
period) is a function of how poetry from 1920s Korea is iterated materially, these
differences between the covers, along with a number of other differences that I
describe below, have sparked a debate over whether both issues of Chindallaekkot are
productions of 1925 or the Hansong Toso pon is a reissue of the "original (ch'op 'an ty)
)l)x)" Chungang Sorim pon. The stakes of the debate have been raised because the Cultural
Heritage Association of [South] Korea, the Munhwajaech'ong (^rSr^fl ^ ) , announced in
September of 2010 that it intended to register three copies of the Hansong Tos5 issue and
one copy of the Chungang Sorim issue as "national treasures {munhwajae)."16 In fact,
it was a survey of extant copies of Chindallaekkot conducted by the Cultural Heritage
Association with the aim of making certain extant copies of Chindallaekkot "national
treasures" that enabled its lead researcher, Kwon Y6ng-min, to announce the existence of
a second issue of Chindallaekkot in August of 2010.
The proposal by the Cultural Heritage Association to make both issues national
treasures caused a number of people in academia and the news media, as well as most
vocally Yun Kil-su, a bibliophile and owner of the copy of the Chungang Sorim issue
that the Munhwajaech'ong plans to register as a national treasure,37 to question whether
both issues of Chindallaekkot were in fact produced at the same time in 1925 as their
colophons indicate.38 Contending that only the Chungang SSrim issue of Chindallaekkot
"Konggomun îl-g- (Public announcement)," Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea website,

http://www.cha.go.kr/korea/news/nationPostList.action?nationID=231684&mc=KS_05_03 (accessed most
recently on February 11, 2011).
37
As of February 9, 2010, the Munhwajaech'ong has not announced a final decision about which extant
copies of Chindallaekkot will be made national treasures.
38
Yi Kyong-hui °] ^ $\, "Kim So-wol sijip 'Chindallaekkot' tul ta ch'oganbon manna 7A i"H Al ^ r ?l
^4î 1-4 i 7 J ^ £ 4 (Is it true that both Chindallaekkot are first editions?)" Chungang ilbo, October
7, 2010. Online edition, http://article.joinsmsn.com/news/article/article.asp?total_id=4503090 (accessed
most recently February 11,2011). "Chindallaekkot ch'op 'anbon tin hana ^^H] S i ^ ^ - - £ - 4M- (A single
first edition of Chindallaekkot)," Han'guk tnunhak charyogwan (Repository of Korean literary materials)
blog, http://blog.naver.com/kennyyks?Redirect=Log&logNo=80116610789 (accessed most recently
February 11, 2011). This blog was made by a "Kil-su ^ T V ' most certainly Yun Kil-su TT^T"-, the owner
of the copy of the Chungang SSrim issue that the Munhwajaech'ong proposes to register as a national
treasure. More recently, 6 m Tong-sop has summarized the arguments made by Yun Kil-su and members
269
was created in 1925 and, consequently, that only the Chungang Sorim pon is worthy of
being a national treasure, they suggest that the Hansong Toso issue of Chindallaekkot is
probably an unauthorized reissue of Kim So-wol's book created by Hansong Toso in the
mid-to-late 1930s. Those who question the provenance of the Hansong Toso issue point
to the orthographic presentation of "kkot W< (flower)" on its cover39 as evidence that the
Hansong Toso pon version was probably produced in the 1930s. They also assert that the
color printing of an image on the cover of the Hansong Toso issue cover would make it
unique among books of poetry produced in the 1920s, suggesting that it was produced in
the 1930s.40
This latter assertion, however, is not credible. As the appendices to Chapter Two
demonstrate, a large number of the books of vernacular Korean poetry printed in the
1920s feature images printed in at least one color other than black. These include Onoe ui
mudo (1921 and 1923), Pom chandiii pat wi e (1924), Choson ui maum (1924), Wonjong
(1924), Choson tongyojip (1924), Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'un (1925), Choson yuramga
(1928), Chosen min'yosho (1929),41 and Chayonsong (1929). (See Appendix 2.1).
The assertion that the orthography of Chindallaekott (^î-fl-^) on the cover of the
Hansong Toso issue suggests it was printed after 1925 is not credible either. Those who
suggest this base their argument on the assumption that "kkot (flower)" was spelled "kkot
of the press such as Yi Kyong-hui against viewing both issues of Chindallaekkot as a product of 1925 and
argued that both issues of Chindallaekkot were produced in December of that year. 6 m Tong-sop "3 -§• ^ ,
'"Chindallaekkot/Chindallaekkot'ch'op'anbon ui sojijok komt'o ^ l ^ ^ H ^ / ^ ^ ^ ^ a ± ^ - £ - 1 *]*m
^ 5 . (A bibliographic analysis of the first edition of Chindallaekkot/ Chindallaekkot) [the orthography of
the 6m's original title suggests he considers both issues of Chindallaekkot to be "first editions"]," Kundae
soji (December 2010): 189-230.
39
These same people raise the same concerns about the orthographic presentation of kkot in the colophon
of the Hansong Toso issue as well. I will address this below.
40
See 6 m Tong-sop's summaiy of this issue, '"Chindallaekkot/ Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon ui sojijok
komt'o."
41
Chosen min'yosho is, of course, a Japanese translation of Korean folk songs. However, it is frequently
included in systematic bibliographies of vernacular Korean poetiy.
270
^r"42 in publications created before 1933, when the Chosono Hakhoe (Choson Language
Society) published its standards for a unified orthography,43 and "kkot W44 afterward.
They observe that kkot in the title Chindallaekkot on the cover of the HansSng Toso issue
uses the glyph "W while the Chungang Sorim uses the glyph "3r" and conclude that the
Hansong Toso issue of Chindallaekkot probably appeared after 1933. However, as Ora
Tong-sop has concisely demonstrated, both glyphs for kkot were utilized throughout the
1920s, indeed through the end of Japan's colonial occupation, in publications as wide-
ranging as educational materials created by the Japanese colonial authority and monthly
journals produced by Hansong Toso.45
The Spines
I cannot provide a thorough comparison of the spines of the two issues because,
in many cases, the spines of the extant copies I have been able to examine have been
seriously damaged. However, it is possible to say with some certainty that the different
aesthetic presentations of the covers are mirrored on the spines.
Along the spine of the Hansong Toso issue we find the following: sijip
Chindallaekkot Kim So-wol chak Vi% ^ U ; ^ ^ ^ 5 ^ J^ f|: (A collection of poems
Azaleas a work by Kim So-wol)." The text is hand-lettered in a style consistent with that
on the front cover. Moreover, it appears in the same crimson ink. The Sino-Korean graph
42
In this glyph, a siot ( A ) and a kiyok (~~i) form the ssang kiyok (AT) and a siot ( A ) IS utlized as the glyphs'
patch'im.
43
This is the Han'gul mach'umpop t'ongiran thl" t'rw't! ^ ^ " ? ! (Unified han 'gid orthography). It was
published on October 19, 1933 in the 4.6-p'an format and consisted of 66 pages. Han'gul Hakhoe, ed.,
Han'gul Hakhoepaengnyonsa (100-yonsa) fIrs'sj'S] 100 \1A} (A one-hundred-year history of the Han'gul
Society) (Seoul: Han'gul Hakhoe, 2009), 375.
44
In this glyph, two kiyok (~n) form ssang kiyok and ch'iiit ( x ) comprises itspatch'im.
45
6 m Tong-sop, '"Chindallaekkot/ Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon ui sojijok komt'o," 193-198. Although
unacknowledged in his article, I provided 6 m with information and images he utilizes to build his case.
271
if !
-v: Figure 5 3 Spmc of the Hansong Toso issue (left)

and the Chungang Sorim issue (below)
/
/s Sources. Images of Hansong Toso issue are from
U-r the Hwabong Mun'go (far left) and Appenzeller-
Noble Memorial Museum collections (right). Image
of the Chungang Sorim issue is from the collection
cr
of Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan.
i—.? |
i -I- .
J
• t*>-
i." [**'•.,
A;-
for "poetry si HJJ " in "sijip „ 'j jfe (collection of poetry)" is noticeably malformed. Also
worthy of notice is the orthography of the syllable representing "flower kkot -Jr," which is
presented with a sssang kiyok consisting of two kiyok (~n) and ch'iut ( ^ ) as the syllable's
patch'im. An image of a flower blossom punctuates the space between the title of the
collection and Kim So-wol's name.
The spine is missing from the Chungang Sorim issue at the Han'guk Hyondaesi
Pangmulgwan that I have been able to view. Moreover, the spine of the copy in the
Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan collection that I have been able to see is badly damaged. Despite this,
a portion of the spine remains glued to the exposed untrimmed signatures of the text-
block of the copy in Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan's collection. On the portion that remains, we find
"naekkot Uj^r," the last two syllables of Chindallaekkot and a moderately thick line that
272
underscores what would have been the book's title. In contrast to the Hansong Toso issue,
the syllable "kkot $:," in what would have been Chindallaekkot before the spine was
damaged, is presented orthographically using a siot ( A ) as the syllable'spatch'im and
part of its ssang kiyok (A~I). Toward the bottom of the extant portion of the spine, Sino-
Korean graphs for Chindallaekkot's place of publication, "Maemunsa KJSJTLL," appear.
In addition to other elements that distinguish it graphically from the Hansong Toso issue,
the spine of the Chungang Sorim issue emphasizes the book's place of publication,
Maemunsa, rather than its author, Kim So-wol.
The Title Pages
The general layout of the title pages of the two issues is similar. However, they
represent different settings of type and have been printed using inks that match the
respective color schemes of the two issues. The title page of the Hansong Toso issue has
been printed in a shade of red that, while slightly lighter, matches that found on the cover
of the Hansong issue. Harmonizing with the cooler colors of the Chungang SSrim issue,
the title page of this issue of Chindallaekkot is presented in a cobalt blue. As with the
differences between the covers and the spines, the mood established by these alternatively
colored title pages is rather different.
In addition to the color used to print the title pages of each issue, differences
between the pieces of type used to print the title pages and the placement of that type can
also be discerned, suggesting that each title page was printed from an alternate setting
of type. The first and third syllables of the main title, chin (?1) and nae (i-fl) respectively,
have been printed using alternate types. This is made clear by differences between the
axes of the ppich'im and naerim (the descending strokes) of the chiut ( A ) in chin (^1)
(See Figure 2.2 in Chapter Two for a diagram of hangul typographic terminology).
Moreover, the horizontal stroke of the niun ( L ) in the Chungang Sorim issue is set on a
more oblique axis than the type used in the Hansong Toso issue. In addition, the / ( 1 ) in
273
p\
• > ft >M :**i i T t
'*• Si, \
M
.fit- .
xj
i
1 |f" ' ; ' it-
• J ; fit
•.': .'it It fll -1
r
4 |||f ply > rH 3-1-'
'it
, w'^M- ^ ill /• :• -Ik
- nv;>»
Sill - ^ t if*-, if
ft
Figure 5.4 Title Pages of Hansong Toso issue (left) and the Chungang Sorim issue (right).
Sources: Image of Hansong Toso issue title page is from the 6m Tong-sop collection and the
Chungang Sorim issue is from the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan. See also entries 21-26
in Appendix 2.1.
chin (;?1) in Chungang Sorim issue extends noticeably beyond the top of the chiiit ( x ) ,
whereas the / ( 1 ) in the type used to print the Hansong Toso issue extends only slightly
beyond the top of the chiiit. Finally, the modulation of the strokes used to create the kyop
kidung (descending strokes of W ) of the syllable nae A] in the type of the main title is
noticeably different. (See Figure 5.4 and entries 21-26 in Appendix 2.1)
Additional evidence that the two title pages were made from alternate settings of
type comes from the position of the phrase M J] W- So-wol chak (a work by So-wol) in
the physical space of the title page. On the title page of the Chungang issue this phrase is
closer to the top of the page than on the Hansong issue title page, as well slightly closer
274
to the gutter. In the Chungang Sorim issue the So I? character (measured from the top of
the graph) is 2.4 cm from the top of the page. In the Hansong issue this same character
is printed 4.1 cm from the top of the page. The line of type that presents this phrase is
printed 7.1 cm from the outside edge of the page in the Chungang issue, as measured
from the outside edge of the page to the left edge of the line of type. In the Hansong
Toso issue the phrase is printed 6.7 cm from the outside edge of the page, a difference of
approximately 4 mm.
Finally, it is important to note that the title page of the Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan copy of the
Chungang issue is markedly different from those found in the copies of this issue housed
in the Han'guk HySndaesi Pangmulgwan and Yun Kil-su collections.46 Strong evidence
suggests that this title page is not original to the book as it was made in 1925. Besides its
difference from the other two known copies of the Chungang issue, other factors suggest
that the title page of the Ch'oe copy of the Chungang Sorim issue was added after 1925.
The paper for the title page, for example, is markedly different from that found in the rest
of Ch'oe's copy of the Chungang Sorim issue and the copy at the Han'guk Hyondaesi
Pangmulgwan. In addition to being less opaque than the other sheets in the volume, it
also has a slight texture lacking in other sheets found in both Ch'oe's copy and that found
at the Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan. (See entries 21-22 in Appendix 2.1)
The Paper
Unfortunately, no more than a subjective description of the paper used to make
the two issues of Chindallaekkot is possible. As I describe in Chapter Two, there are no
known historical documents such as books of paper samples or pricing sheets from paper
manufacturers dating from the 1920s that would enable a comparison of paper found
in the two issues of Chindallaekkot with papers available to printers and publishers at
the time. In addition, the paper-sample book from the 1930s that I described in Chapter
46
Kwon Y6ng-min, "Kim So-wol ui sijip 'Chindallaekkot' ui tu kaji p'anbon," 23.
275
Two appears to have been misplaced by its owner shortly after I viewed it, making
even a comparison between the paper found in it and the two issues of Chindallaekkot
impossible at this time.
Despite these problems, it is possible to say that the paper on which the body of the
Chungang Sorim pon is printed is generally similar to mojoji +£[ jfilK, or imitation vellum,
varieties of paper in the book of paper samples from the 1930s described in Chapter Two.
Moreover, the paper on which the body of the Hansong Toso pon is printed is generally
similar to kaengji MM,, a ground-wood paper, in the same book of samples.
Yun Kil-su has suggested that because the Hansong Tos5 issue is printed on kaengji
the issue probably dates from the 1930s. He argues that most books of vernacular poetry
from the 1920s were printed on higher quality mojoji and that kaengji was more widely
used in the late 1930s.471 cannot speak to general trends in paper use among publishers
and printers of literary works between the 1920s and the end of the colonial period.
However, the survey in Chapter Two suggests that, at least with regard to books of
vernacular poetry from the 1920s, a variety of different papers were utilized, described in
the 1930s book of paper samples as mojoji and kaenji. More importantly, without datable
exemplars with which to compare the paper used in the two issues, differences between
the paper on which they are printed are not a reliable means of determining their dates of
production.
The Colophons
The information the colophons of the two issues convey is largely the same, the
significant exception being that they list different distributors. Kim Chong-sik is listed
as the chojak kyom parhaengja and Maemunsa the place of publication; No Ki-jong is
listed as the person in charge of the printing; and Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa as the
47
He is quoted in Yi Kyong-hui, "Kim So-wol sijip "Chindallaekkot" tul ta ch'oganbon manna,"
Chungang ilbo, October 7, 2010.
276
- -• .t- ^ t Lâ^.^*K>s'i»e»am«ff»iuii»MM»^
,a-, - - . . ' •.^»^^lttMM|iMK»W^^ '•

Figure 5 5
Title in colophon of Hansong
Toso issue of Chindallaekkot
(above, in the Hwabong
Mun'go collection) and
the Chungang SQrim issue
(below, in the Ch'oe Chor-
hwan collection)
place where the two issues were printed. Moreover, the addresses for these people and
institutions are the same. As already mentioned, the dates of printing and release are also
the same in both issues, as is the listed price of the book: 1 won 20 chon.
Typographically, the colophons of the two issues are largely the same as well, one
significant exception being that the titles appearing as part of the colophon have been
printed using dissimilar type. The weight of the strokes and axes of the first three syllables
of the titles, chindallae ^ ^ T - H , are all quite different. In the Chungang Sorim issue, the
strokes are lighter and often oblique when compared to the shape of the letterforms in the
Hansong Toso issue. Compare, for example (see Figure 5.5), the axes and weight of the
ch'ich'im (bottom strokes) of the tigut ( —) in tal (^") and the niun (i-) in nae (i-H) . The
manner in which the chiut ( ^ ) and the i (1 ) in chin (3l) are formed is also quite different.
As in the titles on the covers, the syllable "kkot (flower)" is also orthographically
distinct when presented in the two colophons. In the Chungang Sorim issue, the type used
to print kkot ( $ ) features a siot ( A ) and a kiyok (~i) combined to create the ssang kiyok
(AI) of the glyph; the patch 'im is articulated by a siot. In the Hansong Toso issue, kkot
(^r) is presented with two kiyok's comprising the ssang kiyok (TI) and a ch 'iut ( ^ ) is
used as the patch 'im. (In addition to Figure 5.5, see entries 22-26 in Appendix 2.1)
277
J*! Figure 5 6
Chindallae (above) and £Ao/ (below) in Ch'a Won-hung hl' XJW,
XL Chonwon HI |«l (Countryside) (Seoul: Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa,
1944).
Source: Ch'a Won-hung-tf1 xJW, Chonwon mtS| (Countryside) (Seoul:
vW Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa, 1944), 31, 33. In the collection of Sin
Yon-su).
The Colophons' Flowers (kkot)
These distinctions, particularly the differences between the glyphs for kkot
(3r/^, flower), are cited as evidence by those who argue that the Hansong Toso issue
of Chindallaekkot postdates 1925. They point specifically to the striking similarity
between the typeface used in mid-1940s Hansong Toso publications, such as a book
of poems called Chonwon HI \&\ (Countryside) by Ch'a Won-hung l f'-XP, and what
is presented in the colophon of Chindallaekkot. Associating the type in these later
Hansong Toso publications with the typeface developed by Pak Kyong-so (7-1965?),
which first appeared in the April of 1938,48 they suggest that the Hansong Toso issue of
Chindallaekkot probably postdates 1938.
This is the strongest evidence presented by those such as Yun Kil-su who suggest the
Hansong Toso issue was produced after 1925, and it cannot easily be dismissed. At the
same time, the similarity between the glyphs used to print Chindallaekkot and type used
by Hansong Toso at a later date hardly proves that the Hansong Toso issue was produced
48
Cho Ui-hwan l , ! | M , "Karo tchagi smmun hwalcha kaebal e kwanhan yon'gu: Choson ilbo ponmun
hwalchapyonch'onul chungsim uro AS--V\7] ^-g- %A 7fllH £rtr ^ T 1 ' S-aiiJi £--§-!• *r ^ - S -
^^°.S- (A study of the development of type in horizontally typeset newspapers: with a focus on changes
in the typefaces used in the Choson ilbo)" (master's thesis, Hanyang University, 2001), 23-26. The Han 'gul
kulkkol yongo sajon (A dictionary of typographic terms for han 'gul) suggests a later initial use of Pak
Kyong-so's typeface. Han Chae-jun, ed., Han 'gul kulkkol yongo sajon, 120-121.
278
after 1925. The fundamental problem is that aside from the elemental survey of typefaces
presented in Chapter Two, no sustained research has been conducted on printing
procedures in colonial Korea, let alone Hansong Toso specifically. Consequently, it is
impossible to know what typefaces were available at Hansong Toso during this period.
More fundamentally, if by late 1925 it was standard practice at Hansong Toso for those
working there to recast rather than distribute their type, to answer this question we need
to learn what matrices were available to employees at Hansong Toso when they cast and
typeset the four syllables of Chindallaekkot for the colophons of Kim So-wol's book.
To discern the typographic practices at Hansong Toso at this level of detail requires
considerably more research. Until such research has been conducted, dating publications
from this period based on the appearance of individual pieces of type is not yet possible.
As I have shown in Chapter Two, there is an identifiable consistency among the typefaces
used by No Ki-jong to print books of poetry between February of 1924 and November
of 1926, the period when No Ki-jong was in charge of printing collections of vernacular
poetry at Hansong Toso. As I also point out, this does not suggest that each glyph
appeared consistently in even this limited number of publications. There are certainly
variations in the appearance of individual glyphs. (See Appendix 2.17).
The survey for Chapter Two also shows, as I mention, that at about the time that No
Ki-jong ceased to be in charge of printing vernacular books of poetry there is a noticeable
change in the typographic presentation of poetry collections. As I note, the typefaces
found in Hansong Toso publications become somewhat more similar to those used at
Taedong Inswaeso. In fact, it appears that Hansong Toso may have purchased either new
type or new matrices at some point toward the end of the period when No Ki-jong was
in charge of printing vernacular books of poetry. In addition, No Ki-jong appears to have
used this new type (or the type made from new matrices) interchangeably with older type
(or type made from older matrices) in some of the publications printed at Hansong Toso
during this period. The monthly journal Tonggwang lk~JL (Eastern light), for example,
279
Kkot on page Kkot in title face
9 (above, left) (above) and body
and 30 (below, * face (below)
left) of October on page 75 of
"1
1926 issue of the September
Tonggwang. 1926 issue of
Tonggwang.
Kkot (below, Figure 5.7 Kkot in Tonggwang in September and

left) as it is October of 1926. Sources: Tonggwang (September 1926)
presented on and Tonggwang (October 1926). In the Adan Mun'go
page 62 of collection. Note: My sincere thanks to the chief curator at
the October Adan Mun'go, Pak Ch'on-hong, for helping me scour these
1926 issue of issues of Tonggwang. In fact, Mr. Pak first found the glyph
Tonggwang. on page 9 of the October 1926 issue of Tonggwang.
printed at Hansong Toso by No Ki-jong beginning in May 1926, displays an evident lack
of orthographic consistency.
The unsettled orthography of the broader range of publications produced at Hansong
Toso in early 1926 suggests that when it came to individual glyphs, No Ki-jong had a
number to choose from during the last year that he was printing books of poetry. This has
bearing on the presentation of the title of Chindallaekkot in the colophons of the Hansong
Toso and Chungang Toso issues, because publications such as Tonggwang show that No
Ki-jong may have been able to typeset the titles in the colophons of the two issues of
Chindallaekkot utilizing any number of different glyphs for kkot (flower). For example, in
the October 1926 issue of Tonggwang, kkot is presented in two orthographically distinct
manners. On pages 9 and 30, kkot is presented with a ssang kiyok that consists of two
kiyok (11); a ch Hot ( x ) comprises the patch 'im. Another instance on page 62 presents
kkot with a chiut ( x ) and a kiyok (~i) comprising the ssang kiyok ( x n) and a ch 'iut
( x ) as the glyph's patch'im. In the previous issue ofTonggwang (September 1926), also
280
printed by No Ki-j5ng at Hansong Toso, kkot is presented on page 75 in a manner similar
to the colophon of the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot and the main body of
both issues—with a siot ( A ) and a kiyok(^) comprising the ssang kiyok (AT) and a slot
( A ) as the patch 'im.
No Ki-jong probably had a choice of glyphs when typesetting materials printed at
Hansong Toso in the mid-1920s, but this does not negate the fact that the last syllable
in the title of Chindallaekkot as it is presented on the colophon of the Hansong Toso
appears to be remarkably similar to typefaces from a later period. Moreover, I have yet
to find a similar glyph in materials dating from the mid-1920s. Until other publications
produced by No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso during this period reveal a glyph similar to the
final syllable in Chindallaekkot as it appears in the colophon of the Hansong Toso issue,
it will not be possible to entirely rule out the possibility that the Hansong Toso issue is
a reissue of one initially produced in 1925. However, as I have suggested above, dating
publications associated with this period based upon individual glyphs or small samplings
of type is unlikely to be accurate. Moreover, the cumulative weight of other evidence
presented by the two issues of Chindallaekkot militates against viewing the two issues as
publications from separate time periods, even though it remains possible that they are.
Unchanged Prices and Dates of Printing and Publication49
Two of the stronger pieces of evidence suggesting that both issues of Chindallaekkot
were produced at approximately the same time in late December of 1925 are, that despite
representing two settings of type, the printing and publication dates, as well as the price
indicated in the colophons of both issues, remain the same. As I point out in Chapter Two,
colonial-era publication laws required that the printing date be indicated. Consequently,
as Kwon Yong-min and 6 m Tong-sop have suggested, Hansong Toso would have
49
6m Tong-sop makes an argument similar to mine in this section in 6m Tong-sop, '"Chindallaekkot/
Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon ui sojijok komt'o." My contributions to his arguments, including a number of
my photographs, are unacknowledged by 6m.
281
been legally obliged to indicate a second date of printing if either of the two issues of
Chindallaekkot were reissued."0 That no such date is indicated strongly suggests that the
production of both issues was completed on or about December 23, 1925, the date of
printing indicated in both colophons.
Similarly, the price of 1 won 20 chon is unchanged in the colophons of both issues
although they represent two settings of type. This is significant because historical
records suggest that the price for which Chindallaekkot was offered to readers steadily
declined in the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s. An advertisement for Chindallaekkot
appearing at the end of Kim Ok's 1929 collection of poems, Anso sijip, suggests that by
1929 Chinallaekkot was being offered for a "special price" of 1 won. Catalogs produced
by Hansong Toso in 1935 and 1937 suggest that Chindallaekkot was being sold then
by Hansong Toso for 60 chon.51 When other books of poetry from the 1920s were
reissued, such as Kim Tong-hwang's Kukkyong uipam (March and December 1925) or
Hwang S6g-u's Chayonsong (November and December 1929), changes in their prices
are reflected in the colophons of the reissues. The fact that the Hansong Toso issue of
Chindallaekkot does not reflect a change in price, although the colophon represents
an alternate setting of type and its price was steadily declining, adds to the weight of
evidence suggesting that both issues of Chindallaekkot were produced in 1925. If the
colophon of the Hansong Tos5 issue was created in the 1930s by Hansong Toso as Yun
Kil-su suggests, it is difficult to imagine that the price of the collection would not have
been changed to reflect what was advertised in Hansong Toso's own catalogs as the
colophon was re-typeset to change the name and address of the book's distributor.
50
Kw5n Yong-min, quoted in Yi Kyong-hui, "Kim So-wol sijip "'Chindallaekkot' tul ta ch'oganbon
manna," Chungang ilbo, October 7, 2010; 6 m Tong-sop, '"Chindallaekkot/ Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon
ill sqjijok komt'o," 208.
51
1935 Hansong Toso 1935 '$;ft!cr3-S (1935 Hansong Toso [catalog]), 14, unnumbered advertisement.
Photocopy from the collection of O Yong-sik. Hansungdosu's Catalogue [originally in English]: Toso
ch'ong mongnok tfilfiifi 0 M (Complete catalog), 13, unnumbered advertisement. In the Adan Mun'go
collection.
282
The advertisement for Chindallaekkot in Kim Ok's 1929 collection of poems,
published by Hansong Toso, also confirms that at least by March of 1929, when Kim's
collection was published, Hansong Toso was operating in the capacity suggested by the
colophon of the Hansong Toso issue of Chindallaekkot—as the book's distributor. This
is yet more evidence suggesting that the Hansong Toso issue of Chindallaekkot was
created in 1925 and not later as some have suggested. The advertisement appears after
the colophon of Kim Ok's collection along with other collections of poetry distributed by
Hansong Toso including Ch'oe Nam-son's edited collection Sijo yuch 'wi Pr) r^MIS (Sijo
arranged by kind), Chu Yo-han's Arumdaun saebyok (Beautiful dawn), Kim Ok's Pom
iii novae (Spring's song), as well as Kim Ok's no longer extant collection of folk-song
poetry (minyosi), Kum morae ^2.2}] (Golden sands).
The Two Distributors
That the two issues of Chindallaekkot list two different distributors (ch 'ong
p'anmaeso &k7Mf'f\) is significant for number of reasons in addition to suggesting the
dates of their production. If both issues of Chindallaekkot were produced in the 1920s
(as is likely), that they had alternate distributors, as well as very different papers and
radically different cases suggests two rather different readerships for Kim So-wol's
poems. The cool colors and minimalist presentation of the cover and title page of the
Chungang Sorim issue, along with what was probably more expensive paper, suggest one
audience, while the warm colors, more decorative cover, as well as what was probably
a cheaper paper used for the body of the Hansong Toso issue, suggest quite another.
However, more concrete details about these respective audiences remain elusive until
commentary about the two issues from readers in the 1920s or additional primary source
materials from Chungang Sorim and Hansong Toso are discovered, such as accounting
records or lists of places where their books were sold (if other than the address listed in
the colophons of the books).
283
To narrow our search for these primary sources we can add this important detail to
the information about Hansong Toso provided in Chapter Two: Chungang Sorim appears
to have been both a distributor (place of sale) and publisher {parhaengso) of books. While
not nearly as prominent as Hansong Toso, Chungang Sorim seems to have published
at least two books in addition to distributing Kim So-wol's Azaleas. The September
14, 1923 Tonga ilbo announces Chungang Sorim as the publisher of Yi Kwang-su's
translation of Leo Tolstoy's five-act play The Power of Darkness (Odum ui him ^ ^ - ^
^ ) . The book cost 90 chon and presents Chungang Sorim's address (Kongp'yong-dong
66) and account number (Kyongsong 7451).52 According to Kim Pyong-ch'61, Yi Kwang-
su's rendition of "The Power of Darkness" was released on January 5, 1923 in a 4.6-/? 'an
format and was 183 pages long with a preface by Kain Hong Myong-hui f*A i\K mM,
(1888-?).53 The other book that appears to have been published by Chungang Sorim is
also announced in the Tonga ilbo. The "New Releases" section of the paper on December
21, 1925 announces the book title Nonong Rosoa ui chinsang ''yjwLW&^Si^ jXU-0 (The
truth about Russian workers and farmers) by Kim Chun-yon 4E1H#H (1895-1971). The
book cost 1 won and we learn Chungang Sorim's telephone number: Kwang[hwamun]
1637.54 Unfortunately, I have not been able to locate a copy of either book. Citing a 1930
article in the Mail sinbo newspaper, Om Tong-sop has suggested that Chungang Sorim
closed its doors sometime prior to the appearance of the article in May of that year.55
Finally, the colophons of the two issues make clear that Kim So-wol was probably
intimately involved with the making of one or the other, and probably both, issues of his
32
"Sin'gan sogae $ffOiffi :M~ (New publications)," Tonga ilbo, September 14, 1923.
53
Kim Pyong-ch'61 zfeiflui, ed., Han'guk kitndae soyang miinhak iipsayon'gn i'ljUHiftWrf %*¥•%$ A i t
W9E (A study of Korea's importation of modem Western literature) (Seoul: Uryu Muhwasa, 1980), 579.1
have not been able to see a copy of this book.
54
"Sin'gan sogae JJfWrjii" (New publications)," Tonga ilbo, December 21, 1925.
55
6 m Tong-sop, '"Chindallaekkot/ Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon ui sojijok komt'o," 211-212.
284
book. As the publisher {parheangin) and copyright holder listed in the colophon, Kim
Chong-sik (So-wol) was legally responsible for the content of Chindallaekkot. Moreover,
if the financing of Chindallaekkot was provided by its publisher and copyright holder,
common practice during the period, then So-wol probably provided capital for the
project. As a result, he probably had a significant say in how the two issues of his book
were produced.
Variants in the Body Text of the Two Issues
A comparison of the body texts of the two issues reveals a number of variants and
shows that 1920s readers would have been reading two different texts. These variants
also suggest that the two issues of Chindallaekkot were produced at approximately
the same time, if not simultaneously. They fall into two general categories. The first is
changes made to the typography of certain forms. The second consists of differences
usually associated with the actual printing of those forms. For example, the outlines of
what look like the shoulders of individual pieces of type used to print the Hansong Toso
issue are clearly visible on a number of the sheets. These outlines do not appear nearly as
frequently in the Chungang issue. However, there are instances in the Chungang Sorim
issue where it appears that inking problems may have caused a variant between the two
issues, such as on page 147 where a full stop (kori choni) that appears in the Hansong
Toso issue does not appear in the Chungang issue. At least twenty-one variants fall into
the first category.56 In two instances, such as on pages 38 and 147, it is unclear whether
the variant is caused by a typographical change made to a given form or something that
happened during the process of printing.
Taken together, these variants indicate a clear pattern. What might be described
as typographical errors in the Hansong Toso issue are presented in the Chungang
36
I have included cases where it is difficult to tell if there was a change in the form or a variation was
caused during the printing process.
285
Sorim issue so that the variant conforms more closely to typographic and grammatical
conventions. For example, the folio on page 58 is printed upside down in the Hansong
Toso issue and right-side up in the Chungang Sorim issue. This suggests that a case
can be made for viewing the variations between the body texts of the two issues as
"corrections" in at least eleven of the twenty-one cases where there is a difference.
Depending upon what one considers an error, an argument can be made for seeing an
even higher number of variants as corrections. I have marked in gray the eleven that are
quite clearly corrections in Table 5.1.
That half of the variants in the body text can be seen as corrections adds to the
evidence in favor of viewing both issues of Chindallaekkot as productions of late 1925. If
the pages of one of the two issues were stereotyped (a process that creates printing plates
from molds of typeset pages) and the molds or plates created in 1925 were used later
to reprint Chindallaekkot, the errors that appear m the two collections would probably
be nearly identical.57 This is because the process of stereotyping creates molds (and
ultimately printing plates) identical to the original typeset pages from which they are
created. Moreover, correcting the resultant molds or plates was probably quite costly. If,
conversely, one or the other issue of Chindallaekkot represents a completely new setting
of type from a later date, the number of variants found in the two texts would probably
be significantly higher than what we find in the Hansong Tos5 and Chungang Sorim
issues. In addition to the larger number of errors and variations that would manifest in
An aigument has been put forward by Kim Yong-bok suggesting that uncollected forms used to print the
Chungang Sorim issue may have been steieotyped Kim imagines that aftei the punting plates weie made
they were conected, and that the Chungang Sorim issue was punted fiom collected steieotype plates Then,
at some later date, accoiding to Kim's scenario, the molds of the uncollected pages were used to make
plates and print the HansSng Toso issue Quoted in Yi Kyong-hui, "Kim So-wol sijip 'Chindallaekkot' tul
ta ch'oganbon manna," Chungang ilbo, Octobei 7, 2010 Because we know so little about the piactices
at Hansong Toso, anything is possible However, Kim's scenario is improbable It is difficult to imagine
that Chindallaekkot would have been printed initially fi om steieotype plates instead of standing type,
particularly if type was recast and not distributed at Hansong Toso. If theie was no need to protect the type
(because it was going to be recast) and, in all likelihood, only a few hundied copies of Chindallaekkot were
to be printed, it is difficult to understand why No Ki-jong would have printed initially from stereotype
plates That he would make these plates from uncorrected pages is even moie difficult to undeistand
286
the process of resetting the entire book, the general character of the type in the two issues
would be more noticeably dissimilar because, as I describe above, the typefaces used at
Hansong Toso changed with the passage of time.
In light of the kind and number of variants presented in the two issues, we can be
relatively certain that the main bodies of both issues were produced in 1925. Moreover,
we can tentatively hypothesize that perhaps the sheets of the Hansong Toso issue were,
for the most part, printed first and then, after errors were discovered and corrected, the
sheets of the Chungang issue were printed next. This must remain a rather tentative
hypothesis however.58 A somewhat less likely but still viable hypothesis would have us
imagine a process whereby the sheets of the more "correct" Chungang Sorim issue were
printed first and then, in the process of readying the forms for a second impression, errors
were created. For example, we can imagine that the form that printed page 58 got jostled
or reset for some reason, causing the folio to be flipped and two pieces of type to be
transposed.
While the type and number of variants establish a clear pattern that argues for seeing
the main bodies of both issues of Chindallaekkot as products of 1925, it is important to
point out that only about half of the variants are clearly "corrections." It is extremely
difficult to know, for example, if the mark on page 228 that follows toradul kajyago
5E.5r-i:7rX)jL (let's go back) in the eighth line of "7a/ maji i ^ f *1 (First full moon) in
the Chungang issue is a "correction." At first glance it looks like a mo chom. It could just
as easily be a smudge. In an attempt to determine if this "mark" is a punctuation mark or
a smudge, we might look at the poem in the January 1922 Kaebyok. We would find that
a mo chom appears in the line at approximately the same location; however, the line has
been altered enough to make such a comparison unhelpful, particularly when we know
58
In at least one instance, the unnumbered half title of the "Chindallaekkot" section, it may be that the
Chungang issue has been corrected. Consequently, it may be that sheets that would become part of the
Chungang issue were printed on this form prior to those that would become part of the Hansong Toso issue.
287
how frequently Kim So-wol and his printers altered details such as this. Consequently,
the case for seeing this, like a number of the other variants in the texts, as a "correction"
is not nearly as clear cut as the instance on page 58 where the page number is turned
upside down. Given the uncertainty that this mark is indeed a punctuation mark, it is even
more difficult than it ordinarily would be to assert that the text of this poem is the one
"intended" by Kim So-wol and/or his printer, No Ki-jong.
Finally, it is important to point out that while a number of the variants in the
Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot are more often "correct" in that they align more
closely with typographic norms, the entire Chunagang Sorim issue need not be thought
of as somehow more correct. If our question is how poetry mattered in the 1920s, we find
that readers in 1920s Korea would have been presented with two issues of Chindallaekkot
and Kim So-w51's poetiy would have mattered as an articulation of whichever issue
individual readers encountered. Moreover, if we consider the Chungang Sorim issue as
always more "correct" then we must consider some variants in the Hansong Toso issue
that bring the typographical form of So-wol's poems into uncanny alignment with their
linguistic senses, as "errors." For example, as I will discuss in more detail in Chapter
Six, the last line of the poem "Pandal /_f ^ (Half moon)" on page 84 describes "flowers
seeming to fall" and the line in which this is described, at least in the Hansong issue, is
set lower on the page, visually emulating the linguistic sense of the flowers falling. The
same line is justified with the rest of the poem in the Chungang Sorim issue. While the
presentation of the line in the Chungang Sorim issue can be considered "correct," it is
decidedly less poetic if lyric force is a function of how well formal structures enact the
experience presented by a poem.
Below is a summary of the variants 1 have discovered in the two issues. It is based
on the more extensive examinations I was able to make of copies of the Hansong issue
in the 6m Tong-s5p and Appenzeller-Noble Museum collections, as well as copies of
the Chungang issue in the Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan and Han'guk Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan
288
collections. I have focused on variants that appear to have been caused by typographical
alterations made to the forms used to print the two issues and not those that appear to
have been caused as the impressions were made, such as marks left by the shoulders of
individual pieces of type.
In the presentation below, I also list how the variants in the 1925 issues of
Chindallaekkot are presented in two facsimile reproductions (yonginbon) from the mid-
to-late 1970s and 1987, respectively. Clearly these facsimiles represent variant states
of the two issues of the 1925 edition of Chindallaekkot and these variant states have
important implications. Although the yongingbon are presented as facsimile reproductions
of the 1925 edition of Chindallaekkot, they are not, in fact, unaltered photographic
reproductions. Differences between these facsimile reproductions and the 1925 issues
of Chindallaekkot that I have discovered suggest that the texts of these yonginbon were
manipulated by their creators. Moreover, a review of the most authoritative collected
works of Kim So-wol produced after these reproductions were made reveals that many,
if not all, of Kim So-wol's important anthologists have, since 1980, worked from these
altered facsimile reproductions and not the books created in 1925.59

59
I wish to thank 6 m Tong-sop foi pointing out the variants on pages 151, 182, and 171 that I list below.
T had not noticed them Tn June of 2010 6 m invited me to meet Ch'oe Ch'oi-hwan and view Ch'oe's
copy of the Chungang Sonm issue of Chindallaekkot alongside his own copy of the Hansong Toso issue
Previously, 6m had kindly allowed me to study his copy of the Hansong Toso issue and I had compared
images he had allowed me to take with images of anothei copy of the Hansong Toso issue I had been
allowed to photograph at the Appenzeller-Noble Memorial Museum I also compaied these images with
two facsimiles of Chindallaekkot that I was awaie of, the Munhak Sasang and Hanyang University
reproductions In addition, I had compared the images of the HansSng Toso issue I had taken and the
facsimile repioductions with important collected woiks of Kim So-wol compiled by Kim Chong-uk,
Kim Yong-jik, O Ha-gun, and KwSn Y5ng-min My comparison levealed that while the two copies of
the Hansong Toso issue held by 6m and the Appenzeller-Noble Memonal Museum appealed to be the
same, theie weie a number of textual differences between the Hansong Toso issue and the facsimile
leproductions Moreover, I discerned, as I descube below, that wheie theie weie differences between the
facsimiles and the HansSng Toso issue of Chindallaekkot and the collected works compiled by So-wol
scholais, the collected woiks most frequently followed the facsimile reproductions and not the Hansong
Toso issue of Chmdallaekkkot This suggested to me that So-wol scholais had been woikmg from either the
facsimile repioductions of Chindallaekkot oi a rumoied "second edition" of Chindallaekkot
The auspicious meeting in June with 6 m Tong-sop and Ch'oe Ch'ol-hwan enabled me to compare
both issues of Chindallaekkot side-by-side This strongly suggested (and I was later able to confirm) that
So-wol scholais had been working from the facsimile editions At this meeting, I pointed out some of the
differences between Om's copy of the Hansong Toso issue and the Munhak Sasang lepioduction and we
289
Table 5.1 Variants in the Body Text of the Two Issues of Chindallaekkot
Munhak Sasang
Page Hansong Toso Chungang Sorim yonginbon, mid-late Hanyang University
No. No. Issue Issue 1970s* yonginbon, 1987T
Title of the poem

Title of the poem Title of poem Title of the poem "Osiniin mm
"Osiniin nun "Osimm nun "Osiniin nun -5-.-M TTTir" is printed
6 of
-£.-M-rrTC-"is "Osiiii mm -5-Al °] TU"
TOC
printed "Osiiii nun printed Osimm nun printed "Osiiii mm (The folios forpgs. 4
_e.-M.el ir-" and 6 of TOC are also
missing.)
The "ka 7}" in The " ka7\" m The " ka7\" in

"kasiim 7\^r" in "kasiim 7}~r" in the "kasiim 7}^" in the
the penultimate penultimate appears penultimate appears
The "ka (7})" in
line looks like "Id normally. The shape normally. The shape
"kasiim (7}ir)" in
38 7}." It is unclear of the "ka 7}" looks of the "ka 7\" looks
the penultimate
if this an incorrect somewhat different somewhat different
appears normally
glyph or an inking than it does in the than it does in the
problem. I suspect Chungang Sorim Chungang Sorim
the latter issue
The line "kin

The line "kin The line "km
Mallisong! TlW-V The line"fa>7
Mallisong! ^_lAtp Mallisong! Qffi'-ii
W." is set higher Mallisong! ?_!,*, 3.
49 tt!" is set higher on M!" is set higher on
on the page than M!" is set flush with
the page than the the page than the rest
the rest of the the rest of the poem
rest of the poem of the poem
poem
The folio is upside The folio is right The folio is right The folio is right side
58
down side up side up up
The third line of The third line of The third line of the The third line of the
58 the poem begins the poem begins ije poem begins chei poem begins chei
chei A °] " l 211
discovered that the reproduction, as well as the two issues of Chindallaekkot, are all textually different.
Ch'oe suggested to Om that the two of them use their two copies of Chindallaekkot to create a new and
unedited reproduction that would present both issues side-by-side. He also asked that 6m Tong-sop and
I work together to write an introduction to the planned reproduction, which we agreed to do. The fruits
of my collaboration with Om will appear in an extended introduction to a forthcoming reproduction of
6m and Ch'oe's copies of Chindallaekkot to be published by SomySng Ch'ulp'ansa. In the forthcoming
volume a larger number of collected works and facsimile reproductions are compared with the two issues
of Chindallaekkot than I present here and in the table with which this chapter concludes. Here, I present
what I discovered as a result of 6 m and Ch'oe, as well Kim Chong-hyon and Kim Chae-hong, generously
allowing me to photograph and examine the copies of Chindallaekkot they preserve in their collections.
Y6 Sung-gu and the family of Kim Song-hum also facilitated what follows by enabling me to spend so
much time with their copies of Chindallaekkot. A similar table appears in 6m Tong-sop, '"Chindallaekkot/
Chindallaekkot' ch'op'anbon ui sqjijok komt'o." 6 m does not acknowledge my contribution.
290
Table 5.1 Variants in the Body Text of the Two Issues of Chindallaekkot (continued)
Munhak Sasang
Page HansongToso Chungang Sorim yonginbon, mid-late Hanyang University
No No. Issue Issue 1970s* yonginbon, 1987t
Yon ?! in first line Yon ?! in first line is Yon ?! in first line Yon ?! in first line is
66
is sideways printed normally is sideways sideways
Pi t"l in the Pi «1 in the second

Pi u l in the second Pi H] m the second
66 second line is line is printed
line is sideways line is sideways
sideways normally
Yu W in ffl'st
Yu ffl in yuryong Yu m in 1*13; Yu 1*1*1 in WOt yuryong
yuryong (first line
1*1 & (first line of yuryong (first line (first line of page) is
of page) is printed
page) is sideways of page) is sideways sideways
normally
No kori chom
A kori chom (full
appears at the end A kori chom A kori chom appears
stop) appears at
75 of line eight. (Could appears at the end at the end of line
the end of line
be caused by inking of line eight eight
eight
problem)
The final line of

The final line of the The final line of the The final line of the
the poem is set
poem is set flush poem is set lower poem is set lower on
10 84 lower on the page
with the rest of the on the page relative the page relative to
relative to other
poem to other lines other lines
lines
Kkot % in the Kkot £ in the Kkot 3f in the Kkot 3c in the

final line is turned final line is printed final line is printed final line is printed
84
upside down normally normally normally
No mo chom
appears in the third
A mo chom line from the end
A mo chom appears
(comma) appears of page This looks A mo chom appears in
in the third line
12 147 in the third line to be an inking the third line from the
from the end of
from the end of problem. The yd end of page
page
page °î at the end of the
line is also slightly
truncated
First line of the First line of the First line of the

First line of the poem
13+ 151 poem begins poem begins turira poem begins naduri
begins naduri Sf-g-^1
naduri Sf-Sr0! *°1 el- er«°l
291
Munhak Sasang
Page Hansong Toso Chungang Sorim yonginbon, mid-late Hanyang University
No. No. Issue Issue 1970s* yonginbon, 1987!
The piece of
type that printed The piece of type The piece of type The piece of type
kkot 3J in that printed kkot 3? that printed kkot % that printed kkot 3J
Chindallaekkot in Chindallaekkot in Chindallaekkot in Chindallaekkot
171 ?!HKU£ differs ^ H f l * differs îKH^c most ^liKH^c most
from what was from what was used resembles what resembles what is
used to print kkot to print kkot in the is found in the found in the Hansong
in the Chungang Hansong issue Hansong issue issue
issue
The folio
The folio " - 1 7 3 — " The f o l i o " - ! 73—"
"—173—"is The folio "—173—'
is printed "—173—" is printed "—173—"
173 printed "—173—" is printed "—173—"
" 1 " is represented " 1 " is represented
" 1 " is represented
with an "I" with an "I"
with an "I"
The dash (—) and The dash (—) and

the " 1 " in the folio the " 1 " in the folio The dash and " 1 " The dash and " 1 "
177 "—177—"are "—177—"are the folio"—177- the folio "—177-
missing. The folio present. The folio are present. are present.
reads "77—" reads " — 1 7 7 — "
So ft in the So ft in the second So ft in the second So ft in the second

second line in the line in the last line in the last line in the last stanza
17 180
last stanza on the stanza on the page stanza on the page on the page is printed
page is sideways is printed normally is sideways normally
Last line on the Last line on the Last line on the Last line on the page
page (wen'gol, page (wen'gol, cho page (wen'gol, cho (wen 'got, cho sae
18 182 chosaeyaÂ, saeya$$-4,A4°» saeya * M , * 1 4 ^ ) ya*AQ, Aô\)\s
A >\ aY) is set is justified to other is justified to other justified to other lines
down the page lines on the page lines on page on page
Agassidill
Agassidul °}7}M} 5-
»|-7Mlrin Agassidul °l-7)-*<|# in
in the first line is
the first line is the first line is spelled
Agassidul °}7]#]-^- spelled agassimul
19 194 spelled agassimul agassimul °}7} M] Sr
is spelled correctly a r 7l«|-i-witha
•^Hl-witha with a miiim n
miiim o instead of
miiim n instead instead of a tigiit ^
a tigiit i^
of a tigiit u
A kori chom (full

No kori chom A kori chom A kori chom appears
stop) appears at
20 217 appears at the end appears at the end at the end of first
the end of first
of the first stanza of first stanza stanza
stanza
292
Munhak Sasang
Page Hansong Toso Chungang Sonm yonginbon, mid-late Hanyang University
No. No. Issue Issue 1970s* yonginbon, 19871"
No mo chom A mo chom
appears after or a smudge ,_ . , .
... , . „ A mo chom or A mo chom or
_. ___ toradul kajyago appears after
21 228 ,--,-.,-: i , ,-, i • smudge appears in smudge appears in
SnSf &/r^l--ii in toradul kaiyavo , , , , , , , ,
lU , ., , „ r - . i = 7 W i - j - .i the eighth line the eighth line
the eighth lme of Si el js-7\ T.\H m the
poem eighth line of poem
* Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot ?' i H f l # (Azaleas) (Seoul: Maemunsa, 1925), Munhak Sasangsa Chaiyo
Chosa Yon'gusil facsimile, [n.d.].
t Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot ^l^Ml #r (Azaleas) (Seoul: Maemunsa, 1925), facsimile in Hanyang
Taehakkyo Hanyang Omun Yon'guhoe fflWj k^Yz &iî»h'iCW^t^ ed., Hang'uk hydndae sisa chaiyo
taegye ^M^fKn^s^fi^M^ (A compendium of contemporary Korean poetry materials) (Seoul, Tongso
Munhwawon, 1987).
% My thanks to 6 m Tong-sop for pointing out this variant.
The Facsimile Reproductions {Yonginbon) of Azaleas
The rarity of extant copies of Chindallaekkot has meant and continues to mean that those
who wish to read Kim So-wol's collection as it was published in the 1920s must turn to
facsimile copies of his book. I am aware of four such reproductions: a mid-to-late 1970s
reproduction created by a group associated with the publishing company Munhak Sasang,
identified as the Munhak Sasangsa Charyo Chosa Yon'gusil H^!Em±'Mnm®iR^
(The Research Center for Investigating [Literary] Materials at Munhak Sasang); a 1982
reproduction created by the publishing company T'aehaksa as part of their multivolume
Han 'guk hydndae sisa charyo chipsong ¥tMV&i%l§ 'ilMPl ^J3c (A compilation of
contemporary Korean poetry materials); a similar reproduction that appears in a similar
1987 compendium created by the Hanyang Taehakkyo Hanyang Omun Yon'guhoe /I;
WrX^^&l I^PSnn^CiFfSfS# (The Hanyang language and literature research association of
Hanyang University), called the Hang'uk hydndae sisa charyo taegye ff OIBftg-JifeiSS
~krh (A compendium of contemporary Korean poetry materials); and a more recent 2007
293
reproduction in an annotated volume edited by Kim Yong-jik titled Wonbon Kim So-wol
sijip %^r ^rfc-^ A l^j (The original text of Kim So-wol's collection of poems).60
Just how the editors of the yonginbon created their facsimile reproductions is not
clear. None of the editors indicate the copy-text from which they worked. Nor are the
editors who created the first facsimile reproduction, which appears to have been used
as the copy-text for later facsimile reproductions,61 identified by name. When precisely
the first facsimile was created is similarly unclear and even the publisher's name is
not clearly indicated. The Munhak Sasang yonginbon nowhere identifies its publisher,
editors, or date of publication. Only an inscription on the cover of the reproduction that
reads "Munhak Sasangsa Charyo Chosa Yon'gusil" enables us to associate it with the
publishing company Munhak Sasang. Informal consensus among book collectors and
scholars I have talked with suggests that the Munhak Sasangsa Charyo Chosa YSn'gusil
60
My thanks to 6 m Tong-s5p for making me aware of the T'aehaksa reproduction and the more recent
Kim Yong-jik reproduction when we began our collaboration.
61
This is suggested by the way that Chindallaekkot is misdated consistently in the yonginbon. On the front
cover of the Munhak Sasang leproduction, it is suggested, incoirectiy, that Chindallaekkot was published in
1939. This error is likely to have been made because the colophon of the copy-text from which the Munhak
Sasang editors were working is missing a portion of the printing and publication dates. The colophon of
the Hansong Tos5 issue reproduced in the Munhak Sasang yonginbon omits TaejSng [Taisho] Kit so that
where it should read "Taejong [Taisho] 3*vTE~T'E9''nf: [1925]," it reads only "sipsanyon +13%-." It appears
that the editors of the Munhak Sasang reproduction assumed the omitted passage in their copy-text should
read "Sohwa [Showa] sipsanyon PfifrJ+H^V' Dates in Korea during Japan's occupation were calculated
according to the number of years the current Japanese monarch had been on the throne. In other words,
where the colophons of Kim So-wol's books from 1925 suggest that they were printed in the fourteenth
year of the Taish5 Emperor (1925), the editors of the Munhak Sasang reproduction enoneously suggest that
Chindallaekkot was created in the fourteenth year of the Showa Emperor (1939).
The colophon presented in the 1982 T'aehaksa reproduction presents the same colophon and "Taejong
[Taisho]" is similarly occluded from the dates of printing and release. (Han 'guk hyondae sisa charyo
chipsong ^mifif^shtSfi-JC/jic (A compilation of contemporary Korean poetry materials), vol. 9 (Seoul:
T'aehaksa, 1982), 319. The volume's table of contents also incorrectly records 1939 as Chindallaekkofs
date of publication. (Han 'guk hyondae sisa charyo chipsong, first unnumbered recto page following pg.
xiv of introductory materials). Kim Yong-jik, in his 2007 reproduction of Chindallakkot, appears to have
used Munhak Sasang yonginbon as the copy-text of his reproduction as well. The colophon he presents
is also from a Hansong Toso issue of Chindallaekkot and, characteristic of the previous reproductions,
occludes the reign period from the dates of printing and release. Problematically, Kim has had "Sohwa
[Showa] Bflfil" printed in the space previously left blank by previous reproductions and where copies of
Chindallaekkot from the 1925 clearly indicate "Taejong [Taisho]." (Kim Yong-jik, ed., Wonbon Kim So-wol
sijip -S-H- 7A±.TI A l^l (The original text of Kim So-wol's collection of poems) (Seoul: Kip'un Saem, 2007),
263. My thanks to 6m Tong-sop for pointing out this last detail.
294
was active in the mid-to-late 1970s. Although I am uncertain how librarians determined
this date, the National Assembly Library of South Korea indicates in its records that the
reproduction was published in 1975.62
While considerably more research is needed to understand how these reproductions
were created,63 they make a number of things clear. First, and most important, they are
not accurate reproductions of either issue of Chindallaekkot as it was produced in 1925. A
thorough comparison of the yonginbon with the two issues of Chindallaekkot reveals that
these "facsimile reproductions" have been edited. Consequently, they represent alternate
states of Kim So-wol's 1925 book rather than photostatic replicas of either 1925 issue.
In the Munhak Sasang and Hanyang University reproductions64 there are at least fifteen
instances where the text of one or the other of the two yonginbon varies from one or both
issues of the 1925 Chindallaekkot. Moreover, the Munhak Sasang yonginbon varies from
National Assembly Library website, https //u-lib nanet go kr.
63
As I noted earlier, it appears that editors of facsimile reproductions of Chindallaekkot from after 1980
used the Munhak Sasang yonginbon as their copy-text. However, how the editors of the Munhak Sasang
created their text is less clear. It is most likely that they were working with a single copy of the Hansong
Toso issue of Chindallaekkot. In addition to the colophon they piesent, which is clearly from a copy of the
Hansong Toso issue, where there are textual variants between the two issues of Chindallaekkot, the Munhak
Sasang yonginbon follows the Hansong issue fourteen out of twenty-one times. Despite the fact that the
percentage of times when the yonginbon follow the Chungang Sonm issue is relatively low, it is difficult
to understand how certain textual variants found in the Chungang Sonm issue appeal in the yonginbon
if the editors did not have access to a copy of the Chungang Sonm issue. For example, it is curious that
a smudge/ mo chdm (comma) that appeals in the eighth line of'"7a/maji (First full moon)" on page 228
appears in the yonginbon if the editors were not working with the Chungang Sonm issue It does not appear
in the Hansong issue and, while the editors could have looked the poem up in the January 1922 issue of
Kaebydk, with its mo chdm in roughly the same place, what would have prompted them to do so 9 The odds
of a piece of dust, which is what the smudge/ mo chdm looks like in the yonginbon, landing seiendipitously
in precise con'espondence with what appears in the Chungang Sonm issue are incalculable. It is likely
that, confronted by the fact that the folio on page 58 of their HansSng issue copy-text was flipped upside
down, the editors manipulated the folio so that it appeared correctly in their reproduction. It seems unlikely,
however, that they would have known to place what looks like a mo chdm in the middle of the eighth line
of the poem on page 228. Consequently, the mo chdm on page 228 laises the prospect, however remote, that
the yonginbon are a pioduct of some kind of eclectic editing process
64
All four yonginbon are compared in Wayne de Fremery, "Chindallaekkot" sdji yon 'git r-5l1S1-fl
3 J / J T J A]X] 'g^p- (A bibliographic study of the two issues of Chindallaekkot). With Om Tongsop Seoul.
Somyong Ch'ulp'ansa, forthcoming.
295
both issues of Chindallaekkot in at least twelve places; the Hanyang yonginbon varies
from both issues in at least ten places.65
These variants, as I describe below, have caused scholars to read Kim So-wol's
poetry rather differently and range in character from alterations caused during the process
of physically copying the text of the 1925 Chindallaekkot to more proactive alterations
performed by the makers of ihe yonginbon. Examples of the former would include
changes such as the one on page 126 where the open side of the tigut ( c ) in talpit (li^l,
moonlight) becomes closed in so that the character looks like a mium ( a ) to create the
nonsensical malpit ( aT1^). Examples of the latter would include alterations such as those
on page 73, where the orthography of the word "sorae (iHfl, sound) " in the final line of
the poem is altered to read "sori (4:2-1, sound)."
These alterations made by the makers of the yonginbon are often moderately easy
to discover because the shape of the type they used to alter the text is often noticeably
different from that used by No Ki-jong in 1925. For example, if one compares the altered
text on page 73 of the Munhak Sasang yonginbon with an example of the same word
represented elsewhere in either of the two issues of Chindallaekkot it is clear that the
typography is not the work of those at the Hansong Toso printshop.
Recalling the discussion in Chapter Two of what characterizes the typeface used by
No Ki-jong during this period, we remember that the strokes comprising the body text of
books printed at Hansong toso tend not to have pronounced oblique axes. Consequently,
when we find, as we do on page 73, type with relatively oblique axes in the body text we
can be reasonably sure that these are alterations added later by editors of the facsimile
reproductions. In instances such as that found on page 73, the weight of the strokes and
small size of the type relative to what surrounds it also indicate that this portion of the
text has been altered from its 1925 state.
65
The Hanyang yonginbon is missing a number of pages. Consequently, this lower number of variants
from both issues should not be understood to suggest that the reproduction is a more accurate presentation
of Kim So-wol's book than the Munhak Sasang reproduction.
296
*»!»*» Wîl A Figure 5 8 Some/son i^ll/^B-] (sound) page 73 in the
e| e| Chungang Sonm issue (left, in the collection of Ch'oe
$£" Ch'or-hwan collection), Hansong Toso issue (center, in 6m
Tong-sop collection) and in the Munhak Sasang yonginbon.
*i At A}
Yonginbon Used as the Copy-text for Important Critical Editions of Kim So-wol's Poetry
When one compares the alternate states of the Chindallaekkot edition presented by
the yonginbon with critical editions of Kim So-wol's poems created after the yonginbon,
it becomes clear that the most important critical editions of Kim So-wol's poetry since the
late 1970s were compiled using the Munhak Sasang yonginbon or one of its derivatives
as their copy-texts and not either of the two issues of the 1925 Chindallaekkot. Where
the yonginbon differ from the two issues of the 1925 edition of Chindallaekkot, major
anthologists, including Kim Yong-jik, Kim Chong-uk, O Ha-gun, and Kwon Yong-
min, among others,66 follow the yonginbon and not either issue of Chindallaekkot well
over half the time. Where there are discrepancies between the texts of the poems in the
yonginbon and the two issues of Chindallaekkot, Kw5n Yong-min, for example, follows
the yonginbon in ten of eleven instances. O Ha-gun follows the yonginbon in all eleven
instances and Kim Chong-uk in eight instances. Kim Yong-jik follows the yonginbon in
nine of eleven instances and Cho Tong-il and Yun Chu-un in seven of eleven instances.
These editors also frequently note errors in the yonginbon from which they are
working, unaware that the errors they describe are errors in their copy-texts and not
in either issue of the. 1925 Chindallaekkot. For example, both Kwon Yong-min and O
66
As with the yonginbon, a larger sampling of collected works is analyzed in Wayne de Fremery and 6m
Tong-sop, "Chindallaekkot" soji yon 'gu
297
Ha-gun note a spelling error found in the title poem of the collection, "Azaleas,"67 which
is presented on pages 190 and 191 of the two issues of the 1925 Chindallaekkot. The
line that reads kasinun korum korum 7}*] x7 7] H- 7] §• (each step, every step you take
away) in both 1925 issues is transformed into kasimm korum kyoriim in both yonginbon.
Inexplicably, the yonginbon make the second korum 7\^r in the line kyorum7\%, which
destroys the alliterative character of the line.
Discrepancies between the yonginbon and the two issues of Chindallaekkot also
cause these scholars to read passages that have been altered in the yonginbon differently,
with some scholars lending special significance to the variants in the yonginbon. Kwon
Yong-min and O Ha-gun, for example, disagree about how to interpret the passage
"ojakkyo ch 'ach 'ach 'aja Bjt^-IS^r^r-*}^!"" which appears in the poem "Ch'unhyang kwa
Yi To-ryong SiS^f $3{ITJ (Ch'unhyang and Yi To-ryong)" on page 197. Kwon suggests
it should be read to mean something roughly equivalent to, "[I] search, slowly, for the
Bridge of Crows."68 O Ha-gun suggests that the second syllable in "ch 'ach 'ach 'aja
z}*}*}*}" is an error and that the passage should read "[I] look and look for the Bridge
of Crows."69 O is correct that there is an error. He does not realize, however, that it is
in the text he is reading and not the text that Kim So-wol published in 1925. Indeed,
the passages in both issues of Chindallaekkot read as O suggests they should: "ojakkyo
ch 'ajach 'aja âtlfij*!-*]-*h-*f," with the second syllable presented as "cha *f" and not
"ch'a * } . "
Kim Yong-jik, reading the same poem, finds special significance in a variant found
only in the facsimile reproductions. He notes that the first line of the last stanza in his
67
Kwon Yong-min, Kim So-wol si chonjip, 289; O Ha-gun, Wonbon Kim So-wol chonjip, 435.
68
Kwon Yong-min suggests the line be read to mean "ch'ach'a ch'aja *Hr # ° K " which implies, according
to his inteipretation, "searching slowly": "soduroji anko ch'onch'onhi ch'aja -H ^ s i *1 Ss^n. ^ ^1*1 # 0 K "
(Kwon Yong-min, ed., Kim So-wol si chonjip, 298.)
69
O Ha-gun, ed., Wonbon Kim So-wol chonjip, 436.
298
text reads kurae olso nuini 3Hfl •§-;£. ^fo] i_] (It's so, sis . . . ). A nearly identical line
begins the third stanza as well: kurae olso nuinim nefl -§r4i ^f °1 YJ (It is so, sister. . .).
Consequently, the line functions as a kind of refrain in the five-stanza poem. Noticing
that the second instance of the line in his text occludes the miiim ( u ) in nuini(m) (sister),
Kim provides the following note: "After the Sungmunsa ^Ûict70 edition (p'an) [of Kim
So-wol's poems], all [editions] have 'nuinim ^f °1 YJ .' But if you leave it as it is in the
original {wonhyong %%), 'olso nuini -%;ii ^f °] ^ ' can have its own measure of meaning
because it evokes a different tone and structure (£]v] -^SL) than repeating 'nuinim T ° ] \J '
again."71 Kwon Yong-min suggests that the lack of a miiim ( a ) in the first line of the last
stanza is a typographical error.72 Indeed, it is an error. Again, however, the error is found
only in later reproductions. Both issues of the 1925 Chindallaekkot include miiim ( a ) in
-T-°]Yf! nuinim (sister).
Knowing that Kim Yong-jik's comments are based on later reproductions of Kim So-
wol's poems does not alter the fact that Kim has noticed the type of subtle manipulation
that distinguishes Kim So-wol's poetry. In fact, it would be a mistake to wholly ignore,
as a matter of principle, comments such as Kim Yong-jik's that are based on the alternate
states of the 1925 issues of Chindallaekkot. To do so would be to ignore the relationship
that many from an entire generation of scholars and students have had with the poetry
of Kim So-wol. It has been the yonginbon texts and not either of the two 1925 issues of
Chindallaekkot that have been read as Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot for more than thirty
years.
The table that follows is not presented to diminish the intense and productive
relationship scholars have had with Kim So-wol's poetry. Rather, I provide evidence
70
This is a 1950 edition of Chindadallaekkot.
71
Kim Yong-jik, ed., Kim So-wol chonjip, 174.
72
Kwon Yong-min, ed., Kim So-wol si chonjip, 299.
299
that Kim So-wol's most important anthologists have been working from texts postdating
the initial publication of Chindallaekkot to demomstrate that Kim So-wol's poetry has
mattered as iterations of its material presentation, and that the issues of Chindallakkot
made in the 1920s mattered (and continue to matter) in different ways than their later
reproductions.
300
Table 5.2 Discrepancies between the Two 1925 Issues of Chindallaekkot and Important Collected Works of Kim So-wol
Munhak Hanyang Cho Tong-

Page Hansong Chungang Sasang University Kwon Kim Kim ll and Yun
No No. Toso Issue Sonm Issue Yonginbon Yonginbon Yong-min* Chong-ukt Yong-jikt O Ha-gun§ Chu-un**
In the last line In the last line In the last line In the last line In the last line
In the last line In the last line In the last line In the last line
of the poem, of the poem, of the poem, of the poem, of the poem,
of the poem, of the poem, of the poem, of the poem,
the word the word the word the word the word
the word the word the word the word
73 "sound" is "sound" is "sound" is "sound" is "sound" is
"sound" is "sound" is "sound" is "sound" is
printed "son printed "son printed "son printed "son printed "son
printed printed printed "son printed "son
"sorae ii4" "sorae i ! l l " ±B\" ±-A" is]" iel" ±el"
(pg. 132) (Pg- 222) (Pg- 73) (Pg- 83) (Pg 57)
A smudge/ A smudge/ A comma A comma A comma A comma A comma
No mochom No mo chom appears be-
mo chom ap- mo chom ap- appears be- appears be- appears be- appears be-
appears be- appears be-
pears between peal s between tween pyogae tween pyogae tween pyogae tween pyogae tween p) ogae
tween pyogae tween pyogae
pyogae **! pyogae t*l tf 4 and ») 7H and »j 711 and t*j 711 and *\4 and
120 BJ7fl and Bj/H and
711 and 7ll and huryonan'ga huryonan 'ga huryonan 'ga huryonan 'ga hiir i onan 'ga
huryonan 'ga huryonan 'ga
huryonan 'ga huryonan 'ga *^\>7>in f-^'d-71-in
*5!tt7}in i-Âm *^\>7l-in
*^t>7l-in line seven line seven line seven line seven line seven
line seven line seven
line seven line seven (pg 198) (Pg 344) (pg. 113) (Pg- 117) (pg 80)
In the first In the first "Talpit \t
"Talpit ^ 9 3 "
line on the line on the 91" appears "Talpit ^ 9 ! " "Talpit ^ 9 1 "
appears as
In the fust In the fust page "talpit page "talpit as "malpit It appeals as appeal s as
"malpit ^ 9 1 "
line on the line on the a S appears ^ 9 1 appears 91 •" In a foot- "malpit ^ 9 ! " "malpit ^2" "Talpit U19T
(pg 354) Kim
page page as malpit Ik as malpit "a note, Kwon (pg 117). Kim (pg 119) Kim appeal s as
126 has a footnote
"talpit "talpit ^ 91." This 91." This writes "Kim has a footnote has a footnote "to/to ^ 9 1 "
that says mat
i!"91" appears 91" appears appears to be appears to be Yong-jik sug- that says mat that says mat (pg 81)
is an eiTor in
normally normally an artifact of an artifact of gests this is is an error is an eiTor
the "ouginal"
the process of the process of an error" (Pg 177) (pg 435)
(pg 367)
photocopying photocopying (pg 205)
Table 5.2 D i s c r e p a n c i e s b e t w e e n the T w o 1925 Issues of Chindallaekkot and Important Collected Works of K i m S o - w o l {continued)

Page Hansong Chungang Sasang University Kwon Kim Kim ll and Yun
No. No. Toso Issue Sorim Issue Yonginbon Yonginbon Yong-min* Chong-ukt Yong-jikt O Ha-gunS Chu-un**
In haru
In haru chongil il In haru
In haru In haru In haru
In haru In haru In haru chongil il hasin chongil il
chongil il chongil chongil
chongil chongil chongil hasin agi abaji (si hasin
hasin il hasin agi il hasin agi
il hasin agi il hasin agi il hasin agi agi abaji {s\ agi abaji (°]-
agi abaji {i[ abaji {i[S.m abaji (sj-S.il* A]e>l-7]o)-ti|.
abaji {t\£.$ abaji (of 3.1?- abaji (sis.!?-
127 g ^s>Alo].7]
El «!*1-^1 0 1-7| 0 <&i>\Q6\7] A), "hat}" A]o|-7]o]-tl|-
0
El ^Sl-^1 1-7| g ^*]Al0)-7| a
a A]6J.71<5>«1- o\*\*]),"ha \^\7]), "ha
B *1), "ha sf" appears as "hi 7.}), "ha si-"
°V M), "ha 4 W ) , "ha °\*\A),"ha
*1), "ha sf" sf" is printed s}" is printed
W is printed i[" is printed sf" appears is printed *l"(pg. 119). is printed
appears as "hi normally normally
normally normally as "hi 3"!" normally O notes this is normally
(pg. 354) (pg. 118)
(pg. 206) an enor (Pg- 82)
o (pg. 435)
to
In the last line
of the penul-
In the last line
timate stanza
of the penul-
"kasum 7}
In the last line In the last line timate stanza In the last line
In the last line In the last line In the last line In the last line -er" appears
of the penul- of the penul- "kasum 7 } ^ " of the penul-
of the penul- of the penul- of the penul- of the penul- as "kisiun 7}
timate stanza timate stanza appears as timate stanza
timate stanza timate stanza timate stanza timate stanza # " (pg. 408).
146 "kasum ?]-#" "kasum 7}£" "kisum 7] ^ " "kasum 7}$-"
"kasum 7} "kasum 7} "kasum 7}-£" "kasiim 7}—-" Kim suggests
appears as appears as (pg. 130). O appears as
# " is printed w " is printed appears as appears as this is a print-
"kisiun ? ] # " "kisum 7} ~r" suggests this "kisum y] -rr"
normally normally "kisum 7 ] i j " "kisum 7]$-" ing error and
(pg. 232) (pg. 132) is an enor in (Pg-91)
should read
the original
kasum.
(pg. 435)
(pgs. 411,
413)
Table 5.2 Discrepancies between the Two 1925 Issues of Chindallaekkot and Important Collected Works of Kim So-v/6\ {continued)

Page Hansong Chungang Sasang University Kwon Kim Kim il and Yun
No. No. Toso Issue Sorim Issue Yonginbon Yonginbon Yong-min* Chong-ukt Yong-jikt O Ha-gun8 Chu-un**
The first line

The first line
of third stanza
of third stanza
The first The first The first line "kasiniin
"kasiniin
line of the line of the of third stanza koruin koritm The first
The first The first koritm koritm The first
third stanza third stanza "kasiniin 7Hfe7-]fr7-l line of the
line of the line of the line of the
"kasiniin "kasiniin koriun koritm fr" is printed third stanza
third stanza third stanza W is printed third stanza
koruin koritm koritm koritm 7Hfe?HM kasiniin "kasiniin
"kasiniin "kasiniin kasiniin "kasiniin
190 ?Hfe7i#7i fi-" is printed koriun koritm koritm
koruin koritm koritm koruin koritm koritm koruin
W is printed -§-" is printed kasiniin kyorum 7} 4 7\M^7]fr7]
kvoriim 7} 7M^fM
"kasiniin "kasiniin koritm ^#4#" -fr" is printed
-p-" is printed •§-" is printed fp'is printed
koritm koruin kyorum 7} 4 (pgl57).0 correctly
correctly correctly # " (pg 289). correctly
o
kyoriiin 7J-4 kyorum 7}4 ^f-7]§-" notes this is (pg. HI)
Kwon notes
^7^#7i#" fe7ifr7if-" (pg 165) an error in the
this is an
original.
error
(pg.435)
The line reads

"ojakk\'o
The third line The third line The third line
The line reads The line reads The line reads ch 'ach 'a The line reads
on the page on the page on the page
"ojakkyo "ojakkyo "ojakkyo ch 'aja A fB "ojakkyo ch 'a
reads reads reads
ch 'ach 'a ch 'aja ch 'aja ch 'ach 'a ¥54444" ch 'akch 'aja
197 "ojakkyo "ojakkyo "ojakkyo Page missing
ch'aja .l-jffi ,!%ffi 1^1-4 ch 'ach 'a J-j itB (pg. 162). O AW IS 4 4
ch 'aja ch 'aja ch 'aja ch 'aja ch 'ach 'a
#5 4 4 4 4 " 44" frjj 4 4 4 4 " notes this is 44"
£M*r*r e,F,t^44 ch'aja&ffi
(pg. 298) (pg. 542) (pg. 173) an error in the (pg. 114)
44" ft?,*}*}?}?-}"
original.
(pg. 436)
Table 5.2 Discrepancies between the Two 1925 Issues of Chindallaekkot and Important Collected Works of Kim So-wol {continued)

Page Hansong Chungang Sasang Univeisity Kwon Kim Kim il and Yun
No. No. Toso Issue Sonm Issue Yongmbon Yonginbon Y6ng-mm* Chong-uk! Yong-jikt O Ha-gun§ Chu-un**
The first line The first line The first line

of the last of the last of the last
stanza begins stanza begins stanza begins
The first line The first line
The first line The first line The first line "kurae olso "kurae olso "kurae olso
of the last of the last
of the last of the last of the last nuim 3 nuim 3B)| -§- mnm 3- all -§:
stanza begins stanza begins
stanza begins stanza begins stanza begins £T-°1^"
8 197 Page missing "kurae olso "kiirae olso
"kurae olso "kurae olso "kurae oho °N"(pg (pg 173) See (pg 162)
mnm ZLBfl •§- mnm Hill -8:
mtinim HHfl nuinim ^.sfl muni 3.2)1 # 299). Kwon discussion of 0 suggests
-S--S if-Ol <-l" suggests in a the signifi- that this is an
(pg 542) (pg H4)
footnote this cance Kim error in the
is an error in finds in this original (pg
o the original variation 436)
Second line Second line Second line Second line Second line Second line Second line
Second line Second line
ends with an ends with an ends with a ends with a ends with a ends with a ends with a
9 208 ends with a ends with a
exclamation exclamation comma comma comma comma comma
mo choin mo choin
point point (pg 313) (pg 547) (pg 184) (pg 168) (pg 119)
"Me kisiik "Me kisiik "Me kisiik "Me kisiik "Me kisiik
"Met kisuk "Met kisuk "Me kisuk "Me kisiik
°1171 re- W|7]£-" i 71-re-
^7]-re- ^7lfr"
appears in appears in appeal s in appeals in appears in
10 210tt appears in appeals in appears in appears m
first line of first line of first line of first fine of fiist line of
first line of first line of first line of first line of
second stanza second stanza second stanza second stanza second stanza
second stanza second stanza second stanza second stanza
(Pg 317) (pg. 582) (pg. 186) (pg. 170) (Pg 121)
The last word The last woid The last word The last woid The last woid The last word The last word The last word The last word
in the in the in the in the in the penul- in the penul- in the pen- in the penul- in the penul-
penultimate penultimate penultimate penultimate timate line of timate line of ultimate line timate line of timate line of
11 226
line of the line of the line of the line of the the poem is the poem is of the poem the poem is the poem is
poem is poem is poem is sonbi poem is sonbi sonbi -iiHl sonbi^v] is sonbi tl a l sonbi •$.&] sonbi -id u]
sonbae -tl BB sonbae -ii HH A} Hi -Si!Hl (pg. 337) (pg621) (Pg 200) (pg. 178) (pg 127)
Tabic 5.2 Notes
* Kwon Y5ng-min, ed., Kim So-wol si chonjip (Seoul: Hangmunsa, 1980). My thanks to 6m
(2007). Tong-sop for making me aware of this collection.
t Kim Chong-uk, ed., Chongbon So-wol chonjip I had been aware that anthologists such as Kim
(2005). Chong-uk had been using facsimile reproductions
X Kim Yong-jik, ed., Kim So-wol chonjip (2001). of Chindallaekkot since 1982. Cho and Yun's
§ O Ha-gun, ed., Wonbon Kim So-wol chonjip collection suggests that anthologists were using
(1995). facsimiles even earlier.
** Cho Tong-il i f g and Yun Chu-un -grn-^r, f t My thanks again to Om Tong-sop for pointing
eds., Kim So-wol sison yon 'gu rfesfc/l »-} liflf % out this difference.
(A study of Kim So-wol's collection of poems)
Conclusion
In this chapter I have treated as literal a question about Kim So-wol's texts that previous
scholars would have assumed to be merely rhetorical. In describing the variety of
material texts of Chindallaekkot I have shown how they matter differently as a function
of their physical presentations. Interrogating the fragmentary information currently
available concerning the production of Kim So-wol's only collection of poetry, I have
argued for viewing both known issues of Chindallaekkot as late-1925 productions of
Hansong Toso's printshop but against granting either the status of "original" or "ideal
copy." Despite our circumscribed knowledge of how Chindallaekkot was produced, it is
likely that both issues were printed at about the same time and released on the same day;
that each issue of Chindallaekkot is textually, paratextually, and physically quite different
supports my argument for reading them as alternate performances of Kim So-wol's book.
I have also shown that available facsimile reproductions of Chindallaekkkot created
in the mid-to-late 1970s and afterward do not accurately represent the text of either
issue of Chindallaekkot created in 1925. That important anthologists of Kim So-wol's
poetry utilized these altered facsimiles as their copy-texts and not either 1925 issue of
Chindallaekkot clearly demonstrates how scholars overlooked the poetic texts of 1920s
Korea as they were made in the 1920s.
305
Here I have described the great variety of material texts appearing under the title
Chindallaekkot. In the next chapter I aim to show how the books created in 1925 can be
read as performative wholes—as the whole suggested by the leaves, blossoms, and bole
of a "great-rooted blossomer," to borrow again from Yeats. I show that the manner in
which the poems in Chindallaekkot are presented on and ordered by their leaves, as well
as how these leaves are supported by a bibliographic structure that organizes them into
sections, is integral to how Chindallaekkot "dances" and how its poetry has been made.
306
Chapter 6—Reading Chindallaekkot
In the previous chapter I exposed the multiplicity of historical referents concealed by
the sign Chindallaekkot. Here I explore the unity of the bibliographic and linguistic
systems of the two 1925 issues of Kim So-wol's collection. While there are significant
differences between these issues, the poems in each are presented in the same order,
marked off by the same sixteen section headings, and can be read as articulating the same
narrative arc. Of course, a significant portion of the text of each poem is the same as
well. Consequently, we can read Chindallaekkot as two performances of a single work,
much as we might view two different productions of the same play. Attuned to where
these two "productions" differ and resemble one another, we can read Chindallaekkot as a
bibliographic and linguistic whole, something never before attempted.
That no such reading has yet been proposed illustrates once again that scholars of
Kim So-wol have overlooked how his poetry was articulated during his lifetime. Just
as literary historians have extracted Kim So-wol's poems from their journals, critics
have removed poems from Chindallaekkot's numerous cohesive sections to employ
them rhetorically within their own arguments. O Se-yong's treatment of Kim So-wol is
one of many examples and a review helps to reprise arguments made in Chapter Three
concerning the limitations of existing Kim So-wol scholarship.
With critical precision yet matched, O, in his important Han 'guk nangmanjuiii
siyon'gn (A study of Korean romantic poetry), argues that folk-song-style poetry is
important in Korean literary history and that Kim So-wol is a minyo siin (folk-song-style
poet). To support his arguments, O defines folk-song poetry according to a number of
attributes he considers important to the genre—including its meters, characteristic diction,
use of repetition, and a number of other qualities—and cites well-chosen and illustrative
examples that reveal these same elements in Kim So-wol's poetry.1 O's more recent Kim
So-wol, kit sam kwa munhak (Kim So-wol, his life and literature), which emphasizes han
1
See O Se-yong, Han'guknangmanjuui siyon'gn, 10-100, 302-351.
307
'\U (resentment) as a central aspect of Kim So-wol's writing, is structured similarly. Of
course, how O organizes Kim So-wol's poetry bears little relation to how Kim So-wol
arranged his poetry in Chindallaekkot.2 Moreover, O does not address how Kim So-wol's
only collection, which contains the most substantial portion of his corpus, is organized
and what significance this might have for how Kim So-w51's poems are read. O's
treatment of the formal aspects of Kim So-wol's poetry are indispensible but do not shed
light on how, for example, the metrical shapes of the poems might work collectively in
Chindallaekkot. In essence, O's approach, which aims to define Kim So-wol generically
as a minyo siin and conceptually as a poet best associated with han, overlooks how the
poems in the book at the center of his studies articulate one another. The same can be said
for all the other significant studies of Kim So-wol with which I am familiar.
To address this gap in the study of Kim So-wol, my aim in this chapter is to
illustrate some of the many ways in which Chindallaekkot matters as a performative
whole. Focusing on how its poems are organized sequentially, as well as by the
collection's sixteen sections, I demonstrate how Kim So-wol's poems limn a narrative
arc by citing the textual sociology of the collection's making and enacting their tropes
bibliographically. The intricacy of the literary patterns created by Kim So-wol's poetry,
demonstrated in Chapter Four, means that focusing primarily on how the poems are
organized causes us to overlook many other elements binding the collection together,
most notably metrical forms. The narrative arc I suggest is only one of a number that can
be derived from the manner in which Chindallaekkot's poems are ordered. My discussion
also necessarily elides the great variety of ways that individual poems in the collection
have been read, and the fact that many of the poems have their own long and complex
histories in the critical discourse about Kim So-wol and Korean literature. The following
analysis likewise does not attempt to describe a narrative "structure" in Chindallaekkot
2
Because he was the copyright holder and publisher (parhaengin) of his own collection we can be
reasonably certain that Kim So-wol was responsible for organizing the poems in his book.
308
by identifying actual versus implied authors or narrative speakers. Rather I use the term
"narrative arc" in the most general sense to describe a sequence of poetic situations
organized to suggest causal connections and a progression from an exposition of the
collection's central dilemmas toward a climax of tensions and their eventual resolution.
Although articulated differently than the poems published in periodicals, longing for the
presence of a beloved is also the central concern of So-wol's speakers in Chindallaekkot.
Signification is associated with the absence of the one longed for and a beloved's
presence is often suggested only by implication in voids and breaks in the poems'
conspicuous patterns.
The chapter begins with a descriptive overview of the narrative hinted at by the
collection's peripatetic voices as they wander through a long metaphorical night toward
morning and a conjoining of the figures of love and death. This is followed by a more
detailed description of how the sixteen titled sections, which associate the poems within
them both topically and tropically, articulate this arc. A detailed description of the poems
in the title section of the collection suggests how individual poems enact, by means of
their bibliographic presence, what they suggest linguistically. The chapter concludes with
a short discussion of two poems performed differently by Chindallaekkofs two issues,
clarifying how each cites the sociology of Chindallaekkot % texts.
309
The Narrative Arc of Chindallaekkot
With a thousand nights' dreams

I have rinsed clear the gentle brow
of my heart's love,
to transplant it
into the heavens.
A fierce bird
knows, and in mimicry,
arcs through the midwinter sky.
—S5 Chong-ju, "Tongch'on ^ - X (Winter sky),"

translated by David McCann3
Few presentations of the wish to associate natural order with personal desire are
as concise and forceful as So Chong-ju's iconic 1966 "Tongch'Sn ^-~K (Winter sky)."
Consequently, it is difficult not to think of So's poem when discussing how the thoughts
of Kim So-wol's many speakers arc toward the objects of their desire, and to recognize
how different his speakers are from So's. Indeed, Chindallaekkot can be seen as
containing 126 failed attempts to rinse "clear the gentle brows" of beloveds. Moreover,
although it is hardly the curve cut by So's fierce bird, a narrative arc can be sketched from
the dream of the title poem of the first section of So-wol's book, "Nim ege ^ °-l| A) (To
my love)," toward the rooster that wakes the speaker from a dream in "Tak un kkokkuyo
ir-tr 4Inr-S- (The cock's crow)," the only poem in the final section of the book. Whereas
So and his speaker use the creative force of a thousand nights of dreams to summon the
power to simply pronounce a relationship between private desire and the workings of the
heavens, Chindallaekkot presents one long night lamenting the artificiality and fantasy
of any such relationship. "The space between heaven and earth is so wide," 4 laments the
3
So Chong-ju 'i-fc&i, "Tongch'on %•% (Winter sky)" in The Columbia Anthology of Modem Korean
Poetry, ed. David McCann, trans. David McCann (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 100.
4
Kim So-wol 4zi&J], Chindallaekkot ^liHfl #r (Azaleas), Hansong Toso issue, (Seoul: Maemunsa,
1925), 165. Kim So-wol <&MH, Chindallaekkot ^ ^ Z (Azaleas), Chungang Sorim issue, (Seoul:
Maemunsa, 1925), 165. Future citations from Chindallaekkot will refer to these two issues of Kim So-wol's
collection. See Chapter Five for a discussion of the copies of these two issues I have viewed to make these
translations.
310
speaker of So-wol's well-known poem "Ch'ohon \{\^% (Invocation)," shouting to the
heavens.
During this long night love is tropically coupled with death, a union that becomes
the central aporia of the collection, creating a dynamic where So-wol's speakers are
tormented by the departure of their loves and the bleak chances for reunion. What was
forgotten by those who have departed is painfully remembered by So-wol's speakers in
the present of their poetic situations. Absence, stillness, and silence are as much burdens
as they are comforts. The natural world, although its discursive description can be
beautiful, is most often beguiling; the rural countryside is inhospitable or conjures the
affliction of nostalgia. To speak the name of the beloved is to acknowledge his or her loss.
Despite their constant travels, So-wol's speakers never gain the emotional distance
to find anything as consoling as the knowing perspective represented by So's fierce bird.
"If only I had a view from just a bit little higher!"5 So-wol's speaker shouts in a poem
near the end of the collection entitled "Hada mothae chugodallae nae ka olla ^r^^r^H
ô\ ^k\^\ i$j7\ -g-i.]- (is it right to ask to die, at least)." Distance in So-wol's poems is
simply distance. Proximity is never nearness. The longing expressed by his speakers is so
acute because, to borrow again from contemporary American poet Robert Hass, longing
is "full of endless distances."6
These expanses are organized within the collection into what might be thought of
as tropological regions where certain figures abound and similar topics are addressed.
Suggesting again the importance of Chindallaekkot's bibliographic codes, these regions
are bounded by the sixteen pages that demarcate the sections with Hansong Toso's title
face and a blank recto.
The publication history of the poems in these sections also suggests that they
are meant to be read together. Indeed, many of the poems So-wol republished in his
5
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 215.
6
See "Meditation at Lagumtas" in Praise (Hopewell, New Jersey: The Ecco Press, 1979), 4-5.
311
collection are grouped as they were in the journals and newspapers described in Chapters
Three and Four. For example, in the first section of the book, "To My Love," four of
the ten poems were previously published together in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok.
Moreover, two of those four poems, "San uhe lll-r-sj] (On the mountain)"7 and "Pada
t, c
f T (The sea)," were also published together in the April 9, 1921 Tonga ilbo. In the
section titled "Tu saram -T"Ar •" (Two people)" four of the eight poems come from the
May 1923 issue of Kaebyok; the other four poems are published for the first time. The
section entitled "Muju kongsan Sft^.îli (Desolate mountain)" also contains eight
poems, five of which were published together in the January 1925 issue of Kaebyok.
"Kwitturami ^ l ^ r ^ 0 ! (Cricket)," which consists of nineteen short poems, has three
poems previously published together in the June 8, 1921 Tonga ilbo (two of which
were also published together previously in the June 8, 1921 Tonga ilbo), three poems
previously published together in the August 1922 issue of Kaebyok, and three poems
previously published together in the December 1925 issue of Mimmyong. Four of the five
poems in the "Kum chandtii ^fe^S] (Amber grass)" section were published together in
the January 1922 issue of Kaebyok.
Moreover, sections in which previously unpublished poems appear tend to contain
mostly new poems. This also suggests that the poems in each section were arranged to
form cohesive structures. The section "Han ttae han ttaetr/,tU?r/1fl (Once, once)," for
example, has 16 poems, thirteen of which are new. The "Pandal ^Sk (Half moon)"
section is made up entirely of new poems, as is "Yosu Jfe^ (Travelers' melancholy)."
"Pariun mom v}^ £-§- (jfe body discarded)," consists of nine poems, seven of them
new. Eight of the ten poems in "Kkot ch'okpul k'yonun pam ^'M^^^^ (The night the
flower lamps are lit)" are new.
While these regions are clearly delineated by Azaleas' bibliographic codes and
7
In the table of contents of both issues, the title of the poem is printed "San uheso iLi-r^l-H." The title of
the poem on pages eight and nine is printed "San uhe 11 i-v*H."
312
the poems' histories, their "borders" are hardly impermeable. In fact, what might
be thought of as figurative trails, articulated by repeated words, images, and tropes,
crisscross and link the different regions. For example, the second section, entitled
"Pom pam -jf-^(Spring night)," offers two poems that have spring as their topic, and
two that have dreams. An unseasonal snow falls unexpectedly in the third poem of this
section, "Kkumkkun ku yennal S T ^ / I H " (That time long ago I dream)." In the section
following "Spring Night," entitled "Two People," snow appears in many of the poems,
including the title poem "Two People" where the speaker is preparing to go out into the
cold. Indeed, the first poem in the "Two People" section is entitled "Snowy Evening." Its
central image is the speaker's beloved "arriving" on snowfiakes. As in "That Time Long
Ago I Dream," dreams feature prominently in "Nun onun chonyok fe-JL^Î ^ (Snowy
evening)."
SNOWY EVENING
This evening the wind quiets,

the snow falls hard.
What might you be doing?
On an evening such as this, this year . . .
Even if it is a dream, that I dream it!

Will we meet if I sleep?
The one I had forgotten
comes riding the white snow.
Evening. The snow falls hard.8
Thus snow becomes the means to traverse these two sections of the book and
associate the two people who are the topical center of the third section and the spring
8
313
night of the second. Moreover, the image of snow enables the dreams dreamt at night in
these two sections to be glimpsed in the morning daylight depicted in the second poem
of "Two People," titled "Chaju kurum %% '\^% (Violet cloud)." We can sense, hanging
in the silence of the ellipse of the third stanza, like the snow "come secretly in the night,"
"what passed in the night" between the speaker and his beloved, even if it remains
unspoken.
VIOLET CLOUD
A lovely violet-colored cloud,

the sky is clearing.
Snow come secretly in the night
has blossomed in the pines.
Morning shines
in each crystal flake.
What passed in the night...

I forget it, and just look.
The violet cloud stirring.9
Encountering the snow that falls intermittently through the rest of the collection
we discover that the associative path it articulates through Azaleas" tropological regions
leads toward the hope of union. However, indicative of the collection's central aporia,
this hope is not without its ironies, for the union of So-wol's speakers with their beloveds
is increasingly associated with death. The figurative path beginning with the mention of
snow in the dreams of "Spring Night" joins those dreams to the unspoken union of "Two
People" in the following section, and ends with the last snow of the collection falling in
9
314
a section titled "The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit." What is consummated in the light
of the lamps traditionally lit on the first night of marriage is consummated amid poems
meditating upon mortality.
The poem titled "Chonmang K=c (Panoramic)" in "The Night the Flower Lamps
Are Lit" section, with its snow in awkward piles at sunrise, presents "the other shore"
in its first stanza as a homophone for "husband (namp'yon a V ^)," 10 suggesting the
affiliation between marriage and mortality. The poem called "Huimang & 9i (Hope)"
suggests something similar. Presenting "hope" as the realization on a snowy day that
"everything in the world/ is the shadow/ of beautiful artifice," a homophonic relationship
between the word "snow (nun -ir)" in the first stanza and the phrase "beautiful artifice
(ariimdabun nunollim °Hr t!-cr^r s 1 ^)" 11 in the second binds the hope of union that
snow has come to represent with the notion of a "beautiful artifice." This "beautiful
artifice," in turn, suggests some otherworldly realm since "everything in the world" is
only the "shadow" of hope and this "artifice."
HOPE
The day going, snow was falling

when I arrived at this unfamiliar shore.
In the mountains, an owl screeches,
fallen leaves are buried under snow.
Such a desolate scene.

When I'm granted wisdom's tears!
If I had known then what I do now!
10
" Kwon Yong-min defines nunollim S a l as "that which can only be seen with the eye (i.e. "in
appearance only"), So-wol si chonjip, 327. O Ha-giin suggests nunollim is "what is fabricated and without
a real center—that which can only be seen with the eye." O Ha-giin, Kim So-wol siopop yon'gu (Seoul:
Chimmundang, 1995), s.v. "nundUim." "Artifice" seems an appropriate representation of this idea.
315
That everything in the world
is the shadow
of beautiful artifice.
Withering, on a night smelling deeply of autumn,

the shadows of the trees retreating,
over fallen leaves cried by the wind and rain.12
The Tropological Regions of Azaleas
Following the path that snow articulates through Azaleas helps us summarize the
narrative arc suggested by the evolution of Chindallaekkofs topics and figures. It
also illustrates in general terms how the sequence of poems in Chindallaekkot and its
bibliographic divisions contribute to articulating this narrative. Examining these regions
in more detail helps to clarify how the sequential arrangement of poems and their division
into sections suggest the collection's narrative arc. It also helps us situate readings of
individual poems within the context articulated by their relative position in the book.
In what follows I place special emphasis on the first section, "To My Love," because it
establishes the collection's primary motifs and central paradoxes. I also discuss the title
section of the collection, "Azaleas," at some length because it shows how the poems'
bibliographic codes are utilized most intensely for poetic effect.
"To My Love"
The first section of Chindallaekkot, "To My Love," frames how the poems in the
collection as a whole can be read by introducing the important themes of forgetting and
wandering, and by presenting initial expressions of what will preoccupy Kim So-wol's
speakers throughout the book: a desire for the presence of their beloveds. "Some Day
Long from Now," the first poem in the collection, begins the book by intimating this
12
316
longed-for presence in an act of devotion.
In many of the poems in this first section, the beloved being addressed has died,
contributing to the idea that Chindallaekkofs, many speakers wander toward death in
search of their loves. Shaman rituals appear in poems ordered sequentially to suggest a
dialogue between the living and the dead. Song functions to suggest proximity between
So-wol's speakers and those they desire. However, song is dreamlike and alternate states
of wakefulness ultimately keep the speakers from their beloveds. It is implied that only
when they are both "awake" in the same realm can they be together. The dedicatory
nature of the title of the section, "To My Love," and its presentation at the beginning
of the book reinforce the idea that So-wol's speakers are setting out to wander the dark
plains grieving for someone who has died.
The poem discussed at length in Chapter Four, "Some Day Long From Now,"
begins the collection by suggesting the speaker's devotion to a lost love. The poem has
been revised again from its August 1922 appearance in Kaehyok. The dynamic described
in Chapter Four is still central to its tension, but this iteration emphasizes the poem's
devotional nature rather than the distancing effects of signification.
The material presence of the beloved's signifier is emphasized in the first two
iterations of "Some Day Long From Now" by placement on the page and manipulation of
the poem's rhythm, syntax, and rhyme scheme. As the first poem in So-wol's collection,
"Some Day Long From Now" emphasizes the physical absence of the beloved's signifier.
Just as missing beats in "Wanderer's Spring" portend the possibility of union, a poem
suggesting that the beloved has been "forgotten" indicates that what is absent (but given
shape by the poem) is indeed "remembered."
While the Chindallaekkot version of "Some Day Long From Now" is quite similar
to that in the August 1922 issue of Kaehyok, two significant changes emphasize both
the absence of the beloved's signifier and that the beloved is remembered. End rhyme
is employed and a variant appears in the first line of the final couplet. Significantly,
317
Figure 6.1 "Some Day Long
From Now" in the Hansong Toso
issue of ChindaUaekkot (I, II) and
the Chungang Sorim issue (III);
"Some Day Long From Now" in
Haksaenggye (July 1920) (IV) and
Kaebyok (August 1922) (V).
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p 3L <Q
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b.
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III
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4
however, the word tangsin does not appear in the penultimate line/ couplet as it does
in the 1920 and 1922 versions. Moreover, the variant sound in the rhyme scheme
emphasizes a negative form of the verb "to forget ani nitko ^^^JL." In other words,
emphasis is placed on the fact that the implied object of the verb, the unstated beloved of
the poem, is not forgotten.
SOME D A Y LONG FROM N O W
Some day long from now, if you find me,

I'll say, "I have forgotten."
If, inwardly, you blame me,

"I missed you so terribly, I have forgotten."
And if still you blame me,

"Because I don't believe you, I have forgotten"
Today yesterday, unforgotten,

some day long from now, then, "I have forgotten."13
Chindallaekkot thus begins with a performative act of devotion that announces,
"I have not forgotten." While the sense of this poem is the same in all three versions,
the manner of presentation is inverted in the 1925 version. In the 1920 and 1922 poems
emphasis is placed on the material presence of the word tangsin, which, although
seemingly present, is ultimately forgotten because of a semantic construction that means
tangsin "has been forgotten;" in the 1925 version emphasis is placed on the material
absence of the beloved's signifier in a semantic construction that means "I remember."
Suggesting the importance of sequential relationships among Kim So-w6Ps
poems, this act of devotion at the beginning of the collection is followed by a poem
13
319
featuring a speaker sitting beside a stream contemplating estrangement from her love,
an arrangement similar to that found in the "Azaleas" sequence presented in Kaebyok
(described in Chapter Four). In "Pulttagi #^1"7] (Plucking grass)," the beloved to whom
the poem is addressed has left the speaker. To unburden herself of her emotions, she
plucks leaves of grass and sends them floating down the currents of a steam, heartened
by their meandering away. In So-wol's poem the expanse toward which the leaves drift
is like the sea toward which the stream in "Plucking Grass" inevitably flows. Again
showing the importance of order, "The Sea" follows "Plucking Grass."
"Plucking Grass" then initiates the significant theme of "wandering" whereby So-
wol's speakers attempt to bridge the distance from their beloveds only to have their words
or themselves relegated to roaming the intervening expanse.
PLUCKING GRASS
The grass is green on the hill behind my house and

the stream through the woods, its sandy bed—
the shadows of the blue grasses float along.
Where are you, love that I long for?

Every day, blossoming thoughts of you.
Every day, sitting alone on the hill out back,
every day, I pluck the grass and toss it into the stream.
Flowing along the waters of the flowing stream,

when the leaves I toss in float through the shallows,
the current jostles and bumps and presses my breast.
Where is the love I long for?

No place to set my sad affections,
every day, I pluck grass, toss it into the water,
and take the leaves floating along to heart.14
14
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 4-5.
320
"The Sea" and "On the Mountain," the two poems that follow "Plucking Grass,"
continue to intimate distance and travel, as well as the long night So-wol's speakers
will traverse. The speaker in "On the Mountain," having climbed a high peak, describes
an "intervening sea" separating him from his beloved. As the ocean's waves quiet and
darkness falls, he describes boats setting out into the coming night: "when eventually
night-darkened seabirds caw,/ and the boats set out one, then two, on the waves/ for that
sea, that distant sea,/ like dead leaves."
In addition to suggesting the theme of wandering, "On the Mountain" presents what
So-wol's estranged loves can share in their exile: song. Despite the "sea" between them,
the speaker in "On the Mountain" can somehow hear a "water song flowing beneath"
the window of his beloved, suggesting his proximity to his love. This proximity does not
suggest togetherness, however. When "nudged awake" by the song of the waters dividing
them, the beloved to whom the poem is addressed finds the speaker far away, "sleeping
deeply, peacefully, on the mountain, the mountain, unaware." Whether it is the song of
the stream into which the speaker in "Plucking Grass" tosses her worries or the song of
the intervening sea, song is something the speaker and his love in "On the Mountain"
both experience, if only fleetingly like a dream.
I pass the night alone and awake on the mountain;

in the morning, having washed in crimson light,
when I turn my ear to listen carefully,
water's song flowing beneath your window.
Nudged awake by that song,

when you rise, startled, and look for me,
I will be sleeping deeply, peacefully,
on the mountain, the mountain, unaware.15
15
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 9
321
The poem "Nim ui norae ^s1 $\ in.Hfl (My love's song)" makes more explicit the
association between dreams and the songs of the separated lovers. It also hints at what
will bring them together. The speaker is comforted by "love's song": "In the calm shiver
of the melody/ my sleep is long and deep./ Even in my lonely sleeping place alone/
my sleep is tender and deep." As in "On the Mountain," having woken, the speaker in
"My Love's Song" describes how "my love's song/ is forgotten without a trace." The
implication in both poems is that the speakers can only reunite with their beloveds when
they share with them a state of consciousness and being. The speaker in "My Love's
Song" holds the song of his love in his heart, hearing it in his dreams although it is
inaudible in his waking world.
M Y LOVE'S SONG
The clear song of the one I miss

is always in my heart.
Standing outside the door the whole long day listening,

the gentle song of the one I miss
comes to my ear as the sun goes down and the day grows dark,
comes to my ear as night darkens and I try to sleep.
In the calm shiver of the melody

my sleep is long and deep.
Even in my lonely sleeping place alone
my sleep is tender and deep.
But having slept and woken

my love's song is lost without a trace.
Listen as I might, my love's song
is forgotten without a trace.16
322
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Figure 6.2 "My Love's Song" in the Chungang Sorim issue of

Chindallaekkot, from the Museum of Contemporary Korean Poetry.
A close homophonic relationship between the verbs "to sleep" and "to listen"
reinforces the associative relationship between song and slumber. "(Cham) tulda {%)
SrCf" suggests "to sleep" and "tutda -Href" "to listen." When the verbs are conjugated
in the poem, "listening" and "sleeping" are presented in an orthographically identical
manner in the second and third stanzas of the poem. In the first line of the second stanza,
"Standing outside the door the whole long day listening," "listening" in its conjugated
form is suggested by turd — si. In the third stanza, when the speaker states "my sleep
is long and deep" in the second line and "my sleep is tender and deep" in the fourth, the
portion of the verbal construction suggesting "sleep" is also spelled tiiro —Si. Thus to
"listen" to "Love's Song" is to enter a deep, comfortable sleep.
While poems that preceded it only hinted at the association, "What My Love Said"
makes it clear that the beloved addressed by so many of Kim So-wol's speakers has been
lost to the world and that the "deep, comfortable sleep" of "My Love's Song" has ominous
connotations in this context. The speaker in "What My Love Said" is tormented by the
ills inflicted upon the living by the dead, which in the context of the poem is the "you" to
whom it is addressed. Moreover, the speaker is woken every night by the oddly timed cry
of a rooster in order to meet, not his love, but her soul. A kilsin 'gari, a shamanistic ritual
323
meant to lead the spirits of the dead to the afterworld, is prepared Developing the theme
ot "forgetting," the speaker suggests that he cannot forget the words of his love, which
are "I have forgotten you completely " The context of the poem makes it clear that the
speaker's beloved has "forgotten him completely" because she has died
WHAT M Y LOVE SAID
Two months time has flowed like water,

even what was drawn and grew stale in the tokxl is gone,
but saying, as you left, we should go together,
ls
was to say living is to suffer the ills cast upon us by ghosts
Spring grasses sprout with the coming of spring but

the trunks of the trees seem cut short
Both wings of the bird seem broken
The day flowers bloom from my body will never come again
The cock's crow, every night When, at first watch,19

I'll go out to greet your soul
When the setting crescent moon hangs over the hills
and your kilsin'gari20 is ready
Time flows like water and

saying, as you left, we should go together
was to say I have forgotten you completely—
but they are words I won't forget so long as I live 21
17
A laige vessel used to stoie a variety of things including watei, liquoi, and kimch i
18
I am following Kwon Yong-mm's mteipietation of this line Kwon Yong-min, Kim So-wol si chonjip, 49
19
Between one and thiee A M
20
A kind of kut, oi shamamstic ceiemony, wheie the spmt of the dead is led away
21
Kim So-wol, Chmdallaekkot, 16-17
324
"To My Love," the title poem of the section, can be seen as a response to "What
My Love Said," a reading enabled by the poems' titles and their sequential ordering.
"To My Love" immediately follows "What My Love Said" as an emotional response to
what has been uttered in the latter. In "What My Love Said" the beloved says, "I have
forgotten you completely," suggesting that she has died. In the next poem, "To My Love,"
the speaker responds with a statement of grief: "There is only the sorrow that you have
forgotten." This implies that the sorrow of the speaker, who is celebrating his twentieth
birthday, is the memory of the dead beloved.
In addition to enabling, by means of the poems' sequential ordering, this dialogue,
the bibliographic codes of Chindallaekkot emphasize that this interaction is central to
the collection as a whole. "To My Love" is the title poem of the collection's first titled
section, set apart by the inclusion of an unnumbered sheet just after the table of contents
on which the title of the poem and the section is printed. The poems that follow in turn
provide a context and a means for understanding the beloved to whom the section is
addressed—a context where it is made clear that Kim So-wol's speakers are in dialogue
with and mourning someone who has died. "To My Love," both the sheet on which
the title of the section is printed and the poem, thus sets the stage for the collection in
which speakers wander off into the night longing for what can only appear in dreams, for
someone lost to death, and for "some day long from now" when the sorrow they express
can be forgotten. It is clear, moreover, that the orchestration of poems in the ordered
space of the book is integral to how these departures are performed.
To M Y LOVE
It's not that I didn't stay up many nights

imagining you, once;
I still think of you—
there are those dreams beside your damp pillow but,
325
at the crossroads in a strange other world
the day sets sadly on my twentieth birthday.
Even as I wander these plains in dark night
there is only the sorrow that you have forgotten.
When I think of you, even now,

on these rain-soaked sands, those dreams
beside your damp pillow in welling tears,
there is only the sorrow that you have forgotten.22
"Spring Night, " "Two People, " and "Desolate Mountain "
The three sections that follow "To My Love" present "two people" setting out to
wander a desolate mountain while nostalgically recalling the spring nights they spent
together, thus suggesting a progression in time and a development of the poetic situation
presented in the first section of the book. In the section titled "Spring Night," memories
of the one who has been lost conjure metaphors that trap So-wol's speakers' in their
grief. In the landscape around them, they can only see the one they have lost. Visits by
their beloveds in dreams skew their perception of the waking world. In the title poem
of "Spring Night," for example, the "old branches of the willow" are "dark hair" and
swallows' wings are the "deep blue skirt" of the longed-for love. The speaker seems
to see his love in the approach of spring, but he is uncertain. The pathos of the poem
is created by the juxtaposition of this apparition with the dark night presented in the
following stanza.
SPRING NIGHT
In the old branches of the willow's dark hair,
22
326
in the deep blue skirt of the swallow's wings spread wide,
look. Isn't spring sitting beside the window of the wine house?
The wind blows soundlessly, cries, sighs.

Senseless sorrow and this lonely, raven, spring night;
soft sodden air circling settles over the earth.23
In "Kkum uro onun han saram f A S . -fsLfetbM-^" (One who comes in dreams),"
the last poem in the short "Spring Night" section, the speaker's beloved comes "to the
dreams" of "deep sleep" but vanishes at the first suggestion of morning and the rustle of
chickens shuffling their wings. Like the speakers in "Spring Night," who are encumbered
by their memories and ensnared by the metaphors their memories prompt them to seek
in the world around them, the speaker in "The One Who Comes in Dreams" says that he
does not see people on the streets clearly, implying that those in the waking world always
remind him of the love lost to his dreams.
THE ONE WHO COMES IN DREAMS
As I grew older, it was so.

Hidden as you are, you'd always come,
again to the dreams of my deep sleep.
Your ruddy face, your thin fingers,
acting unaware, as before,
you lying gently on my arm.
But, even so . . . but!
again, is there really nothing left to say for this?
It's deafening—and like that,
you rise—the sound of the chickens shuffling their wings.
Even awake, in the bright of day, I don't seem to really see
the people on the street.24
23
24
Kim So-w5l, Chindallaekkot, 27.
327
The section that follows "Spring Night," titled "Two People," develops the idea
that So-woPs speakers cannot escape the memory of the lost one, and is distinguished
tropically by the use of simile to suggest that "the other" is always there like a shadow.
In "Chana kkaena anjuna sona ^r^-Ml u f 91—uf A1 ^r (Sleeping or waking, sitting or
standing)," for example, the speaker states, "I had a shadow-like friend." The implication
is that that no matter what the speaker does he or she is accompanied by a shadow. In the
following poem, "Hae ka san maru e chomuro to *fl7}tiinl-^-<H] ^P-frl^ 2 5 (Even the sun
setting on the mountain ridge)," the speaker announces, "I will go to you like a shadow."
The title poem of the section also implies a shadow-like presence. Despite being
titled "Two People," the poem describes only one. The other person, as the tropic focus
of the section would suggest, is shadow-like and present only by implication. The poem
describes preparing to journey out into a cold landscape as snow begins to fall. The other
person is hinted at when the speaker seems to see her in each flake of falling snow. As we
have seen, "Violet Cloud," the poem that precedes "Two People," associates snowflakes
with "what passed in the night," implying the speaker's dream of being together with the
one he desires.
Two PEOPLE
White snow, one flake,

another,
as it blankets the peaks,
I moccasin26 my feet in straw sandals and cinch the belt of my heavy coat,
rise to my feet, and turning...
25
In the table of contents the poem's title is presented as "Hae ka san mam e chomuro to ^7} il\v}^-°\]
7] #<H Si." The differences are in how the title is spaced and in how chomuro is spelled. In the poem on
page 39, chomuro is spelled chomuro 7<\ H2-| and in the table of contents chomuro 7] -p-<H.
26
"Chipsin e kambal hago ^ -tHl ^hs"s}al" is quite difficult to translate. The action of wrapping one's feet
in a long thin cloth and then putting on straw sandals is being described. Kwon Yong-min, Kim So-wol si
chonjip, 11.
328
Again, and there again.
Again, and there again.
In the next section titled "Desolate Mountain," So-wol's speakers wander out into a
landscape that torments them because it reminds them of what they have lost. Dedicated
to Kim So-wol's teacher Kim 6k, the only such dedication in the collection, the poems
are as spare as the title suggests and tend to be observations of nature juxtaposed with
indications of the speakers' emotional state. Ants building their home suggest a weary
diligence in "Kaeami7fl 6 H (Ants)." The poem that follows it, "Chebi ^1 «1 (Sparrows),"
emphasizes that the weary diligence of the wandering speaker does not gain him a home.
The brilliance of spring blossoms suggests the depths of the speaker's despair in "Sua Ufa1
(Buds)." Heartbroken, he wishes the spring could just be ordinary. Instead, the brilliance of
the buds on all the branches of all the trees reminds him of the beauty of what he has lost.
ANTS
When azaleas blossom

and wind whistles through the willow's branches
the ants,
slender-waisted ants,
half days in spring and all day today,
build their home—wearily, steadily.28
SWALLOW
Even a swallow wandering the sky

27
28
329
has a nest to which it returns!
How can I be anything but sad? Without so much as a home!29
BUDS
Heartbroken,
it couldn't just be
an ordinary spring;
buds on each branch of every tree!30
"Once, Once " and "Half Moon "
The section "Once, Once" can be read as presenting the variegated experiences
of So-wol's speakers as they move toward the longed-for reunion. The themes are
familiar—forgetting and wandering—as is the way dreams, tears, and snow function
tropically in the poems. Added is a more precise sense of geographical space suggested
by "Soul pam A] -§-1t)' (Seoul night)," the last poem in "Once, Once." Two of the three
poems in the "Half Moon" section, "Kaul ach'um e 7}-§ro|-ff ofl (On a fall morning)" and
"Kaul chonyok e 7]-^-^] ^ ^1 (On a fall evening)," hint at the passage of time in contrast
to poems earlier in the collection, which often focus on spring. Moreover, one senses
that So-wol's speakers have aged. The poems contemplate more mature topics such as
parenting and remarriage.
Distinguishing these sections tropically and suggesting how Chindallaekkofs tropes
imply an arc toward the tropic coupling of love and death is a more corporeal sensuality
reminiscent of fine de seicle French poetry, expressed in poems such as "Tambae ^ H
(Cigarette)" and "Yoja ui naemsae Ix^r^] ^ Al) (The smell of a woman)." "Cigarette"
likens the leaves of tobacco the speaker smokes to the grass on the grave of "a Lady
29
30
330
that wasn't long for the world."31 "The Smell of a Woman" presents a synaesthetic list
of odors suggesting that the "smell of a woman" is the smell of a corpse. Earlier in the
collection tropes were oriented to suggest that So-wol's speakers were tormented by
the landscape around them because they could only see in it the one they had lost. With
"Once, Once" tropes begin to suggest a plainspoken—if tormenting—embrace of death.
THE SMELL OF A WOMAN
The smell of the moon in the clothes of bluish clouds.

The smell of the sun in the clothes of crimson clouds.
No, the smell of sweat and dead skin,
the smell of rain-soaked skin and clothes.
The blue sea . . . a dizzy boat. . .

The soft, longing,
small, blue, cloudy soul of some life,
the shouts of the flesh as it brushes past. . .
The smell of the woods that the funeral possession passes through again.
The smell of the rocking boat where the ghost is stowed.32
The smell of the sea on fresh fish.
The smell of late spring wandering the air.
Wind over the dunes blows the fog

and lights along the long road weep for a twilight moon.
I like that body with all of its smells.
I like that body with all of its smells.33
31
32
As I describe at the end of this chapter, there is a variant here in the two issues. The yu ffl character in the
compound ywyong W I (ghost) is set sideways in the Hansong Toso issue and properly in the Chungang
Sorim issue.
33
331
"Cricket" and "Pada kapydnhayappongnamupat toendago v\v]-7}*s&-6\o\ <%-
H"^ - 1 ^^ c f -2- (They say the sea becomes a mulberry grove) "
The tropes and topics in the two sections that follow "Half Moon" continue to
evolve toward Chindallaekkofs, central aporia. The phrase "sangjonpy'dkhae Si EE!:Pf
fff (The mulberry grove becomes the sea)," from which the title of "They Say the Sea
Becomes a Mulberry Grove" is derived, expresses the idea that the world can change
suddenly.34 The fleeting nature of life and its events is the topical center of both sections.
As if to suggest life's brevity formally, the poems in "Cricket" are generally quite short,
primarily tercets and quatrains. "Saeng kwa sa i ^ l : (Life and death)," which takes on
the meaning of both, is just five lines. The title poem, similarly brief, suggests the shifting
focus of the speakers. Earlier in the collection the focus was on what the beloved's
speaker had said, and the way the natural world torments those who are not able to see
it for what it is but only as what they have lost. In "Cricket" the beloved speaks but the
metaphoric focus of the poem is the sound of the cricket. After the joys and sorrows and
bluster of the first three lines, it becomes utterly dark and a cricket chirps.
CRICKET
The sound of mountain wind,

the sound of cold rain falling,
the night my love spoke of the world's joys and sorrows,
even the lamp at the inn goes out; a cricket chirps.35
A similar shift in topic and its figurative handling occurs in the next section, "They
Say the Sea Becomes a Mulberry Grove." The speakers make statements about their age,
34
Yi Ki-mun °)7\ •§-, ed., Tonga sae kugo sajon ^°\ Afl ^ " ^ A}î (The new Tonga dictionary of Korean),
4th ed. (Seoul: Tusan Tonga, 2001), s.v. "Sangjonpyokhae Hffl^tfe."
35
332
and metaphors from earlier in the collection are rearticulated to suggest resignation about,
if not acceptance of, life's evanescence. A chiastic relationship between earlier metaphors
and those here emphasizes this transition. Rather than standing painfully for the youthful
beauty of the living body of the lost beloved as they did in poems such as "Buds,"
flowers in "They Say the Sea Becomes a Mulberry Grove" wither and fall metaphorically
like drops of blood before a speaker who has grown old.
THEY SAY THE SEA BECOMES A MULBERRY GROVE
A sorrow I can't keep at bay;

fading petals as spring evening fades,
the wilting petals flutter.
Since long ago people would say
the sea becomes a mulberry grove.
And it has. All that was of beautiful youth
looks strange.
A face unfamiliar again.
Look. My love, isn't it sad?
Even in spring, the drifting days of March,
like crimson blood, dropping,
petals there, and there.36
"Hwang ch'okpul JS'j^lf- (Yellow lamp)" also suggests how the poems in "They
Say the Sea Becomes a Mulberry Grove" are being tropically reiterated to suggest a
certain churlishness associated with age. With a simple central metaphor, the poem
implies that life is a yellow lamp guttering down, its shadow cast on what is probably a
paper window lit by the blue light of a fading moon:
36 Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 110-111.
333
YELLOW LAMP
The yellow lamp, black too,

leaning on the fading blue window.
On a soundless white night,
alone, I bury my face in the mirror
and stare back blankly, without a thought.
I arrive at, "We spend our first night
in a dream;
death comes when we drift off,
and we just go out, without much good to show for it.'
"Yorum ui talpam ^ %$\ Ikî: (Moonlit summer night) " and "The Body Discarded"
The shift in tone and tropic focus found in "They Say the Sea Becomes a Mulberry
Grove" anticipates "Moonlit Summer Night" and "The Body Discarded," which contain
some of the most ironically hopeful poems in So-wol's collection. The perspective
continues to broaden: whereas the brevity of an individual life is the focus of the
preceding section, now the focal point becomes a more communal existence. Dreams are
of a productive, happy, rural life rather than an individual one. The figures in these two
sections often reverse the emotional associations of tropes found earlier. As the last two
stanzas of the title poem "Moonlit Summer Night" suggest, the longing that caused such
pain has been let go. The tears in this poem are those of joy and not sorrow.
Letting go of every last bit of longing,

lean an ear to the quiet and
pull on the oars in the white moon's gold waves.
Shout out into the blue night's sky.
Ah, praise them! Those wonderful times,

the happiness of life flowing on.
334
In the dim moonlight of a summer night,
tears of a dream-like joy rolling down.38
Laughter appears for the first time in Chindallaekkot in "Pat korang u heso
^ o i ^ -T-*I]-M (On the furrow of the field)" in the next section, "The Body Discarded."
This poem describes the camaraderie of two friends working together in barley fields
under the heat of the sun. Neatly even furrows side by side are a metaphor for happiness.
Laughing hard, again,

grasping our hoes, we walked into the barley fields
from which a wind rises. Evenly. So even,
happiness walking forth.39 O, life getting better.40
The irony of the happiness in poems such as "Moonlit Summer Night" is created
by similes suggesting that these scenes are like dreams, and by their positioning in the
collection as a whole. The "happiness" described m poems such as "On the Furrow of
the Field" is the fulfillment of a dream longed for in the preceding poem, "Paragondae
nun uri ege uri ui posop taeil ttang i issottomyon af ~A 7A ^ fe- -f A °fl A -f^ ^1 -6L^ tfl 11 /$
°1 51 ^ c i ^ 4 1 (I pray, if only we had some land of our own to plow)," where it is implied
that the speaker is homeless and happiness is experienced only in dreams.
38
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 128-129
39
These lines might also be lendeied "side by side, side by side/ happiness walking forth " Happiness is
either personified oi a metonym foi the men walking into the fields, depending on how one is inclined to
lead the lines Both leadings suggest the mctaphoiic iclationship between happiness and the evenness/ side-
by-side nature of the furtows
40
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 148
41
The title of the poem is presented slightly diffeiently in the table of contents There is a space after "uri
ege -f-s]6!] Til" and "issottomyon 31'iW?!" is spelled "issottumyon 5J-M—"S."
335
I dreamt it. The dream of returning to the village at dusk
side by side with friends
after working the fields all day,
happily—in the dream.
But without a home—

I pray, if only we had some land of our own to plow!
Would we drift like this? In the morning, at dusk,
gathering new sighs.42
The placement of these "happier" poems in or directly before a section titled "The
Body Discarded," where many of the others address departure, also makes it clear that
they present the dreams of a body soon to be forsaken. The title poem of "The Body
Discarded" describes the speaker being woken from a dream and wandering outside
where he hears someone in the forest whisper ominously, "I'm leaving. Take care." It is
followed by "Omsuk ^ -^ (Solemnity)," in which the speaker visits the grave of his love.
The central metaphor of the final poem in this section, "Mungnyom IL-f; (Meditation),"
presents the idea that "happiness" in some of the preceding poems is really a dream of
longing to be free from the space "between heaven and earth" where the living reside.
The poem euphemistically describes the beloved to whom it is addressed as sleeping, and
the speaker's soul as "brimming" in the realm of the living. The poem concludes with the
speaker walking over to lie down beside his love, who "slept first," and asking to be led
to the heavens with her.
MEDITATION
Deep at night, when the night is cold,
42
336
perched alone on my window, my two legs dangling,
I hear the sounds of the first frogs.
Sadly, you slept first, by yourself.
Stilled by the thought, candlelight sneaks from the forest

where a farm family performs rites to ward off misfortune;
finally, the frogs and the shaman's songs quiet.
My soul to brimming . . . between heaven and earth.
I rise thoughtlessly and walk over to lie against your sleeping body.
All is still again. All the little sounds grow quiet.
Starlight falling lightly—
guide me. Endlessly closer.43
"Kodok MM (Alone) " and "Travelers 'Melancholy "
In "Alone" and "Travelers' Melancholy" the joys of an idealized farming life as
metaphor for ethereal happiness are inverted, characteristic of the chiastic tropic turns
made as Chindallaekkofs sections arc toward a coupling of love with death. Poems in the
previous two sections present the dreams of a happy life working the earth, but poems
in "Alone and "Travelers' Melancholy" center on the "pleasures" of the forsaken body
beneath the soil. Images of carnal desire are conjoined with the macabre wriggling of
insects associated with death as speakers cry out, trying to bridge the gap between heaven
and earth.
Naked insects and a black sea of blood, along with dark hair that has been let down
and the incessant pecking of a woodpecker, entangle metaphors for the earthly realities
of death with those of joy and corporeal desire in the poem "Yollak tft^K (Pleasure)" that
begins the section titled "Alone":
337
PLEASURE
The sky choked deeply, darkly.

The glance of a heartbroken ghost unable to sleep
tumbling from the heart of a dream.
In the dark shadows of the pussy willow
rain water streaming down in lines,
the sound of a weepy spell arching away.
Her raven hair let down,

a daughter leaving in a clamor.
As naked insects wriggle—
a sea of black blood. Dead tree cave—
the sound of the woodpecker
pecking. The sound of the woodpecker pecking.44
The section titled "Alone" ends with the speaker of the well-known poem
"Invocations" shouting ineffectually to invoke the spirit of someone he has lost to
death. Characteristic of a dynamic where signifying the name of a beloved means
forsaking them, the beloved's name in "Ch'ohon K^t (Invocation)" is ownerless and
broken.
INVOCATION
The name shattered and broken!

The name lost to the void!
The ownerless name I call!
This name I call until I die!
I couldn't say
the one word left in my heart, even at the end.
44
338
That one that I loved!
A crimson sun was hung on a western hill.

Even the deer grieved.
From where it fell and came to sit on the mountain,
I call your name.
I shout in wild grief.

I shout in wild grief.
The sound bends up
but the space between heaven and earth is so wide.
Should I turn to stone standing here,

this name I call until I die!
That one that I loved!45
The next section, "Travelers' Melancholy," brings Chindallaekkofs wanderers right
to death's door. The rain coming down in lines in the first part of "Travelers' Melancholy"
is likened to the yellow bones of a corpse that have been propped up. Hinting that these
are pieces of a coffin or perhaps wood from a gate erected in front of family burial plots,
broken planks drift in the deluge. The poem does not clarify if the rain is a metaphor
for the gate marking the graves of the dead, or, like the bones, merely resembles it.
The rain may be washing parts of the gate past in pieces. What the poem does make
clear, however, is that the gate stands before its speaker. The traveler is melancholy
because death is visible in the rain, yet the heavy June rains can wash away whatever
memorializes death. In the arc of Chindallaekkot, So-wol's speakers who once only
saw their lost loves in the surrounding landscape now see their own mortality and the
ephemeral nature of memorials.

45 Kirn So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 164-165.
339
T R A V E L E R S ' MELANCHOLY
I
June dusky haze, streaming rain
like the dark yellow bones of a corpse tied and stood up,
pieces of the traveler's planks floating and submerged and drifting on
directionless, the red and blue of the hongmunl46
"Azaleas "
Coming after "Travelers' Melancholy" and before "The Night the Flower Lamps
Are Lit" (a phrase associated with the night a marriage is consummated),47 the poems in
"Azaleas" represent a climax of anticipation in which speakers frequently perform their
devotion to, and stymied sense of distance from, their beloveds. These performances
occur in a context in which maggots and literary characters like Ch'unhyang and Yi
Mong-nyong, whose love story is perhaps Korea's most famous, extend and tangle tropic
presentations of love and death into ever-closer couplings.
"Kaeyoul ui norae 7H<^-§;£| icefl (The song of a stream)," the first poem in the
section, in which the speaker imagines herself conjoined in death with her love, is a
particularly good example of how figures of love and death become entwined. In each of
the poem's four stanzas the speaker envisions herself or her love differently. In the first,
her love is the wind. In the second, both she and her beloved are maggots. In the third,
her love is a stone she falls with from a precipice; in the fourth, she is a fire ghost. The
poem's pronouns are arranged to suggest a dialectic relationship among the stanzas that
resolves with "I" and "you" burning up and vanishing. The subjects of the stanzas are
"you" in the first, "we" in the second, "you" in the third, and "you" and "I" (together) in
the fourth.
46
Hongmun !lH: A red gate that traditionally stands in front of tombs. Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 169.
47
Kw5n Yong-min, Kim So-wol si chonjip, 311.
340
THE SONG OF A STREAM
If you had been the wind!

In the empty field of the moon rising on the stream,
you would caress the front hems of my clothes, yes?
If we had been maggots!

Twilight rain at the foot of a dark hill,
we would dream those foolish dreams, yes?
And had you been a stone

on the precipice at the sea's end,
the two of us, tangled in embrace, would fall, yes?
And if my body were the fire ghost

I'd burn in your chest all night;
together, we would turn to ash and vanish, yes?48
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together with her love in death. Other speakers in this section of Chindallaekkot find
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 173-174
341
no such consolation. Instead they are often trapped by their metaphors, as they are in
earlier sections. However, the manner in which they are trapped distinguishes the poems
in "Azaleas" tropically from those in earlier sections. Earlier in the collection discursive
description articulates a confining poetic environment that, despite the speakers'
wanderings, does not enable them to escape the figures of their lost loves they see in the
landscape. Here the poems often perform the idea of being trapped by means of subtle
manipulations of their bibliographic presentation. The speaker in "Kil ^ (Road)," for
example, stands at a crossroads with no way to go, a situation performed by the visual
presentation of a "crossroads" in the shape of the Sino-Korean characters/? 1" at a
syllabically precise halfway point in the penultimate stanza of the poem.
ROAD
Last night too, all night long,

at the traveler's inn,
the crows cawing, cawing.
Today
another twenty or thirty ri—
which way?
Into the mountains?

The plains?
No place calls to me, so I don't go.
Don't say it. My home

is Kwaksan in Chongju.
You can get there by train or by boat.
Hear me. There in the sky,

do geese
go so easily because there is a road through the heavens?
342
Listen now. Wild geese
there in the sky,
I stand at a crossroads.
The roads forking and forking again

are roads
but none are for me to travel.49
Figure 6.4
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Performing the quandary its speaker describes, "Road" utilizes a precise metric
structure and the space of its page to intimate that its own words are the "crossroads"
at which the speaker is trapped. The phrase "yolsipcha 9 H '/'," in addition to being
centrally important to the emotional stance of the poem and the speaker's sense of
frustration, is also a visual pun. The phrase appears at the beginning of the third line,
which is exactly ten syllables long, in the sixth stanza, which is exactly twenty syllables
in total. The character "cha '/'," although represented in the English translation as
"crossroads," has as its primary meaning "linguistic character" or "letter." Thus when the
speaker says he is standing at the "center of this crossroads" he is, in a sense, being quite
Krm So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 175-177
343
literal. The phrase "yolsipcha" is metrically and spatially arranged so that it performs the
idea that the speaker stands literally and figuratively where the two lines of the character
sip i" cross.50
In "Wangsiinni ft~t"EF (Wangsimni)" the speaker suggests the same sense of being
stymied but in opposing terms. Instead of being trapped at a crossroads, he arrives at a kind
of Sisyphean destination that has him wander yet farther. The title of the poem is a proper
noun, an area in Seoul; when the characters are read for their literal meaning they suggest
"walk/ go ten ri ftT - ^ . " So when the speaker states, "I walk and walk and at Wangsimni
it rains" he is "arriving" at both a place and a journey of another ten ri in the rain. This
heightens his sense of frustration as he hurries to see his love before she leaves and gives
the poem an ironic tone because the speaker says he would like it to continue raining.
WANGSIMNI
It's raining.
And since
it's raining,
wouldn't it be great if it would rain for five days?
You said you'd come

on the eighth day or the twentieth,
and leave at sangmang.51
I walk and walk and at Wangsimni rain falls.
Well, that bird,

it's crying.
I said cry to after you'd crossed Wangsimni.
The rain slows it down; so the wild bird cries.
50
My thanks to David McCann for pointing this out in his 2003 class on Korean literature in translation.
51
The first or the fifteenth day of the lunar month. The implication is that the person to whom the poem
is addressed said she would arrive when the tide is at its lowest and depart when it is at its highest. Kw5n
Yong-min, Kim So-wol si chonjip, 211.
3AA
They say that even the willows
at the Ch'onan crossroads are soaked and sagging.
If it's going to rain, wouldn't it be great if it would rain for five days?
Caught on the mountain ridges, the clouds weep too. 52
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The title of the poem "Kanun kil 7}^^ The road away" would seem to suggest a
way out of the dilemmas posed by the "road" that does not describe a route for the speaker
in "Road" and the destination that implies yet more travel in "Wangsimni." Yet rather than
offering a way to escape, "The Road Away" reiterates a similar dilemma and describes
the emotional consequences for the speaker of expressing his emotions. The poem opens
famously with the plain form of the verb for "longing," Mripta ZL^V\% The speaker
wonders if he should say this word. He does and, having done so, is forced to cope with
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, I 82-183
345
the emotional consequences, which are articulated by the transformation of the plain form
of the verb for longing into a form that expresses the his own personal experience with
the emotion, kuriwo zz. a] •£]. The short five-word second stanza in which he asks himself
if he should "just leave" without saying anything is followed by a portentous, discursive
description of crows cawing in the hills and fields as the sun sets. Personified, the river in
which he floats metaphorically, with more river water ahead and behind, speaks. Echoing
what the beloved said in "What My Love Said" in the "To My Love" section, the waters
entice him to follow. However, the speaker in "The Road Away" is submerged in the figure
calling to him rather than estranged from it. The foreboding of the crows cawing ominously
is amplified by the way the river flows on with the years.
THE ROAD AWAY
I miss you.
Say it? and
I miss you.
Just leave?
Yes,
again...
Crows in the hills and crows in the fields.

The sun sinks over the western hills,
so they caw.
River water ahead, river water behind,

the flowing waters say
come with me, go with me,
and flowing along, with the years, flow along.53
Kim So-wol, Chindallaekkot, 1 80-1 81
346
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It is in this context, where to speak of loss is to suffer it and words themselves can be
crossroads that confound, where tropes for love are entangled with tropes for death, and
arriving at a place only means more wandering, that the title poem of Kim So-wol's collection
is presented. Although framed differently by the context of Chindallaekkot, "Azaleas," as in
the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok, is an artistic expression of presence that performs the hope of
not suffering tears. Revised and devoid of any punctuation and buttressed by the collection's
intricate orchestration, the poem expresses this hope more ardently in the collection than in
previous iterations. The speaker imagines assertively plucking flowers that previously in the
collection fell on their own as metaphors for parting and mortality, so that parting can be
rehearsed in order to celebrate the presence of the beloved to whom the poem is addressed.
Juxtaposing "Azaleas" with what French poet Stephane Mallarme (1842-1898) has
written about flowers and signification helps to illuminate how "Azaleas" is performed.
In his essay "Crise de vers (Crisis of poetry)," Mallarme writes, "I say: a flower! And
from the oblivion to which my voice relegates all contours, as something other than
the unmentioned calyces, musically arises, the idea itself, and sweet, the flower absent
from all bouquets."54 His translator in the Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism,
Rosemary Lloyd, notes, "In the original, the sentence ends Tabsente de tous bouquets'
54
Stephane Mallarme, ''Cnse de vers," in The Norton Anthology of Theory and Criticism, ed Vincent B.
Leitch, et al , trans. Rosemary Lloyd (New York and London' W.W Norton & Company, 2001), 851.
347
(the absent of all bouquets).' By omitting the word 'flower,' the French thus demonstrates
more forcefully that a name indicates the absence of the thing named."55 The speaker
in "Azaleas" "picks" the poem's flowers within a similar rubric of naming. However,
she spreads them out so that they can be trampled by a presence lacking a signifier (the
speaker's unnamed beloved). These flowers are "absent" as they are in Mallarme: they
will be picked and spread out before the speaker's beloved when he goes. The poetic act
of imagining the flowers picked, however, creates the beloved's "presence" devoid of a
linguistic signifier. The force of grammatical and cultural understanding conjures what is
given shape by, but not expressly stated in, the poem. It is this presence that "Azaleas"
celebrates, a presence inevitably lost when the poem is translated into English.
AZALEAS
When you leave,

sickened by the sight of me,
I will send you away without a word.
I will scatter an armful of

azaleas from Yaksan in Yongbyon
over the path you leave by.
Go, and let each footfall fall

gently, tenderly
on the flowers I have left for you.
When you leave,

sickened by the sight of me,
even if I die, no tears will fall.56
55
Ibid.
56
348
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"Azaleas" in
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Sorim issue of
Chindallaekkot, in
the Ch'oe Ch'or-
hwan collection.
"The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit, " "Amber Grass, " and "The Cock Crows"
After the climax of anticipation represented by "Azaleas" and the section in which
it appears, the section that follows consummates the tropic marriage of love and death
in the "The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit." Two rather short sections then follow and
bring dawn to the collection's long night. Suggesting the intimate relationship between
the tropes for love and death, the title poem of "The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit"
begins with an image of a young couple professing their eternal love. In the poem that
follows, "Pugwi kongmyong ^ ' f t ^ ^ S (Wealth, honor, position, and fame)," a speaker
faces eternity in the mirror.
T H E N I G H T THE FLOWER L A M P S A R E L I T
The night the flower lamps are lit,57 they meet in a small room.
Still young, bodies that don't know, and, yet, both,
"I have a heart as bright as sun and moon."
But love is not just once or twice. They don't know.
57
This suggests the first night a couple is married Kwon, 311
349
The night the flower lamps are lit, they meet below the dimly lit window.
Bodies that still don't know the way forward, and, yet, both,
"I have a heart as steady as pine or bamboo."
But the world is only tears. They don't know.58
The knowing speaker in "The Night the Flower Lamps Are Lit" presents an innocent
young couple vowing their steadfast and unending love on the night of their marriage.
The speaker, suggests, however, that they do not know the significance of what they are
saying or the tears such vows portend. After the young couple makes their statements
of devotion, the speaker suggests with litotes that the eternity of the love they profess is
misunderstood: it "is not just once or twice."
The poem that follows, "Wealth, Honor, Position, and Fame," is presented as if to
explain the eternity the young couple cannot fathom. The speaker picks up a mirror in the
first line and sees his face. A line break suggests that what he sees, to his alarm (indicated
by an exclamation point),59 are people who have already experienced their own mortality.
If it is true that the living live because they have not yet reached the day they will die, the
speaker wonders, where am I? The question implies that the day of the speaker's death is
at hand. He wishes for his youth and that he might remain ignorant of death for a while
longer. However, when he lifts the mirror again at the end of the poem, he sees those who
have already discovered that day he faces. The ordering of the first poems in "The Night
the Flower Lamps Are Lit" suggests that the wealth and position the young couple might
wish for are nothing in the face of the eternity they are vowing.
38
59
As noted in Chapter Five, facsimile editions of Chindallaekkot and all the significant collected works of
Kim So-wol suggest that the second line of this poem ends with a comma {mo chom). The books created in
the 1920s present an exclamation point at the end of the second line.
350
WEALTH, HONOR, POSITION, AND FAME
Picking up the mirror to see my face,

those that knew earlier!
Everyone living
not knowing the day they will grow old, the day that they will die,
O, if this is still true,
then where is this world of mine?
If sixteen, that good age, could come again,
if only I could live rightly not knowing
before, a little before, a little more—
picking up the mirror to see my face,
those that knew earlier!60
"Amber Grass," the penultimate section of the collection, brings it full circle. Spring
comes and its light settles on the brown grasses of the beloved's grave. There is a "calm.
The golden grasses of the tomb suggest that the flowers that blossomed earlier in the
collection as painful memories and were picked as an expression of devotion, the flowers
that lit the first night of a marriage as lamps, are from a previous season.
AMBER GRASS
Grass
Grass
amber grass.
The fire deep, deep in the mountains,
the amber grass of your grave.
Spring has come; spring light has come
to the willows, the tips of their thin branches.
Spring's light has come. This spring day has come
deep, deep in the mountains. To the amber grass.61
60
61
351
In the single poem comprising the final section of the collection, "The Cock
Crows," the speaker wakes in a boat on the Taedong River, unable to hold on, his arms
outstretched for the one he has presumably just dreamed about. The sun rises over the
ferry where he has slept and fog slips over the water. The implication in the larger arc of
Chindallaekkot is that the dream of the beloved lost and found and celebrated in the long
night is lost once again when morning comes and the last page of the book is turned.
Conclusion—Sideways Ghosts, Falling Flowers,
and the Alternate Performances of Two Poems in the Two Chindallaekkot
In this chapter I have argued that Chindallaekkot can be read as a performative whole. I
demonstrate this by showing how the book's fundamental bibliographic elements, such as
the ordering of its poems and their organization into sections, contribute to implying the
passage of time and the evolution of tropes, together suggesting a narrative arc. I show too
how individual poems, particularly in the title section, can be seen as performing their tropes
by utilizing the full breadth of their literary medium, including their bibliographic presence.
To conclude the chapter, I address two poems presented differently in the two 1925
issues of Chindallaekkot. In light of arguing for the expressive unity of the collection, it
is important to recall that Chindallaekkot mattered as two alternately articulated books in
the 1920s. Examining the differences between these presentations helps us to understand
how. On the one hand, such differences illustrate the manner in which Kim So-wol's
bibliographic codes can enact his poems' tropes. On the other, they help illustrate the
manner in which the texts are citing the sociology of textual practice in 1920s Korea.
Beginning with a textual variant that appears in a poem discussed previously, "The
Smell of a Woman," we find the second line of the third stanza presented differently in the
two issues. Recalling the poem, the speaker is listing synaesthetic smells he associates with
a woman. One such fragrance is "the smell of the rocking boat where the ghost is stowed."
352
fit
T2?
ti Figure 6 8 "The Smell of
-a a Woman" in the Hansong
•r;
t...
Toso issue of Chmdallaekkot
-tr (above; enlargement, first
image on the left. From the
U collection of Appenzeller-
/ft «« i f 4 » ?'- Noble Memorial Museum)
it and in the Chungang Sorim
issue (below; enlargement far
left. From the collection of
^ **i Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan).
In the Hansong Toso issue of Chmdallaekkot the glyph for "distant" or "deep" (yu M) in
the Sino-Korean compound yuryong MW^ (ghost) is turned sideways. Our first instinct is to
assume that this is a typographical error. Indeed, the Chungang Sorim issue presents the ;/«
ffi in what might be considered its proper orientation. If we were unaware of the manner in
which other texts by Kim So-wol manipulate their typography and the space of their pages
we might not give the apparent error a second thought. However, knowing that poems by
Kim So-wol frequently perform the semantic sense of their lines by manipulating their
bibliographic presentation, the fact that ghost seems to be rocking on its boat is difficult to
overlook. The odds of such an error being so poetic give us pause.
A second textual difference appears in the title poem of the "Half Moon" section
of the collection, on page 84 of both collections. The last line of the poem is presented
differently in the two issues of Chmdallaekkot. In the Hansong Toso issue the final line is
placed the equivalent of one syllable space down the page relative to the rest of the lines
in the poem. Moreover, the word "flower," which would have been impressed by a single
353
piece of type, is printed upside down. In a manner similar to that found in So-wol's early
series of poems "Wanderer's Spring" (discussed in Chapter Four), the final line of "Half
Moon" announces that flowers seem to fall and the line itself seems to drop down the page.
Not only is the semantic sense of the final line enacted by the bibliographic codes that
make up the poem but one of its central images is as well. The last line of the second stanza
describes the poem's pathos as a "sorrow that crumbles my heart," and we find in the last
line of the poem the idea of collapse when that line shifts down the page with its flowers.
In the Chungang Sorim issue, the final line of the poem is justified toward the
top of the page with the other lines in the poem and the flower is printed right side
up. Consequently, while in keeping with the typographic expectations of the day, the
bibliographic codes of the poem do not so obviously perfonn the semantic content of the
final line.
HALF MOON
It wanders white and clean. When did the dim half moon
climb over the sky!
A wind rises. Evening is cold.
The sun there plainly on the white shore.
Chill fog flows

over a raven dark, grassless plain.
Ah, it was the deep of winter. And in me
this sorrow that crumbles my heart!
Leaving, you take even the love in my chest as you go.

Youth turns a vale of years.
Night dark branches of the plain's brambles
only their leaves—pale in the twilight—like flowers seeming to fall.62
62
This line is justified toward the top of the page in the Chungang Sorim issue. Kim So-wol,
Chindallaekkot, 83-84.
354
itW
#-
sat
"« ^ fr Figure 6.9
n #?§ "Half Moon"
in the Hansong
Toso issue of
§ 0 tflf
Ch indallaekko t
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collection of the
Appenzeller-
1^ Noble Memorial
Museum) and in
the Chungang
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Sorim issue
(below, from
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ofCh'oe
Ch'or-hwan).
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355
Asking which version of these poems is "correct" leads us to understand that both
books matter performatively and should be read as they were made in the 1920s. Our
limited historical knowledge of Kim So-wol and book production in 1920s Korea,
along with our circumscribed understanding of the operations at Hansong Toso and
Chindallaekkot s production specifically, preclude us from knowing who, precisely,
is responsible for these deviations. The manner in which the books are citing textual
practice in Seoul just before Christmas in 1925 is clear, however. The more "visible"
role played by the bibliographic codes in the poems staged by the Hansong Toso issue of
Chindallaekkot serve to highlight the obvious if less "visible" role these same codes play
in the Chungang Sorim issue. Asserting that one version of these poems is correct would
have us choose between the semblance of typographic standards that we imagine No Ki-
jong at Hansong Toso to have followed and the uncanny poetry of texts by Kim So-wol
which, with often startling precision, manipulate these standards for their own artistic
ends. How these various forces are conjoined in the various iterations of Chindallaekkot
is how Chindallaekkot mattered in the 1920s, a realization missed when the books Kim
So-wol published in 1925 are not studied as they were made.
356
Conclusion
Poetry mattered in 1920s Korea as a function of its material production, a fact not
investigated before this study. To demonstrate how poetry mattered during the second
decade of Korea's colonial experience, I have shown that poetry's material form and
language are central to what constitutes modern Korean poetry conceptually. I have
conducted two surveys of colonial-era publications to illuminate how poets, publishers,
and printers made poetry during this period, filling a gap in our knowledge about these
people and the social, economic, and technical processes with which they grappled to
make their art. A detailed examination of the poetry of Kim So-w51 within the contexts
provided by these surveys reveals that his poems mattered perfomatively as citations of
the sociology of their textual condition and as material bodies that enact their themes and
metaphors. It also reveals that scholars have not been reading Kim So-wol's poetry as it
was produced during his lifetime.
The need for this kind of research is urgent. It will enable scholars to be more
certain that the texts they are reading are accurate representations of the works of authors
from this period. Equally, if not more importantly, it will help to secure the cultural
legacy that these printed materials represent as the creative labor of many individuals, a
legacy soon to be lost if efforts to conserve and understand these books and periodicals
are not undertaken. Unless we make serious and sustained inquires into how printed
objects from this era were made, as well as how we might preserve them, it will soon
be impossible to read the literature of this period as it was presented at the time of its
creation. The staples binding these materials have all but rusted away; the paper on which
they have been printed is already quite brittle. Indeed, it may already be impossible to
read all the poems Kim So-wol published between 1920 and 1925 as they appeared in
periodicals made during his lifetime. Despite concerted efforts, I have not been able to
locate a copy of the August 1923 issue ofSinch'onji, which includes a number of his
important poems. Indeed, not even a facsimile of this issue of Sinch'onji appears to exist
357
in South Korean libraries. My incomplete survey of vernacular poetry from the 1920s,
presented in Chapter Two, shows that it is now extremely difficult, if not impossible,
to view all of the books presented in systematic bibliographies of vernacular poetry
from this period. Like the August 1924 issue of Sinch'onji, facsimile reproductions are
unavailable for many. We have not even begun to seriously consider the large quantity of
poetry composed in classical Chinese, let alone attempt something so fundamental as a
systematic bibliography of that literature.
This means that a significant body of literature produced as poetry during this
period is excluded from our understanding. To read poems by authors who wrote in the
vernacular during the first decades of the twentieth century we must turn to facsimile
reproductions, if they are available. These later reproductions are distinct performances
and, if a poet as studied as Kim So-wol is any indication, may not accurately reflect
what was made in the 1920s, even when presented as photographic reproductions.
The collected works of poets such as Kim So-wol, while vital to our understanding of
poetry from this period, can similarly distort our understanding if we are not careful to
investigate them as material productions of their own age. In addition to causing his
flowers to "fall" sideways (as opposed to down) on their horizontally typeset pages
and introducing the textual variants that are an inevitable part of compiling a collected
works, Kim So-wol's editors may also have inserted a poem into his corpus. At the very
least, they have made it quite difficult to see, as it was made initially, a poem that they
claim Kim So-wol published in the 1920s. Kim Chong-uk, Kim Yong-jik, Yun Chu-
un, Kwon Yong-min, and O Ha-gun all present a version of the poem titled "Sinang fs
# (Belief)" that supposedly appeared in a June 1924 issue of the journal Sinyosong?
This poem, however, does not appear in that issue or any other of the journal. I have
1
Kim Chong-uk, ed., Chongbon So-wol chonjip, vol. 2, 106-107; Kwon Yong-min, ed., So-wol si chonjip,
375-376; Kim Yong-jik, ed., Kim So-wol chonjip, 228-229; Yun Chu-un, ed., Kim So-wol si chonjip, 170-
171; O Ha-gun, ed., Wonbon Kim So-wol chonjip, 229.
358
yet to locate the version presented by these So-wol scholars in another periodical.2 For
a generation scholars have been working from altered 1970s facsimile reproductions of
Chindallaekkot, making it difficult to believe anything but the urgency of investigating
the literature as it was presented in So-wol's era. As I hope to have shown, if we read this
poetry as it was made in the 1920s we can better hear its music, more clearly see how
poets and their printers inhabited their space and time, and better understand how they
and their music have come to live in ours.
See the note to Table 3.2 for a discussion of this issue.
359
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378
Appendix 2.1
Books Surveyed'
^-^c^^v**
1. Onoe ui mudo
(Dance of anguish)
Author(s):
Paul Verlaine,
Remy de Gourmont,
Albert Samain,
Charles Baudelaire,
William Butler Yeats, et al.
Translator:
Kim Ok
(In the Hwabong

collection)
i-,^St'i]lir,:'s^&^^&k',i'A-•#&^£&'^*d\& •
Dimensions (w x h in cm): 13.8 x 19.8; spine 7.4 (mm);

4.6-p'anhyong, proportions (width to height): 1:1.435
Cover materials: coated card (thickness. .34 mm)
Color(s): three (magenta, orange, green)
Image: flowers and musical staff
1
Except when I discusss Chindallaekkot I have used the term "edition" as it is used in Korean
bibliographic practice to suggest p'anbon Ik A- Please see my discussion of "p'anbon," "edition," "issue,"
and "state" in Chapter Five
379
Onoe in mudo
Colophon
5|
Onoe id mudo
.•>.'"
I
inswae (printing): March 15,
1921
parhaeng (release date): March
7ft 0*J 20,1921
I p'yonjip kyom/
price: 1 won
parhaengja (editor/ publisher):

Ko Kyong-sang
Kyongsong Chongno
0«oe w/ 2-chongmok 181
wn/cfo title
JIB lift
rs,,
page inswaein (printer):
Kim Song-p'yo
Kyongsong Hwanggumjong
1-chongmok 181
W W
• ;
- : & ' m
inswaeso (place of printing):
<*' ,-^s*«
-m
Kyemunsa Inswaeso
Kyongsong Hwanggumjong
1-chongmok 181
li^'i* "8^" ' iff
palsuch'6
(publisher/distributor):
Kwangik Sogwan • j ^ v? £LJ^ |t> x "^ ^ ^ "- "4
Kyongsong Chongno ,
2-chongmok 87
'A sp;«.
chinch'e kujwa (account ,'%?«. ? * > - * : # is? a^
number to which money can be : 1 1 * '*-.^g 1 * ||;;i§-
sent): Kyongsong 839 \
380
Number of Pages—174; extra
sheets: ( +1 front endsheet/ +1
tissue paper/ +1 title page/ +1
Onoe ui mudo authors names/ +1 half title)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet .04 mm
Endsheets Notes Margins (in cm) 8 sheet .63 mm
two different kinds.
a) .07 mm feels coated. Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
b) .03 mm tissue paper.
Pg-3 2.2 1.9 to folio 2 to dates
Title Page and Front Matter 1.5 to
2.6 to text; 2 to title;
Notes Pg-6 folio; 2.3 1.7
4.4 to title 3.5 to text
_title page: to text
single color. 3.4 to text;
Pg-15 1.6 to folio 2.1 1.7
3 stamps. 4.5 to title
heavy stock (.12 mm),
the body face is .3 cm x .3 cm.
relief printed, can feel,
_on pg. 15 ka 7\ in title case is
impressions of type.
.4 cm x .4 cm; ka 7} in first line
of body is .3 cm x .3 cm.
_sheet with authors names;
heavy stock (.13 mm), but
does not feel coated. General Notes
someone had fun "correcting"
half title page: the text with a red pen. On pg.
same as body paper; feels 19 pal -Mr is annotated w\i\\put
slightly coated.
Notes on Margins Binding Notes

jyangjang.
paper over boards; endsheets
Paper Notes glued to cover stock.
_appears that many different _sewn so that string is visible
kinds of paper were used: pp. between pp. 10-11,26-27,
3-18 low opacity (.36 mm); pp. 42-43,58-59,74-75,90-91,
19-34 more opaque (.37 mm); 106-107, 122-123, 138-139,
pp. 35-end, different paper. 154-155, 170-171.
no chain lines.
,
glue holds pg. 18 to pg. 19 at
' position of
top and bottom.
holes for
_fibers clearly visible. binding—
from top
Notes on Typefaces . (cm)
) ;
_pg. 3 title face O ft .5 cm x .5 • ) )
cm; sam $k, the first syllable in )
381
2. K'it'anjari
(Gitanjali)
Author: •;'trfi .
Rabindranath Tagore
Translator:
Kim Ok
"'if*.
% aiifcMfll- -Is
'**& J^4w™*° ^ ^ T>^ -kil* .%-'
(In the Hwabong

collection)
;
V -fag !t M
*<; 1; l l I f - ^ ^ 1 '
/ f
.„ ^ . ^ s'.&
/^^\^^^jîî,ii^^
ss: ''^
Dimensions (cm):13.2 x 19.1; spine 1; 4.6p'anhyong; 1:1.439

Cover materials: paper overboard (thickness: 1.2 mm)
Color(s): one (black)
Image: none
382
.<al?H|8l> IE ,T. t'
K'it'anjari
Colophon | if % IjS
uftr 1K 1 fe
-w*. - fV, « > t f » ", Vj, (," $V il I
K 'it 'anjari
s
inswae: March 28, 1923 « « a
parhaeng: April 3, 1923
price: 1 won
mm, ^ ^ V ? - ; " 4:'' t-#?c€
ii M. t
p'yonjip kyom parhaengja: A
MHt 31111' * ,, &
Kim Ki-jon it I m 5&
.**.
Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong
89-ponji
l i f t -%
;
| P '""
K 'it 'anjari title page
ec&ff
1|#-v •
inswaeja:
Okuda Ennosuke
P'yongyang Ukchong 22-p5nji

{£,„'
inswaeso:
Okuda Yoko
P'yongyang Ukchong 22-ponji
parhaengso:
Imun'gwan
P'yongyangbu Soram-ni 125-ponji
chinch'e Kyongsong 10713 pon
383
Number of Pages—113;
extra sheets: ( +1 endsheet/
+ 1 frontispiece/+1 tissue/+1
K'it'anjari title page/ +4 TOC/ +2 for
Bibliographic Notes "Translator's Greeting"/ +1
for colophon/+1 endsheet)
Endsheets Notes Paper (body)

_glossy .08 (mm). 1 sheet .09 mm
Margins (cm) 10 sheets .95 mm
Frontispiece Notes
Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
image of Tagore titled
binding
"Rabindranath Tagore." pg. 1 of 2.7 to text; fragile,
_paper is .09 mm. "Translatoi 's 3.1 to indent;
1.4 to folio; difficult to
image may be a lithograph. Greeting" 3.4 to box; 1.9
2.2 to text tell approx.
pg. dimension 4.7 to yok «f
No embossing, type is broken (13 x 19) in title .5 to fold 2
at edges. to bmd
tissue paper (.04 mm) protects 2.8 to text, 2.7 to number
approx. 1 to
the image. pg. 1 of poems
3.3 to indent; "one // - ";
fold; 2.5 to
4.9 to 5 to last line
bind
numeral 1 of the poem
Title Page Notes
interesting type. Two roman
faces; two Korean, including printed on a different stock. "Translator's Greeting
a decorative face for the title Feels stiffer. However, it is (,W# S j A ¥ ) " i s . 5 . S e LH
(note the circle for the chulgi about the same thickness as the in segye i_Lt 5ft- in the body
in k 'iiik ^ and the shape of paper used throughout the book text of the first page of the
the t'iut E ) . J T Z f] is 1.1 and has the same chain and "Translator's Greetings" is .3.
cm; P'yong ^ in P'yongyang screen lines.
^ " S is.3;z U is .4. Other General Notes
Korean fonts .4 or .3 cm. "G" Binding Notes
"Gitanjali" is .7 cm. "R" in jyangjang.
Rabindranath is .4 cm. can see signatures on the
_printed in red. exposed spine.
thick matte sheet. 11 mm.
_recto printed in blue in roman Notes on Typefaces (cm,
type. Looks to be Esperanto. square unless otherwise noted)
First cap A is .4 cm. _aside from the roman faces
used on the title page and
Notes on Margins the roman folios throughout,
there appear to be two Korean
faces—a body and title face.
Both faces are distinguished
Paper Notes
by their "squareness." Slight
stiff and opaque.
serifs in the body text, but
_no big pieces of fiber visible.
understated. Yok 1% in yokcha
_screen and chain lines visible
n ? ^ as part of the section
when held up to the light.
title on the first page of the
TOC feels almost like it is
384
3f_'
3. Haep'ari ui norae
(Song of the jellyfish)
'SUV" %r*£> I • J ~°> •! *>•>». ,•>''•'• i l l

Author:
Kim Ok
# .11 A
(In the O Yong-sik '•MS
collection; image of
colophon is from copy in
the Hwabong collection)
* iff-0"
.• <Mf, .~Wc PM' I i l | | | | # '% ! *^"' ;

*%'"' ?"
elf
sft *S*
-iff- *-"««/
— -i-*«".•-»... -..liiM,--.. h. m^..m.-^J.A...,J
Dimensions (cm): 12.6 x 18.6; spine 1.1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.476

Cover materials: paper (thickness: .2 mm)
Coior(s): two (red and black)
Image: none
385
I I f'KANTO M MEDU20f. -|
;-' -!"? Pawnoro Merkita Be .-|3T '; | |
Haep 'ari iii norae

Colophon
inswae: June 25, 1923

.-...*. , -ill,. J ; « £ - ' > ' parhaeng: June 30, 1923
;
lllifIS*""*, rf*™*
Haep 'ari Hi norae
price: 80 chon
Copyrighted
E3B y chojak kyom/ parhaengja:
Kim Ok
KyongsSngbu Ch'ongjin-dong 99-ponji

L
^•-^1i '-wii
Haep'ari ui norae title page
mswaein:
Sim U-t'aek
Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong 55-ponji
inswaeso:
Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa
Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji
parhaengso:
Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 60-ponji
tel: Kwanghwamun 177 pon
386
extra sheets: ( +1 title page/
+ 1 frontispiece/ +5 TOC/ +1
Haep 'ari ui norae introductory statement and
Bibliographic Notes first preface)
Paper (body)
Endsheets Notes 1 sheet. 10 mm
Title Page Notes Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter

_interesting decorative pg. 1 of
typeface; 1 cm. "Haep'ari generous;
1.5 2.7 .9 to folio
ui norae" approx. 2.5
Frontispiece Notes preface
image of Kim Ok. no bottom
first page of
_paper feels coated but not margin.
poems 1.5 1.3 similar
glossy. Perhaps matte (.08 Folio up 5.2
(pg. 9) from bottom
mm).
Notes on Margins Notes on Typefaces (cm,

square unless otherwise noted) position of
13.9
holes for
very similar to Dancado de binding 126
Paper Notes Agonio. string in
_very similar to what was used _hae s}| in title on pg. 1 of first Hap 'ari ui
in Dancado de Agonio (Onui ui preface is .6; kat Zk in body norae—from
bottom (cm) 5.5
mudo, 1923), which was also text is .3.
4.1
printed at Taedong Inswaeso _kkum js~ in title on pg. 9 of
just two months after Haep'ari poems is A; palk if in first line
ui norae. of the body of the poem is .3.
_uncoated. text on pg. 8 (before first page
_no obvious big fibers. of poems) is .2.
position of
_visible chain and screen lines. 14.1
holes for
General Notes binding 12.5
Binding Notes _the physical structure of string in
_unique style; two pieces this book is very similar to Dancado de
Agonio—
of heavy string are threaded Dancado de Agonio (Onui
from bottom
separately through four holes ui mudo, 1923). The binding (cm)
punched through the textblock method is very similar. Even
and covers. These two strings the holes for the binding string
are knotted so that the knot is are within a few millimeters
visible on when viewing the of being identical in the two
volume from the front. editions. The design of the
_very similar to Dancado de TOC is the same. Paper stock
Agonio {Onui ui mudo, 1923). looks to be the same.
_signatures trimmed.
387
# ^r>> »
"f "t
* --Y
*
4. Dancado de Agonio
^ »*•
(Dance of anguish)
•C.WcstSC-
Author(s) ^3 ,
Paul Verlame, ^^ f *' __,
? " : "t
Remy de Gourmont,
Albert S amain,
Charles Baudelaire,
n?« *
William Butlei Yeats, et al
Translator
Kim Ok
| % \
(In the 6 m Tong-sop

collection)
Dimensions (cm) 12 5 x 18 3, spme 1 1 , 4 6-p an, 1 1 465

Cover materials card, perhaps coated (thickness 19 mm)
Color(s) two (green and red)
Image serpent
388
Dancado
de Agonio
First edition Colophon
inswae March 15, 1921
parhaeng Maich 20, 1921
MA 31 Second edition
inswae August 5, 1923
i- *. parhaeng August 10, 1923
'.^*
Onoe in mudo
/ate price 1 won 20 chon
Itw?
Copyrighted
chqjak kyom paihaengja

Kim Ok
"- ^--t^^m^ Kyongsongbu Ch'ongjm-dong 99-ponji
SKk^tr.L'i 1.*
Dancado de Agonio title page
i%i ml
inswaein
Sim U-t'aek If
#? mnM
KySngsongbu Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji
ll
mswaeso
Taeaong Inswae ChusiK Hoesa i
as m
1- m ««
Kyongsongbu Kongpy'ong-dong 55-ponji *r At
«
Iff
As 5
parhaengso 4t * IT «
Choson To so Chusik Hoesa :m if
r i* I
ffl«t
jt
*
rt> HI s
Pi f ^-i
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 60-ponji &r u -t-
tel Kwanghwamun 177 pQn rifc
chmch'e Kyongsong 8255 pon

te-
389
extra sheets: ( +1 for title
page/ +6 for front matter and
Dancado de Agonio first section marker/ +1 for
Bibliographic Notes colophon)
Endpaper Notes Paper (body)

1 sheet .09 mm
Title Page Notes Top
_image looks like woodblock Page No. Bottom Outside Gutter
Margin
print. approx.
_image set: 1.5 cm from top, 2.2 to folio;
Pg-5 1.4 .4 2.7 to so
3 to text
flush to gutter, .5 cm from
outside of page. Dimensions: approx.
2.2 to folio;
3.1 cm(h)x 11.5 (w). Pg-9 1.4 1.6 2.7 to
3 to text
text
înteresting typeface used for
title. approx.
pg. 20 1.6 2 to folio 1.4
2
_relief printed, can feel
impression.
_two stamps and a signature.
Notes on Typefaces (cm,
Notes on Margins square unless otherwise noted)
position of , 4.4
_top margin on pages with three basic faces: title page holes for , 6.2
poetry slightly bigger. face used for title, 0 'lU is 1.4 string
_folio on pg. 73 upside down. high by 1.6 wide; title face, —from top
used for chapter headings, (cm) t
12.6
Paper Notes ppe (oul]) in Pperiiren H ^.^1 • 14.2
jvisible chain and screen lines. (Verlaine) on pg. 18 is .8 (h) x
_uncoated. .6 (w), ka 7} in title on pg. 20
_no obvious big fibers. {Kaulid norae y\^^\ tefl)
is .4; body type, first ka 7} in
Binding Notes body of poem on pg. 20 is .3.
_unique, a cross between
panyangjang and tongjang. General Notes
similar method used to bind _clean copy.
Kim Ok's Haep'ari ui norae.
_bound with red string.
_tied through cover.
390
-wwj-iJTSS^jij,^,
v
^W^rTf^mMMîi ; if * ;
5. Irojin chinju
(The lost pearl)
Author:
Arthur Symons
;'|f
Translator:
Kim Ok
(In the Hwabong

collection)
* '-riW'.^r w- *•£ x**
Dimensions (cm): 12.9 x 18.7; spine 1; 4.6-pan; 1:1.45

Image: none
391
Irojin chinju
Irojin chinju title page Colophon
-- fVrda-K. Kim
(The title page is
missing from the
Hwabong collection
copy. This title page
image comes from a inswae: February 25, 1924
5 ;*- • ^ copy of the second parhaeng: February 28, 1924
printing [May 30,
1924; parheang Sijip Irojin chinju
June 1, 1924] in the price: 90 chon
Yonsei University
,. ? *,*»!!; ';/.';|< ^"vîf*' ''
collection. The Copying is not permitted
colophons of the
two copies are chojak kyom parhaengja:
identical with Kim Ki-chon
the exception of
P' y ongmun' gwan 's Kyongsong Kyongun-dong 88
postal account number and the
additional dates of printing and
release. In the second printing,
P'yongmun'gwan's account number is
listed as "10910." In the first printing,
it is listed as "10912.")
mswaeja:
No Ki-jong
Kyongsong Kyonji-dong 32
ipiii^fpF ife ... • Wi
inswaeso:
' "f-::i;^MWiXM' * 53;; %& f ; ;
s
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32
parhaengso:
P' y ongmun' g w an
Kyongsong Anguk-tong 150 <€•'
chinch'e kujwa 10912 pon
392
extra sheets: ( +1 endsheet/ +4
TOC/+1 colophon)
Irojin chinju
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 folded sheet .09 mm
Margins (cm) 10 folded sheet .85 mm
Endsheets Notes
_half sheet of "noruji" a kind Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
of parchment paper (.05 mm). 1.3 to
Pg-4 approx.
folio;
(Soman 2; folio up 1 to fold;
Title Page Notes taesin e 2.7 3.8 from
2 to text
approx.
of title;
bottom 2.5 to
3.2 to
:SM) body text
bind
Notes on Margins
2.5 to none; 1.2 to
text; 3.9 folio up folio; 2 to
pg.45 same
to English 3.8 from last line of
Paper Notes
title bottom poem
_a kind of brown parchment
paper called "noruji" is used
throughout. _so jf- in Soman taesin e )-f SC
{^ Jf°l] (Instead of preface) is
Binding Notes .7 (pg. 4).
_printed on one side and folded _the "drop capital" na u f in na
in "traditional style" with sheets nun M-fe- on pg. 45 is .6. In the
folded at middle. body of the poem on the same
_panyangjang. page na ^r is .3.
two staples bind the volume. _a small face is used at the
The holes for the top staple beginning of the sections to
(approx. 2.5 cm) are 5 and 7.5 translate epigraphs. Kat ^ in
cm from the top edge; the holes katt'un 7£% on pg. 44 is .2.
for the second staple (approx.
1.5 cm) are 13 and 14.5 cm General Notes
from top edge of the volume. these bibliographic notes
describe to the copy of the
Notes on Typefaces (cm, square first printing housed at the
unless otherwise noted) Hwabong collection.
_ recognizably from Hansong
To so.
No Ki-jong utilized something
roughly equivalent to "drop
capitals."
_a roman face is also used.
J °] in ibon °1 S is .7 on
pg. 1 of first preface; i °] in
irohan °1 &] ?V in second line of
preface is .3.
393
"~';%\.'• ^îS. ' ^fe^J* x
sî??^ ^ * *^ * f t l i i l ^ s l
f-1
6. Pom chandui pat wi e wt 4-
(On spring grass)
Author:
Cho Myong-hui Cwse***!
311I3K' \
(In the O Yong-sik fp » , # ,, m- T<

collection)
Dimensions (cm): 12.2 x 17.9; spine .6; 4.6-p'a«; 1:1.467

Cover materials: thick matte paper (thickness: .17 mm)
Color(s): one (dark red)
Image: house in hills
394
f J4
Pom chandtii pat wi e
Colophon
1
* <
inswae: June 12, 1924

parhaeng: June 15, 1924
price: 70 chon
if n ffl a
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin:
Sin Chong-sok
Kyongsongbu Songhyon-dong 39-ponji

II ft #
!&&,,. JBjStggJjj iz *
Hi IE
Pom chandui pat wi e
title page i +
.*«. *.*•„
ft Hi * i
it n
IT 18 lift
H e
inswaeja: Aft , it £9
No Ki-jong •J*
&
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji Jff Iff

7(11
12
inswaeso:
if -«i
Kii r +
i IB
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji • , — ».,, - j^» A* '(J
parhaengso:
rfA •«
A ill it
5$ SJ « *»* 11
$ * ia $ +
Ch'unch'ugak
Kyongsongbu Such'ang-dong 153-ponji
395
+2 TOC7 +1 for first preface
Pom chandid pat wi e half title/+1 for first preface/
Bibliographic Notes + 1 second preface half title/
+6 second preface/ +1 first
section half title)
Endsheets Notes
Paper (body)
Title Page Notes 1 sheet .09 mm
Margins (cm) 5 sheet .45 mm
Notes on Margins Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter

approx. 3.1 to
1.4 to run-
pg. 1 of first fold:
3 1.6 ning head;
Paper Notes preface approx. 4 to
2.2 to text
bind
_ no chain lines but
pg. 1 of 1.3 to run- 1.5 to fold;
honeycomb-like screen lines. second 3.1 1.4 ning head; approx. 2.4 to
_not yellowed significantly, preface 2.1 to text bind
no large fibers. 1.7 to run-
pg. 4 of 2.9 to text; none; 3.9
ning head;
poems 4.5 to title up to folio
Binding Notes 2.6 to title
_panyangjang.
_ stab-stitched with single
staple (2.7 cm).

square unless otherwise noted)
generally small.
_kiirana ZL£}u(- on pg. 1 is 1 position of
holes for
cm in length.
staples—(cm)
jnu |JS in title on pg. 4 of
poems is .6; chu i t in main
body is .3; pom if- in running 7.1
head is also .3.
General Notes
396
* ^""**!?ffy w p s F ^ m
.. -#**-
7. Hukpang pigok *^
(Secret songs from a dark
room)
Author:
Pak Chong-hwa
$M
h*m • i&-l<
(In the Om
Tong-sop
collection)
l i t %§I^ ^liK-'
a^p
-a) i. »

Cover materials: card (thickness: .15 mm)
Image: none
397
Hukpang pigok =o
Colophon
\l
inswae: June 21, 1924 If # if

parhaeng: June 25, 1924 ."s ^"'
sijip Hukpang pigok
price: 1 won 30 chon
9T
Copying is not permitted.
chojakcha (copyright holder): * £m&

Pak Chong-hwa
% i#T;* * ss M
Kyongsongbu Pongnaejong v& ' f
VttSi'i lit
1-chongmok 148-ponji
#
parhaengja:
Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa m at
-h
%*•!
3*
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 83. * A
W-
60-ponji
33w -
u taep'yoja (representative):
Hong Sun-p'il # jfc |8
inswaeja:
Sim U-t'aek
parhaengso:
KyongsSngbu Kongp'yong- Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa
dong 55-ponji
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong
inswaeso: 60-ponji
tel: Kwanghwa 177 pon
KyongsSngbu Kongp'yong-
dong 55-ponji chinch'e Kyongsong 8255 pon
398
Number of Pages—223,
+52 for one-act play at end of
book; extra sheets: ( +1 first
Hukpang pigok preface/ +1 second preface/
Bibliographic Notes +3 TOC/ +1 title page of first
section/ +1 epigraph/ +1 title
page of one-act play)
Endsheets Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet .07 mm
Title Page Notes Margins (cm) 10 sheets .72 mm
no title page.
Top
Page No. Bottom Outside Gutter
Margin
Notes on Margins
1.3 to fold
first preface 2.5 1.4 2
2.3 to spine
approx. 1.5
Paper Notes 1.1 to run-
to fold
_high quality paper, Pg- 1 2.6 ning head
approx. 2.5
light but opaque, 1.7 to text
to spine
honeycomb screen pattern,
no large fibers. _ nal ^t, first syllable of poem
(pg. 1) is .3.
Binding Notes _kok [ttl in running head is .2.
_panyangjang. nicely printed.
_paperback, stab stitched with
two staples holding textblock. General Notes

_faces on cover look as if they
were lithographed. However, position of • 5
one can feel the impression of holes for • 6.5
the glyphs on the reverse of the staples—
cover. from top
_two faces used in main body: (cm)
• 12.5
a title and body face. • 14?
_to 51 in title of poem (pg. 1)
is .4.
399
8. Choson ui maiim
(The heart of Choson)
Author: ^ ,1
Pyon Y6ng-no
:
k A
Ê\
I>1 * 11
(In the Hwabong

collection)
Î
•7%!
^P*' ivS&
-^'iN, •-
lli*' 1 ;!
...'i~..'..~-4*j>
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 14.7; spine .55; kukpanp'an; 1:1.4

Cover materials: thick paper (thickness: .15 mm)
Color(s): two (red and black)
Image: hat andpiri
400
s Choson ui ntaum
off Colophon
9~ ty 9] g|@
o
m a « 1?
inswae: August 19, 1924

parhaeng: August 22, 1924
924-.U.13 price: 50 chon
chojak kyom parhaengin:

Sfcf *f' - Pyon Yong-so
Koyang-gun Yonhui-myon Ch'angch'6n-ni

Yonhui Chonmun Hakkyo
ft g xa x i1 M i?
^ ^
IE IE
•£• -j<
Choson ui mourn title page
fl J!
& f=n n ««
H 0
if m m fife
mswaeja: m 5 !1J? $ * $ # * l8l I f ipj
if
No Ki-jong
a
KySngsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-pflnji
!
-'4 M *S m
ui
^ ti
inswaeso: m
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa ii iftl -{- ~f* JB tt:
ft!
ft
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji V!> ft # i& # 7TC TO
J-.j. . . i - M if
A, m
v_/
parhaengso:
P'yongmun'gwan
fT $
m . ilfl: jfl
KyongsSngbu Anguk-tong 150-ponji
401
sheets: ( +1 title page/ +3 for
TOC7 +2 for Suji sijip ch 'otjang
Choson ui maum el +2 for front endsheet)
Bibliographic Notes

1 sheet .08 mm
10 sheets .83 mm
Title Page Notes
light gloss (.07 mm). Margins (cm)
title looks like same block that Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
printed the title on the cover. 1.1 to
1 65 to running
approx. 1 to
pg. 1 of green bol- head; 1.65
Notes on Margins der;
.8
to green
fold; 2.4 to
preface
_border printed in green in bind
1.9 to text bolder; 1.9
front matter. to text
2.1 to top none, folio 1.1 running 1.5 to fold,
Paper Notes Pg- 11 of text; up 3.3 from head; 1.9 to approx. 2.5
3.5 to title bottom text to bind
_brown, but reasonable quality.
_opaque even though thin.
^machine paper, it appears. General Notes
_there is also a faint pattern _two images appear on pgs. 95
that creates the effect of a laid and 96.
paper. image captioned "Suelli ^ & |
_no large fibers. (Shelley)" on pg. 95.
image captioned "Suelli
Binding Notes ui hwajang (aphe sun i ka
_panyangjang. [Ppairon]) %A$\ 'XM i
_one staple (approx. 2 cm in
<y-*H£°i7r [4<>m])
length) placed 7 cm from top
(Shelley's Cremation (the
edge.
person in front is Byron)" on
Pg. 96.
_halftone dots visible in both
images. Can see embossing of
_aside from cover and title
both images on both sides of
page title faces, standard
the sheet. Likely to be copper
Hansong Toso type. Two faces
or steel relief prints.
(title and body); the smaller
body face is used in running
heads as well.
_nal HT in title of poem on pg.
11 is slightly more than .4; nal
sT in body of the same poem is
slightly more than .3; nal s" in
running head on the same page
is .3
402
•««•
li
9. Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan
(A girl's flower garland)
S" ,
Author: 4|- 5f
No Cha-yong
Note: There appear to be

at least three (and possibly
four) editions of Ch'onyo
ui hwahwan. This copy is
likely to be a first edition 1
and was published in

October of 1924. An image ?
of the second, published
in April of 1927, is found
below. The National
Library of South Korea
also has an edition from .' '} "'••
t ;
1929 in its collection,
published (parhaengch'6)
by Ch'angmundang Sojom.
Please see below as well.
t^'V-'-.
.£•-$
.... #;
r ^ -', * •, _. i _..
l
,-~
« m-~ "•
" • .' - - :. -."-:';, **y*f. x
• * = • ' " " ' : ' • "
• ''i
TV V ';-^ '-" : ' - %r^ ''' ~ • • • • .'•,-=
Ha Tong-ho (1982) lists

an edition published by
Ch'angmundang Sojom
•* !
- f , :
': ^;,.\<..V'
li?-^.Î*'-'.•='"'• "> V'">

- | .
'0 :-'" *<i-' '-J-i' f%%V % - *

v l - * ' ~ ' - ? ^ ^ ' * .*";«"',' ~:'*•-'„ ' *'/
*--' \-'': \ \ "• '"l • '%'•<" "f"
. '• - ; • ' $ :
i
'' ' * ' * ! '"' - •
from March of 1925 as §§ '"sV W-: -.V '. ' - :• - - '
well.
Dimensions (cm): 11.5 x 17.2; spine 1.5; 4.6-p'an, trimmed;

(In the O Yong-sik
1:1.496
collection)
Cover materials: pink cloth over board (thickness: 2.35 mm)
Image: none
403
Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan
(first edition) Colophon
inswae October 6, 1924

parhaeng October 10, 1924
Ch'onyo in
hwahwan Ch'onyo in hwahwan
•k
(first edition) price 1 won 30 chon
title page
Copying is not permitted
chojakcha
No Cha-yong
qd"l
m Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-ponji
parhaengja
Yamahana Hoketsu
Kyongsongbu Hwanggurajong 4-chongmok

96-ponji
r * *
• » m
a 9* 8A I -£ I-
inswaeja
f If (if
No Ki-jong t I
A ii
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji iff iw I H U
inswaeso a rp
• m
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji •to
ii rn w
parhaengso O 4
Ch'ongjosa 9 S
JJ» j,^ -^t #•*

KySngsongbu Ch'angsm-dong *» ** Jfif Jfr
143-17-ponji
W ft iff I * ; , «!'
m* * * - j r*
palmaeso
HansSng Toso Chusik Hoesa VîT
« + *!: |î
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji i-^
[ > . , **
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong 760 pon
404
+ 1 epilog poem/ +3 TOC7 +1
Ch 'onyo ui h wait wan section half title/+1 colophon/
(first edition) + 1 endsheet)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet .09 mm
Endsheets Notes 10 sheets .85 mm
Margins (cm)
Title Page Notes Top
_glossy (.06 mm). Page N o . Bottom Outside Gutter
Margin
_printed in one color (black). 3.1 to text
(pg. dim. of running approx. .5 to
Notes on Margins 11.3 x 16.8) head: 3.4 to fold;
1.9 to folio 1
pg. 1 of line in run- approx. 1.5
poems ning head; to bind
4.4 to body
Paper Notes
pg. 2 of
_ lightly coated. same same same approx. same
poems
still fairly white, glistens in
the fluorescent lights,
no big fibers.
_honeycomb pattern.
Binding Notes Notes on Typefaces (cm,

_panyangjang. square unless othenvise noted)
case but no strings showing. _ not particularly well struck,
Looks like a piece of backing perhaps because of the paper's
tape was applied, but nothing gloss. There look to be a title
sewn into it. Two large and and a body face.
rusted staples showing through _pg. 1 of poems pom •" in title
on pg. 194 indicate that the face is .4; kkyo %\ in body is .3;
textblock was likely stab- ch'o M in running head is .2.
stitched and then cased in.
General Notes
405
10. Aery on mosa
(Yearning thoughts of love)
Author (s):
Paul Verlaine,
Goethe,
Heinrich Heine,
Nikolaus Lenau,
Sarojini Naidu,
Percy Shelley,
William Butler Yeats,
Alexander Pushkin,
Saijo Yaso, et al. ••:' • ~-, /* -v •* >- ' V • .
7 9
Translator:
Kim Ki-jin
(In the Hwabong

collection)
Dimensions: 12.8 x 18.5; spine 1.1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.45

Cover materials: original cover missing. New cover: cloth over
paper
Color(s): gold and brown fabric; title likely to have been written
by Hwabong owner Yo Sting-gu
406
",{<$ Y<--
Aery on mosa
Colophon
If-
L.v
L
:/, '1 - • „
s
t
''K&
Xii
' <'"
V> A- i -•* ss-.-- V*,,,
' ij?N&
:
•- ---»D
I* *"%' 1> * . ! | « * •'
J "? *,v •• ]t ;'
inswae: November 25, 1924 JN ,<X / ^ P S W|;
parhaeng: November 30, 1924 '-^ t v Q--=.:-U
Aery on mosa
price: illegible
chojakcha:
Kim Ki-jin r\,w en 3*
Kyongsongbu Pongnaejong 4r
1-chongmok 88-ponji '' . f i n i t e *
parhaengja:
No Ik-hyong
^H; m
,*J5 i Jilt ^lifc'llllllll * -; Iff _
Kyongsong PongnaejSng i* It,..*:. *»«8!*, m
1-chongmok 88-ponji
inswaeja:
Kwon T'ae-gyun
Kyongsong Kongp'yong-
dong 55-ponji
inswaeso:
Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-
dong 55-ponji
parhaengso:
Pangmun Sogwan
Kyongsong Pongnaejong
1-chongmok 88-ponji
chinch'e 2023 pon

tel: pon'guk 2655 pon
407
extra sheets: ( +4 for TOC/
+3 for So taesin (Instead of
Aery on mosa a preface)/ +2 for preface/
Bibliographic Notes + 1 for half title of chapter
opening/+1 for colophon and
ad.)
Boardsheets Notes Paper (body)

_white hanji (mulberry paper). 1 sheet .09 mm
10 sheets .9 mm
Endsheets Notes
_missing. Margins (cm)
Page No. Topz Bottom Outside Gutter
Title Page Notes
_missing. 2.5 to top
none
1 to
(pg. dim. 12.6 (because it
of poem running approx.1 to
x 18.5) is a poem);
Notes on Margins pg. 1 of "So
text; 3.9 to
folio is up
head; 1.6 fold; 2.5 to
so in title to last line bind
taesm" 3.5 from
"So taesin" of poem
the bottom
Paper Notes 2.8 to text none: .9 to
_paper is rough and uncoated approx.1 to
pg. 1 of ofpoem; folio up running
fold and 2.5
with large fibers clearly visible. poems 4.7 to title 3.2 from head and
to bind
_opaque. of poem bottom folio
_browning at edges.
_can see pattern of tight criss-
crossing screens.
characteristic "lightness" of
Binding Notes Taedong faces.
_panyangjang\ new cloth _three basic faces in a variety
cover makes it somewhat of sizes: a chapter heading
difficult to tell how the and title face, a body text face
volume was originally bound. that is also used in the run-
However, I can feel what ning heads, and a roman font
seem to be staples along the for Western names and titles
spine edge consistent with of poems. So )f- in So tasin
where staples would normally iiro )J- tfl ^1 A S on pg. 1 is
be placed mpanyangjang .7 cm; the sun M in sun toen
bindings. There is a ridge in M ^ is .3; si iof in sijip nt^fe
the cloth approx. 4 cm from in the running head is .2. A 6 f
top that runs to 6 cm from top. in asiigona oj-^juLi^ (title of
Another can be felt at approx. poem on pg. 1 of body) is .4;
12.5 to 14.5 from the top. the same a 6 f is .3 in the body
of the poem.
square unless otherwise noted) General Notes
well struck.
408
r—W"1
11. Wonjong
(The gardener)
c
Author:
Rabindranath Tagore
Translator:
Kim Ok
(In the Hwabong i-5*!?' ^

collection)
~-W^ ^ ^ f e ^ 8 -
<?. '
T X ^ P i P ^ ^ " ^ *•
Dimensions (cm): 12.3 x 18.3; spine 1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.

Cover materials: heavy card stock/ paper (thickness: .19 mm)
Color(s): two (red and green); Wonjong printed in red. Image
and text are printed in green
Image: bare-chested woman stretching before a backdrop of
flowers
409
Wonjong
Colophon
Ratmdranath Taoor€ inswae Decembei 5, 1924

La clarclenfcto parhaeng December 7, 1924
Tradukita e l la angle
<]
Wonjong
price 80 chon
8~SÎ.B
If **
« chojak kyom parhaengja
111 •c
Kim Ok
»f £
•1 m * Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong 45-ponji
8^
±
•»
_-A a
^% 1 ,/f ft
Usu
IP
^ ill ^ i J* fl
4 ft
Wonjong title page a
^t
m ; t t
if ~
o a
mswaeja \tm
No Ki-jong
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji TO m

inswaeso n HI
if.
HansSng Toso Chusik Hoesa m i
it.
m iff jf;
A).
M iff
KySngsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji %
Ji 4> /C
ml S fi • ^
m i%
n
it* T
parhaengso 4ft- ill
A
Hoedong Sogwan w
si
its *
4 * "fir
Kyongsongbu Namdaemunt'ong l-chongmok ~mm. !-
"•%'•
H J* ji
17-ponji flr
ifi J*
tel Kwanghwamun 1558 pon
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong 712
410
extra sheets: ( +1 front
endsheet/ +1 title page/ +1
Wonjong frontispiece/+1 Tagore's
Bibliographic Notes preface/ +2 for translator's
words/ +3 for TOC7 +1 for
colophon/ +4 for ads)
Endsheets Notes
white. Light gloss. (.08 mm).
Title Page Notes Paper (body)

_light gloss (.08 mm). 1 sheet .07 mm
_three stamps. One top right, Margins (cm) 10 sheets .67 mm
two bottom left.
Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
2 to running
Frontispiece Notes head; 2.6 to
image of Tagore at age 16. "Yokcha han 1.4 to folio; 1.5 to fold; 2.5
body text; 3 1.6
madi" 2.1 to text to bind
_color, light blue. to indent; 3.6
paper is glossy (.09 mm). to title
_border embossing clear on 2.1 to running
head; 3.1
reverse.
to body of
pg. 1 of 1.5 to last line 1 5 to fold; 2.5
text; 4.9 to 1.3 to folio
poems on page to bind
Notes on Margins courtier, 4.3
to numei a l l ,
4.2 to title
Paper Notes
lightly glossed. a body face. Also seems to be running head is .2.
somewhat transparent but three roman faces, two romans
type does not show through. on the title page and an italic on General Notes
_no big fibers. the frontispiece.
_ra 2]' in Rabinduranadu S)-
Binding Notes ^HHJ-i-l-— in "preface of the
_two staples. original author" (unnumbered)
_holes from the top at: 3.3 and is A;peng ^9 mPenggal *$
5.3 and 12.7 and 14.7 cm. •Q is just slightly over .3; won
_panyangjang. Ij-R in Wonjoja ui 1&M% is
"boardsheets" glued to card slightly more than .4.
stock of cover. _yok u'$ in Yokcha ui han madui
B¥#3 &*}$ (pg. 1) is .7; in
Notes on Typefaces (cm, text it is slightly more than .3.
square unless otherwise noted) _there is interesting sans- serif
characteristic of other numbering in the table of
volumes from Hansong Toso contents. Sa 23 in the table of
printing facility. contents pg. 1 is .4.
nicely struck. _won ES on pg. 1 of main body
seems to be two basic Sino- is .7. First a °f in the poem on
Korean faces, a title case and that page is .3; won SI in the
411
12. Choson tongyojip
(Choson children's songs)
*-~C
z "it* î? ("M^
it& ;>m "fe*
Editor:
6 m P'll-chm
- * ff ff . > ***
(In the Hwabong
collection)
#e4 *> '•*!*

it >
fefi JKSi*-t
Dimensions (cm): 12.5 x 18.4; spine .6; 4.6-p'an;

1:1.472
Cover materials, card stock (thickness: .17 mm)
Color(s): two (teal and red)
Image: boy and girl singing in the woods
Notes: perhaps a mixed print. There are no half-tone
dots in the leaves or the boy's hair. In fact, the boy's
shirt and girl's hat almost look painted in There are
two screens though A teal screen is visible at the top
of the boy's pants and a red screen is visible in the
shading of the birds in the foreground, as well as the
background of the vignette
Choson tongyojip title

page (left)
412
*»<
Choson tongyojip
Colophon % '
1
inswae: December 10, 1924
parhaeng' December 15, 1924
Choson tongyojip
It & j§l| D f
price: 40 chon Jif-
»4fc *' if- ' I V X, ff *
chojakcha:
6 m P'll-chin
Jff
m »5
*i^~ n
Kimch'on-gun Namsanjong I l l s 5» ft** *»
Jll
13-ponji 7 Hf
ft >
5£
•i
parhaengja: 0 r m W
Yoshikawa Buntar5 *tf ,!
S ? ,-» -pf a
nil
Kyongsongbu
Hwanggumjong 5-chongmok
100-p5nji
m. , WA m
*%
b^k
inswaeja:
Pak In-hwan
Kyongsongbu WonjQng
2-chongmok 139-ponji tel. Kwanghwamun 738
inswaeso:
Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa punmaeso
Inswaebu Hwalmunsa SSjom
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong Kyongsongbu Susong-dong 83

parhaeng kyom palmaeso:
Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa
Kyongsongbu Chongno
2-chongmok 9-ponji
413
+ 1 "Opening words"/+4
Choson tongyojip TOC/ +6 supplement)
Bibliographic Notes

1 sheet .07 mm
10 sheets .75 mm
Title Page Notes
Margins (cm)
_no images just text.
_three stamps. Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
1.8 to fold;
pg. 1 of 3.4 to text; 2.5 to folio;
Notes on Margins preface 4.9 to title 3.2 to text
1.2 approx.3 to
bind
1.8 to fold;
pg. 3 of 1.2 to last
3.3 2.5 approx.3 to
Paper Notes main body line of text
bind
_natural color.
_not yellowed significantly.
_honeycomb pattern.
_no big fibers. TOC and its gloss cha ^} is .2.
_ka y\ in main body text on pg.
Binding Notes 3 (of main body of book) is .4.
_panyangjang. Ka y\ in gloss to He on pg. 2
_single 3 cm staple down 7.5 is .3 and ka M is slightly more
cm from the top edge. than .4.
Notes on Typefaces (cm, General Notes

_there appear to be two faces.
The first is used in the front
matter and in notes that appear
in the main body. The second
seems to be used in the main
body. Accompanying both
faces is what might be called a
"gloss face," that is a face that
glosses Sino-Korean glyphs.
These look different than the
text they gloss but it could just
be they are so small.
_cho 4)1 on title pg. is .9.
_so j? ; in prefatory remarks
title is slightly more than .4;
bon ^K in first line of text is .3
_cha M is .3 on first page of
414
jjS^g^Ssraif^T—
• * !
13. Arumdaun saebyok

(Beautiful dawn)
a*
Author 0
Chu Yo-han
«w | K*
J> S
*%-
(In theAdan i-H >«t* f i l l * H -%^

Mun'go
collection)
. if
S .«.' ,)'? ¥••
Dimensions (cm) 11x15 5, spine 1,

kukpanp an, 1 1 409
©| Cover materials cloth over board (thickness
1 66 mm)
Color(s) cloth is tan, type is black
Image none
4 Note This is the cover of the third edition
o.
Arumdaun saebyok
title page
415
Arumdaun saebyok
^•4* r # 0 rjj£§S
Colophon
— — , 5 |f|i
first edition parhaeng
December 15, 1924 m m U8U0
second edition parhaeng:
January 15, 1925
third edition inswae: JSR mm
* AC M li-
May 2, 1925
third edition parhaeng:
lt m . 5 •mmm y
May 6, 1925
: m - Fft% • | L
- % *m g
price: 60 chon usebyong
S i t ^SH ^ M
(postage included)
Arumdaun saebyok
INK
H 4*
l
*
-f-
• Hi
a*
1
flf — i£ ~ ft A
chqjak kyom parhaengja: W*i

Pang In-gun :
it " it II
Koyang-gun Sungin-myon «B. ""^t'S'î
Yongdu-n 168-1
inswaeja:
No Ki-jong chmch'e Kyongsong 784 pon
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong (With the exception of the

32-ponji additional dates of printing and
distribution, the colophon for
mswaeso: this third edition is identical
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa to the colophon from the first
edition printed in December of
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 1924.) (source: Chu Yo-han,
32-ponji Arumdaun saebyok °ffl"1-TTnr
*\m (Beautiful dawn),
parhaeng kup palmaeso: reprint edition (Seoul: Munhak
Choson Mundansa Sasangsang
Han'guk hyondaesi wonbon
Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe chonjip, n.d.)).
yongdu-ri 168-1
416
extra sheets; ( +4 TOC/ +1
title page/ +1 section title/ +1
Artimdaun saebyok colophon)
Bibliographic Notes

1 sheet .07 mm
10 sheets .7 mm
Title Page Notes Margins (cm)
_printed in blue on glossy,
white paper (.08 mm). Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
1.9 to run-
Notes on Margins ning head;
1 to bracket
(pg. dim. 11 2.55 to body approx. 1 to
of folio; 1.7
x 15.1) ofpoem; 4 1.5 fold and 2
to body of
to title; 6.9 to bind
poem
Paper Notes to line in
_white/natural. dedication
_relatively high quality. approx. approx. approx. approx. approx.
same same same same same
not yellowed considerably.
throughout throughout throughout throughout throughout
_no clearly visible big fibers.
_feels like it has a slight
coating.
_relatively opaque. a °f used to print title on
cover is .9; Chu 'Jk in author's
Binding Notes name is .3. Title page A °f is
_cased-in panyangjang. .9.
_ holes for staples at: 3, 5, 10.3, _ni M in section title before
12.3 from top edge. main text is .6.
_ni i-| in title on pg. 1 is .4; ko
Notes on Typefaces (cm, JL (first syllable in first line
square unless otherwise noted) of main body is .3); ni i-~| in
_except for face used for the running head is .2.
title on cover and title page,
"standard" HansSng Toso faces General Notes
for the period when No Ki-jong
was printing books of poetry.
All
' ^ I R I S I *|«!|^|"*W'"' ,>!JJ
lilV'ili
14. Mugunghwa
(Mugunghwa)
Author:
Yi Hag-in
^ . Ml' *iW
*Jt '%! ' i > N
(In the
hi
Hwabong
^ |||" ;-A*% » | > . , „ ~
collection) p v ,<••
1
- ,; ,,|i s |j| .
^llif
S & ' s
>\ '-
•fit?" -%$
%& \
\^j£
''I A/" ill ;#•.
*- '>%' - h i S i !
Dimensions (cm): 12.6x 18.8; spine .6; 4.6-p'an: 1:1.492

Cover materials: heavy paper/ card stock (thickness: .15 mm)
Image: none
418
Mugunghwa
Colophon
(There is a printed strip of

mmmml
paper over the top of what Ift
would indicate the date of ift
printing and release, as well : # 30 *<*V
as the price. It is pasted in

ft fr :~ tsft»
*&* Hi
upside down and appears to be
sr
in the same typefaces as what .•* Mu W, Hi) " fffi -
appears underneath. The price '?fif'*' ^
*0L
printed in the original colophon \ %*»k
beneath the slip is different «
from what is printed on the slip
k
'5f M
,^1?
m ft"
of paper. Moreover, there is a
' M
& m, -
place in the original colophon
m (i ti
for the cost of postage.

m 'IF. •;
tk
However, none is listed. The JJz* lb '
slip of paper is a different +
*M 11 îi§|jij fw^^ fW?^" *^ ^
kind of paper than the original
v
colophon. -% fS if '"' A
•JBI W
inswae: January 15, 1925 + -I-
parhaeng: January 20, 1925 ar *
3h ."¥*
(one copy of Mugunghwa
price: 40 ch'ori) [The price
listed beneath the slip of paper
li.*,«„i, «>-.-.
is 50 chon.]
Copyrighted
chojak kyom parhaengin: inswaeso: (It is all right to send

Yi Hag-in Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa orders, along with postage
and prepayment, from
Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong- other regions.)
45-ponji dong 55-ponji
mswaein: parhaeng kyom palmaeso:

Kwon Chung-hyop Huimangsa
Kyongsongbu Tonui-dong Kyongsongbu Iks5n-dong

158-ponji 45-ponji
419
sheets: ( +1 frontispiece/ +3
TOC/ +front endsheet/ +5
Mugunghwa preface/ +1 half title page)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
Endsheets Notes 1 sheet .10 mm
10 sheets: variable
depending on where
Frontispiece measurement taken but
_vignette of author in school approx. 1.03 mm
uniform.
_probably a relief print. Margins (cm)
Noticeable embossing on back Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
of page. Printed along with very approx.
text. 1 to fold and
pg. 1 of 2.5 to text; 1.2 to folio;
_paper, slightly better quality preface 5.4 to so
1.7
1.9 to text
2.5 to bind
than rest of book. Perhaps there (binding veiy
fiagile)
was a slight gloss once. Feels
3.5 to body
rough now (.09 mm). very approx.
ofpoem;
pg. 45 .9 to folio 1 to fold and
4.9 to title
2.5 to bind
Title Page Notes ofpoem
_none or missing.
Notes on Margins
Paper Notes _bad day at Taedong. Not well
brown. stuck. Paper was perhaps the
_rough. problem.
_easy to see machine screen. _seem to be two faces used
bits of fiber visible but not as throughout, a title and a body
much as Kim Ki-jin's book of face.
translations. _ri 2] in kurissumassu ZL^î
^f ^ on pg. 45 is .4 in title and
Binding Notes and .3 in body.
_panyangjang.
_single staple: holes at 9 and 11 General Notes
cm from top.
420
Cover materials: cloth (like burlap) over board (thickness: 2 mm)
Image: man clapping?
421
Kukkyong uipam
Colophon
first edition:
parhaeng: March 20, 1925
second edition:
inswae: November 18, 1925
parhaeng: November 20, 1925
Kukkyong id pam
price: 40 chon
Kukkyong id pam
p'yonjip kyom parhaengja:

Kim Ok
Kyongsongbu Iks5n-dong
45-ponji
inswaeja:
No Ki-jong
Kyongsongbu Ky5nji-dong
32-ponji
inswaeso: Note: The information listed in

Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa the colophon of the first edition
is identical except for the price.
KyongsSngbu Kyonji-dong The price of the first edition
32-ponji was 50 chon, as opposed to
40 chon. (source: Kim Tong-
parhaengso: hwan, Kukkyong id pam,
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa reprint edition (Seoul: Munhak
Sasangsa Han'guk hyondaesi
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong wonbon chonjip, n.d.))-
32-ponji
tel: (Kwang) 1479 pon
422
extra sheets ( +1 endsheet/
+ 1 fist preface/ +1 sosi I i n 'j
Kukkyong uipam (prefatory poem)/ +1 TOC/ -+

1 sheet 07 mm
10 sheets 76 mm
Title Page Notes
Margins (cm)
Page N o Top Bottom Outside Guttei

Notes on Margins pg 1 of 2 to text,
5 to fold,
pi etace (pg 2 5 to 1 3 to toho,
7 appiox 1 to
dim approx indent, 4 5 2 2 to text
bind
Paper Notes 10 3 x 14 2) to title
_nice paper 5 to last
5 to fold,
pg 1 of 2 6 to text, line of
not yellowed 1 1 to folio appiox 1 to
poems 3 7 to title poem on
_shght gloss bind
page
_ light but relatively opaque
_no screen or chain lines
_honeycomb pattern
General Notes
Binding Notes nicely presented book
_cased-in panyangjang _faces did not immediately
_two, 1 7 cm staples visible on strike me as being from
page one of first preface Holes Hansong Toso
are at 3 3, 5, 9 8, 11 5 from
top

two basic faces, a title and
body face So J5- in sosi }fa^
is 5 on pg 1 Other titles of
poems are 4, body case is 3
423
~"*mg^ ^&mr^
3
•r
h
.4r
16. Saengmyong ui kwasil
H
(Fruits of life)
Author
Kim Myong-sun * * 2 j *
(In the O
Yong-sik
collection)
tin
\ ii
-4, »JT
K*"
.,
Dimensions (cm) 12 9 x 1 9 2, spme 1 4, 4 6-p GOT 1 1 488

Cover materials light blue cloth ovei board (thickness 1 8 mm)
Title embossed
Color(s) one (black)
Image none
424
ir
Saengmyong ui kwasil
ft 'Si » • P ft £
Colophon
i*
inswae: April 2, 1925

Saengmyong ui kwasil
price: 70 chon
Copyrighted
chojak kyom inswae kup parhaengja (author/

tit m ^ » < -t ««
printer/ publisher):
11 -
iteSijij!
IE IE
Saengmyong ui kwasil title page
i t
•f- i*
I VI !
1 \h \ « m Sit
Kyongsongbu
Kyonji-dong 22-ponji
0
?T SI
(I suspect there is a typographical error f t fc
here. Hansong Toso's address was Kyongji-
dong 32-ponji during this period.) '* Iff
.%'
ft"}
u taep'yoja (representative):
Kim Yon-byong
m is
1^ i ^
fcl
parhaengso:
IT
IS- m
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa *4fc P +
88-
Kyongsongbu
•«4 * it

it m tk
425
Saengmyong ui kwasil prefatory remark/ +2 TOC7
Bibliographic Notes + 1 colophon)

.09 mm. 1 sheet .08 mm
5 sheet .41 mm
Title Page Notes
_two color (red and black). Margins (cm)

Notes on Margins (pg. dim.
approx. 1 to
12.4 x 18.7)
4 1.4 1 fold; approx.
pages with
2 to bmd
Paper Notes poems
_title page slightly glossy (.07 1.5 to folios
prose similar to
2.5 2.3 to text 1.2
mm). margins poems
block
_ uncoated, with clearly, visible
large fibers.
_yellowed particularly at edges. Notes on Typefaces (cm,
_no chain lines. square unless otherwise noted)
_honeycomb pattern. _pg. 3 of poems kil -Q. in title
_similar to Pom chandui pat wi is .6; kil 7A in body text is .3;
e but does not feel to be as high folio " 3 " is .3.
quality.
General Notes
Binding Notes
_panyangjang. Staples just
barely visible between recto of
colophon and the board of the
case.
_difficult to measure, but nub
of first staple is visible about
3.2 cm from top. Staple approx.
2 cm long. There appears to be
second staple 13.6 cm from the
top.
426
17. Ppairon sijip
(The poems of Byron)
—Taedong edition
'.W$' • -
•5'* T--'-•--••--•*>-••--.^^-;j"^j»".J.: =^r :
Author:
Lord Byron
Translator:
Ch'oe Sang-hui
(In the Om Tong-sop • •••W..-''*~4>'.- '-. ••o^r

collection)
Note: There are two *"

editions of this book. The
first edition, listed here,
was printed at Taedong
Inswaeso. For convenience,
I have called it the Taedong
edition. The second edition,
listed below, was printed at
HansSng Toso's printshop.
I have called it the Hansong
Toso edition. The address for Dimensions (cm): 12.3 x 17.5; spine 1.6; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.423
Munudang, the parhaengso, Cover materials: Likely to have been rebound. Cloth over
listed in the colophons of board (thickness: 2.35 mm)
both editions is different. Color(s): none
The title page of this copy is Image: none
missing.
427
w &>
Ppairon sijip
(Taedong edition)
Colophon
inswae July 7, 1925

parhaeng July 10, 1925
price 1 won 20 chon

postage 16 chon
Copying is not permitted 3? 38 JC

n
chojak kyom parhaengja
151 gjffl * ^m
Chon Chm-hyon
-fa m
Kyongsongbu
Susong-dong 67-ponji
if! %
P is
%
mswaeja ± m SF-. v<r
Sim U-t'aek
HI ffi «?*, x 1 f
nil
Kyongsongbu
Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji ; I I Jft W to # it at
It Fife
inswaeso
I*
tut*?;

•dp* jpr if
.« i
Kyongsongbu
Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji
parhaeng kyom palmaeso

Munudang
Kyongsongbu
Susong-dong 67-ponji
chmch'e Kyongsong 12727

pon
428
extra sheets: ( +1 for endsheet/
+5 front matter and title to
Ppairon sijip first section/ +1 colophon/ +2
(Taedong edition) for ads/ +1 for endsheet)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet .08 mm
_missing.
Margins (cm)
Title Page Notes
missing.
(pg. dim.
approx. 3 to
12x 17.2) 2 to folio; 2 to folio;
Notes on Margins pg. 1 of 3.5 to text 3.5 to text
1.5 spine
preface
2 to folio;
Paper Notes pg. 14 2 to folio 1.5
3.5 to text
_high quality.
_no visible screen or chain
lines. seems consistent with other
_slight gloss. books of poetry produced
_not yellowed considerably. by Sim U-t'aek at Taedong
Inswaeso.
Binding Notes _pg. 6 title face ke 7]} is .4; pg.
_panyangjang. 6 body face na u f is .3.
_originally stab stitched with
staple. General Notes
_rebound. _ads at end are interesting,
_cannot get good measure- especially for what they reveal
ment but staple visible near about other Munudang books.
colophon.

_looks like two different faces,
a title and a body face.
429
18. Ppairon sijip
(The poems of Byron)
mix
—Hansong Tos5 edition W §4 K OlfM: <#*>,
%,J '.} !î&i •••••
«£•£.-> r*» —* mm-*** ^"^ I*---, JJR1
a
.T*i ^SXSit&XKlEZSttk Mk I., hillli
- - * -%"yk >
IIIM( iimpM Willi t'lHI iHIMIlUmiil |'||»W| m i
. M $T •'
Translator: Ch'oe Sang-hui ^1 ^ -
. , v ^ - -V >. * JM' K, *
lltife/tt'li -* \im "'• •- '''*•• ;-i#:'--

''J*Kh$S~l "*.,T t". ~>:sv ,;!/ . . issgfcl/'
(In the Hosan collection)

"<'-3f*:-«
Note: There are two

editions of this book. The
first edition, listed above,
was printed at Taedong
Inswaeso. For convenience,
I have called it the Taedong
edition. The second edition,
listed here, was printed at
Hansong Toso's printshop.
I have called it the HansSng
Toso edition. The address for
Munudang, the parhaengso,
listed in the colophons of
both editions is different.
I have been able to
view two copies of this
edition. The details that
follow primarily relate
to the copy I viewed at Dimensions (cm): 12.1 x 17.3; spine 1.2; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.43
Hosan Mun'go. The dates Cover materials: paper over board; cloth spine (brown)
indicating when this second (thickness: 1.33 mm)
edition was printed and Color(s): one (black)
released have been removed Image: grape leaf?
from Hosan copy. Shortly
before the submitting of this
dissertation, 6 m Tong-sop
showed me a copy of this
edition that he had recently
acquired. The colophon
of his copy is intact and I
present it here.
430
'X 1950
Ppairon sijip
Colophon
-Hansong Toso edition
,fr
* <!>#* .4
first parhaeng. July 10, 1925
date of second inswae: August 10, 1929
date of second parhaeng: August 13, 1929

postage: 16 chon
^ if
n Copying is not permitted
\jif.
3 chojak kyom parhaeng) a.

Chon Chin-hyon
Kyongsongbu Susong-dong 67-ponji

If,
y * »
Sf if M « iff 5F
Ppairon sijip tittle page FOT+ s-
(Hansong Toso edition,
m% o
AA-fc s
from the Hosan collection)
m. JK
a
M til u n» 3-
m |p m t® «* m
inswaeja: O.
Kim Chin-ho
» w
s
3
is - »0
llHI iA ii'jJ>3 ^tt ff# « 1 liWf
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji ffl •§'
Iff iff *
inswaeso: -b
ft « IH
H A
->V U ^ - £ "
4ft : : : -fc *r AS
parhaeng kyom palmaeso: I I ft $ f?
Munudang f f j& IS jfe $£ MI
lit
Kyongsongbu Hyonjo-dong 45-47-ponji + K
A »
f{ fc II « «
chinch'e Kyongsong 12727 pon ft:
431
Ppairon sijip preface/+3 TOC/+1 first
Bibliographic Notes (related section half title)
to copy at Hosan Mun'go)

Paper (body)
_.08 mm. 10 sheets .66 mm
_honeycomb patter in paper.
_seems to have a very slight Margins (cm)
coating. Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
_feels brittle. (pg. dim
2.7 to so 17;
_relatively opaque. 3 to line;
17.4 x 1.7 to folio;
4.2 to text 1.3 to text very approx 3
approx 11.9) 3.1 to text
block; block to so 7
Title Page Notes pg. 1 of block
5.2 to so 7
preface
.06 mm. as title
feels slightly coated. 2.9 to top of
_ppa M\ is down 4.2 cm from running head;
top, in 5.4 from outside edge, 3.2 to line in
running head;
approx 5.7 from gutter. pg. 1 of 4.3 to top of very approx 3
_the stem of a in Ppa^} is 1.4 to folio .7 cm
poems text block; cm to title
.7cm; .6 cm from tip ofsiot A 5.3 to top of
to tip of a 1- in /Ur; un 3* is .4 decorative
cm square and is 9.5 from the glyph that
starts title
top edge, 8.4 from the outside
edge, and very approx. 2.4
from the gutter. _so Ff in title of preface is _pg. 1 of poems: yd ix. in
slightly more that .4 cm. running head is a little more
Notes on Margins _ron H- in first line of text (in than .2 cm; in title it is .4; rang
Byron's name) is .3. ^" in fist line of text in sarang
A
_pg. 11 of poems nyu TT is .4 }^~ is .3 cm.
Paper Notes in title and .3 in body.
_relatively thin; feels very _the axis of the strokes in the General Notes
slightly coated. body face used in the preface
_not very opaque, easy to and the main body suggests the
see text printed on reverse of face after No Ki-jong's time at
pages. Hansong Toso; in other words
position of • 3.2
it looks more like the face used
Binding Notes holes for • approx. 5.5
by Sim U-t'aek at Taedong staples—
_2 staples, each approx 2 cm. Inswaeso. In fact, it may be that from top
_panyangjang. Kim Chin-ho used moulds or (cm)
_cased-in. stereotype plates of the edition • approx. 11
created previously by Sim U • approx. 13.5
Notes on Typefaces (cm, t'aek to print the body of this
square unless otherwise noted) second edition.
_two basic faces: one title, one
body.
432
0T **"-*%,
w
19. Pom iii norae

(Spring's song)
Author
Kim Ok <i,, £>
1
f
1%
(In the Academy
of Korean Studies
collection)
1%
-rip
||f*^|||3
^1 ^ s
Iv"^
, !•
Dimensions of boards (cm): 10.3 x 15; spme 1 2;

kiikpanhyong; l'l 456
Cover: original missing (thickness. 4.3 mm)
Color(s): none
Image: none
433
.^•wfcdlMiMBlrfB-ak******^
Pom ui norae sE 3E If*"*

Colophon + ^ * •"
\
it ,%
fi?4H J.
;s
inswae: September 25, 1925
parhaeng: September 28, 1925 A ,„fS A
price: 60 chon lf ; gp
chojak kyom parhaengja: fft!^ Iifitf-if 1
Kim Ok
ft
Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong
45-ponji
« ^ - HS3 I , . » # 4ft® >V#- 3 1E-l t >', '
inswaein:
No Ki-jong
mm' m- M SK-
jfgl
KySngsongbu Kyonji-dong IS
32-ponji
inswaeso: SA'*- vvJj&

<t»«I' '/9*
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong frrw <!» ii»'"wlir'i|^;-iii . ^ y i i w ^ < y a j m , , , ^ ™ — ~: g
^f!ill^'*ll
32-ponji
parhaengso:
Maemunsa
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong
121
chinch'e Kyongsong 13832
palmaeso:
KyongsSngbu Kyonji-dong 32
434
extra sheets: ( +3 preface/
+ 1 for colophon and ad for
Pom ui norae Maemunsa.)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet mm .09
Margins (cm)

Title Page Notes 1.4 to top of
missing. running head;
.9 to folio;
1.6 to line in 1.5 to fold;
pg. 1 of 1.2 to line in
Notes on Margins running head; .95 approx. 2 to
preface folio; 2.4 to
2.7 to text; spine
text
3.1 to first
indent
Paper Notes 1.3 to top of
_no chain/ screen lines. running head;
1 to folio;
honeycomb pattern. pg. 10
1.6 to line of
1.3 to line in 1
relatively high quality. Feels running head;
folio
2.3 to text of
slick, as if there is a light poem;
coating. -- -
1.3 to top of
_relatively opaque. Text does running head;
approx. 1.5 to
not show through intrusively. 1.6 to line of
•' fold;
not yellowed terribly. Pg- 11 running head;
approx. 3.3 to
2.3 to text of
spine
poem; 2.9 to
Binding Notes title of poem
_panyangjang.
Notes on Typefaces (cm, _there is an advertisement at Here, in the colophon of Pom

square unless otherwise end of collection that aids our ui norae, Kim Ok's address is
noted) understanding Maemunsa. The listed as: Kyongsongbu Ikson-
_pg. 1 of preface cha §1 in ad lists Kim Ok as Maemunsa's dong 45-ponji.
chaso ill )f- is .4 cm. ch'aekimja ftfP^ (person
_pg. 1 of preface ot yj is .3 responsible). However, the
cm. address for Mamunsa listed
_pg. 1 of preface pom -§• in in the ad is different from the
the running head is .2 cm. address that is listed for Kim
_pom -M- in pom ui norae a"^j 6 k in the colophon of Pom ui
t e f l onTOCpg. 1 is .4. norae. Maemunsa's address
_pom a- in section bread after is listed as Kyongsongbu
position of • 2.3
TOC is .5. Yon'gon-dong 121 in the ad in
holes for •
_pg. 11 nun \ r in nun kwa Pom ui norae, Pom ui norae''?, 4.3
staples—
pyol ^ - 4 ^ is .4. colophon, and in both issues of from top
_pg. 11 toet| in kiidae Htfl Kim So-wol's Chindallaekkot. (cm)
is .3. This is also the address listed • 10
with Kim So-wol's name in the •
12
General Notes colophon of Chindallaekkot.
435
p~
20. Sungch 'on haniin

ch 'ongch 'un eat <JL JSn? '3SC
(Youths ascending to
heaven)
# A
Author:
Kim Tong-hwan
(In the Hwabong

collection)
ytb4&.
Dimensions (cm): 11.1 x 15; spine 1.2; kukpanp'an; 1:1.351

Cover materials: cloth over board (thickness: 2.04 mm)
Color(s): dark blue/ black
Image: figure looking upward
Notes: type is embossed, so probably relief printed. Embossing
not so evident in image. Image has visible halftone dots. What
appears to be the artist's signature is visible in bottom right comer
436
mi
Siingch 'on hanun
ch 'ongch 'un tit;
Colophon ;# n * n 3«£ #
parhaeng: December 25, 1925 it*- ~' TJI
price: 70 chon -t-t

m v
if- ':W£ - '
Sungch'on hcmiin ch'ongch'un
0? m
chojak kyom parhaengja: frJW
Kim Tong-hwan
* m -^ m QZM'^
Kyongsongbu
Suhajong 7-ponji
Inswaeja: If
No Ki-jong ttt-f" ~fl
- ^% k mill
Kyongsongbu
^•m 3;*
51
Kyonji-dong 32-ponji it
Inswaeso:
^" /, /s/ ? ||^^\;
* / , _J8»
KyongsSngbu
parhaengso:
Sin munhaksa
Kyongsongbu
Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji
chinch'e Kyongsong pon
437
extra sheets: ( +1 frontispiece/
+ 1 TOC/+1 colophon and
Sungch 'on hanun ads/+l endsheet)
ch 'ongch 'un
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet .08 mm
_white (.07 mm). Margins (cm)
Frontispiece Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter

_bare-chested young person Pg-
printed in blue ink. dimensions 1 to fold; 2 to
11 x 14.8 2.2 .9 to folio 1.7
_halftone dot visible. bind
pg. 1 of
.09 mm. poems
_blue type in small face printed approx.
on reverse. same
throughout
Title Page Notes
_none or missing.
Notes on Margins square unless otherwise noted)
_Hansong Toso faces consistent
with books of poetry printed by
Paper Notes No Ki-jong.
_paper in TOC is similar to _t 'ae JK in t 'aeyang in title
what is used for frontispiece on pg. 1 is slightly more than
(.09 mm). .6; so are rest of han'gul types
body stock is light but in title; nak H" and pi y ] in
opaque; lightly glossed, almost sonakpi in body text are .3.
matte-like with few visible _sung # in title on cover is .9;
paper fibers. Pa C in author's hois 3.
_honeycomb pattern. _il CI in blue type on reverse of
frontispiece is .2.
Binding Notes
_panyangjang. General Notes
_two 2.3 cm staples (rusting);
holes at approx. at 3.5, 6, 10.5,
13 cm from top.
438
Dimensions of boards (cm): 10.9 x 15.5; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an;
1:1.42
Cover: paper (blue-green in color) over boards (thickness: 1.5 mm)
Image: none
Notes: paper is textured; almost like a laid paper
_spacing of cover elements (from top edge in cm): 2.5 to Kim
So-wol; 3.5 to main title; 11.9 to 1925; type sizes: Kim ^ is .4
cm; type on main title .85 cm; numerals in "1925" are .3 cm.
_a double line boarder frames the front cover. The outermost line
runs about .2 cm from the edge of the board on the three sides.
These lines have been redrawn (1 cm from the spine) on the piece
of white paper that lays over the blue-green paper of the case; this
white paper has most likely been attached to the case by a later
owner attempting to mend the binding. There is approximately . 1
mm between the lines
439
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
(copy at the Han'guk
Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan
[Museum of contemporary
Korean poetry]/ Kim Chae-
hong collection)
M
Title Page Notes
perhaps coated ( 09 mm) ^ if

_page is printed using a cobalt
blue ink.
_chin -£l in title is .85 cm (as
are the rest of the type in the
tltle)
An
the title is set down 3 9 /'-'
cm from the top of the page
and in 4.35 cm from outside
edge of page Kkot 3f is up P*L
4 cm from the bottom of the
page. The mam title is set
in 5.4 cm from the gutter /
fold of the endsheet and, very
approximately, 6.2 cm from
the edge of the spine.
_so ^ is .5 cm (as is the rest
of the type used to print Sowol _
chak %H ft.
_ So-wol chak is set down 2.4
cm from the top of page, 7.1
cm from the out side of page,
2.3 from the gutter/ fold of the
endsheet, and, very approxi-
mately, 2.9 cm from the edge
of the spine. Chak fT is set up The colophon of this copy is missing
7.9 cm from the bottom of the
page.
440
Chindallaekkot Paper (body)
Bibliographic Notes 1 sheet .08 mm Number of Pages—234; extra
10 sheets .83 mm sheets: (+1 endsheet/ +1 title
(copy at the Han'guk
Hyondaesi Pangmulgwan page/+6 TOC/+1 section half
[Museum of contemporary title {nim ege ^ ^l] 7]}))
Korean poetry]/ Kim Chae- Margins (cm)
hong collection) Page No. Top Margin Bottom Outside Gutter
*Y4 (TOC)
(pg. dim:10.8
Endsheets Notes [approx]x
14.6)
__high quality paper (.08 mm).
1.47 to folio
_smooth, relatively opaque,
(this is some-
can just barely see the type of what variable
the title page when it is laid throughout.
flat. Maybe slightly coated. The Page 5 is approx. 1.3 to
endsheet seem to be slightly same; pg. 7 is 7.3 to U 111 from fold
Pg-3 1.6; pg. 9 1.4 but variable, 1 of paper; very
darker tan/ natural color when cm from the of course difficult to
compared to the paper on the top. measure
board of the case, which is 3.7 to title
somewhat whiter. ?i;
2.6 to body
Notes on Margins
1.6 to folio;
_the outside margin seems to 6 to ^1 in
pg. 234 2.7 to text 1.2
somewhat smaller in this copy longest line
block
compared to Hansong Tos5
issue but not as "pinched" as along with the colophon.
copy in Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan _chin <il in title on pg. 190 is the book ends with pg. 234.
collection. Consistently about .6, which is large compared to The staples of the binding
.8 or .9 cm. the "standard" .4 cm title face are visible. The paper of
used in other books of poetry this copy seems just slightly
Paper Notes printed by No Ki-jong. In the more yellowed compared
_relatively opaque; uncoated main body of the poem on pg. to my memory of the Ch'oe
but high quality. One of the 190, chin 7A is .3. copy.
significant differences between _chin 7A in half title of
the two issues is the paper. The "Azaleas" section is .6.
paper in this copy is consistent
with my memory of the Ch'oe Binding Notes
Ch'or-hwan copy, _panyangjang.
no visible chain lines. cased-in.
_honeycomb pattern. textblock stapled with 2
staples approx. 2.5 cm in 12 * position of
length. * holes for
Notes on Typefaces 9.5
staples—
_Hansong Toso fonts: body and signatures have not been from bottom
two different sizes of title face, trimmed along the spine. (cm)
4.4 •
on pg. 1 of TOC chin ?1 is
•
.6; nim ^ in section title is .4, General Notes 2.1
mon ^ in first poem listed is the back cover is missing,
441
Dimensions of boards (cm) 10 9 x 15 5, spine 1 5, kiikpanp'an,
1 142
Cover paper (bluish-green in color) over boards (thickness
1 6 mm)
Color(s) one (black)
Notes paper is textured, almost like laid paper
_position of type on cover 2 6 cm (from top edge) to Kim So-
wol, 3 6 cm to main title, 10 2 cm to "1925"
_size of type Kim ^ is 4 cm square, mam title is 9 cm
square, "1925" is 3 cm
442
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
(copy at Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan
collection)
Title Page Notes

two color, green and black
(.08 mm).
green pattern is also on recto
of page.
paper seems very similar to
endsheets.
_Chmdallaekkot ^ ^ 3:
set down 2.5 cm from top, 5.5
cm from spine, 3 5 cm from
outside, 8.1 from bottom.
Sowol Kim Chong-sik M
B £~&&.% is 1.3 cm from
top, 6.4 cm from outside edge;
3.2 cm from spine; ^ is 7.6
cm from bottom; seems to be
hand written but may also be
lithograph, ^ is 1 cm sq.
_?] is .95 cm square.
_not likely to be original to the
volume.
Chindallaekkot
MM
Colophon
(copy in Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan
collection) * ^ xn. «

parhaeng: December 26, 1925 II
III £p
price' 1 won 20 chon it' If
Chindallaekkot
chojak kyom parhaengja:

"j&*
Kim Chong-sik
'
miff
Iff Iff
Kyongsongbu Y5n'gon-dong
121-ponji n
faÛs 5t
inswaeja:
No Ki-jong
+
32-ponji
II
inswaeso: *x*fc I,, rjR If

isa
KyongsSngbu Kyonji-dong
32-ponji
ch'ong p'anmaeso:
parhaengso: Chungang S6rim
Maemunsa
Kyongsongbu Chongno
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong 2-ch5ngmok 42-ponji
121-p5nji
chinch'e Kyongsong 13832 tel: Kwanghwamun 1637
AAA
+ 1 title page/+6 TOC7+1
Chindallaekkot section half title (nim ege
Bibliographic Notes ^°ll7ll)/+l colopon/+l
endsheet)
(copy in Ch'oe Ch'or-hwan
collection)
Paper (body)
1 sheet .08 mm
Margins (cm)
_ endsheet at beginning of
volume high quality paper— Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
transparent but sturdy (.08 (pg. dim.
mm). of TOC
10.6 x 14.9)
_endsheet at the end of the
volume is different from what 1.5 to
folio (this is
is found at the beginning. The
somewhat
paper is the same thickness but variable
a slightly different color. Small throughout,
fibers are visible in the paper pg. 5 is 1.7; 7.3 toi/U approx. 1.5
used as the endsheet at the end pg. 7 is 1.7 but vari- to mon ? ] ;
pg. 3 1.2
pg. 9 is 1.6 able, of very difficult
of the volume but none are cm); course to measure
visible in the sheet used at the 4 to mon
beginning. •?] in title
2.7 to mon
?! in body
Notes on Margins
of poem
the outside margin seems to
somewhat smaller in this issue
of Chindallaekkot. Consistently _chin -i\ in half title to section
about .5 or .6 cm. is also .6.
Paper Notes Binding Notes

relatively opaque; uncoated _panyangjang.
but high quality. _cased-in.
_no visible chain lines. _textblock stapled with 2
_honeycomb pattern. staples approx. 1.5 cm in length
_signatures untrimmed along
Notes on Typefaces the spine edge.
_Hansong Toso fonts, body and
12.3? " position of
two different sizes of title face. General Notes * holes for
_on pg. 1 of TOC chin ^1 is 10?
staples—
.6, nim ^ in section title is .4, from bottom
mon ^ in first poem listed is .3 (cm)
5.3? •
_chin ?1 in title on pg. 190 is
2.3 •
.6. In the main body, chin ^1
is .3.
445
p" '• J&'
23. Chindallaekkot
(Azaleas; copy in the
Hwabong collection) tSfi-
Author:
Kim Ch5ng-sik
•<^\(M'SM'. •••? r* ../# •h
->'»
1 .<**"•»
v /-'"if - «'• +*
f
x >5%^ IE? ?*' •
'4
%^-%*,\r?/'\;,, . 1*11*.
£1^, ; y .
Dimensions of boards (cm): 10.5 x 15; spine 1.5; kiikpanp'an;

proportion: 1:1.429
Cover: paper over boards (thickness: 1.8 mm)
Color(s): one (crimson)
Image: azalea and stone
Notes: probably a relief print. Kim So-wol chak is just visible
in the "red strip" at the bottom; halftone dots visible in the
rock detail and the lower "red strip." Halftone dots less clear
but visible in the red strip at the top, out of which the title is
reversed. I suspect the whole cover image was drawn, then
photoengraved on a copper or steel plate
446
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
(copy in the Hwabong
collection)
Title Page Notes

_printed in red.
_2 stamps.
_there seems to be a slight
gloss to the paper (.09 mm)
_Chindallaekkot ^ l l N
3c is set down 4.1 cm from
top, 5.5 cm from spine, 4
cm from the outside, and 3.7
from bottom
_So-wol chak ^ B IT is set:
3.5 cm from the top, 3.0 cm
from the spine, 6.7 cm from
outside, 6 5 cm from bottom
_?1 .9 cm square.
_ M -5 cm x .45 cm.
_ H .5 cm x .4 cm.
:*;*
Chindallaekkot J£3E
Colophon
(copy in the # '•! f 4 &B5&
Hwabong collection) i i *
If, -

m
Ira
#; &
- «H
JZZ*—
<
FH w a* J»>J-*M"|-"»
parhaeng: December 26, 1925
Iff x~** A\S-
price: 1 won 20 chon >li 1X 118 , SB ffff HP
Chindallaekkot Hi m * * **
i;» *c 3K »
mm
i *--i Mi*
chojak kyom parhacngja: feii
#
^
ft iff
m m
m-
Kim Chong-sik
iftft- rail +
121-ponji * 3 K V, % ffi
P5-L- W>
inswaeja: •<„„ y %
No Ki-jong
t
32-ponji Hf± it 1 I UJ
inswaeso:
32-ponji ch'ong p'anmaeso:
parhaengso:
Maemunsa Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong
32-ponji
121-ponji
448
Chindallaekkot TOC/+1 section half-title
Bibliographic Notes (nim ege ^ °\] 7]}))
(copy in the
Hwabong collection)
Paper (body)
1 sheet .09 mm
10 sheets .93 mm
Endsheets Notes Margins (cm)
.09 mm.
Notes on Margins 1.45 to
(pg. dim. of
folio
TOC
2.5 to chin approx. 2 cm
10.2 x 14.4) .95 1.4
to chin -5l
Paper Notes pg. 1 of
3.4 to nim
TOC u
_relatively opaque.
_no visible chain lines. 1.5 to
_brown, but not because it has folio (this is
somewhat
substantially changed color.
variable
first page of TOC feels throughout.
slightly coated on one side but Pg. 5 and
probably because it has been 7, the folio
handled so frequently. is 1.3 cm 6.9 to // El
from the but vari- approx.2 to
_the rest of the paper is Pg-3
top. On pg. able, of
1.6
mon ^
uncoated. 9, the folio course
is 1 cm
Notes on Typefaces from the
top edge)
_Hans5ng Toso fonts, body and
3.7 to title
two different sizes of title face. mon ^
_pg. 1 of TOC chin ^1 is .6, 2.6 to body
nim ^ in section title is .4, mon ^
mon ^ in first poem listed is
.3.
_chin -?] in title on pg. 190 is
_cased-in.
.6, which is large compared
textblock stapled with 2
to other Hansong Toso books
staples approx. 1.5 cm in
printed by No Ki-jong where
length.
the title face is .4. In the main
_signatures do not appear to
body chin 7A is .3. 3.4 * position of
have been trimmed along the * holes for
_chin ?] in half title to 8.6
spine. staples—
Chindallaekkot section is also
from bottom
.6. (cm)
General Notes 5.2 •
3.4 •
Binding Notes
jpanyangjang.
449
§,* - *t•* $*• f!»%
24. Chindallaekkot
(copy at the Appenzeller-
Noble Memorial Museum)
Skil --Mi,fe,"IV l l l t c ?;
Author:
IIP ft- iih'-ti
: % flPi.-
Kim Chong-sik * f , Ir 'l' l i t • M ••!«. • aafe*.,v
i. . If ?W"/w' " i ;
Dimensions of boards (cm): 10.5 x 15; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an;

1:1.429
Notes: image is probably a relief print. Kim So-wol chak is
visible in the "red strip" at the bottom; halftone dots are visible
in the rock detail and the lower "red strip." Halftone dots are less
clear but visible in the red strip at the top, out of which the title
is reversed. I suspect the whole cover image was drawn, then
photoengraved on a copper or steel plate. Consistent with other
Hansong Toso issues
450
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
Title Page Notes

printed in red
2 stamps; stamp in top right
reads Sansu Kim Chin-ak
changsS chim, the stamp at the
bottom left reads Chinak toso
paper (.08 mm) has slight
gloss.
_ Chindallaekkot ^ l ^ l ^ c
is set down 4.1 cm from top,
5.5 cm from spine, 4 cm from
outside, 3 7 from bottom.
_So-wol chak ^ JJ f[ is set
3.5 cm from top, 3.0 cm from
spine, 6.7 cm from outside, 6.5
from bottom
_ chin ^ is .9 cm square
_So'M is .5 c m x .45 cm.
_ wol J] is 5 cm x .4 cm.
•klc
Chindallaekkot
Colophon
Jp-
^ t 4l mw
/Mil
inswae: December 23, 1925 Hi
parhaeng: December 26, 1925 iu^^ Kvaf-
n mm
4T w m tm 00
Ch indallaekko t
m ft mm
chojak kyom parhaengja: 35S J5l JW. .
Kim Chong-sik
I w m m 0
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon- IIS®
dong 121-ponji fft' & *fr & flll 3ft
]Pt f!? *ft m *• s w ffit
inswaeja: ,l *** |l^*f| £££. 2!Z?Z* Tn
""° JKT
ll-t flfe
No Ki-j6ng
s
?3t — **. z: »fe z: feb —
*@ 4<N MB MS; MR
Ji sft
32-ponji
L-"
VLO
fr A
;!»!: 2/lH: ill: $i &
inswaeso:
Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa
32-ponji ch'ong p'anmaeso:
parhaengso:
Maemunsa Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong
32-ponji
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-
dong 121-ponji
452
+ 1 title page/+6 TOC/+1
Chindallaekkot section half title {nim ege
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
1 sheet . 11 mm
10 sheets 1.02 mm
Endsheets Notes
.09 mm. Margins (cm)
Notes on Margins 1.5 to folio;
(pg. dim. of 2.55 to chin
TOC ?1;
approx. 1.5
Paper Notes 10.5x 14.4) 3.5 to nim .95 1.6
u • cm to chin ?!
pg. 1 of n'
_relatively opaque.
TOC 2.6 to mon
no visible chain lines.
_brown. 1.6 to
folio (this is
Notes on Typefaces somewhat
variable
_Hansong Toso fonts, body and
throughout.
two different sizes of title face. Pg. 5 the
_pg. 1 of TOC chin ^1 is .6, folio is 1.8 6.9 to // S
approx. 1.5
nim ^ in section title is .4, Pg-3 from top but variable, 1.8
to mon ^
mon î in first poem listed is .3 edge; pg. 7 of course
is 1.4; pg. 9
_chin ^ in title on pg. 190 is
is 1 cm);
.6. In the main body, chin ^1 3.95 to title
is .3 mon ^
_ chin •?] in half title to section 2.8 to body
is also .6. mon ?i
Binding Notes
_panyangjang.
_cased-in. 12 * position of
_textblock stapled with 2 10.2 * holes for
staples approx. 1.5-2.0 cm in staples—
from bottom
length. (cm)
_signatures do not appear to 5.2
have been trimmed along the 3.2 •

spine.
General Notes
453
Hi--\
25. Chindallaekkot
(Azaleas, copy in the Kim * ^811! • "••'•"• • " ••••"'.m2*£'i?z^&*::* y\-''/^'ii'':~yZ'')-''!,'%
Song-hun collection)
*•-.. • • - . . • * . . • . i---<s. .••.-.-.t<-.•»".• ••• •-;l
fii:
Author: " t^Mi?

Mf*~J
Kim Chong-sik
1
i
•v., . • X'
•' -*"*H ' A^> • *$> /", ? *- "' «> * '* K*
Note: Only a rather cursory

'. . "'."•*•
examination of this copy
x' •_
was possible. My impres-
it'-.**', « v I \. ' •": • _J
sion is that this it is essen- *.«•••
tially similar to the other

copies of the Hansong * J - ^ : . ....'-AN ;-• _ ,>;.-• ..••• h V> • .1
Toso issue examined in this i«».t. ;•-»
survey. !<,
^' s*"^*f? rj"£* '*•.•'
1
i
Dimensions of boards (cm): 10.5 x 15; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an;

proportion: 1:1.429
454
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
(copy in the Kim S5ng-hun
collection)
',". / * } < - '
—I
-.*#• !£a '*"'" "*

*M^< »H?%^" ~n?rt <s&i§flf^*
<^fcl^t "1!;
jjf <<§%.
p-,11. till "Ik JlllS*
.^>^
*&
^ 111
feft "'$0^ ^
^,-^»
iif(i k
yt iis' iitt,.
^ JSIV^., -\ .
455
Chindallaekkot IE3E
Colophon
(copy in the Kim Song-hun mm
collection)
3V_
^ 4
##„
inswae December 23, 1925

parhaeng December 26, 1925
II
m, If
price 1 won 20 chon 0? tf B0
Ch i ndallaekko t
% M$k
Kim Chong-sik Wi M
mmm
'Mi 7a
m
m iff tif w
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-tong r~\~
121-ponji II ~H tls. **'**" £& Mi i S
IfsL »•*>
tf
It? •i-t* I ! [?,;f g
inswaeja Jib
No Ki-jong
*3C^2;^£?*§- u
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong A*- ~ it sv. JI m
32-ponji
frt Sil: iL li $k W
mswaeso
32-ponji
parhaengso ch'ong p'anmaeso

Maemunsa Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong

121-ponji 32-ponji
Note that Kim Chong-sik's

(So-wol's) address is the same chmch'e Kyongsong 7660
above tel Kwanghwamun 1479
456
26. Chindallaekkot
(Azaleas, copy in
the 6 m Tong-sop
collection)
Author:
Kim Ch5ng-sik
Dimensions of cloth/paper cover (cm): 10.7 x 14.8, spine 1.5;

kukpanp'an, proportion' 1 • 1 38
Cover: burlap cloth-like material over paper (thickness: .97 mm)
Color(s): none
Notes' fragment of Hansong TosQ issue cover paper pasted to
cloth in upper right
457
Chindallaekkot
Title Page
(copy in the Om
Tong-sop collection)
•pi '-;1: '•
4'"/ <-•> %,
*„irt
' if
Title Page Notes

_printed in red.
_stock (.09 mm) slight
gloss?
^ t ^ set down 3.9
cm from top, approx. 5.5
cm from spine, 4.2 cm from
outside, 3.7 from bottom.
_M J] \'Y- set: 3.3 from top,
approx 3.0 from spine,
6.8 from outside, 6.8 from
bottom.
_^1 .9 cm square.
_ M .5 cm x .45 cm.
_ H .45cm x .4 cm.
$$->'"> tipple w 5
i.«- ~<—!.™. ~ „ i . j » . ;„**.' *».a.^£3
458
:fc*c
if
Chindallaekkot IEJE
Colophon
(copy in the Ora
Tong-sop collection) # ^ t 4
mswae December 23, 1925
parhaeng December 26, 1925 Tin
ft s ~ m MM
price 1 won 20 chon
Chindallaekkot
m IT m jrifc Bp"
j in-
chqjak kyom parhaengja I Sf ' 'ft # mm gBJt

frlf
Kim Chong-sik
!S^ Si
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong B iff rp
121-ponji » Frrj satt J i t =*a> *B?» =»•
A.
inswaeja
No Ki-jong
îisl
32-ponji 2* A* I ^•fe*1 It
inswaeso
Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa fglfc^SM ft II 'SI
32-ponji
ch'ong p'anmaeso
parhaengso
Maemunsa
32-ponji
Kyongsongbu Y5n'gon-dong
121-ponji
chmch'e KyongsSng 7660
tel Kwanghwamun 1479
459
endsheet/ +1 title page/
Chindallaekkot +6TOC7+1 section half
Bibliographic Notes title (nimege VM]7l])/+l
(copy in the 6 m colophon/ +endsheet)
Tong-sop collection)
Paper (body)
1 sheet .12 mm
Boardsheets Notes 10 sheets 1.11 mm
_red paper with floral design.
Margins (cm)
Endsheets Notes Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
_. 1 mm. (Pg- 1.5 to folio;
_ sheet that holds textblock to dim: 10.4 x 2.6 to chin
XI approx. 2 cm
14.4) .9 1.5
cover glued to first endsheet to chin -?!
pg. 1 of 3.5 to nim
and current cover. TOC
1.5 to
Notes on Margins folio (this is
somewhat
variable
throughout.
Paper Notes pg. 5 and
_relatively opaque. 7 the folio
_no visible chain lines. is 1.2 cm
6.9 to // U
_brown, but not because it from the approx. 1.5
pg. 3 of but vari-
top. On 1.7 to mon ^ in
appears to have substantially poems able, of
pg. 9, for title
changed color. example,
course
_the paper is uncoated. the folio is
1 cm fiom
Notes on Typefaces the top);
3.8 to title
_Hansong Tos6 fonts, body and mon '?!
two different sizes of title face. 2.7 to body
on pg. 1 of TOC chin ^1 is .6, mon ?!
nim \j in section title is .4, nim
^ in first poem listed is .3 _signatures do not appear to
_chin ^1 in title on pg. 190 is have been trimmed along the
.6; in the body chin ^1 is .3 spine.
_chin ^1 in half title to section
is also .6. General Notes
Binding Notes
_panyangjang.
textblock likely stapled with
2 staples, which can be felt
along the spine edge under the
current cover.
460
"}A^^ '", A %i!t '• %''?" • * ' j •-
27. Hyorhun in mukhwa
Ml
(The silent flower of blood)
,>!# $**
Author:
I4:MlS|
Yu To-sun *. > . ' W( v A Sli'~: *i* -St. ' • - I l i l l l
(In the O Yong-sik 1,1:; > Slf." *w

collection)
' ''3* s V < •'" "i- " ' iff* f *. ^ ^ ""A ?>* ' 'Xj^f « "3
SJiii*!'^
% % %
i . Mils? * "illlr "* * * ,. ^ \.. •- '^ / ''
•10* *
W%^ ^%^ ^^/A ^
/ r T-^ft^^^^B^
Dimensions (cm): 10.6 x 13.9; spine .3; kukpanhyong; 1:1.311

Color(s): one (blue)
Image: none
461
Hydrhun ui mukhwa
Colophon
,N ;• Tf'i
mswae February 28, 1926
*# ill parhaeng March 2, 1926
i' lis I
Hydrhun in Hydrhun ui mukhwa

OJ?f> mukhwa
•'I price 30 chon
• J? ^ ' 1 ftr- Ik title page

»d No Cha-yong
,ykL
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-ponji 17
4J|A J#JT
•ST*
sis'!
ill*
m\
<f te 3k ^
ik?
pj&l
»
inswaein
Kim Hyong-jun
Kyongsongbu IlK
Anguk-tong 101-ponji
r in
mswaeso
Munhwa Inswaeso
A -
B n x« *** I 1 '*
i*
As ir. 1 v tff -®
stiffs. 3£ iifr
Kyongsongbu 11
Anguk-tong 101-ponji
B M,
parhaengso *{i. H:>
Ch'ongjosa
1ft
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143 pon
It \M m fefe ?
m A »:
a.U' r
*^
chinch'e KyongsSng 12837 pon
-4a*.
462
Number of Pages AA; extra
sheets: ( +1 title page/ +1
frontispiece/+1 preface/+1
Hydrhun ui mukhwa TOC/ +1 colophon)
Bibliographic Notes
Title Page Notes Paper (body)

.08 mm. 1 sheet .06 mm
feels like there is a slight 10 sheets .57 mm
gloss.
_printed in blue. Margins (cm)
Frontispiece 3 to
photograph of author, running
head and
printed in blue.
folios; 3.3
.07 mm. .3 to fold
pg. 1 of to line in
1.3 approx. 1 to
preface folio
bind
Notes on Margins 3.9 to
poems; 5.3
to If- as
title
Paper Notes approx. approx. approx.
_feels like there is a slight approx. same
same same same
throughout
gloss. throughout throughout throughout
very thin. (.05-.06 mm)
no large fibers.
_feels whimsical—typefaces
not so bold as Hansong Toso.
Binding Notes _pg. 1 of poems na u f in title
_panyangjang. Staple can be is .4 and in body of poems is
felt at 6.2 from top. .3; hyol H in running head is
staple approx 2 cm long. also .3
tied with red string now. _hyol H in on cover is .6;
ch'ong Tf is .3.
square unless otherwise noted) General Notes
_ not well struck in body. Well _ interesting placement of
struck on cover and title page. folios, up (from bottom)
approx. 4.1 cm.
463
28. Nim ui ch 'immuk
(Love's silence)
Author:
Han Yong-un
(Adan Mun'go
collection
& Hwabong
collection)
Image of copy
in Hwabong
collection
Dimensions (cm): 12.6 to board (13.2 to spine) x 19.4; spine 1.4;

4.6-p'anhyong; 1:1.47
Cover materials: cloth over board.
Color(s)- none, other than brown of case
Image: none
Notes: nothing appears on the case; perhaps there was a dust jacket
that is now lost. The cloth of the case used in the copy at Hwabong
Mun'go does not have the same plastic quality of the cloth used
in the case of the Adan Mun'go copy. It is a darker brown and the
title and Han Yong-un's name as cho ^f (author) is stamped in
gold lettering on the spine. The title and Han's name are missing
on the spine of Adan Mun'go copy; the cloth feels laminated,
almost like plastic. Consequently, the case of the Adan Mun'go
copy is not likely to be original
464
'fiffk - '|
M m «/ c/i 'immuk
1
' M fi ; Colophon
(image from Adan Mun'go copy)
' -lift v^#i$S ;!i ^

inswae: May 15, 1926
parhaeng: May 20, 1926
'11 price: 1 won 50 chon

postage: 16 chon

Han Yong-un
Kyongsongbu Anguk-tong 40-ponji
A* i€
Nim ui ch'immuk Tittle Page ¥if -f-
•it-
(image from Adan Mun'go copy) m- *"W =it.r-
91 JN H
1~ :/»;.
U H
inswaeja: mm
Kwon T'ae-gyun ft JW
Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji m f-:|]
m m
inswaeso:
m ft *3:
a
m it m -•? fell I.
Hf
Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji ±
mm HI IS
parhaengso: U ' II,; 3R
Hoedong Sogwan Jfe . T 3E «
m + |+
Kyongsongbu Namdaemunt'ong
31.
B m
m i3i>' * < II
Jgi JS^\,
1-chongmok 17-ponji
If • m
tel: Kwanghwamun 1558 pon fi§ ;1|

465
+ 1 preface/+4 TOC/+1
Nim ui ch 'immuk colophon) (Adan Mun'go
Bibliographic Notes copy has a sheet of tissue
paper between the boards of
(examination of copy in the cover and the title page
Hwabong collection)
Paper (body)
1 sheet .08 mm
Boardsheets Notes 10 sheets .8 mm
_white paper. Looks like a Margins (cm)
child scribbled on the boards
with a crayon.
2.6 to top
of running
Endsheets Notes head; 3.1
pg. 1 of
to line in 2.1 to
poems 2.3 to last
mnning bracket in 1.6 to fold; 2.6
(pg. dim. line on that
Title Page Notes head; 3.9 to folio; 3.8 to to bind
approx. 12.8 page
indented first text;
_title in red ink. x 18.2)
line; 3.55
_nim \\ is 2.7 cm. to run-on
_faint yellow crayon in circles second line
(looks like a child colored on approx. same
the book). throughout
_paper .08 mm.
Notes on Margins pg. 1, although the roughness is title page.

less pronounce on other sheets. _nim â in title on pg. 1
none of the papers are is .4 and in body is .3; in
Paper Notes particularly opaque so type running head it is .3.
_different papers used for the from reverse frequently shows not a particularly tidy
title page, preface, TOC, and in through. piece of printing.
body. no large fibers.
_the title page has a slight General Notes
gloss. It has turned slightly Binding Notes __these bibliographic notes
brown, perhaps because of its _yangjang. are from the copy housed at
position at front of book. end of thread showing Hwabong Mun'go.
_the preface and TOC are on between pgs. 144-145.
a matte-like paper. It is whiter
than the title page. The paper of Notes on Typefaces (cm,
the preface is .08; so is the first square unless otherwise noted)
page of the TOC; the preface _nim ^ on spine is 1.2 cm; un
and TOC (a total of 5 sheets) I t in Han Yong-un's name is
are .38 mm. .4.
the paper used in the main Taedong Inswaeso faces.
body is very similar, and may two basic faces, a title and a
in fact be the same. However, body face.
there is distinct roughness to another face is used on the
466
~f€''Hft>*.
i >«L
29. Choson siin sonjip
(Collected works of
Choson poets)
*•
rlaigl
i-
! i
*1
Editor: •*' i
t 1
Cho T'ae-y6n
vv.^*^r«s»
w,a i
(In the 6 m Tong-sop ^ " W I T 11>
collection)
1 9 2 1
« Sf^g^ftesPSH ! * *
^"^f^
r
Dimensions (cm): 13.3 x 18.6; spine 1.7; 4.6-;?'arc/1 1:1398

Cover materials: paper over board (thickness: 2 mm)
Image: none
1. This is based on the size of the textblock. The case is closer to

4.6-p'anhyong.
467
Choson siin sonjip
Colophon
inswac: October 8, 1926

parhaeng: October 13, 1926

postage: 18 chon

Choson Tongsin Chunghalckwan taep'yo Cho
T'ae-yon
, ¥^l,fe%?liM.,-?$
' i^M'ir^m. Kyongsongbu Sung 2-tong 121
J] inswaein:
Kim Tong-kun
' j # t ^ -mp
Kyongsongbu Anguk-tong 35
Choson siin sonjip

title page * S A BJ # flfe
m ti w m m ', Jilt 4is^!'
mswaeso: m ,. 21. iSs
Mangdae Songgyong & Kidokkyo Sohoe
it m
If m «* w PP
— ifi 'j*.
ft . ftJh
parhaengso: 5* fr III I'l ft
Choson Tongsin Chunghakkwan In ft Ml
fill A A
Kyongsongbu Sung 2-tong 121
£T
4 n M
ch'ong p'anmaeso: St
M v8£
Hoedong Sogwan mm nnM
*M' " • its
1! ~
KyongsSngbu Namdaemunt'ong ill llll
"fit
1-chongmok 17-ponji ' IA;
Jf
tcl: Kwanghwamun 1558
: rih
r J?
chinch'e KySngsong 712 pon f
468
+2 prface/ +6 TOC and
Choson siin sonjip first section half title/ +1

1 sheet .07 mm
10 sheets .67 mm
Title Page Notes
one color (black). Margins (cm)
Notes on Margins (Pg dim
approx. .8 to
126x 2.3 to folio;
24 1.9 fold
18.3) 3.2 to text
Pg 2
Paper Notes
approx. .8 to
nice paper, light gloss. 3 to text;
fold
Pg-ll 4.1 to title 2.5 to folio 1.4
_not yellowed considerably. approx. 2 to
ofpoem
_not sufficiently opaque; type spine
shows through.
no large fibers.
Binding Notes
_yangjang.
_case-bound and sewn. title page face distinctive for
_boardsheet glued over string lack of serifs. position of 4.2,
tie
and used as title page. si FITI on title page is 1.4 holes for
_wol E in wolsaek J] fe in title stiing—fiom
on pg. 11 is .4. top (cm) 9.5
square unless otherwise noted) Jal U in talpit ^ 9 1 on pg. 11
_appear to be three faces: a title is .3.
14.9
page face, a body, and a regular tie
title face. General Notes
469
(Copy in the Adan .' -\Jfcl"i|k,'~'' i*M '^'- 'f^-£K^#:ft(^K|J
,;
Mun'go collection) »• ^"\^w-''w'- • ' ' t S l l "~'' :''^$:£•;•'• T$FJ\£k$tj&&
Dimensions (cm): 11 x 15.5; spine 1.2; kukpanp'an; 1:1.409

Color(s): gold stamp on tan cloth, the red region is a plastic-like
material. The red region is stamped and inlaid with a white ink.
Notes: a "sun" pattern is stamped on back cover. The spine is
also stamped with gold color
Image: floral design
470
31. Paekp'alponnoe
Author:
Ch'oe Nam-son
(Copy in the Hwabong

collection)
Dimensions (cm): 11 x 15.2; spine 1; kukpanp'an; 1:1.382

Color(s): gold stamp on tan cloth; the blue region is a plastic-
like material. The blue region is stamped and inlaid with a white
ink
Notes: a "sun" pattern is stamped on back cover. The spine is
also stamped with gold color
Image: floral design
471
Paekp 'al ponnoe
Colophon
inswae: November 28, 1926

Paekp'al ponnoe
price: 80 chon
A
Ch'oe Nam-son
KySngsongbu Chongno 6-chongmok 11

'i^JI'lJijI! )ia(|C ^jj
insweaja:
No Ki-jong
IP m -Sy^^ »»»*^.^^^^pp^«-»'™^-
;i»K * h w ™°"~™'
r*s.:
11 I E sV.
Paekp'al ponnoe title page x;&
J:A
i - -I-
3£ 2u
(from the copy at Hwabong) If - •—•, Af* ip
ft i MIM.ff ^ jh -1*
0? iw !• •• - \
>
parhaengso:
¥ »
_ 1!- -
« ! A
Tonggwangsa ffr
m !.f
* 1 .m ®.m » EP
Kyongsongbu Kyonam-dong 29
m m
~~ i & frf1= fir I I
Z2 A ; g JK ,
ch'ong palmaeso:
m •/t- ; iff-
wl
ft
Kyongsongbu Ky5nji-dong 32 fCf
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong 7660 pon a it
^2)i' I as * i t ; IA til
inswae:
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa m
it ii # '***•
%- S JH * t K » * 1 3iC
The colophon for both editions
appears to be the same. This is
- ^'lt.W 5&18 ** # £l» J* m
x
I t , 'I - .'" ' -.<
from the copy at Adan Mun'go.
ris „
472
Paekp 'alponnoe extra sheets: ( +1 endsheet/ +1
tissue paper/ +1 title page/ +1
Bibliographic Notes TOC/ +1 preface/ +4 fist post-
(based on copies at Adan face/ + 5 second postface/ +2
Mun'go and Hwabong Mun'go) third postface/ +1 colophon/
+ 1 endsheet)
Boardsheets Notes
_printed in orange with forest Paper (body)
design. 1 sheet. 1 mm
Jhalftone dots visible in orange 10 sheets 1 mm
shading between trees. Margins (cm)
Endsheets Notes Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter

1.3 to folio;
_feels like it has a slight gloss pg. 1 2 1 to box; 1.5 to box; 1.5 to box;
1.7 to box;
(.1 mm). (preface) 2.6 to text; 1.9 to text 2.1 to text
2.1 to text;
2.1 to box;
Title Page Notes for poems same same same
2.8 to poems
_.l mm.
feels coated. right is of the sewing pattern of thread would be visible on
_overlain with a tissue paper the Adan Mun'go edition. those pages.
(.03 mm).
Notes on Typefaces (cm, square
Notes on Margins unless otherwise noted) pages between
_title page—very "square," which tins /* 2.3
pattern was \m A (L position
"sans serif." visible / of holes
Paper Notes _paek TT on the title page is .8. foi sewing
feels coated, binding—
_first preface, face tiny, mi ^f is fiom top
particularly white. .2. Footnotes in rest of book, as 10.7 <cm)
_smooth. well as introductions to sections 33.2
_not yellowed. are the same size. 1 of pi eface Cheon(mZh)
_no large fibers. Jong -§- in tongch'ong namu pages between
kunitl ~cF7c3 uf"T"^-"s section which this
Binding Notes opening (pg. 1) is .6
pattern was A
_yangjang. Jamg TJ~ in title of poem pg. 3
_sewn. is .4.
tie visible between pgs. 114- _wi $\ in body of poem on pg. ' (
115. 11,43,75, 9 10,42,74,
3 is .3. 107,1 ot second 106, 8offhst
_the position of the holes postface postface
used to sew the two volumes General Notes pages between
is slightly different. The two page numbers in italic in the which this (
central holes are 4.6 and 10.7 binding diagram indicate that I
pattern was ^
visible
cm from the top, respectively, neglected to make a note of the
in the Adan Mun'go copy. binding thread being visible on
They are 3.5 and 11.5 cm from those pages. The general method 27, 59, 91, (* 26, 58, 90,
the top, respectively, in the of sewing the binding, however, 123, 3 of thud ^* 122, 2 of thud
Hwabong copy. The chart to the would indicate that the binding
postface postface
473
'Pk
32. Kot'ong iii sokpak
,;>
(Gitanjali) 2>$ 4>. ' ' BsbinfantaCh Tagore's
Author:
" % r: IGiUîjaliV *x
Rabindranath Tagore
Translator:
Kim Ok
This image (right) is of the title

page, not the cover. The cover
is missing. The board of what
appears to be the back cover
of the book is attached to the
front of the volume. It appears
to be the same cover material
used in the first printing of Kim
Ok's translation of Gitanjali.
The frontispiece of Tagore
is the same and printed on
very similar paper. The tissue
paper over the frontispiece is
similar as well. However, the
title pages of the two editions
are different. Interestingly, the
colophon suggests this is a first
edition, perhaps becasuse the
title has been changed.
Dimensions (cm): 13 x 19; spine .9; 4.6-p'anhydng; 1:1.462.

Cover materials: missing
Image: none
474
Kot'ong in sokpak
Colophon
inswae: March 5, 1927

Kot 'ong iii sokpak

price: 1 won
copying is not permitted

PI!
chojakkwan soyu kyom
parhaengja (publisher
m
and person who owns the
copyright:
Song Wan-sik
Kyongsongbu Chongno
1-chongmok 75-ponji '^4>: ''"f" J* ^s»^«
inswaeja:
3C
* >
Kim Chung-hwan
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong 4K
parhaengso:
i it
s. • & *
Tongyang Taehaktang
Kyongsongbu Chongno SiiPP«^**#» £ » .

1-chongmok
palmaeso: mswaeso:
Munhwasa Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa
Inswaebu
Kyongsongbu Kyonam-dong
50-ponji
475
+ 1 frontispiece of Tagore/ +1
Kot'ong in sokpak tissue paper/ +1 title page/ +4
Bibliographic Notes TOC/ +2 translator's greet-
ings/+1 colophon/+1 end-
sheet)
Endsheets Notes
_white, .07 mm. Paper (body)
1 sheet .09 mm
Frontispiece 10 sheets .93 mm
image of Tagore on art paper
(.09 mm). Margins (cm)
a sheet of tissue paper (.03 Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
mm) protects the frontispiece. margins are
same impression as "first all within
edition." Can see that the "an" about 1 mm
of the 1923
in "Rabinranath" is raised in edition of
both prints. K "it 'anjari
Title Page Notes

_one color (black). I think
the border around the text is
the same even though what it
frames has changed.
blue text on the reverse of Notes on Typefaces (cm,
the title page in the previous square unless otherwise noted)
edition is missing. _the yok iff in yokcha iii insa
p i g °\JsM (Translator's
Notes on Margins Greeting) is "smudged" in the
same manner as in the 1923
edition of K 'it 'anjari
Paper Notes _type is the same size as in
paper has the same 1923 edition of Ki'tanjari.
characteristic chain and screen
lines as the 1923 edition of General Notes
K'it 'anjari (Gitanjali). this is clearly the same edition
of Kim Ok's translation of
Binding Notes K'it 'anjari (Gitanjali) with a
_yangjang. new title page and colophon.
_binding thread is clearly
visible between pg. 2 and 3 of
table of contents.
476
(A gift from a dark room)
Author:
Kwon Ku-hy5n
'<•,
*
(In the
Hwabong
collection)
£ •2
«• FA-
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 15.4; spine 1cm; kukpanp'an; 1:1.467

Cover materials: black paper and red trim over board
(thickness: 1.7 mm)
Color(s): one (red lettering)
Notes: the cover may be a lithograph. The sheet over the boards
appears to have been printed in red and black. I cannot feel any
embossiog
Image: none
477
rfSSJ"
$•:
I:
Hukpang ui sonmul
Colophon
* 4 *M inswae: March 25, 1927

' -m ± % parhaeng: March 30, 1927
Hukpang ui sonmul
price: 80 chon
»wri postage: 14 chon
Iff I If; 1923—1926 - , ' ^ chojak kyom parhaengja:

Hukpang ui Kwon Ku-hyon
-, ^''''^'X»,,^M-V"^. «-.niii---j sonmul
MJW
KySngsongbu Kahoe-dong
title page 15-ponji
*£.««*,
inswaeja:
Kim Chung-hwan
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong
2-ch5ngmok 139 i it
inswaeso:
Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa Inswaebu cr
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong Ift ^-f s-vi*
2-chongmok 139
Ire A • A'
parhaengso: n
Yongch'ang Sogwan 8 ,S, A0 •J* m
fH -f* "3C '
Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok ra ... . PB Jifc =
E ^L »
84-ponji — * iftr ;fti
chinch'e Kyongsong 6231 pon -r r1^

m
u
tel: Kwanghwamun 1532 pon ft -4r
478
+ 1 title page/+3 TOC/+2
Hukpang ui sonmul introduction/ +1 half title/ +1
Bibliographic Notes colophon/+1 endsheet)
Ends heets Notes Paper (body)

_browning paper. 1 sheet .09 mm
10 sheets .84 mm
Title Page Notes
printed in two colors, black Margins (cm)
and red. Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
2.5 to top
pg. 1 of 1 to folio; 1 to red
Notes on Margins of red .8 to fold; 1.5
preface. 1.6 to red bolder; 1.6
border; 3 to to bind; 2 to
(pg. dim border; 1.8 to last line
text; 3.9 to text
10.5 x 15.1) to text of page
title
Paper Notes 1 to red
2.4 to top .8 to fold; 1.5
_high quality paper. border;
of red to bind; 2 to
_yellowing slightly. pg. 1 of border; 2.9
1.3 to folio; 1.4 to last
first red line
_ no visible chain or screen 1.6 to red dotted line
poems to top of inside poem
border in poem
lines. text; 3.7 to
text; 1.6 to
text block;
_honeycomb pattern. title 2.2 to title
text
slight gloss.
Binding Notes
janyangjang. _mo v] in mori mal v\ 2} s" is
_cased-in. .4; han ^ same pg. is .3.
_staple holes at approx. 3.5 cm, _ki y] on first pg. of poems
5.5 cm, 9.5 cm, 11.5 cm from (title) is .4 and nim ^ is .3.
top.
General Notes
_nicely struck.
_look like Hansong Toso faces,
but printed at Ch'angmunsa.
_huk Wk on title pg. is .7; si i%
is .4.
479
0^" ""^—
34. Ch 'onyd ui hwahwan

(A girl's flower garland,
second edition)
Author:
iS V&$
No Cha-y5ng
(In the Hwabong

collection)
• •a
(v. m "fi '- - *'M

I :-.ys
r.
L

Cover materials: paper over board (thickness: 1.9 mm)
Image: none
480
wt~
f
Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan
Colophon (second edition)
Ch'onyo ui
* hwahwan first edition
""•*-- J title page parhaeng: October 6, 1924
(second
k edition)
second edition
Ch'onyo ui hwahwan
price 1 won 30 chon

another price is stamped in red but is illegible
chojakcha:
No Cha-yong
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-p5nji
parhaengja:
Yamahana Hoketsu
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-p6nji
inswaeja:
Kim Hyong-jun
inswaeso:
Murnwa Inswaeso
parhaengso:
Ch'ongjosa
KyongsSngbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-ponji
palmaeso:
Pangmun Sogwan
Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok 82-ponji
481
+ 1 first greeting/ +3 TOC/ +1
Ch'onyo ui hwahwan half title/+1 colophon)
Bibliographic Notes
(second edition)
Paper (body)
10 sheets .7 mm

coated paper (.09 mm). Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
_two stamps. pg. dim
11.6x 17.4
Notes on Margins 3.7 to 1.3 to line
mnning in i'unning 1 to fold;
Pg-12 head; 4.9 to 2.2 to folio head;2 approx. 2.5
text; 6.1 to to title of to bind
Paper Notes title poem
high quality paper.
_honeycomb pattern.
no other heavy chain or screen _ch'6t ^J in ch'ot insa ^ ^l^f
lines. is a little more than .4.
no large fibers. _ch'o JiS in running head pg. 12
is .2; ch'ot ^ in title of poem
Binding Notes is a little more than .4; ch'ot ^
_panyangjang. in body of poem is a little more
_cased-in. than .3.
_rusty (2 cm) staples visible
through title page. Holes at 3
cm, 5 cm, approx. 11.5 cm, and General Notes
13.5 cm from top.

two basic faces used; title and
body.
_ch'o Ja in title on title page
is .9.
482
35. Nae lion ipult'al ttae
(When my spirit burns)
4i 1
Author: % w
No Cha-yong
(In the Hwabong

collection)
« <u? j
• * • - •
» .» i
f
r
.J
Dimensions (cm): 12.8 x 18.8; spine 1 cm; 4.6-pan; 1:1.469

Cover materials: thin glossy paper with slight bluish-green tint
glued to card stock, (thickness: .23 mm)
Color(s): two (blue and red)
Image: none
483
l i * I51
Nae hon i pul t'al ttae
Colophon
inswae February 14, 1928

parhaeng February 16, 1928
Nae hon i pul t al ttae

price 1 won

No Cha-yong
Kyongsongbu P'alp'an-dong 2-ponji
m " m S? if
I f 1 !
* "»l 8
If ii Iff I * 'J «
m * »
ft *
Nae hon i pul t 'al ttae
mm
title page
n
M» nil rn
m i\
mswaeja mu mi
Kim Chae-sop - #j II *iii
Kyongsongbu Kyonji dong 32-ponji 4!!

flf >;•, ff & &t &
« * i «
mswaeso it
/n w 1 1* •1
¥ ^ »
m it ^ 3fs it A f i t
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji « ;» «
11
IRI «— 1
parhaengso # -J* 1* IN
Ch'ongjosa
ft i. i i
A m » i Iff
* * * f »» f
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-ponji 4k

si f
# it
chmch'e kujwa 12837 pon II:
484
+title page/ +1 half title/ +1/
Nae hon ipul t'al ttae colophon/+1 endsheet)
Bibliographic Notes

_thick, stiff, card stock (.14 1 sheet .08 mm
mm). 10 sheets .84 mm

_printed in red on heavy, Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
semi gloss paper (.12 mm). 4.2 to text
of running 1.5 to
head; 4.5 to vertical line
Notes on Margins
horizontal of running
distinctive running head with line of head very approx.
descending line that "box in" Pg-27 running 3 to folio (vertical 1.3 to fold; 2
the textblock. head; 5.25 line in to bind
to text of running
poem; 6.6 head is 2.3
Paper Notes to title of cm
_nice semigloss paper. poem
not sufficiently opaque,
however; printing on reverse
shows through.
honeycomb pattern difficult The small size of the running
to see. head makes it difficult to
no distinct chain or screen tell if it is its own face or a
lines. "squashed" version of the body
face.
Binding Notes _nae T-r] in title on cover is .9.
_re-tied with red string. _ch'un # in author's ho is .4.
_although not easily seen, tang ^ in title on pg. 27 is .4;
staples (approx. 2 cm) can be tang ^ in body is .3; nun TL- in
felt through cover material at running head is .2.
approx. 3 cm and 12.5 cm from
top. General Notes
_panyangjang.

_distinctive san-serif font used
on cover and title page.
_aside from title face used on
the cover and the title page,
there appear to be two basic
faces—a title and body face.
485
JPIt
*&
36. Ppairon myong sijip
(Well-known poems of 1
V, ||»~ /^M?*
Byion, O edition)
author
Lord Byron
translator
Kim Si-hong
Two editions of Ppairon myong

sijip appear to have been made,
a hardcover and a paperback
issue I have called the first
listed here the "O edition,"
after the collection where I
saw it I have called the second
volume listed here the "Om
edition," after the collection
where T saw it Oddly, the
paperback is more expensive v
It may be that the case of the O
edition is not original
•It-
(In the O Yong-sik
collection)
Dimensions (cm) 9 2 x 13 5, spme 1 5, kukpanp an,
Cover materials papei over board (thickness 2 mm
Color(s) blue paper band Printed m green mk
Image crane and flower
486
Ppairon myong sijip
Colophon, O copy
inswac: February 18, 1928

parhaeng: February 22, 1928
iB price: 60 chon
lit
i». Copyrighted
"i m si"
it Ppairon myong sijip
translator:
Kim Si-hong
Kyongsongbu ChanggyojSng 60-ponji
parhaengja:
Kang Ui-yong
• 4 ^ \»
•k**^' J l > ^ »^l! Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok 84-ponji

Ppairon myong sijip
title page, O edition
iljfi ZMÂ
# ^
inswaeja:
Kim Chin-ho • ii r,
Kyongsongbu SodaemunjSng 2-chongmok ' -A

M '-*&
139-ponji nil
inswaeso:
11*1 : -SRI
Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa Inswaeso
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok

fel o.-. life- ! W^lllli
139-ponji
parhaengso: l l ^ « r # ^ «> -T. ,f&

Yongch'ang Sogwan
tel: (Kwang) 1532
487
sheets: ( +1/ tissue paper end-
sheet/+1 frontispiece/+l title
Ppairon myong sijip- - 0 edition page/ +1 preface/+3 TOC7+1
Bibliographic Notes first section half title +1 colo-
phon/ +2 ads/)

tissue paper over frontispiece 1 sheet . 11 mm
of Byron. 5 sheets .56 mm
Frontispiece Margins (cm)

_image of Byron. Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
(pg. dim. 2.9 to text 1.6 to text binding too
Title Page Notes 9.2 x 13) block; .5 block; fragile to
preface 2.1 to folio 1 to folio measure
_tiny type.
postface pg. 1.8 to folio;
1.6
141 2.8 to text
Notes on Margins
pg. 4 of 1.7 to folio;
1
poems 2.5 to text
Paper Notes
uncoated.
no visible chain lines.
_yellowed. General Notes
_large fibers visible _ads printed at back of book
intermittently. very interesting. Many for
"ch'angga" published by
Binding Notes Yongch'ang Sogwan that do
side stitched with staple. not appear in bibliographies.
_cased-in partyangjang: single May account for some of the
staple (2 cm) 5.5 cm and 7.5 siga permits.
cm from top. _second page of ads is missing
from the Om edition. The
Notes on Typefaces (cm, order of the title page and
square unless otherwise noted) frontispiece is also reversed in
_so If- in first page of preface the two editions.
is .3; se Hi' in text is .2; folio
" 1 " is .3.
_ppa M\ in main title on pg. 3
is a little more than .5: sa *} in
poem title is a little more than
.4; su ^r in body of poem is .3.
488
37. Ppairon myong sijip
(Well-known poems of
Byron, 6 m edition) At* -rrt*. A* v.
•A£ vs*J~ -»"-f "£••
author:
Lord Byron
translator:
Kim Si-hong
;>~
At\
(In the Om Tong-sop

collection)

Cover materials: paper over cardstock (thickness: .24 mm)
Image: crane and flower
Notes: paper similar to paper over boards of Chindallaekkot
489
>'j Ppairon myong sijip
Colophon, Om edition
inswae: Febraary 18, 1928

if; ft ;' -'1!|!|^ parhaeng: February 22, 1928
Ppairon price: 80 chon

myong sijip
:•, •mm.&i:l title page, Copyrighted
J Vifipl'K. 6 m edition Ppairon myong sijip
translator:
Kim Si-hong
Kyongsongbu Changgyojong 60-ponji
parhaengja:
Kang Ui-y5ng
h
ft -"iSMf9\ mi ~M -lilt 1" IP
jk: miM M
mswaeja: lit
Kim Chin-ho

139-ponji ,
111 '^SlL^™ __„ _
inswaeso:
Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa Inswaeso ' ^ l ; i f : m, ft
«B;
139-ponji
u./K
parhaengso:
ili*'S I r a T •;.: &
Yongch'ang Sogwan
A
Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-ch5ngmok 84-ponji
|&Jit§E U 9 +
chinch'e Kyongsong 6231 pon I:* - -if * £5
tel: (Kwang) 1532 pon SUMS*.
» * ; « » * * 3/. !
490
+1 frontispiece/+1 preface/
Ppairon myong sijip +3 TOC/ - 1 numbering starts
Bibliographic Notes, Om edition on page 3/ +1 ads/ colophon)

1 sheet. 1 mm
10 sheets .98 mm
Title Page Notes
_type is tiny for a title page. Margins (cm)
ppa ^} is .25 x .4. Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
pg. 1 of
2.9 to folio 1.5 1.4 approx.2
Frontispiece TOC
_image of Byron. In image pg. 3 of
2.6 to folio
there is an illegible signature. Ppairon 1.6 approx. 2
3.4 to text
_paper feels "waxy." sijip
Notes on Margins
pretty consistent throughout. slightly bigger.
_face used in the "About
Paper Notes Byron" section at the end of the
_brown. volume is the same size as that
_uncoated. in the introduction. However,
_no chain or screen lines. there is more leading, so it feels
honeycomb pattern. "airier."
_similar to O edition.
General Notes
Binding Notes
_panyangjang.
6
re-tied it appears. Rusty staple position of
nub sticking out of back cover. holes for 7.2
string; front
Notes on Typefaces (cm, cover—from
top (cm)
square unless otherwise noted) 10.3
_ Ppairon my on sijip ^1°] ^-^S 11.8
i5 M on pg. 3 is "boxy," '
reminiscent of the fonts used in
the journal Tonggwang in the 6
mid-late 1920s, as well as title position of 7.2
holes for
faces from the 1970s. string; back .
8(sU
title face for poems has an cover—from
interesting "hook" to the serif. top (cm)
10.3
face used in the preface is
11.8
tiny. Se *\) in sesang *ll A& is .2.
body face used in poems is
491
38. Choson yuramga
(A song of Choson travels)
fmmm
Author:
Ch'oe Nam-son
(In the O Y5ng-sik collection)
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 18.4; spine 2.6 (mm); unique,

trimmed down from 4.6-p'an; 1:1.752
Cover materials: card (thickness: .14 mm)
Color(s): four (black, green, red, blue)
Image: man in mountains
492
'-, „ ~-iSi I Choson yuramga
t -i'fvjll-'; title page
Choson yuramga
Colophon
inswae: August 15, 1928

Err > parhaeng: August 20, 1928
.3T& Choson yuramga

t & 4:
l«l II M price 20 chon

postage 10 chon
-"if* »
chojak kyom parhaengin:

m; ^/&, Ch'oe Nam-son
^'*.'/ \ * \ , 'i-
'* <f" * , " **'
Kyongsongbu Chongno 6-chongmok 11
- w- X l l
l^sf*^
/ ^ 1 1^ ||1|;1F IP1!-** *t?fi8
»aa&
• 1H t f**
is s
# *p? ¥-'I* "
parhang kyom inswaein:
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa in • •, ^. ...... sr% m lilt 4 | 4*
:;->-N K|& ;|g§|:: : p# 'Si|; l i n t '31* -ft?
u taep'yoja
Han Kyu-sang
S ^11 w ?*' ^ ""'* *V
¥ 41f
"It ft*! pit ®a -MîiisM-m

Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji f* wNj5 ^lipl r*TK
inswaeso: i m'. :%KM. 'SlfT '*$W
Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa
KyongsSngbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji m

« zL
parhaeng kyom ch'ong p'anmaeso:
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Wit} Iff
^w ^t w* - ffe - i
***« "St.* "¥S
chinch'e Kyongsong 7660 pon WE'" N
*S# %*
493
Number of Pages—57
numbered: 58 printed)
Choson yuramga
Bibliographic Notes
Verso of Cover Notes Paper (body)

_printing on reverse of front 1 sheet .07 mm
cover. 10 sheets .82 mm
Endsheets Notes Margins (cm)

no endsheets. Page N o Top Bottom Outside Gutter
1.1 to
Title Page Notes 1.2 to folio running
pg. 2 1.2 1.4
no color. 1.8 to text head
1.8 to text
1.2 to folio
Notes on Margins
1.8 to
1.5 to folio
Pg- 7 caption .9 14
2.5 to text
2.1 to
Paper Notes pictuie
_no chain lines.
_honeycomb pattern. Binding Notes
_high quality. _panyangjang.
_slightly coated. _stab stitched with staple.

title page cho ?JJ .9 sq., Ch'oe
position of
& .4. holes for
_pg. 2 cho #J .2. staples—
_pg. 6 cho $] in song .45. from top 10.3
_pg. 6 cho Wi in notes .2. (cm)
_pg. 3 han Q .3.
_pg. 13 hanQ .45.
494
f
%
^ i;i
• "lis
39. Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan
——•-**p^
(A girl's flower garland, FT f * ' ;r5t»
ft-
thrid edition)
I L3^B~'Jit !?> S;j
Author:
No Cha-yong
fa&KisRiiNasaisaiKw-*^'
(image of title page; book
missing original cover)
il*-" ^ V
i $V> \ JttN^ -
(Copy at the National Library
of South Korea)
•-«
•*
'ii
"'li^t* i^fH ^ ^
Dimensions (cm): 12.2 x 18; spine 2; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.475

Cover materials:
Image: none
495
Ch 'onyo iii hwahwan
Colophon
stamp (nearest spine edge):

repaired outside the library on
July 26, 1940
„•-
1 m m
to-
mswae: March 20, 1929 •i

1% 51i i} jr> i f ^
(ch'op'an) /J
parhaeng. March 25, 1929
' II 1
PM
Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan
« S R!
price: 1 won 30 chon ff 81
M K W*£
si
stamp (bottom right) P, S-j^,-
receiving person: stamp ft* 9? ft * * *» g
inspection: stamp - - MIT , K » *
A. Pi %Û- -
librarian stamp ft* fe
no 1. stamp *
«
fit * & <* %"
stamp (top center):
« sj
— €
Chosen Sotokufu Toshokan if ** III!
X H IS?
fitV * " ™ ^
ytt ft m
ffr
«
rt »
Yang Ch'6n-ho
"ft E ft * #
AS i
Kyongsongbu Chongno Ifl
?-chongmok 9-ponji
\fili.
mswaeja:
Kim Chae-sop parhaeng kyom ch'ong punmaeso:
palmeaso: Ch'ongjosa
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong Ch'angmundang Sojom
32-ponji Kyongsong Ch'angsin-dong
Kyongsongbu Chongno 143-ponji
inswaeso:
2-chongmok 9-ponji
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa chmch'e Kyongsong 12837
tel: Kwanghwamun 738 pon pon
32-ponji chinch'e: Kyongsong 6946 pon
496
extra sheets: ( +1 ch'ot insa ^
<£Uf/ +3 TOC; 1 half title/+1
Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan colophon/ +1 ads)
Bibliographic Notes

_white. 1 sheet. 10 mm
10 sheets 1.06 mm
Title Page Notes
_glossy. Margins (cm)
_one color (black). Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
_.09 mm. 3.6 to top
10.6 to fold of ranning
(approx. 12 head; 3.8 to
Notes on Margins to bind) x line of run-
2 to fold;
2 to folio 1.2 to approx. 3 to
17.5 pg. 1 ning head;
bind
pom pain 4.6 to text
Paper Notes block; 5.7
to title
_coarse.
_uncoated. same i
_browning at edges. throughout j
_honeycomb pattern.
Binding Notes title on p 1 is .4; ch'ang '& at

_rebound with string ranning beginning of second stanza is
through textblock. This appears .3. Ch'o JiS in running head is
to have been done by the .2.
Chosen Sotokufu Toshokan.
The logo on the stamp on the General Notes
colophon matches what is printer's fingerprint on pg. 16.
embossed on the spine of the _Hwabong also has a copy of
new cover. this edition.
_however, there are obvious
signs that the book was once
bound with staples between pg.
192 and pg. 193.
_panyangjang but not sure if it
was originally cased-in. position of • 13.5
holes for •
11.7
staples—
Notes on Typefaces (cm, from bottom
square unless otherwise noted) (cm)
_ch'ot ?} in ch'ot insaî ^l-^} • 5.9
is .4; na M" in body of poem is •
3.9
.3. Pom -vinpompam -Ir1^
497
40. Anso sijip
i
; "'1
(A collection of poems
by Anso [Kim Ok])
ft m »
i5|
' :•
Author:
Kim Ok 18 2 9'
(In the Hwabong

collection)
r
•««.*-•*'*#»ji4r» *3
&
Dimensions (cm): 10.3 x 15; spine 1.4; kukpanp'an; 1:1.456

Color(s): one (silver gray)
Notes: no embossing; ink is very even
Image: urn
498
Anso sijip
title page
iV- m )r- *
Anso sijip
Colophon
inswae: March 30, 1929

MCMXXfX
price: 70 chon
postage: 4 chon
^tâg Anso sijip

Han Kyu-sang
m mm
^' ; ifc^îi% *t -â- •&*

inswaein:
Kim Chae-sop
Hiwmmn 4
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji & St ' *st ff
nUr M S? %| A * | ASt i$f "
inswaeso: 3. J -/t'HîJKii ^fest'''
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa *sT~^
Mi™;« l
wff- - i *
parhaengso:

"^ ^ £ ^
tel: (Kwang) 1479 pon

chin Kyong 7660 pon
tlfff^ \* ;>
499
Anso sijip extra sheets: ( +1 front
endsheet/ +title page/ +3
Bibliographic Notes colophon and ads/ +1
endsheet)

_glossy white (.1 mm), 1 sheet. 1 mm
rust from staples visible 10 sheets .99 mm
through paper. Margins (cm)
Title Page Notes pg. 3 of 2.8 to text, 1.2 to folio; 2.4 to last
1 to fold;
_coated card stock (.13 mm). approx. 2.5
short intro 3.8 to title 2 to text character
to bind
_nicely printed.
(pg. dim.
_notice roman numerals.
approx. 1.2 to title;
2.5 to text; 1.25 to 1.2 to last
10.4 x approx. 2.5
3 5 to title folio line of text
Notes on Margins 14.7) to bind
Pg- ' 5
Paper Notes line. "K" in inscription is

_uncoated. slightly more than .3.
honeycomb pattern. jnotice the serif on ye? ^ in
opaque. title on first half title page.
because paper is bulky the _an p?- in title on cover is very
impressions look slightly nearly 1 cm; an & in Kim's
"muddy." name on cover is slightly more
clean and not yellowed. Either than .4.
well preserved and/or a higher _kwon J4s in short preface is .4;
quality paper. first syllable yong Hi in body
text is .2.
Binding Notes _an P% in title on title pg. is. 8;
_cased-in. PF is slightly more than .4
_panyangjang. Ja cf in oda kada ^ \ 7 \
_two staples (approx. 2 cm). cf title on pg. 15 is slightly
Holes at approx. 2.5 cm, 4.5 more than .4; in body text it is
cm, 9.5 cm, 11.5 cm from top. slightly more than .3.

square unless otherwise noted) _very clean copy.
_paper really held the ink so TOC at the end of the
that type feels like a bold face. collection and not beginning.
_in places the type is not crisp _epigraph by So-wol on reverse
because of the paper. of first half title.
_two basic faces; title and ads at end are great source
body. A smaller face is used for of information. Lots to note.
preface. A roman font is also Please see discussion in
interesting for its lack of serifs, Chapter Five.
vertical axis, and modulated
500
gipy 5taS_..'. .-.,,. Sk ll'-. ^tJAJlf TH
Dimensions (cm). 12.2 x 18.4; spine 1 8; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.508

Cover materials: rebound in green cloth over board (thickness:
approx. 2.8 mm)
Image: none
Notes' paper is bluish in color ( 14 mm); Sotokufu stamp visible
(middle left); ch'ong n in title is 1.4 cm sq.; cho $J] is .9; hwang
JSJ is .7 cm, image is of what was probably the original cover,
now bound inside the case
501
Ch 'ongnydn siin paegin
chip
Colophon
stamp (top right) "repaired

March 17, 1939." The character
that indicates the month this
repair took place is not stamped
clearly. It looks like sam H ,
indicating the repair was made ,<'
in March. I suspect "repaired"
means rebound.
stamp (bottom right):

received by (sum): kyobon
tsf. J85'te|!i*ri "*#*• *?1 *M <-•-•-
inspected (komsa): pyongjon?
librarian saso: illegible
M « # J f <it\ A m ;>A
illegible: illegible Willi,-»% Si M§i
W$ pail* -'m* #• * *
deposit copy (nappon I r t ^ )
•m^-~ if,I- TM
parhaeng: April 3, 1929 Hi: OMm^r «»" «»;?'*i* life
(This edition combines the
•¥& &'*.fe-
m ife it, \% '111
February, March, and April ~ M
issues)
price: 1 won
Stamp (top left): —The well-known sportsman mswaeso:

Chosen Sotokufu Toshokan and idealist Kim Ch'an-song Sinmun'gwan
became a coterie member.
Company news (in box) KyongsSngbu
—Beginning with issue six p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: HwanggumjSng 2-chongmok
we will limit the [number of] Hwang S6g-u 21-p6nji
"company friends." Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong
—The "company friend" fee 2-chongmok 166-2 parhaengso:
will be a burden of 1 won. Choson Sidansa
—Please send your "company inswaein:
friend" fee and original poetry Kim Kyo-ch'an Kyongsongbu
together. Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok
—The fee does not limit the KySngsongbu Hwanggumjong 166-2
number [of poems you can 2-chongmok 21-ponji
send]. chinch'e Kyongsong 14,487
502
extra sheets: ( +3 for TOC/ +1
colophon)
Ch 'ongnyon siin paegin chip
Bibliographic Notes

1 sheet. 11 mm
10 sheets 1.10 mm
Title Page Notes
Margins (cm)
Notes on Margins (pg. dim 2.6 to text looks recut;
.5 to folio; 1 to fold;
approx. block; 3 to currently
1.6 to last approx. 2 to
12.3 x 18.2) indent; 3.8 .7 to text
line of text bind
Pg- 1 to title block
Paper Notes
2.2 to name
_low quality. .6 to folio;
of poet; very approx.
3.3 to text; 1.3 to last
_rough. pg. 31 variable 1 to fold and
4.5 to title line of
browning. because it 2 to bind
poem
_large fibers visible. is a poem
_opaque. Type does not show

through.
Binding Notes -*§ ^ is .3 as is nim ^ in the

rebound, difficult to tell what fifth line of that poem.
the original binding method _cho fjj in title of introduction
was. However, because it was a on pg. 1 is .6.
combined issue of a magazine,
I suspect it was stapled. General Notes
janyangjang (probable).

_ch'ong n onpg. 1 of TOC .3;
hwang ft is .3.
_sae AH in saebyok AH ^ (title)
pg. 23 is .4; chyong ^r in first
line of that poem is .3; nim ^
in subtitle of nim saenggak ^
503
42. Chosen min 'yoshu
(Choson folk songs)
Translator
Kim So-un
&A V.
'if H
Interestingly, Kim Kyo-hwan
•i' A
1
is listed as the translator in the -«•• J J ^ W ^ Ja A.
colophon This suggests that J*~ 'J
perhaps Kim So-un did not
1iL %
retain his copyright
n.•fit
limszsrsjrs&BzzrS^'
(Copy at the National

Library ot Korea)
i
%-i
**il» l?
Dimensions (cm) 13 (board)/ 13 6 (approx with rounded back)

x 18 6, spine 3, 4 6-p an, 1 1 368
Cover materials paper over board (thickness approx 2 3 mm)
Color(s) five (black, red, teal, yellow, blue)
Notes looks like hand-colored woodblock print
Image male puppeteer manipulating a female puppet
Back cover image in four colors (black, yellow, red, teal),
image of a dog
Spme image on spme as well Two colois (led, black), sun and
flowei vase
504
Chosen min'ydshu
title page
Chosen min'ydshu
Colophon
inswae: July 24, 1929

release: July 30, 1929
Chosen min'yoshu
publisher's stamp: Taibunkan
translator:
Kim Kyo-hwan
M,xJRv:
parhaeng kyom inswaeja:
;; '% f|: W '"}
ltd Minosuke
•m-m '• *,
Tokyo-shi Kanda-ku Ogawa-machi 41 4
%% W ?ftl
Inswaeso:
Taibunkan Insatsujo 3fc
Tokyo-shi Kanda-ku Omotejinbo-cho trip s
* - *c
10
palt'ae (J: hatsuda)

urn
ffift
Taibunkan ; m %i
; <?*>*;
Tokyo-shi Kanda-ku Ogawa-machi 41 'JX
&_
chinch'e (J: furikae): Tokyo 67603 ban
(
w^ J»^;«E"
tel: Kando (25) 4496 ban
505
Chosen min 'yoshii song (glossy paper)/ +3 intro/
Bibliographic Inventory + 1 TOC/ +5 photographs on
glossy paper between pg. 56-
57, 120-121, 152-153, 200-
201, 240-241, respectively/
Boardsheets Notes +5 index/ +3 afterward/ +1
natural brown. colophon and ad/ +1 endsheet)
Endsheets Notes
same natural brown.
Paper (body)
Title Page Notes 1 sheet .14 mm
image of fruit in bowl. 10 sheets 1.39 mm
Notes on Margins Margins (cm)
Paper Notes pg. dim: 12

to fold
_high quality. (12.6 to 2.8 to folio; 1.6 to fold;
two kinds: images and bind) x 3.1 3.9 to text 3 very approx.
frontispiece (music) (.10 mm), 18.2 block 2 to bind
glossy; body (.14 mm). pgs. 2-3 of
first preface
_body paper, does not feel
coated. 1 to fold;
3.4 text;
songs pg. 4 2.7 to folio 2.3 very approx.
light (the book feels light), but 4.5 to title
1.7 to bind
the paper is opaque. image
_can feel and see a texture, but 8.2 to line
between
below
not as obvious as something pg. 56 and 2.85
label; 8.7 to
2 same
like a laid paper. 57
image
(9 x 6.6)
_no large fibers visible.
Binding Notes saku fF is .2; no 00 (last glyph

_case-bound and sewn. in song) is . 1. Variety of other position of 2.3
_yangjang. sizes used in various notes and holes for 5.8
glosses but for the main body sewing—
from top 7.3
Notes on Typefaces (cm, of songs titles are .4 and body 11
(cm)
square unless otherwise noted) characters are .3; hiragana
type is crisp and well struck. glosses are . 1. 12.8
_variety of faces; on 16.2
frontispiece, the "I" in Iuccia General Notes
Paighi is .3 high; the x-height beautiful book.
of "u" is .2. Smaller roman
face used in the song presented
there. Capital "S" is a little less
than .2; x-height of "a" is .1.
506
Dimensions (cm): 12.9 x 19; spine: 1.1; 4.6-pan;' 1:1.472
Cover materials: paper over card. The paper has come unglued
from the card so it is possible to measure. The paper is .16 mm and
the card is .2 mm. Although the pattern is not as distinct, the paper
that was glued to the card is very similar to the paper used to cover
the board of Chindallaekkofs case (1925) and the paper used in
the cover of Ppairon myong sijip—Om edition (1928)
Image: man digging with a pick. Probably an etching
1. The size here is slightly larger than a standard 4.6-pan (128 mm x 188
mm) but only by a few millimeters. I suspect I somehow mis-measured.
507
% *;
Sigajip
«#
^ ^ title page Sigajip
4
x V sS * £ -itf~
Colophon
as.
1 # i
t
^ ch'ong p'anmaeso
Yongch'ang Sogwan
MM tl
KySngsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok 84-ponji
» tcl Kwanghwamun 1532 pon

<"*i
printing October 28, 1929
» 1
tt
^ pi ice sangche (case-bound) 60 chon
postage 6 chon
: B
! iM
-u M m w js
p'yonjip kyom parhaengm
Kim Tong-hwan
Kyongsongbu Tonui-dong 74-ponji
mswaem m m
Kim Chm-ho ft At
I
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji )/.
i
ffl 0IU
mswaeso
m& •frrt
S» 1 J?
«! A ASS
* to
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji ' L*
+
m
&
parhaengso ±
(A publisher of magazines and books) ix a- S3
Samch'ollisa
mil 1
II
KyongsSngbu Tonui-dong 74-ponji
fr
chinch'e Kyongsong 4284 pon it ft sft
508
Number of Pages—195; extra sheets: ( +2 endsheets/
+ 1 title page/ +1 frontispiece for Yi Kwang-su/ +1 Yi
Kwang-su TOC/ +1 image and poem/ +1 Chu Yo-han
Sigajip frontispiece/ +1 Chu Yo-han TOC7 +1 Chu Yo-han
poem and image/ +1 Kim Tong-hwan frontispiece/ +1
Bibliographic Notes
Kim Tong-hwan TOC/ +1 Kim Tong-hwan poem and
image/ +1 colophon/+2 endsheets)
Endsheets Notes
two at both beginning and end Paper (body)
of the book. 1 sheet .09 mm
Margins (cm) 10 sheets 1 mm
Title Page Notes Page No. Top Bottom Outside Gutter
_nondescript given the rest of
.5 to fold; 1.2
the book. title page 3.5 to box 2 to box 1.2 to box
to bind
_printed in blue.
Yi Kwang-
_small type si s5 in title is .5; 1.1. to 1.7 to "
su 3 to image
boarder boarder
names of authors .3. frontispiece
3.1 to run- 1.8 to line
1.9 to
Notes on Margins pg. 4
ning head;
bracket of
in running too tight to
4.7 to text; head; 2 to measure
folio
6.6 to title title
Paper Notes _ch'un ^t- in section opening on

_variety used. pg. 1 is .7; sae xll in saebyok
title page is coated, white (. 1 A
fl S) in title is slightly more
mm). than .4
frontispieces are coated, _sae Afl in saebyok ^ ^ in
white, (.1 mm); probably the body text is .3.
same as used for the title page _ sae Afl in running head is .2
but texture is slightly different.
_paper in textblock; opaque, General Notes
slight gloss, almost like a matte the pattern in the paper that
finish. was once glued to the card
no chain or obvious screen stock used to make the back
lines. cover also suggests it is similar
_the book seems to have had a to the paper used to wrap the
difficult life and is quite dirty. case of the HansSng Toso issue
of Chindallaekkot.
Binding Notes _the images that are presented
_panyangjang. above their respective poems at
_cannot see staples but can feel the beginning of Yi Kwang-su
them running along the spine and Kim Tong-hwan's sections
edge of the textblock. look to be engravings. The
halftone dots in the image
Notes on Typefaces (cm, printed along with the poem at
square unless otherwise noted) the beginning of Chu Yo-han's
consistent with what is found section suggests it is a line
in other books printed by block.
Hansong Toso.
509
v»
^ tx*
44. Chayonsong
(Songs of nature, fit 4- S# ?M 0
first edition)
IB III HI $
1
*3
Author:
Hwang S6g-u '^ A
s
if
• «
(In the Hwabong ft

collection)
IS 8 .-"V, .is^./v*
^3" '* *l
lis j j ,
"ft *
I*/
fr
JSL#
Dimensions (cm): 12.6 x 18.7; spine 1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1 484

Cover materials, heavy textured paper (thickness. .16mm)
Color(s): two (red and back)
Notes: relief print; embossing clearly visible on back; halftone dot
visible in image
Image: flowers in basket
510
-
V..- II.'j • : i
Chayonsong •fll £ '
Colophon 0? Jlli V-
j f •: fj:.
l
inswae: November 17, 1929 .' .";
\\ ? •![?
deposit copy (nappon U\ {) >'it \i ." 'w.
) ;;
*)
a - • •
+• +
;L -I-
Copyrighted
m I'll I'll -is- n II
m
•f
>:i'i .'Jl
Jfr
¥• J • t :'
Chayonsong
A-tf
price: 70 chon ii" J-
J 4 •=•.- ":"*' ':'. '.'. *i •
chojakcha kyom parhaengin:

Hwang S5g-u
MS A
; r
" -T . •=
. i
i-
.11
._ J
•v
t» ?'*
: i •""rt* • "
; 1 —
hi- T i v.
Kyongsongbu 11 M1 '*
I'IJ ••: •;-• ;.j IU •;: 1'
' '' j"
A II ll '.•ii
Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok
fti 01 -7 til
166-ponji-2 :-.IHI
! !: 4;; 1" -\ :. -'•U
Jfc _.< :
inswaein:
"I'I
>i-
"r
:
'-
it T•; Hi "', ••' 9
.11
u
!-
Yi Kun-t'aek •j;¥
ft - * - ! •
!;•:
:>#'j
rj I i
ii'i A ft '•'•
': • • .v
Kyongsong Susong-dong r. - i - I--!

•r.t
11
27-ponji ~T
JL
!„•
•i;l: 'I'll "i i
inswaeso: 1
1
Son'gwang Inswae Chusik
Hoesa
Kyongsong Susong-dong
27-p5nji parhaeng,so: ch'ong p' inmaeso:
Choson Sidansa Pangmun Sogwan
(There is a typo in the address
of the inswaeso. Susong ( i | Kyongsong Sodaemunjong Kyongsongbu Chon gno
l£) is written songsong $£ 2-chongmok 166 ponji—2 2-chong mok 82-ponji
fei. In the inswaein address,
27 is written f O p - b ; in the chinch'e Kyongsong 14487 tel: Kwan ghwamun 1169
inswaeso address it is written chinch'e Kyongsong 2023
— + - b . This is a slightly
odd use of these synonymous
characters.)
511
extra sheets: ( +5 TOC/ +1
epigraph/ +1 preface)
Chayonsong
Bibliographic Notes

1 sheet .1 mm
10 sheets 1.0 mm
Title Page Notes
_title page missing, or there Margins (cm)
was no title page. Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
2.9 to text; .9 to folio;
Notes on Margins 3.3 to 1.7 to 0 to fold; 1.8
pg. 1 so Pf- 1.4
indent; 5 to name; 2.3 to bind
title to date
(none) folio
Paper Notes 2.7 to body; 0 to fold; 1.8
Pg-27 up 4.2 from .7 to folio
4.1 title to bind
_brown, and browning more at bottom
edges.
uncoated.
_opaque. _cha III in title on cover is
_honeycomb pattern. .9; hwang TE is .7; cha ^ in
_no obvious chain or other subtitle is .4.
screen lines. _so j?; in title on pg. 1 is .4; a
no obvious large fibers. mun ~% (first syllable in body
text) is slightly more than .3).
Binding Notes _rin Q in title on pg. 27 is .4
_panyangjang. and in body is .3.
_single long staple (3 cm); Japanese type at end has same
holes at 8 cm and 11 cm from size pattern .4 for title case, . 3
top. for body case.

two basic fonts used
throughout; roman type in
TOC; Japanese at end of
volume.
512
*«v.
45. Chayonsong
(Songs of nature, iîii
second edition)
Author-
Hwang S6g-u
(In the 6 m Tong-sop

collection)
i»«"
Dimensions (cm): 12.5 x 18.6 , spine 1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.488

Cover materials: thick, laid-like, textured paper (thickness: .3 mm)
Image: basket of flowers
513
Chayonsong
(second edition)
Colophon
(first edition) parhaeng:

November 19, 1929
(second edition) inswae:
December 18, 1929
(second edition) parhaeng:
December 3, 1929
Copyrighted
Chayonsong
price: 60 chon
chojakcha ky5m parhaengin:

Hwang Sog-u
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong
2-chongmok 166-ponji-2
inswaein:
Yi Kun-t'aek parhaengso:
Choson Sidansa
Kyongsongbu Susong-dong
27-ponji Kyongsongbu SodaemunjSng
2-chongmok 166-ponji-2
inswaeso:
SSn'gwang Inswae Chusik chinch'e Kyongsong 14487
Hoesa
ch'ong p'anmaeso:
Kyongsdngbu Susong-dong Pangmun Sogwan
27-ponji
Kyongsongbu Chongno
(The typo in the address of the 2-ch5ngmok 82-ponji
inswaeso that appeared in the
previous edition is corrected tel: Kwanghwamun 1169
here) chinch'e Kyongsong 2023
514
extra sheets: ( +5 TOC7 +1
epigraph/ +1 preface)
Chayonsong
(second edition)
Bibliographic Notes
Paper (body)
Endsheets Notes 1 sheet mm
10 sheets mm

title page missing, or there Page N o . Top Bottom Outside Gutter
was no title page. approx. 1.5
1 to folio; to spine
pg. 1 of 1.9 to run- (appears
Notes on Margins 2.5 1.8
preface ning head; rebound so
looks like folios were put to 2.5 to text difficult to
the side to enable very long calculate
lines such as on pg. 2. 2.6 to text; 1 to folio;
pg. 2 4.1 to tile 2 to title;
Paper Notes of poem 3.5 to text
_very opaque, so easy to read.
no chain/ screen lines.
_ quite yellow.
_no obvious large fibers.
_uncoated. General Notes position of • 4
_nicely printed, holes for sta- • 6.5
clean copy. pies—from
Binding Notes top (cm)
rebound, it appears. Side
stitched: two large staples • 9.5
visible. • 12.5
_panyangjang.

well struck.
two basic faces, as well as a
Japanese face at the end.
_title face distinguished by
square ends to serifs.
body face similar to title face
but serifs are not square.
_title face a °f on pg. 21 is .4.
_body fasce a 6 f on pg. 21 is
.3.
515
Appendix 2.2
Poets as Publishers
chojak kyom parhaengin (copyright holder and publisher)
1. Kim Ok, chojak kyom parhaengja, Haep'ari ui norae 386
2. Kim Ok, chojak kyom parhaengja, Dancado de Agonio 389
3. Kim Ok, chojak kyom parhaengja, Wonjong 410
4. Yi Hag-in, chojak kyom parhaengin, Mugunghwa 419
5. Kim Ok, chojak kyom parhaengja, Pom ui norae 434
6. Kim Tong-hwan, chojak kyom parhaengja, Siingch 'on hanun ch 'ongch 'un 437
7. Kim Chong-sik, chojak kyom parhaengja, Chindallaekkot 441, 444, 448, 452, 456, 459
8. Han Yong-un, chojak kyom parhaengja, Nim ui ch'immuk 465
9. Ch'oe Nam-son, chojak kyom parhaengja, Paekp'alponnoe 472
10. Kwon Ku-hyon, chojak kyom parhaengja, Hukpang iii sonmul 478
11. No Cha-yong, chojak kyom parhaengja, Nae hon ipul t'al ttae 484
12. Ch'oe Nam-son, chojak kyom parhaengin, Chosdn yuramga 4931
13. Hwang S6g-u, chojak kyom parhaengin, Chayonsong 511, 514
1
Han Kyu-sang, as a representative of Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa, is also listed as publisher (parhang
kyom inswaein).
516
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin (editor and publisher)
14. Kim Tong-hwan, p'yonjip kyom parhaengin, Sigajip 508
15. Hwang S6g-u, p'yonjip kyom parhaengin, Ch'ongnyon siinpaegin chip 502
chojak/ponyokcha (copyright holder/ translator)
16. Pak Chong-hwa, chojakcha, HiiJcpangpigok 398
17. No Cha-yong, chojakcha, Ch'onyo ui hwahwan 404, 481
18. Kim Ki-jin, chojakcha, Aeryon mosa 407
19. Om P'il-chin, chojakcha, Choson tongyojip 413
20. Kim Si-hong, yokcha, Ppairon myong sijip 487, 490
Poets as Publishers of Other Poets
21. Kim Ok, p'yonjip kyom parhaengja, Kim Tong-hwan's Kukkyong uipam 422
22. No Cha-y5ng, chojak kyom parhaengja, Yu To-sun's Hyorhun ui mukhwa 462
517
Appendix 2.3
Publishers (parhaengin)
chojak kyom parhaengja (copyright holder and publisher)
1. Ko Kyong-sang, Onoe ui mudo 1921 380

2. Kim Ok, Haep'ari ui norae 1923 386

Kyongsongbu Ch'ongjin-dong 99-ponji
3. Kim 6k, Dancado de Agonio 1923 389

Kyongsongbu Ch'ongjin-dong 99-ponji
4. Kim Ki-jon, Irojin chinju 1924 392

Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong 88
5. Pyon Y6ng-so, Choson ui maum 1924 401

Koyang-gun Yonhui-myon Yonhui Pangmun Hakkyo
6. Kim Ok, Wonjong 1924 410

Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong 45-p5nji
7. Yi Hag-in, Mugunghwa 1925 419

Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong 45-ponji
8. Pang In-gun, Arumdaun saebyok 1925 416

Koyang-gun Sungin-myon Yongdu-ri 168-1
9. Chon Chin-hyon, Ppairon sijip 1925 (both editions) 431

Kyongsongbu Susong-dong 67 ponji
10. Kim 6k, Pomui norae 1925 434

518
11. Kim Tong-hwan, Sungch'on liamm ch'ongch'im 1925 437
Kyongsongbu Suhajong 7-ponji
12. Kim Chong-sik, Chindallaekkot 1925 441, 444, 448, 452, 456, 459
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji
13. No Cha-yong, Hyorhun ui mukhwa 1926 462

Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-ponji-17
14. Han Yong-un, Nim ui ch'immuk 1926 465

15. Ch'oe Nam-son, Paekp'alponnoe 1926 472

16. Kwon Ku-hyon Hukpang ui sonmul 1927 478

Kyongsongbu Kahoe-dong 15-ponji
17. No Cha-yong, Nae hon ipult'al ttae 1928 484

KySngsongbu P'alp'an-dong 2-ponji
18. Ch'oe Nam-son, Chosonyuramga 1928 493

KySngsongbu Chongno 6-chongmok 11
19. Yang Ch'6n-ho, Ch'onyo ui hwahwan 1929 496

KySngsSngbu Chongno 2-chongmok 9-ponji
20. Hwang S6g-u, Chayonsong 1929 (both editions) 511, 514

Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 166-ponji-2
519
p'yonjip kyom parhaeng (editor and publisher)
21. Kim Ki-jon K'it'anjari 1923 383

Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong 89-ponji
22. Hwang S6g-u, Ch'dngnyon siin paegin chip (1929) 502

Kyongsongbu SSdaemunjong 2-chongmok 166-ponji-2
23. Sin Chong-sok, Pom chanduipat wi e 1924 395

Kyongsongbu Songhyon-dong 39-ponji
24. Kim Ok, Kukkyong uipam 1925 422

25. ChosSn Tongsin Chunghakkwon taep'yo Cho T'ae-y5n, Choson siin sonjip 1926 468
26. Han Kyu-sang, Anso sijip 1928 499

27. Kim Tong-hwan, Sigajip 1929 508

parhaengin (publisher)
28. No Ik-hyong, Aerydn mosa 1924 407

Kyongsong Pongnaejong 1-chongmok 88-ponji
29. Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa u taep'yoja (representative) Hong Sun-p'il, Hukpang
pigok 1924 398
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 60-p5nji
30. Yamahana Hoketsu, Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (first edition) 1924 404

Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 4-chongmok 96-ponji
520
31. Yoshikawa Buntaro, Choson tongyojip 1924 413
Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 5 chongmok 100-ponji
32. Kang Ui-yong, Ppairon myong sijip 1928 (both editions) 490
Chojak kyom inswae kiip parhaengja (author/printer/publisher)
33. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa u taep'yoja (representative) Kim Yon-byong,

Saengmyong id kwasil 1925 425
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 22 ponji
chojakkwan soyu kyom parhaengja (publisher who holds the copyright)
34. Song Wan-sik, Kot'ong id sokpak 1927 475

parhaeng kyom inswaein (publisher and printer)
35. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa udaepyoja (representative) Han Kyu-sang, Choson
yuramga 1928' 493
36. ltd Minosuke, Chosen min'yoshu, 1929 505

Toky5-shi Kanda-ku Ogawa-machi 41
yokchoja (translator)
37. Kim Kyo-hwan, Chosen min'yoshu, 1929 505

(no address)
1. Ch'oe Nam-son is also listed as the "parhaengja" of this volume.
521
Appendix 2.4
Places of Publication
Parhaengso (place of publication)
1. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Kukkyong iii pam 422; Saengmyong iii kwasil 425;
Choson yuramga 493'; Anso sijip 499
2. Yongch'ang Sogwan Hukpang ui sonmul 478; Ppairon myong sijip 487,

490; Haine sijip 6071; Segye ilchu tongyojip 6083
Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongrnok 84
3. Ch'ongjosa Ch'dnyo iii hwahwan 404,481; Hydrhun iii mukhwa 462; Nae hon i
pul t 'al ttae 484
KyongsSngbu Ch'angsin-dong 143
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-ponji
4. Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa Haepdri ui norae 386; Dancado de Agonio 389;
Hiilqyangpigok 398
5. P'yongmun'gwan Irojin chinju 392; Choson iii maum 401

Kyongsong Anguk-tong 150
6. Hoedong Sogwan Wonjong 410; Nim ui ch'immuk 465

Kyongsongbu Namdaemunt'ong 1-chongmok 17-ponji
7. Maemunsa Pom iii norae 434; Chindallaekkot 441, 444, 448, 452, 456, 459
KySngsongbu Yon'gon-dong 121-ponji
1. Hansong Toso is listed as theparhaeng kyom ch'ongp'anmaeso

2. I have not viewed this title. Src: Ha Tong-ho (1982)
3. T have not viewed this title. Sic: Kim Hae-song (1988)
522
8. Choson Sidansa Ch'ongnvon sun paegin chip 502; Chayonsong 511;
Chayonsong 514
Kyongsong Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 166-p6nji-2
9. Kwangik Sogwan Onoe ui mitdo 380

Kyongsong Chongno 2-chongmok 181
10. Imun'gwan K'it'anjari 383

P'yongyangbu S6ram-ni 125-ponji
11. Ch'unch'ugak Pom chandiii pat wi e 395

Kyongsongbu Such'ang-dong 153-ponji
12. Pangmun Sogwan Aery on mosa 407

Kyongsongbu Pongnae-dong chong l-chongmok 88-ponji
13. Huimangsa Mugunghwa 419

14. Sin munhaksa Siingch 'on hanun ch 'ongch 'un 437

15. Choson Tongsin Chunghakkwan Choson siin sonjip 468

16. Tonggwangsa Paekp'alponnoe 472

17. Tongyang Taehaktang Kot'onguisokpak 475

Kyongsongbu Chongno l-chongmok
18. (A publisher of magazines and books) Samch'ollisa Sigajip 508

523
parhaeng kyom palmaeso (publisher and retailer)
19. Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa Choson tongyojip 413; Ch'onyo id hwahwan 4964
20. Choson Mundansa Arumdaun saebyok 416

Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe yongdu-myon 168-1
21.Munudang Ppairon sijip 428, 431; Sinwol 607

palt'ae (i: hatsuda) (place of publication)
22. Taibunkan Chosen min'yoshu 505

Tokyo-shi Kanda-ku Ogawa-machi 41
Publishers of 1920s poetry collections listed in Ha Tong-ho (1982) that 1 have not viewed
23. Choson Hoksindang Ch'ulp'anbu Hyoryom kok 607

24. Choson Haksaenghoe Pyeho ui yomgun 607
25. P'yonghwa Sogwan Haine sisonjip 607
Publishers of 1920s poetry collections listed in Kim Hae-song (1988) that I have not
viewed
26. Umun'gwan Ch'ulbom 608

27. Samjisa Tongyojip 608
28. Chippak Munso Choson tongyo sonjip 608
4. Here Ch'angmunsa is listed (as the parhaeng kyom ch'ong palmaeso) as Ch'angmundang Sojom. We can
be sure that Ch'angmundang Sojom is Ch'angmunsa because they share an address and an account number.
524
Appendix 2.5
Pressmen (inswaein) and the Titles They Produced
No Ki-jong # ^ M Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa 'MihXMB^XlK0'1'i

3ng 32
Kyongsongbu Ky5nji-dong
1.1. Kim6k(tr.) lrojin chinjn P'yongmun'gwan 1924

1.2. Cho Myong-hui Pom chandiii pat wi e Ch'unch'ugak 1924
1.3. PyonY5ng-no Choson id maiim P'y5ngmun'gwans 1924
1.4. No Cha-yong Ch'onyo id hwahwan Ch'ongjosa 1924
1.5. Kim Ok (tr.) Wonjong Hoedong SQgwan 1924
1.6. Chu Yo-han Arumdaun saebyok Choson Mundansa 1924
1.7. Kim Tong-hwan Kukkyong iii pam HansSng Toso 1925
1.8. Kim Myong-sun Saengmyong ui kwasil Hansong Tos5 1925
1.9. Kim Ok Pom id norae Maemunsa 1925
1.10. Kim Tong-hwan Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'un Sin munhaksa 1925
1.11. Kim Chong-sik Chindallaekkot Maemunsa 1925
1.12. Ch'oe Nam-son Paekp 'al ponnoe Tonggwangsa 1926
Sim U-t'aek fJcWtf Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa A AE|Jffiyttit^/l'L

2.1. Kim 6 k Haep 'ari ui norae Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa 1923
2.2. Kim 6 k (tr.) Dancado de Agonio Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa 1923
2.3. Pak Chong-hwa Hiikpangpigok Choson TosQ Chusik Hoesa 1924
2.4. Ch'oe Sang-hui (tr.) Ppairon sijip Munudang 1925
Kim Chae-sop &&W Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa ^ i g S - H W t t ^ H / T i

3.1. No Cha-yong Naehonipult'alttae Ch'ongjosa 1928

3.2. No Cha-yong Ch'onyo iii hwahwan Ch'angmundang Sojom 1929
3.3. Kim Ok Anso sijip Hansong Toso 1929
Kim Chin-ho ^#Sw/1

M:,H-/4-
Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa S # t k # ^ l t (1928)
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 139 ponji
Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa r f f t J c H M ^ i l i (1929)

Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32 ponji
4.1. Kim Si-hong Ppairon myong sijip Yongch'ang Sogwan 1928
525
4.2. Yi Kwang-su
Chu Yo-han
Kim Tong-hwan Sigajip Samch'ollisa 1929
4.3. Ch'oe Sang-hui (tr.) Ppairon sijip Munudang 1929
Kim Chung-hwan &JfL]& Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa Inswaebu tt#fi(«r4i/T<I flJWJuli

Kyongsongbu SSdaemunjong 2-chongmok 139-ponji
5.1. Kim Ok (tr.) Kot'onguisokpak Yongch'ang SSgwan 1927

5.2. Kwon Ku-hyon Hiikpang iti sonmul Yongch'ang Sogwan 1927
Kim Hyong-jun ^fe JIR]51 Munhwa Tnswacso ~X f t PJ ffilj01

6.1.YuTo-sun Hyorhun id mukhwa Ch'ongjosa 1926

6.2. No Cha-yong Ch'onyo uihwahwan Ch'ongjosa 1927
Kwon T'ae-gyun \W.M^-J Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa '^vJJifPÎJ'tt J^îfl
7.1.KimKi-jin Aeryonmosa Pangmun Sogwan 1924

7.2. Han Yong-un Nim ui ch'immuk Hoedong Sogwan 1926
Kim Song-p'yo ^ i £ } / ] Kyemunsa Inswaeso ^^/liLpJfilJPJj

Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 1-chongmok 191
8.1. Kim 6 k (trans.) Onoeitimudo Kwangik Sogwan 1921
Kim Tong-kun &]kU Mangdae Songgyong & Kidokkyo Sohoe WSLM^^T SUifcS^
9.1. Cho T'ae-yon (ed.) Choson siin sonjip Choson T'ongsin Chunghakkwon 1926
OkudaEnnosuke ifcEHM^Si Okudayoko Rlfflff-tl

10.1. Kim 6 k (tr.) K'it'anjari Imun'gwan 1923
Pak In-hwan k-H 'M (Chusik Hoesa) Ch'angmunsa ( t t ? ^ # J i h ) # 3 Q i t

Kyongsongbu Wonjong 2-chongmok 139-ponji
11.1. 6 m P'il-chin (ed.) Choson tongyojip Ch'angmunsa 1924
526
12. Yi Kun-t'aek ^ &£/'?' Son'gwang Inswae Chusik Hoesa H%\'\l$lU.jk®i\d
Kyongsong Susong-dong 27-ponji
12.1. Hwang S6g-u Chayonsong Choson Sidansa 1929
13. ItoMinosuke ^")#i[3îft Taibunkan Insatsujo ^^CpfiPJ WJPJl
13.1. Kim So-un (tr.) Chosen mm'yoshu Taibunkan 1929
14. KimKyo-ch'an ^fei^'K Sinmun'gwan Ijf^pfl

Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok 2l-ponji
14.1. Hwang Sog-u (ed.) Ch'dngnyon siinpaegin chip Choson Sidansa 1929
15. Kwon Chung-hy5p \$_W\§> Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa yt jfePPJfjyttAf^/lLi-

15.1. Yi Hag-in Mugunghwa Huimangsa 1925
527
Appendix 2.6
Printing Facilities (inswaeso) and the Titles They Produced
1. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa /îfekHWtt^ & E

KyongsSngbu Kyonji-dong 32
1 l.KimOk(tr.) Irojin chinju P' y ongmun' gwan 1924

1 2. Cho Myong-hui Pom chandui pat wi e Ch'unch'ugak 1924
1 3. Pyon Y5ng-no Choson ui maum P 'y ongmun' gwans 1924
1 4. No Cha-yong Ch'onyo ui hwahwan Ch'ongjosa 1924
1 5. Kim Ok (tr.) Wonjong Hoedong Sogwan 1924
1 6. Chu Yo-han Arumdaun saebyok Choson Mundansa 1924
1 7. Kim Tong-hwan Kukkyong ui pom Hansong Tos5 1925
1 8. Kim Myong-sun Saengmyong ui kwasil Hansong Toso 1925
1 9. Kim Ok Pom ui norae Maemunsa 1925
1 10. Kim Tong-hwan Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'un Sin munhaksa 1925
1 11. Kim Chong-sik Chindallaekkot Maemunsa 1925
1 12. Ch'oe Nam-son Paekp 'al ponnoe Tonggwangsa 1926
1 13. No Cha-yong Nae hon i pul t 'al ttae Ch'Sngjosa 1928
1 14. No Cha-yong Ch'onyo ui hwahwan Ch'angmundang Sqjom 1929
1 15. Kim Ok Anso sijip Hansong Toso 1929
1 16. Yi Kwang-su
Chu Yo-han
Kim Tong-hwan Sigajip Samch'ollisa 1929
1 17. Ch'oe Sang-hGi (tr.) Ppairon sijip Munudang 1929
2. Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa AjfePJIiyffijt^Jli

2.1. Kim Ok Haep 'ari ui norae Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa 1923
2.2. Kim Ok (tr.) Dancado de Agonio Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa 1923
2.3. Pak Chong-hwa Hukpang pigok Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa 1924
2.4. YiHag-in Mugunghwa HQimangsa 1925
2.5. Ch'oe Sang-hui(tr.) Ppairon sijip Munudang 1925
2.6. Kim Ki-jin Aeryon mosa Pangmun Sogwan 1924
2.7. Han Yong-un Nim ui ch'immuk Hoedong Sogwan 1926
(Chusik Hoesa) Ch'angmunsa inswaebu ( ^ j ^ ' i a A #5JI± %l

Kidokkyo Ch'angmunsa Inswaebu 3&'Ht$k # 3 J I L L
Kyongsongbu Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 139
3.1. 6 m P'il-chin (ed.) Choson tongyojip Ch'angmunsa 1924

3.2. Kim Ok (tr.) Kot 'ong ui sokpak Yongch'ang Sogwan 1927
528
3.3. Kwon Ku-hyon Hukpang ui sonmul Yongch'ang Sogwan 1927
3.4. Kim Si-hong Ppairon myong sijip Yongch'ang Sogwan 1928
Munhwa Inswaebu j^ftEPJ

4.1. Yu To-sun Hyorhun ui mukhwa Ch'ongjosa 1926

4.2. No Cha-y6ng Ch'onyo ui hwahwan Ch'ongjosa 1927
Kyemunsa Inswaeso ^ JQLhPlJWJJ?!

Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 1-chongmok 191
5.1. Kim Ok (tr.) Onoe ui mudo Kwangik Sogwan 1921
Mangdae SonggySng & Kidokkyo Sohoe i§4-MM^ S^&fift^

KyongsSngbu Anguk-tong 35
6.1. Cho T'ae-y5n (ed.) Choson siin sonjip Choson T'ongsin Chunghakkwan 1926
Okudayoko | i [ H # f i
7.1. Kim Ok (tr.) K 'it 'anjari Imun'gwan 1923
Son'gwang Inswae Chusik Hoesa Jtf-Xfl-I WJffcS^/li

Kyongsong Susong-dong 27-ponji
8.1 Hwang S6g-u Chayonsong Choson Sidansa 1929
Sinmun'gwan l/r^lH
9.1 Hwang S6g-u (ed.) Ch'dngnyon siin paegin chip Choson Sidansa 1929
10. Taibunkan Insatsujo ^^tHRJWJPJl

T5kyo-shi Kanda-ku Omotejinbo-cho 10
10.1 Kim So-un (tr.) Chosen min'yoshu Taibunkan 1929
529
Appendix 2.7
Authors, Translators, Editors (by Korean author/translator/editor)
1. Kim Ok
1.1 author (s): Paul Vcrlaine ct al. Onoe mudo (Dance of anguish) 379
1.2 author (s): Rabindranath Tagore K'it'anjari (Gitanjali) 382
1.3 author (s): Kim Ok Haep'ari ui norae (Song of the jellyfish) 385
1.4 author (s): Paul Verlaine et al. Dancado de Agonio (Dance of anguish) 388
1.5 author (s): Arthur Symons Irojin chinju (The lost pearl) 391
1.6 author (s): Rabindranath Tagore Sinwol (The crescent moon) 607
1.7 author (s): Rabindranath Tagore Wonjong (The gardener) 409
1.8 author (s): Kim Ok Pom id norae (Spring's song) 433
1.9 author (s): Rabindranath Tagore Kot 'ong id sokpak (Gitanjali) 474
1.10 author (s): Kim Ok Anso sijip (A collection of poems by
Anso [Kim Ok]) 498
No Cha-y5ng
2.1 author (s): No Cha-yong Ch'dnyo ui hwahwan (A girl's flower garland) 403
2.2 author (s): No Cha-yong Ch'dnyo ui hwahwan (A girl's flower garland,
second edition) 480
2.3 author (s): No Cha-yong Nae hon i put t 'al ttae (When my spirit burns) 483
2.4 author (s): No Cha-y5ng Ch'dnyo id hwahwan (A girl's flower garland,
third edition) 495
Kim Tong-hwan
3.1 author (s): Kim Tong-hwan Kukkyong uipam (Night on the border) 421
3.2 author (s): Kim Tong-hwan Sungch'on haniin ch'ongch'un (Youths
ascending to heaven) 436
3.3 author (s): Kim Tong-hwan, Yi Kwang-su, Chu Yo-han Sigajip (Poems) 507
Ch'oe Nam-son
4.1 author (s): Ch'oe Nam-son Paekp'alponnoe (The one hundred and
eight passions and delusions) 470
4.2 author (s): Ch'oe Nam-s5n Choson yuramga (A song ofChoson
travels) 492
Hwang S6g-u
5.1 editor: Hwang S6g-u Ch'ongnyon siinpaegin chip

(The collected works of 100 young poets) 501
5.2 author (s): Hwang S6g-u Chayonsong (Songs of nature, first edition) 510
5.3 author (s): Hwang S6g-u Chayonsong (Songs of nature, second edition) 513
530
Kim So-un
6.1 author (s): Kim So-un Ch'ulbom (The launching [of a boat]) 608
Chosen min'yoshu (Choson folk songs) 504
6.2 translator: Kim So-un
Kim Si-hong
Haine sijip (A collection of poems by
7.1 author (s): Heinrich Heine [Heinrich] Heine) 607
Ppairon myong sijip (Well-known poems
7.2 author (s): Lord Byron of Byron, O edition) 486
Ppairon myong sijip (Well-known poems of
7.3 author (s): Lord Byron Byron, Om edition) 489
Ch'oe Sang-hui
8.1 author (s): Lord Byron Ppairon sijip (The poems of

Byron, Taedong edition 427
8.2 author (s): Lord Byron Ppairon sijip (The poems of
Byron, Hansong Toso edition) 430
Yi Hag-in
9.1 author (s): Yi Hag-in Mugunghwa (Mugunghwa) 607

Mugunghwa (Mugunghwa) 418
9.2 author (s): Yi Hag-in
Yi Se-gi
Pyeho ui yomgun 607
10.1 editor:Yi Se-gi
ChSng Tok-po
Hyoryom kok 607
11.1 author (s): Chong Tok-po
Cho Myong-hui
Pom chandui pat wi e (On the spring grass) 394
12.1 author (s): Cho Myong-hui
Pak Chong-hwa
Hukpang pigok (Secret
13.1 author (s): Pak Chong-hwa songs from a dark room) 397
Pyon Y6ng-no
14.1 author (s): Pyon Y6ng-no Choson ui maum (The heart of Choson) 400
531
15. Kim Ki-jin
15.1 author (s): Paul Verlaine et al. Aeryon mosa (Yearning thoughts of love) 406
16. OmP'il-chin
16.1 editor: Om P'il-chin Choson tongyojip (Choson children's songs) 412
17. Chu Yo-han
17.1 author (s): Chu Yo-han Arumdaun saebyok (Beautiful dawn) 415
17.2 author (s): Chu Yo-han, Kim Tong-hwan, Yi Kwang-su Sigajip (Poems) 507
18. Yi Kwang-su
18.1 author (s): Chu Yo-han, Kim Tong-hwan, Yi Kwang-su Sigajip (Poems) 507
19. Kim Myong-sun
19.1 author (s): Kim Myong-sun Saengmyong Hi kwasil (Fruits of life) 424
20. Yu Un-hyang
20.1 author (s): Yu Un-hyang Pom kwa sarang (Spring and love) 607
21. Kim Chong-sik
21.1 author (s): Kim Chong-sik Chindallaekkot (Azaleas) 446
22. Yu To-sun
22.1 author (s): Yu To-sun Hyorhun iii mukhwa (The silent
flower of blood) 461
23. Kang S6ng-ju
23.1 author (s): Heinrich Heine Haine sisonjip (A collection
of poems by [Heinrich] Heine) 607
24. Han Yong-un
24.1 author (s): Han Yong-un Niin iii ch 'immuk (Love s silence) 464
25. Cho T'ae-yon
25.1 editor: Cho T'ae-yon Choson siin sonjip (Collected works of

Choson poets) 467
532
26. Mun Pyong-ch'an
26.1 author (s): various Segye ilchu tongyojip (Children's songs
from around the word) 608
27. Kwon Ku-hy5n
27.1 author (s): Kwon Ku-hyon Hukpang iti sonmul (A gift
from a dark room) 477
28. Chong Ch'ang-won
28.1 editor: Chong Ch'ang-won Tongyojip (Children s songs) 608
29. Choson Tongyo Yon'gu Hyophoe
29.1 editor: Choson Tongyo Yon'gu Hyophoe Choson tongyo sonjip (A collection of
Choson children's songs) 608
533
Appendix 2.8
Authors, Translators, Editors (by author/translator/editor)
1. Rabindranath Tagore
1.1 translator: Kim 6k K'it'anjari (Gitanjali) 382

1.2 translator: Kim 6k Sinwol (The crescent moon) 607
1.3 translator: Kim 6k Wonjong (The gardener) 409
1.4 translator: Kim 6k Kot 'ong ui sokpak (Gitanjali) 474
2. Kim 6 k
2.1 Haep'ari ui norae (Song of the j ellyfish) 385

2.2 Pom id norae (Spring's song) 433
2.3 Anso sijip (A collection of poems by Anso [Kim Ok]) 498
3. Paul Verlaine et al.
3.1 translator: Kim 6 k Onoe mudo (Dance of anguish) 379

3.2 translator: Kim 6 k Dancado de Agonio (Dance of anguish) 388
3.3 translator: Kim Ki-jin Aeryon mosa (Yearning thoughts of love) 406
4. Kim Tong-hwan
4.1 Kukkyong uipam (Night on the border) 421

4.2 Siingch'on hanun ch'ongch'un (Youths ascending to heaven) 436
4.3 (with Yi Kwang-su and Chu Yo-han) Sigajip (Poems) 507
5. No Cha-yong
5.1 Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (A girl's flower garland) 403

5.2 Nae hon i pul t 'al ttaeNae hon i pul t 'al ttae (When my spirit burns) 483
5.3 Ch'onyo id hwahwan (A girl's flower garland, second edition) 480
5.4 Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (A girl's flower garland, third edition) 495
6. Lord Byron
6.1 translator Ch'oe Sang-hui Ppairon sijip (The poems of Byron,

Taedong edition 427
6.2 translator Ch'oe Sang-hui Ppairon sijip (The poems of Byron,
Hans ong Toso edition) 430
6.3 translator Kim Si-hong Ppairon myong sijip (Well-known poems of
Byron, O edition) 486
6.4 Ppairon myong sijip (Well-known poems of Byron, Om edition) 489
534
7. Chu Yo-han
7.1 Aritmdaun saebyok (Beautiful dawn) 415

7.2 (with Kim Tong-hwan and Yi Kwang-su) Sigajip (Poems) 507
8. Heinrich Heine
8.1 translator: Kang S6ng-ju Haine sisonjip (A collection of poems by

[Heinrich] Heine) 607
8.2 translator: Kim Si-hong Haine sijip (A collection of poems by
[Heinrich] Heine) 607
Ch'oe Nam-son
9.1 Paekp 'al ponnoe (The one hundred and eight passions and delusions) 470
9.2 Choson yuramga (A song ofChoson travels) 492
10. Kim So-un
10.1 Ch'ulbom (The launching [of a boat]) 608

Chosen min'yoshu (Chosonfolksongs) 504
10.2 translator: Kim So-un
11.
Hwang Sog-u
Ch'ongnyon siin paegin chip (The collected
11.1 Hwang S5g-u (ed.) works of 100 young poets) 501
11.2 Chayonsong (Songs of nature, first edition) 510
11.3 Chayonsong (Songs of nature, second edition) 513
12. Yi Hag-in
12.1 Mugunghwa (Mugunghwa) 607

12.2 Mugunghwa (Mugunghwa) 418
13. Yi Kwang-su
13.1 (with Kim Tong-hwan and Chu Yo-han) Sigajip (Poems) 507
14. Arthur Symons
14.1 translator: Kim 6k Irojin chinju (The lost pearl) 391
15. Yi Se-gi
15.1 Yi Se-gi (ed.) Pyeho id yomgun 607
535
16. Chong Tok-po
16.1 Hyoryom kok 607
17. Cho Myong-hui
17.1 Pom chandui pat wi e (On the spring grass) 394
18. Pak Chong-hwa
18.1 Hukpang pigok (Secret songs from a dark room) 397
19. Pyon Y6ng-no
19.1 Choson iii maum (The heart of Choson) 400
20. 6 m P'il-chin
20.1 6 m P'il-chin (ed.) Choson tongyojip (Choson children's songs) 412
21. Kim Myong-sun
21.1 Saengmyong iii kwasil (Fruits of life) 424
22. Yu Un-hyang
22.1 Pom kwa sarang (Spring and love) 607
23. Kim Chong-sik
23.1 Chindallaekkot (Azaleas) 446
24. Yu To-sun
24.1 Hydrhun Hi mukhwa (The silent flower of blood) 461
25. Han Yong-un
25.1 Nim id ch 'immuk (Love s silence) 464
26. Cho T'ae-yon
26.1 Cho T'ae-yon (ed.) Choson siin sonjip (Collected works of

Choson poets) 467
536
27. Mun Pyong-ch'an
27.1 Mun Pyong-ch'an (tr.) Segye ilchu tongyojip (Children's songs from
around the word) 608
28. Kwon Ku-hyon
28.1 Hukpang ui sonmul (A gift from a dark room) 477
29. Chong Ch'ang-won
29.1 Chong Ch'ang-won (ed.) Tongyojip (Children's songs) 608
30. Choson Tongyo Yon'gu Hyophoe
30.1 Choson Tongyo Yon'gu Hyophoe (ed.) Choson tongyo sonjip (A collection of
Choson children's songs) 608
537
Where Poetry Was Sold
parhaeng kyom ch'ong p'anmaeso (publisher and distributor)
1. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa 404,' 435,2 448, 3 472,4 493

1. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (first edition) 404
chqjakcha: No Cha-yong
parhaengja: Yamahana H5ketsu

KySngsongbu Hwanggumjong 4-chongmok 96-ponji
parhaengso: Ch'ongjosa
KySngsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-17-p6nji
2. Pom ui norae 435
chojak kyom parhaengja: Kim Ok

Kyongsongbu Iks5n-dong 45-ponji
parhaengso: Maemunsa
Kyongsongbu Yon'gon-dong 121
3. Chindallaekkot 448, 452, 456, 459
chojak kyom parhaengja: Kim Chong-sik

Kyongsongbu Y5n'g5n-dong 121-ponji
4. Paekp'alponnoe 472
chojak kyom parhaengja: Ch'oe Nam-son

1. Hansong Toso is listed as the palmaeso for this title.
2. Hansong Toso is listed as the palmaeso for this title.
3. Hansong Toso is listed as the panmaeso for this title.
4. Hansong Toso is listed as the ch'ong palmaeso for this title
538
parhaengso: Tonggwangsa
inswaeso: Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa

KySngsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji
5. Choson yuramga 493
chSjak kyom parhaengin: Ch'oe Nam-son

parhaeng kySm inswaein: Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa u taepyoja Han Kyu-sang
parhaeng kySm ch'ong p'anmaeso: Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa

parhaeng kyom palmaeso (publisher and retailer)
2. Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa 413, 496 s

Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok 9 ponji
1. Choson tongyojip 413
chojakcha: 6 m P'il-chin
Kumch'onbu NamsanjSng 13-p6nji-7
parhaengja: Yoshikawa Buntaro

Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong 5 Chongmok 100-p5nji
parhaeng kySm/ palmaeso (pulisher/ distributor):Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa

punmaeso: Hwalmunsa Sojom

Kyongsongbu Susong-dong 83
2. Ch'onyo iti hwahwan 496
chojak kyom parhaengja: Yang Ch'6n-ho

5. Here Ch'anmunsa is listed as Ch'angmundang Sojom and the parhaeng k)>om ch'ongpalmaeso. We can
be sure it is the same company, however, because their address and account number are the same.
539
inswaeso: Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
parhaeng kyom ch'ong palmeaso: Ch'angmundang SQjom

punmaeso: Ch'ongjosa
Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-ponji
3. ChosSn Mundansa 416

Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe yongdu-ri 168-1
1. Arumdaun saebyok 416
chojak kyom parhaengja: Pang In-gun

Koyang-gun Sungin-myon Yongdu-ri 168-1
parhaeng kup palmaeso: Choson Mundansa

Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe yongdu-ri 168-1
4. Munudang 428, 431

1. Ppairon sijip—Taedong edition 428
chojak kyom parhaengja: Chon Chin-hyon

parhaeng kyom palmaeso: Munudang

2. Ppairon sijip—Hansong Toso edition 431
chojak kyom parhaengja: Chon Chin-hyon

parhaeng kyom palmaeso: Munudang

Kyongsongbu Hyonjo-dong 45-47-ponji
5. Huimangsa 419
Kyongsongbu Iks5n-dong 45-ponji
1. Mugunghwa 419
540
chojak kyom parhaengin: Yi Hag-in
parhaeng kyom palmaeso: Huimangsa

palmaeso (retailer)
6. Pangmun Sogwan 481, 511, 5146

1. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan (second edition) 481
chojakcha: No Cha-yong
parhaengja: Yamahana Hoketsu

parhaengso: Ch'ongjosa
palmaeso: Pangmun Sogwan

2. Chayonsong 511, 514
chojakcha kyom parhaengin: Hwang S6g-u

KySngsongbu Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 166-p5nji-2
parhaengso: ChosSn Sidansa

Kyongsong Sodaemunjong 2-chongmok 166-ponji-2
7. Munhwasa 475
Kyongsongbu Kyonam-dong 50-ponji
1. Kot'ong ui sokpak 475
chojakwon soyu kyom parhaengja: Song Wan-sik

Kyongsongbu Chongno 1-chongmok 75-p6nji
6. Pangmun Sogwan is listed as the ch'ong p'amnaeso for Chayonsong.
541
parhaengso: Tongyang Taehaktang
Kyongsongbu Chongno l-chongmok
palmaeso: Munhwasa
Kyongsongbu Kyonam-dong 50-ponji
ch'ongp'anmaeso (distributor)
8. Chungang Sorim 444

1. Chindallaekkot 444
chojak kyom parhaengja: Kim Chong-sik
Kyongsongbu Yon'g5n-dong 121-p5nji
9. Hoedong Sogwan 468

Kyongsongbu Namdaemunt'ong l-chongmok 17-ponji
1. Choson siin sonjip 468
p'yonjip ky5m parhaengin: Choson Tongsin Chunghakkwon taep'yo Cho T'ae-yon

KyongsSngbu Sung 2-tong 121
parhaengso: Choson T'ongsin Chunghakkwan

10. YSngch'ang SSgwan 508

Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-chongmok 84-p5nji
1. Sigajip 508
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: Kim Tong-hwan

parhaengso: (A publisher of magazines and books) Samch'oUisa

KySngsongbu Tonui-dong 74-ponji
542
punmaeso (place of sale)
11. Hwalmunsa Sojom 413

Kyongsongbu Susong-dong 83
chojakcha: 6m P'il-chin
Kumch'onbu Namsanjong 13-ponji 7
parhaengja: Yoshikawa Buntaro

parhaeng kyom palmaeso: Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa

Kyongsongbu Chongno 2-ch5ngmok 9-ponji
12. Ch'ongjosa 496

Kyongsongbu Ch'angsin-dong 143-ponji
1. Ch'onyo id hwahwan (third edition) 496
chojak kyom parhaengja: Yang Ch'6n-ho

parhaeng kyom ch'ong palmeaso: Ch'angmundang Sojom

Kyongsongbu Chongno chong 2-chongmok 9-ponji
543
Appendix 2.10
Prices
1. Onoe ui mudo 1 won 380

2. K 'it 'anjari 1 won 383
3. Haep'ari ui norae 80 chon 386
4. Dancado de Agonio 1 won 20 chon 389
5. Irojin chinju 90 chon 392
6. Pom chandui pat wi e 70 chon 395
7. Hiikpang pigok 1 won 30 chon 398
8. Choson ui maum 50 chon 401
9. Ch'onyd ui hwahwan—first edition 1 won 30 chon 404
10. Wonjdng 80 chon 410
11. Choson tongyojip 40 chon 413
12. Ariimdaun saebyok 60 chon usebyong (postage included) 416
13. Mugunghwa 50 chon 419
14. Mugunghwa' 40 chon 419
15. Kukkyong uipam 50 chon 422
16. Kukkyong uipam—second edition 40 chon 422
17. Saengmyong ui kwasil 70 chon 425
18. Ppairon sijip—Taedong edition 1 won 20 chon 428
19. Ppairon sijip—Hansong Toso edition 1 won 20 chon 431
20. Pom ui norae 60 chon 434
21. Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'un 70 chon 437
22. Chindallaekkot 1 won 20 chon 448
23. Hydrhun id mukhwa 30 chon 462
24. Nim ui ch'immuk 1 won 50 chon 465
25. Choson siin sdnjip 1 won 80 chon 468
26. Paekp'alponnoe 80 chon 472
27. Kot 'ong ui sokpak 1 won 475
28. Hiikpang ui sdnmul 80 chon 478
29. Ch'onyd ui hwahwan—second edition 1 won 30 chon 481
30. Nae hon ipul t'al ttae 1 won 484
31. Ppairon myong sijip—O edition 60 chon 487
32. Ppairon myong sijip—Om edition 80 chon 490
33. Choson yuramga 20 ch'on 493
34. Ch'onyd ui hwahwan—third edition 1 won 30 chon 496
35. Anso sijip 70 chon 499
36. Ch'dngnydn siinpaegin chip 1 won 502
37. Chosen min'ydshu 1 won 50 chon 505
1. This is the price listed in the original colophon.
544
38. Sigajip sangche (case-bound) 60 chon 508
39. Chayonsong 70 chon 511
40. Chayonsong—second edition 60 chon 514
Appendix 2.11
Postage

postage: 16 chon
2. Ppairon sijip— Hansong Toso edition 431

postage: 16 chon
3. Nim ui ch'immuk 465

postage: 16 chon

postage: 18 chon
5. Hukpang ui sonmul 478

postage: 14 chon
6. Choson yuramga 493

postage 10 chon
1. Anso sijip 499

postage: 4 chon
8. Sigajip 508
postage: 6 chon
545
Appendix 2.12
Account numbers
1. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa 422, 425,' 448, 472, 493, 499
2. Yongch'ang Sogwan 478, 487, 490, 508

3. ChosSn Toso Chusik Hoesa 386, 389, 3 398

4. Ch'ongjosa 404
5. Ch'ongjosa 462, 484

6. (chusik hoesa) Ch'angmunsa 413, 4962

7. Pangmun Sogwan 407, 511, 514 (511 and 514 two editions of same title)
8. Hoedong Sogwan 410, 465

9. Choson Sidansa 502, 511, 514 (511 and 514 two editions of same title)
chinch'e KySngsong 14487
10. Maemunsa 434,448,452,456,459

chinch'e KyongsSng 13832
1. In this title the account number is listed as chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong 6760 pon. I suspect this is a
typographical error and that the first two digits were accidentally transposed.
2. Here Ch'anmunsa is listed as the parhaeng kyom ch'ong pa/maeso and as Ch'angmundang Sojom. We
can be sure it is the same company, however, because their address and account number are the same.
546
11. Chungang Sorim 444
12. Ch'unch'ugak 395

13. Kwangik Sogwan 380

14. Imun'gwan 383

15. P'yongmun'gwan 392

16. Hwalmunsa Sojom 413

17. ChosSn Mundansa 416

chinch'e Kyongsong 784 p5n
18. Munudang 428, 431 (two editions of same title)

19. Choson Tongsin Chunghakkwan 468

20. Tonggwangsa 472

21. Tongyang Taehaktang 475

chinch'e KyongsSng 752 p5n
22. Munhwasa 475

547
23. Samch'ollisa 508
24. Taibunkan 505

chinch'e (J: furikae): Tokyo 67603 ban
Appendix 2.13
Telephone Numbers
1. tel: Kwanghwamun 1479 pon 422, 425, 448, 493, 499

2. tel: Kwanghwamun 1532 pon 478, 487, 490, 508
Yongch'ang Sogwan
3. tel: Kwanghwamun 177 pon 386, 389, 398
Choson Toso Chusik Hoesa

4. tel: Kwanghwamun 1558 410, 465, 468
Hoedong Sogwan
Kyongsongbu Namdaemunt'ong l-chongmok 17-ponji
5. tel: Kwanghwamun 1637 444
Chungang Sorim
548
6. tel: Pon'guk 2655 407
Pangmun Sogwan
Kyongsongbu Pongnae-dong chong l-chongmok 88-ponji
7. tel: Kwanghwamun 738 413
Chusik Hoesa Ch'angmunsa

8. tel: Kwanghwamun 1203 pon 416
Choson Mundansa
Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe yongdu-myon 169-1
9. tel: Kwanghwamun 738 pon 496
Ch'angmundang Sojom
KySngsongbu Chongno chong 2-chongmok 9-ponji
10. tel: Kando (25) 4496 ban 505
Taibunkan
Toky5-shi Kanda-ku Ogawa-machi 41
11. tel: Kwanghwamun 1169' 511, 514 (511 and 514 are two editions of same title)
Pangmun Sogwan
It appears Pangmun Sogwan changed its telephone number when it moved from Pongnae-dong
549
Formats
4.6-p'an
(128x188mm)
1. Haep'arl ui norae
Dimensions (cm): 12.6 x 18.6; spine 1.1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.476 385
2. Dancado de Agonio
3. Irojin chinju
Dimensions (cm): 12.9 x 18.7; spine 1; 4.6-pan; 1:1.45 391
4. Pom chandui pat wi e

Dimensions (cm): 12.2 x 17.9; spine .6; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.467 394
5. Hukpang pigok
6. Ch'onyo id hwahwan (first edition)

7. Aery on mosa
8. Wdnjong
Dimensions (cm): 12.3 x 18.3; spine 1; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.488 409
9. Choson tongyojip
10. Mugunghwa
550
11. Kukkyong ui pam
Dimensions (cm): 10.3 x 15.4; spine .9; hikpanp'an; 1:1.495 421
12. Saengmyong ui kwasil

13. Ppairon sijip—Taedong edition

14. Ppairon sijip—Hansong Toso edition

15. Choson siin sonjip

Dimensions (cm): 13.3 x 18.6; spine 1.7; 4.6-p'an; 1:1398 467
16. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan

17. Nae hon ipul t 'al ttae

Dimensions (cm): 12.8 x 18.8; spine 1 cm; 4.6-pan; 1:1.469 483
18. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan

Dimensions (cm): 12.2 x 18; spine 2; 4.6-p'an; 1:1.475 495
19. Ch'ongnyon siinpaegin chip

20. Chosen min'yoshu

Dimensions (cm): 13 (board)/ 13.6 (approx. with rounded back) x 18.6; spine 3; 4.6-
p'an; 1:1.368 504
21. Sigajip
Dimensions (cm): 12.9 x 19; spine 1.1; 4.6-pan; 1:1.472 507
22. Chayonsong
551
23. Chaydnsong—second edition
4.6-p'anhydng
(136 x200 mm)
1. Onoe ui mudo
Dimensions (cm): 13.8 x 19.8; spine .74 ; 4.6-p'anhydng; 1:1.435 379
2. K'it'anjari
Dimensions (cm): 13.2 x 19.1; spine 1; 4.6-p'anhydng; 1:1.439 382
3. Nim ui ch'immuk
Dimensions (cm): 12.6 to board (13.2 to spine) x 19.4; spine 1.4; 4.6-p'anhyong;
1:1.47 464
4. Kot 'ong ui sokpak

Dimensions (cm): 13 x 19; spine .9: 4.6-p'anhydng; 1:1.462 474
Kukpanp 'an
(112 x 152 mm)
1. Chosdn ui maum
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 14.7; spine .55; kukpanp'an; 1:1.4 400
2. Arumdaun saebydk
Dimensions (cm): 11 x 15.5; spine 1; kukpanp'an; 1:1.409 415
3. Pom ui norae
Dimensions (cm): 10.3 x 15; spine 1.2; kukpanp'an; 1:1.456 433
4. Sungch'dn hanun ch'dngch'un

552
5. Chindallaekkot (Chungang Sorim issue)
Dimensions (cm): 10.9 x 15.5; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an; proportion: 1:1.42 439, 442
6. Chindallaekkot (Hansong Toso issue)

Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 15; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an; 1:1.429 446, 450,
454, 457
7. Hydrhun ui mukhwa
8. Paekp'al ponnoe
Dimensions (cm): 11 x 15.5; spine 1.2; kukpanp'an; 1:1.409 470
Dimensions (cm): 11 x 15.2; spine 1; kukpanp'an; 1:1.382 471
9. Hukpang ui sonmul
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 15.4; spine 1; kukpanp'an; 1:1.467 477
10. Ppairon myong sijip—O edition

Dimensions (cm): 9.2 x 13.5; spine 1.5; kukpanp'an; 1:1.467 486
11. Ppairon myong sijip—Om edition

12. Anso sijip

Unique formats
1. Choson yuramga
Dimensions (cm): 10.5 x 18.4; spine 2.6 (mm); unique, trimmed down from 4.6-p'an;
1:1.752 492
553
Methods of Binding
Yangjang
1. Onoe uimudo 381

2. K'it'anjari 384
3. Nim iii ch'immuk 466
5. Kot 'ong ui sokpak 476
6. Chosen min'yoshu 506
Cased-in panyangjang
1. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan—first edition 405

2. Ariimdaun saebyok 417
3. Kukkyong iiipam 423
4. Saengmyong ui kwasil 426
7'. Sungch'on haniin ch'ongch'un 438
8. Chindallaekkot 441, 445, 449, 453, 454, 460
11. Ch'onyo iii hwahwan—second edition 482
12. Ppairon myong sijip—O edition 488
13. Anso sijip 500
14. Sigajip 509
554
Panyangjang
1. Pom chandiii pat wi e 396

2. Hukpangpigok 399
3. Chosdn ui maum 402
4. Aerydn mosa 408
5. Wonjong 411
6. Chosdn tongyojip 414
7. Mugunghwa 420
8. Pom wz norae 435
9. Hyorhun ui mukhwa 463
10. TVae /?o« z /?w/ z* 'a/ ttae 485
11. Ppairon myong sijip—Om edition 491
12. Chosdn yuramga 494
13. Ch'ongnyon siinpaegin chip 503
14. Chayonsong 512
15. Chayonsong—second edition 515
Unique binding methods
1. Haep'ari ui norae 387

cross between panyangjang and tongjang
2. Dancado de Agonio 390
cross between panyangjang and tongjang
Uncertain
1. Ch'onyd uihwahwan 497
555
Appendix 2.16
Page Layout
1. Onoe ui mudo 379
ff':
«H «* s x « . a 7i -» <>» «st m a «i » --i

-*« « a 2 •
« 4 it- * * # . « « » »*
* "* * IS J| #- ^
*• 4u *t *i '1 vi E
> **! 3 ?
* ft s - - s i t -1 •» ,-.1.
^
K; at •» * ")
-a *-- *t
1 - " . - J*.-! •:- ,*<r . . "i t -
II- i
:fe<*
•El
î 1.
2. K'it'anjari 382
H: '
<+ ef 4
*l *F ??
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_
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" »t *j «m*• s»» 'S
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«t
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»1 t}.! * 5 t •«* 4 ^ *; ,»
* * i t , * H - S,
skife. S3, J • ^ i<s A* «
556
3. Haep 'ari ui norae 385
1 * 5
« •] ', /, 3iT\
n
1
•* ,¥-!,' ';
,<« 1 ,
4. Dancado de Agonio 388
W-
»|- * 1-
«[ « i j 4 i j
i » Mi
'8 fe « £( ^
- I ^ ^T^l^-
1*
'•'J-
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557
5. Irojin chinju 391
6. Pom chandui pat wi e 394
"•? » * «! H * <* * •4 * '4 •f

* 4 $'<
3 * **» 4 *•
• * •
. it«t «t 4Kt
m^ * « «l •f
? t I1 a. «t *
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A •*[ .«. St *l 3L Ml •* 7t **»
n «: •t * «t *
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it
« *til »lu.
«i «fl SL
»
« •4» «
H
it.
s. *4
<+ -\ 4•»-
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-f-
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558
7. Hukpang pigok 397
;| -J % *,
'J 5
^ '^
« -i
fo* "^
'6
I * ^lf":£ V
8. Choson ui maum 400
ssi:
#$*«l
Si 4
4 J"f
8
4 4 *
» ^
559
9. Ch'onyo ui hwahwan 403
iI
>l 4
',1 '!>
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>l~ i\ •>•<, '! '• (i t? i1t < j ,; i" .9
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H a - n M
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10. êrj;<5« mosa 406
---. as=«t-'i
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...IJf; fa. •^SfSifiSJ5
560
11. Wonjong 409
A A A A A A + t t - t t *
f f 'I s
•« fc 4 'I »! iT-t ;1 « ^ ft & >?
»i SJ 1} 5 <*, *l «| -^ -fijfef£g
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lift
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m Wi
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& X St * # *
A 4 at «J* *(• 5 ^ f / t & **•

S \ S 8 4
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561
13. Arumdaun saebyok 415
*1 4 <St rE
..X
4 1 *«t s; ^ «i>*
& *1 *
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n 5 1 A
t SI * is
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fi *-3
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* *t M ,
»! m
6 <4 ^
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H
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14. Mugunghwa 418
<i* a
1?'
'. <? ^ ^ ^ .i t- ,. ] $ '^ "> *
!;*».' " »1 * •M ; «S * '

\ -4
4
! ill I
A «,
'4 iVlfe
kJk,'—?.
562
15. Kukkyong id pant 421
KSKS&'fSt
X.' ' • • •* k
n * 2•
* 8•
•€3k I IB
•tip!:},) >
t\ s%"
T4 >«"•
t - i& &
"iff
'S'd '4
\$Z0' X
it §?h-imm
16. Saengmyong ui kwasil 424
3£
* *i 9
t
*
4 t
Si
Ji.
el A *'-I
3 H «l
4 x s
1 H
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4 „ -J < * > --,
jfiTvNj^ "-*ss%;
563
- flSfiif".
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11
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* »t ft «;. -xx
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4 J , ^«u h"^,^
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f
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"if?
564
19. Pom id norae 433
3 * "*• <4 S * * *
«
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a- *
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t'*i *l
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k "fc
20. Sungch 'on hanun ch 'ongch 'un 436
i 85l|C
III vH
si ?) *J « A « •* « •« »
,\# x| „\ « rt
* » s n «rf. ! ^ * a i
% *t 4 "S t s « * * A. n H SJ *
•i A n ii ' H i t ' ' ^ i'f 'i
«. «'% <1 \ v -s « 1 <U J if 5
i •.**
«r s a-.f
•! •. >, 4 * 1 * t ; i
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« *. n '*t
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i *«
»' 5 3 *
t!
~'
4*:
•-i
n
' 1
H
*
if
Mt , -~£'j! j™
565
21. Chindallaekkot (Hansong Toso issue: copy in Hwabong collection) 446
4 'j t 8 71- 4
« •* a « « JL
*l I ?!
4 »S *
in
*i «t
4
* t
3
-T-
"H
^
22. Chindallaekkot (Chungang Sorim issue: Copy at Museum of Contemporary Korean Poetry) 439
,' villi
"
— ISO -
** * <+ s it
& ^ -a
«^ ^ *% A} «J ^
•*
\;*| A a/ -
m-
•*&*
4
is <*l
>JI
566
23. Hyorhiin iii mukhwa 461
i 1
MfJ <it « I I miiA 11

<4 *
2 * '•
a 9- 6
li * '-
2 it
III
* 1 <& 1>!
Si
Jiff
"I?
*
•tm
24. Mm iii ch 'immuk 464
567
25. Chosdn siin sonjip 467
* t s 2
* A » ^
a
!
i •4
*
9
T
i
568
27. Kot'ong ui sokpak 474
'
81
f-::
il T
•»i SI
£;ft" ?j' *.. y »it - c r
llf ?f * ; ?C:f4Xt* ;XSi* H t TT
A
ifcffl #. 4
sf "mm:
.-*!
$ t fit, i s -
1
*,Si-«
^ -'
s> -
" •]-;, % '
569
29. Ch 'onyo ui hwahwan 480
*M St. •SJ D sf
>> .+ 1 «l
** •f4- -r
M
'r*
JJ *
»l
^jtt 7V *l ^ •9
^ a
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« "
3.
*n '1 Si *« "1
•?
a «t (J)
•M
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J
30. A^«e Aon i/>«/ f'a/ tfae 483
<*! i « ic * « »l 9
«f-4 -a «;* Ml-a » <H It *
*t 61
* -a 5.
t
^ 4
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^ ^H -3r
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fi
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*i ^ *tl Ti
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1*
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if #
'^'^«»> ' % I"' ^'

;**7 Si -
1;..-;.;
Sklak-..
570
31. Ppairon myong sijip 486
*mtf<lg%/M
32. Ppairon myong sijip 489
it i? V " ' .', ••*;?:

1 * >'*r ." *' T V V
,,-> /i •• l' -
'-I
A V - '••
A '.
} 4 «f • -t • • " "•; •• ff >>
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->*!>;& <^? =
,
V'J
*• *
"*h
'JUN^ '%'*"
Ife! 'li -1
-'?
mmm
WMH^^-Z?^
571
33. Choson yurainga 492
*)? 4:< ?it ®* V * a-t —a S« i l l " Ss+ §}

& «( if,-., «M 38« IK* « 9
*i * £? »i # f t * •» R t
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€- -St * Ml S ft* *f 4.
«• *l -fe »ll
^ °? -a i
A-i S<i # lit -** or '>U •& fu •»)
fi- a 5f .5. II -6 is? »|

51 « 9 si -a T-8 f*
3. 1} i t " at
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»t $ tt 9ft # £S #
* sr » A <s
^ *l £t f #
* si $ aH & t « « S i
*3 £ f £ St
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495
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572
35. Anso sijip 498
',; $ Hi
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71-
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36. Ch'dngnyon siinpaegin chip 501
r 'I •» >t
a 5.
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-"•A
573
37. Chosen min 'yoshu 504
'^MP^J
'/jf SK- raff
t* M * M *! L * *
a >-. g s3 d» JO ft ffe A »: »f
* « ! r. r> . *• )• « m
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1, III * S i r. m I « i- r. M
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t «' $1 & H A
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38. Sigajip 507
574
39. Chayonsong 510
"•"-* t is, 'f > # A

' $ t » i k
% > • 7 fc B
^ *> J* .-1 ' : >\ t <j ,,, S. « * %
~^*;>r »<: * # , >n & * i »1 % 1 « »
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\ £ -* « £2 '4
4
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% *i) $> 41 H ;„
s
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"'• %
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a * *t JS 1-
**M ft^ &• V
* *• H tt v *R ti"
"t * -:-
:
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if- # * <jj ; »t :«•
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,$
Mit-
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•M
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40. Chayonsong 513
** S r* •» .-s. -s , . . . -, A
*• > *J :• 'J. •) •]• 5 ;- ,. v^ _
11 C
s .; i.L 4 -;: . -•. : i : " .
is*-
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575
Appendix 2.17
Typefaces
Books printed by No Ki-jong #&)|ii1 at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa jfttÎSIff f^'Af^ri
1.1 Type sample from Irojin chinjit (1924), pg. 45.
!"*iKfx'*- ^ V" 'v**--^ ' .* ,$• ||j IP* r .' ISI^JIS | , Iff "^; '111,''*!>€ *•**'
* '' ^tJiffc*
Fx§.
;
^ v%
i. via
IIIIP» #«t. <i ifet; •till; * . ^ -
IVVJJ.TSP*- SfP 1 - ' 1 1 1 ,. i s .te-v. ****.--wlSitf*-f ife
3*i*(rt ^ 1^*^11
JSiS ^'llfc '?*"? ""Sops - - - . ' • * • * -"" , v
-s v^.-VI «fii.»*f
, . t t B « -mom J A -*-" *^HL - ^ttti--,.-.& x„«

>'-44
2*..- _,; "*"~ yf* ,.., - iflfll ^llll ^ll§
Title face na "i-f"

Body face «a "M-" in "The as a "drop capital"
Opium Smoker" (first syllable in "The Opium A- "(- j t f j ("
Smoker" on pg. 45 -~U
fourth line) on pg. 45 » \lr
576
Comparison between type in Irojin chinju (1924) and
Chindallaekkot (1925)—Images ofHansong Toso issue in
the Om Tong-sop collection
i<Wlilli*jS mi •« * « .
s
sSL
"nae i-H " as title

face "drop cap" "Azaleas" in
in Irojin chinju, introduction to
''-'*,«
pg. 109. Irojin chinju, pg. 26.
ft*™*^™'
IT ^ l l S s M''i
; - J5E» 5T:
* 'A
-#*
"wae^fl"
in title case
"Azaleas" in "Azaleas" in
*1 :
Chindallaekkot, !l* Wi Chindallaekot, pg. i% , ^ ^ if;
pg. 190. 190.
577
Comparison between type in Irojin chinju (1924) and
Chindallaekkot (1925)—continued
5*
So-wol's poem
' 'I1K& ^- lr- *Ji-"> ^ ' lis
"Kum chandvii
g - # 5 | (Amber *0
^\* " % ^;s|%
grass)" in
introduction to
Irojin chinju.
*»*#
<"**'"**•
^ *i#->i/, i
'4ftte;, £«ft *
'Amber Grass" in
1;%5«fi
sit*' V- «
*****
IS)
Ch indallaekko t. 1 ; :•
578
No Ki-jong at Hans5ng Toso
1.2 Type sample from Pom chandm pat wi e (1924)
*i *i J, !.'!l]
a
:/? Mf ^ #1 *
ti tl 7| Ktl *i
-t t 4fr $| -4
i\ 6|
*-
tt
a *tf
|J ^
7l
*4
• « •* &.
•f -t
n. 4 *+ "T
r *?
H ;i *
^
v|
*1
I
"1 •§ -is* 7-
/! If H «+ 4
4 'if tt ^t Al
if :% # .»-.
7|. 4
A' hi 4 ?1
* y
-fe
,3.
* s
If
*1 it H Compare the title and body face in Pom
4
2 chandm pat wi e, pg. 98.
H
4
4 4
£| Sf
tf ml
Na M- in title and body face in Pom I I
chanduipat wi e, pg. 92. Compare
with rca u f in title and body face in
*\'
m
jf
*1
'}
Irojin chinju (see pg. 576). tt <a
579
No Ki-jong at Hansong Toso
1.3 Type sample from Choson id maiim (1924)
ti*
sijip ch'otchang e A] y -5J ^"°fl in

running head to preface pg. 2 and sijip
ch'otchang e •*] -^ 5! 'IM] in body of
the text on pg. 2. They are the same,
suggesting that the running head and
the body face are the same. They are
the same size as well.
sijip ch'otchang e A] -u ^ "cMl in

title to the preface on pg. 2 and sijip
ch'otchang e Al ^ ^ ^^l] in running
head (body face) (left) of the text on pg.
2. Compare the ppich'im of the 5/0/ A
and the kkokchichom of the c/z'zwf ;*;.
580
14 Type sample from Ch onyo in hwahwan (1924)
*<•*
m
€f\
12|
*H
Title and first line of "Ch'ot yorum l '

odoniman" in Ch'onyo in hwahwan, pg % #
12 Compare the title and body face ch'ot ^
33 here and what is found in Choson in %, *lsW
**
maiim (see previous page) 4 s
581
No Ki-jong at Han song Toso
1.5 Type sample from Wonjong (1924)
fc
han fl in g'1BP'"H'g
body of
translator's
preface han ft in title of
"YQkcha translator's preface
ui han "YQkcha ui han
madui." madui"
ft
ma Df in
body of 1K
translator's
preface ma v\ in title of
"Yokcha translator's preface
ui han "Yokcha ui han
madui." madui."
ft ¥: # - 3 - * . f t ;;
Type sample from Wonjong, pg. 1, "Yokcha ui
«Ml han madui (A few words from the translator) "
%»Y
Na M" in title face used to print Rabindra-
nath Tagore's name in unnumbered front
matter following frontispiece. Compare to
title face na M" in Irojin chinju (center) and
Pom chandui pat wi e (right).
582
16 Type sample from Arumdaun saebyok (1924)
- 3 ^| ^ * 1
*$
JU
^
3 * *i * •* **
*§ <&
iW ^ ^ t* ti .
r\t ti| 71 ?!
*'
o % % ^
* *
• f e
fO
0
*****
*|
n)
el
Type sample from Arumdaun saebyok, pg 119 Compare the title face
and the body face Notice the more modulated stroke, the relative lack of
serifs, and the relatively abrupt terminals of the kyot chulgi Also notice the
vertical axis of the title face kiyok ~i m ki 7} relative to what is found m
the body face
583
1.7 Type sample from Kukkyong id pam (1925)
Type sample from

Kukkyong id pam, pg. 1.
*ll?l;;
_,%•, is..,,.
'• ?1
Sf?
ft
Detail of title (right) and body face
(left). Kukkyong id pam, pg. i.
584
1 8 Type sample trom Saengmyong in kwasil (1925) pg 18
^ a 3 3.
7V
«• tf
•t # ft
ie.
-3- M| eg 71
•£•• ^ *1 #
5 • f c SL
4 !
t
si
Hi H o
a "I
585
o Ki-jong at Hansong Toso
1.9 Type sample from Simgch'on haniin ch'ongch'im (1925), pg.
jgnj is| of v} « | *} $ . 71- y* &
el *+ -3 VL *t 35. # •£ ^ *!
•e «F a At el
L
4 ~ * ^ H •* ^ *I *4 ^
- 3 * 5U 3 •* •« n «
4- ^ ^ 3L A if -f BE! ^ t
^ *t & 5 * * M ^ * ^
A
v l X a a ij ^S
7V ^ -^ Ss. Jss. « Af
*1 * ^ !t . •** -d -cr s
-fi * 6(1 3 * *** ^ 5 ^
>X ^> ><l!_i J»*»

§ Mi *|- ?* A| .
# 3 *i •
586
1 10 Type samples from Pom in norae (1925)
n î
i >
*1 U *} TII «> -3- ^
.3. ""* Q
n "•C 2c
tSt, •«ftl
*"li
f is
\2' 7\ 4 * 3L
0 u> ^ A
4 3
¥ $ Ji 3c
^
Type samples fiom Pom wz norae, pg 112

# # A| >f H (above), pg 39 (below)
* -* f *f ft
4l *i tt i> tt
* -& *§> ^ *!
s If
Jft # Af A * At
*§ -fc *| «| *
»)
» »33 *
s s
it $
•# ^ ^ »*
<*•&*!*!
?4 * ^J ^
•t *1 *1
*f $| Body face cho x i from Sungch on hanun
ch ongch un (left) and Pom in norae (right)
« €
7\ 7l
587
1.11 Type samples from Chindallaekkot (Hansong Toso issue in Om Tong-sop

collection) (1925)
® t if 'IJllteS 11
•««f**jy»i;
«sff' Jw V~iCi ^ i f • ' * * •***

j$i-.
•' >"
x-«S»«ilfe flR* iSRr -ST
'x-HI -Stt, « , - sifts- •*!-.
r
'" -'r , *i * , ; >ff\ i,'.y »
-ills- •'as
,-,-;',-i?^ S ^ i / ' I ' S i l fw « , \,i/ATiii"- ; ^ / « ' " S l - *PW*fll
ill lit ?1§

V -° --fefjr ""
-I JLlli' -It- IS'

Xj^llis i if f
4? 5 ^
Type samples from Chindallaekkot, pg. 190
(above), pg. 233 (right).
^(^Îd^ 'SkiT'Tl^x' s,.$
N
1* - >
^1 - -1
• % ^ * •"S^Jt
^
Compare chin -il in the title of the title poem from
Chindallaekkot (left) and chin ?1 (right) in the title case
SI?
"M
used in Sungch'on hanun ch'ongch'un. ' si?-
• w ^
w^
588
1 12 Type sample from Paekp al ponnoe (1926)
% * J
'"#• ' "t™" '
-" \
s*
,6f
^r 3b> ^ £*
•g> »|. '
as jgL*
1 $1
Type sample %
&j- *| nf - £ #1
from Paekp 'al >B ^
ponnoe, pg 110
*3r
1
•) * St ^ it. 5^ ?y it
** *> -*1 fc
f< #
0
31
*
r—\
w
*
i
A
ft \
\
1
e) I1'
i
-<w>
While the type above is characteristic of what was

used at Hansong Toso, a comparison of the syllable
01 tak ^(chicken) in Paekp'al ponnoe (left, above)
with what is found in Chindallaekkott (left, below)
suggests that individual glyphs in the typefaces used
at Hansong were not entirely uniform Notice the
axis of the ch'ich'im of nul s m the two graphs
589
Books punted by Kim Chae-sop £ {\ {% at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa / ^ t t l u l S ^ A f r ' F i
2 1 Type sample from Nae hon i pul t 'al ttae (1928)
<\ * it
Type sample
fiom Afae
01 * hon i pul t al
4 41 ttae, pg 27
il *1 ^ *| 3 *1
*| -a *| rt
*i -& t n n
*» +
S. ^(
*!•*
3 «| ! 5
a!
el
/Vae /zo« / pul t 'al
ttae, type detail,
Pg27
590
Kim Chae-sop at Hansong Toso
2.2. Type sample from Ch'onyo iii hwahwan (1929)
Type sample from Ch'onyo iii hwahwan (1929), pg. 12.
It appears that at about this

time Hansong Toso changed
"M"**
*<*• its typefaces. While not the
faces at Hansong Toso came
to resemble the typefaces at
Taedong Inswaeso. Notice the
difference in the shape of the
tigut c in to 5- found in the
body face of Nae hon ipul
t 'al ttae, (left) and Ch 'onyo
Hi hwahwan (right, above), as
well as Han Yong-un's Nim
iii Ch'immuk (right, below),
which was printed at Taedong
Inswaeso in 1926.
591
Kim Chae-sop at Hansong Toso
2.3. Type sample from Ansa sijip (1929), pg. 15.
wlliP^lfifeji!* î» ! Jffi|ft& ^t^^V-if^, S»i | l i ^flfefe $• --

*I> !»**
t 5i# <f_
\ " > ( tlj * l l
K '"''J *•' ' Z "W. € P^(,t f l i t fflCPPK^; -x %

- x
"': A.>
*- \ # i S , f • I P f1^"' ^ "* *' 'k $ -%ltl§ '1 life i^felfr'' -; " "
592
Books printed by Kim Chin-ho ^Huffr at Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa ^ M l ' - i l S ^ - i ^ f t JT±
3.1. Type sample from Sigajip (1929), pg. 174.
* ts\ *
'%,(
<
**%;>*&f Tjl All
€ *l # 4
V****
*l
# * !
1C?
^ | t-f vj
lit 7? till
^ ^ :|j *
a
«w.ii!*'*«» 6
A J
t-r| s. Hf*
v«. ef
"cr l
JL xÎ Jt
~*ij
>1
i
It appears that once the change

in typefaces was made at
Hansong Toso the new faces
were used rather consistently.
For example, notice the
similarity in the body face
ch'am % from Sigajip (1929)
(left, above) and Ch'onyo ui
hwahwan (1929) (left, below).
593
Kim Chin-ho at Hansong Toso
3.2. Type sample from pg. 1 of Ppairon sijip—Hansong Toso edition (1929, right).
Type from the same page in the Taedong Inswaeso edition (1925, left) is also presented.
The similarity of the type in the two editions strongly suggests that the body of the
1929 reprint was made with stereotypes from the initial 1925 printing overseen by Sim
U-t'aek.
.-'f *-\
1
t\-''~. '"' *«-{'/?iilll "jc^' s M f '••'"
%%m? if id? / ^ ^ ^' fSf- -
F«.
'.III
594
Books printed by Sim U-t'aek fcfci^T- atTaedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa ^^FPWU'BfcAf^lt
4.1 Type sample from Haep'ari ui norae (1923), pg. 62.
l i t tffx%t l l ' t i i l l i#l|iiiV 'Silk' 4 ^fe •-; '•

••frl* w'T--'" flit US- '"^
'iBi " ^ HA • î
\\ \4*
yl Chonyok *\ ^ (evening) in the body face

' of Sigajip (printed at Hansong Toso, 1929)
Vfl (left, above) and Haep'ari iii norae (1923)
(left, below). Notice the difference between
the chiut ^ in the two faces and the
fi*-fi; similarities in the way the syllable nyok ^
|î||i i s presented. Notice too the differences in
Iplif'll spelling.
595
Sim U-t'aek at Taedong Inswaeso
4.2 Type samples from Dancado deAgonio (1923)
'« ' J
'•• ' 'I
R* î;iwv.-'' : ^
Type samples from

Dancado deAgonio, pg.
82; body face (top) and
title face (right).
596
4 3 Type samples tiom Hukpang pigok (1924)
*1 ^
I * 10 J\
9\ 7)
! 4*
,1 51- »l i:
*&
I «| /I ej
m I | «) *
s. 4 i >a 111 ?r
K •I *> «n #
: 11 .A
I <\ f
*1 TuT
fe
Type samples from

Hukpang pigok, pg 25
Detail of body face (right)
and title face (far right)
B
Notice the similarities
^L D
^ between body face hiiin
•?! m Ortoe in imido
(1923) (A) and Hukpang
pigok (1924) (B) Also
notice the characteristi-
cally oblique axis and
modulation of stroke
in the riul of the body
face ri 3] from Onoe in
^ mudo (1923) (C) and ro
1
3-] from Hukpang pigok
(1924) (D) All of these
books were printed at
TaedongInswaeso
597
4.4 Sample type from Ppairon sijip (1925), pg. 4.
Kx
, ,i<
" Ob
ftp \
fit ^
Sjr
ill' jIM: JO.:.

«JS§£' ifcJv . • ^TstiîiM.
•Jfe .."ir^JliS"" ^ S i l •M, *g».
stto
Wn JSP ^ S
.''if"*" P* ;|ij
'BT
IBfB^ ^
•j& ^
J!
Jfi»...
rill! ** **** ** ,'lSi, •
"^ 4.i
598
Books printed by Kwon T'ae-gyun $£4>&J at Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa ^TSFPffi!
5 1 Type samples fiomêryon mosa (1924)
I I ! <%;^ . fc***.
s
of
e*
44}
f * «j 'a: 4
•at* *
iDy | | i L ^„-,SiA.
*4
:#
i :*|j i I
Type samples from Aeryon

mosa, pg 1 (above) and
detail of body face (right)
and title face (far right)
si**.
Notice the 1-1
similarities between
the body face na
!<§•
©I'
*-i in Aeryon mosa
(1924) (light,
above) and Ppairon
vk
sijip (1925) (right,
below) Tt : *4
599
Kwon T'ae-gyun at Taedong Inswaeson
5.2 Sample type from Nim in ch'immuk (1926)
3K * #.
Sample
•im
type from
-mm * Mm ui
, ; .rSm M- JS. ^ ch'immuk,
A ^ v « 1 «1 -61 . pg. 33.
'$s' % ^'ôK*i> s^1 • ^ ^ R I P '
Notice the
similarities
•1 between the
body face na H"
in Aeryon mosa
<*&. •«-^c.I>f.'*w»i»a' < ->-%i^§r.. v i s a (1924) (right,
above), Ppairon
sijip (1925)
(right, middle),
and Nim in
ch'immuk (1926)
(right, bottom).
|-,'" -«7-
''1
600
Books printed by Kwon Chung-hyop IH ^ \U at Taedong Inswaeso Chusik Hoesa ^viflFP
6.1 Sample type from Mugunghwa (1925)
,H'' : i" x ^'«tll *a_ £§*\W- #t i^ lilt"'
.• »«J ,
f-
\ , v ;** <i£ § I f
i
"*,'-r;* ,--*v|i
Sample
type from
Mugunghwa,
pg. 45.
The type here is

uncharacteristic
^llllli ',/- of the type used
at Taedong
Inswaeso.
The stroke
of the body
W&jJi^"^' -"- ?"lWN face is much
heavier than
other samples
of Taedong
Inswaeso type.
The relative lack
of modulation in
the line is also
* quite different.
601
Appendix 2.18
Printshop layout
(Above) Printshop, circa 1880s. Notice the type cases in the bottom right of the photograph.
(Below) Printing seminar in South Korea, 1968.
Source: Taehan Inswae Kongop HySptong Chohap Yonhaphoe Af$P|JWJIIIf^[^fH.flrW i ^#,

ed., Han'guk inswae taegam ^SfPlilJ Aim (Encyclopedia of Korean printing). Seoul: Taehan
Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1969.
602
Letterpress composing room in P'aju,
?k....> • *..
South Korea, April 2009
-•- • •v
i :''--:K*
•v-fifc ti'fC
rs--VC3=£-
X ,, îi ,-—
->-:.
PlV:, 1 • : . ; / ' . • • . >
^. -
% : • • • • • • s "V
V ^..^•J.
4-^3? J ***fjJ4SiS
!•. s » " S i , ' ^ i " « ! ? ._.
t.......- r ~\& C . _
B
*^-"-'r"V •
(**••
603
m «& « T.
in *
The colonial '/S^fi
( v ox
authority's « ! V
printing facility, i
1921
\ \
Source: Chosen
if rOV**'^
x. *
Sotoku Kanbo %%
Shomubu
Insatsujo $Jj "^$%»
r^ r <•;:'&»%
>.<<"%
. • - » . . • % • ,
Jft, ed. Chosen . ^ i

^
S5tokufu s « • /'. .- / ... -<^ t. • ~{-, ^ *
Insatsujo yoran
(Survey of the
Government- /* •-v • -"-s-r *> v ^- ».-/*
General of \
Chosen printing
facility). Keijo:
n.p., 1921. Letterpress
composing
room
W
! HEa,"-c:j«
i ft ;5f fit •» »
I. .i:
.
* « » H *•« ,
s
—nrnBti™! ;
' * K TS « &
i * *f «
1 «fi IS' A ,„
I * '« a
- 1
1
] .« :l fr ft! * i
•... . ... j
604
Appendix 2.19
F^y>s,p ^••
Paper comparison
Kameko hyoshi (K: kuja

p'yoji Mz-f'^z&J paper
sample in
-c-t*:1 i f f *-fa **^ v
Yoshi mihon #$ft£iL^
i- * -v If* '- - ';-.-*
(Samples of Western-style
paper, circa 1934). ""^ fmk ' t< %&.£
Detail of the cover of

Yoshi mihon # | K , H ^
(Samples of Western-style
paper, circa 1934).
l l t ^ >i/if^
Detail of the cover of Kim

So-wol's Chindallaekkot
(1925, copy in the
Hwabong collection).
'K^J-!
st-C*'.. -feiSt" W ' f t f t ' . v - J^S
605
Detail of the cover of Kim
Si-hong's Ppairon mydng v ^ S L f ' . : ^ ; » § l « t ^ s l # c l . f c > i i " £ - ; ,.«e
sijip (1928, copy in the 6 m
saw
Tong-sdp collection)
Detail of cover of 1942

Chosen kojo meibo
(Registry of factories !
in Chosen, copy in the UP flifc Jfcy ^^ 'J
National Library of Korea). 18
#R *
606
Appendix 2.20
Secondary Sources
Two sources have guided the survey conducted here. They are Ha Tong-ho MHifei, "Soji
chongni: Han'guk kundae sijip ch'ongnim soji chongni 'I'llSIÎf ^sll ft^^B-nA^J-f
(A systematic bibliography of anthologies of Korean modern verse)," Han'guk hakpo 8,
no. 3 (1982): 145-174, and Kim Hae-song, Hyondae han'guksi sajon S f^ £ Is&l prlJ tfrf jft
(Dictionary of contemporary Korean poetry) (Seoul: Teagwang Munhwasa, 1988). Below
is a list of books and titles in these two sources that I have been unable to examine. Some
of the following information was used in the preceding appendices where appropriate.
From Ha Tong-ho (1982)
4. Sinwol Jflfl
1. Pyeho uiyomgun mwe\ mt (The crescent moon)
(Ruin's flash)
Editor: Yi Se-gi Author: Rabindranath Tagore

parhaeng: November 11, 1923 parhaeng: April 29, 1924
parhaengch'o: Choson Haksaenghoe parhaengch'o: Munudang
Translator: Kim Ok
2. Hyoryomkok HirJftllfl
(Song of blood and fireworks)
5. Pom kwa sarang •§• 3-j- A \ ^
Author: Chong Tok-po (Spring and Love)
parhaengch'o: Choson Hoksindang Author: Yu Un-hyang
Ch'ulp'anbu parhaeng: 1925
6. Haine sisonjip s}o]r-]| g.||jg;||

3. Mugunghwa l$kMi£
(Mugunghwa) (A collection of poems by [Heinrich] Heine)
Author: Yi Hag-in Author: Heinrich Heine

parhaeng: June 1, 1924 Translator: Kang S6ng-ju
["(January 10, 1925)" appears in parhaeng: April 30, 1926
parentheses in Ha's bibliography. I am parhaengch'o: P'yonghwa Sogwan
not certain what this indicates. It may
suggest a second printing. The copy of 7. Haine sijip * f ° H l M t
Mugunghwa that I have seen was printed (A collection of poems by [Heinrich] Heine)
on January 15, 1925 and released on
January 20, 1925.] Author: Heinrich Heine
parhaengch'o. Huimangsa Translator: Kim Si-hong
parhaengch'o: Yongch'ang S5gwan
607
From Kim Hae-song (1988)
1. Ch'ulbom 111 ft
(The launching [of a boat])
Author: Kim So-un

parhaeng: 1926
parhaengso: Umun'gwan
Listed as asich'op Sif ip£, poetic notebook, chapbook
2. Segye ilchu tongyojip W.^-^MsLs^M

(Children's songs from around the word)
Translator: Mun Pyong-ch'an

parhaeng: 1927
parhaengch'6: Yongch'ang SQgwan
3. Tongyojip la&f ft
(Children's songs)
Editor: Chong Ch'ang-won

parhaeng: 1928
parhaengch'6: Samjisa
4. Choson tongyo sonjip che-il ?J]ftm.l&M^tW>~

(A collection of Choson children's songs No. 1)
Editor: Choson Tongyo Yon'gu Hyophoe

parheang: January 1, 1929
parhaengch'6: Chippak Munso
608
Appendix 3.1
The Periodicals in which Kim
So-wol's Poetry Appeared
5
J, '• I
1. Ch'angjo
March 1920
"Wt ids* # 1 f 'a
g
mn Sfe i t jf£
/4cto« Mun'go collection
609
Ch'angjo prices:
one issue, 40 chon • prepaid • payment should be sent if y o u a r e interested in
3-month subscription, 1 won in advance • you may send advertising or advertising
15 chon A six months, 2 won payment to our transfer account materials please contact our
20 chon • one year, 4 won at the post office {chinch'e) • m a i n o r reg Jonal office,
30 c/7o« (the prices above if you send payment in postage
includes postage); the price stamps, there is a 10% surcharge
of special issues is assessed • issues of the magazine are
separately. sent rather than a receipt.
inswae: March 29, 1920 inswaein: parhaengso:

(deposit copy)
parhaeng: March 31, 1920 Orisaka Tomoyuki Ch'angjosa
Yokohama-sin Negishi-cho Tokyo-shi Aoyamaminami-
3257 banchi machi 4-chome 3 banchi
Special issue price: 50 chon
p'yonjip kyom parhaeng: inswaeso: furikae koza Tokyo 4474
Fukuin Insatsu Goshi Gaisha Regional office:

Kim Hwan
Yokohama-shi Yamashita-cho
Tokyo-shi Aoyamaminami- 104 banchi
machi 5-chome 75 banchi Hoeik Sogwan
Kyongsongbu Chongno
2-chongmok 87-ponji
chinch'e kujwa KyongsSng 839
610
Ch'angjo March 1920 Table of Contents
Author of
Title Translation Author / Translator/Artist Original fif
translation)
^ r i s l i d ) (AÛ) The Spring of Life (1) rif- Nulbom
«s O-H D u ; u ,«.; (fiction)
^•S-°1 ^ 5" -iSf ^ ! (3) Shallow-hearted Tongin
(/>$) People! (3) (fiction)
4iA
Five poems
Seven Poems
are by Heine
(translations) Ch'uho
and two are
by Goethe
Sorrow of Life 1
^1 îi(lK^) (fiction)
Saebyol
Echoes of a Piano
sK^si -§-^(/>3i) (fiction) Tong-won
Short Songs
(poetry) Yohan
A Theory of Art
5fe%pf« ( 2 ) (lift) Kim Hwan
(essay)
At Yangtze Fishing
Grounds (musings) Polkkot
# £ (15) Dream Trails (poetry) §1: O Ch'on-won

Wanderer's
Kim So-wol
Spring
Songdang
To Live (drama)
Saeng
Thoughts of Mr. K
TililA Osanin
(musings)
^ ^ 7 ] - Notes on Literature ^*.A
2ME. Kumdongin
Kffi Extras
611
pn^mmÂ^ ^^MoÛJi?^K*s«as^s3
6i .r\
2. Haksaenggve
July 1920
Seoul National University Library
612
rfcfc
jiiSE *T of ):
JUL
n'J)
n- m *"ft
BJ3 % Hi I t
IP
&{t 0fe Ste
Haksaenggye *
ifi
mm 5&
July 1920 H-fe
-Sit
f CT
*- * « ;J|
Colophon #lit C » AJ§ « ifeli
M'JI jftS
VW-/|;
- I j; §1'
;».», '?
o *i :
'#
iiil
If'9111^ *'«S ™i", ; in fit*
Prices M t Si
postage total
One issue 30 chon 2 c/zow

Six issues 1 WOK 70 e/7o« 10 c/zow 1 wow 80 chon
Twelve issues 3 won 30 chon 20 cMrc 3 won 50 chon mswaeso:
Ad rates Choson Pangmun'gwan

type half page full page Inswaeso
Kyongsongbu
special 25 won Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok
first grade 16 won 148-ponji
second grade 7 won 10 won
parhaengso:
inswae: June 28, 1920 mswaem:
parhaeng: July 1, 1920 Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
(published on the first of the Pak In-hwan Ch'ulp'anbu
month) Kyongsongbu Kyongsongbu
Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok Kwanghwamunt'ong
148-ponji 132-ponji
tel: 1479 pon
O Ch'on-sok
Kyongsongbu
Kwanghwamunt'ong chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong
132-p5nji 7660 pon
613
Haksaenggye July 1920 Table of Contents
Author of
Title Translation Author/ Translator/Artist Original (if
translation)
Q'U&m Students (cover) Mi n Kim Yu-bang
Landscapes—The
Han River and the
^3 m-iT Inwang Mountain wt,-. Han Sol-p'a
Outcropping
(photographs)
Western Male and
Female Students
Exercising (two
photographs)
Portrait of the Indian
Literary Genius
ft ft (MK) Tagore (photograph)
^-ol >1 o_ ( = t Spring's Footsteps

-3 (15) (poem) «ftl Yi Tong-won
Hi ,u m H , , n ^ i . ii -M A Note to Readers of _,_ , A Chugan

[editor]
^#^,_toH*i StudentWorJd ran-
Congratulatory
(3TO!fl) Remarks (sorted by
time of submission)
Youth Society,
BJ&Jl KuYe-gu
w^mm Director
Sungsil School,
feê— KimKi-il
Representative
MySngsin School, 35P Yi To-ch'un
Principal
Sungdok School,
^/+Jt Kim Chae-ch'an
Principal
Hwimun High School, ,-r^ ^
1± Im Kyong-jae
Principal ^
Tongdok Women's
M jllfii Cho Tong-sik
School, Principal
614
Paehwa Women's
fkM Yi Chong-ch'an
School, Instructor
Chongsin Women's •im Chang Chun

School, Instructors Kim Tong-ik
£ M
Posong High School,
M i\ ik Chong Tae-hyon
Principal
Ihwa Haktang,
&F-6 Yi S5ng-hoe
Instructor
Kyongsin School,
mm&mm Instructor
&>&%. Hong Ki-won
Paejae Haktang,
^S^p Yi Chung-hwa
Instructor
^-4-if Ch'oe Tu-son

^WR Chungang School
^%i§. Yi Kwang-jong
, ^ h„ .J-1 Chungdong School, i"^.-^ ^. , T . ,

^J^tefe Principal -£:£:*. Ch'oe Kyu-dong
Thoughts on a
AlfutnlW %*.$& 0 Ch'on-sok
Vocation
Shepherd Boy Chon Heinrich
0c£ (PJ) (poetry)
mtelF Chang-ch'un Heine
^ My Strength MM Chang To-bin
HW°\7] About Literature £te Kim Ok
Dream's Garden
^ Â> (-J)
(poetry)
M Ch'usong
W ^ l ^ l About Music k-H^Tc Pak T'ae-won

6
^ ^ W (m A Grimm Tale
^ Tongsan
Grimm
(children's story) Brothers
Hf^lS*f°> About Art && Kim Hwan

First in the World
ti^m-(^R?,) (amazing stories)
<tmm Kim Song-yong
f\^°\7\ About Science ^BM Kim Chong-jun

Some Day Long From
^^0 (JfUfil) Now (recommended &£J] Kim So-wol
poem)
615
About the Poet Tagore &tff M Kim Yu-bang
Rabindranath
The Post Office O Ch'on-sok
%xm Tagore
About Exercising Yi Ch'u-gang
The Countryside at
Anso
Dusk
Carnegie—The King
of Steel
& 1 <k No Cha-y6ng
(The Sad Story of a

Ch'on-won
Girl) P'urassuk'obi
World Languages
Study Room Kim Ok
(Esperanto) ~xm
Arms of the Amnok
Eden
River
To My Younger Sister Chon Ch'u-ho
Black Shadow
Ko Mun-yong
(fiction)
mm
Grand Society of
Students (gossip)
Literary Contest
Announcement
Notes on This Issue
616
3 Haksaenggye 4
October 1920
Yonsei University library
617
= * /rtl? >. J -f
* *
i£ ih m n^ m
%% i - J - -A.
ijifji 1 /"»
-Hf,
F-P FP 'S'CfM
iJH n—# £ 1 ! j
Yonsei m ^ mK m# -ft, ^£ JS& £3fi£ *;7, • " ,
«t
aft FIR = J
University m* Jj/j-fo A % AM® m ^V$* ^ "*x
n =.
jSf
&
Jc
*
*
•it f^nn
-t i j
Library -h KT »X ra trial
Zil —• & . | &
5c\ "^ ff£
«
% &H
-t* —% - j . _j- ___ j m m I l a i
+
JX^ ;
•kii it
+ r TPi f i t I
/->
Iks id [ **
Hi i l ilH M I && %& ; -a-
msseafaa^^fi^swâ^^^SMSttrassaiaiSEaKSMEK^*'
Prices
postage total
One issue 30 chon 2 chon

Six issues 1 won 70 chon 10 chon 1 won 80 CAOM
Twelve issues 3 won 30 chon 20 chon 3 won 50 c/?d«
Ad rates
type half page full page
special 25 won
first grade 16 won
inswae: September 29, 1920 inswaein: parhaengso:

(published on the first of the Ch'oe S6ng-u Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
month) Kyongsong Hwanggumjong Ch'ulp'anbu
2-chongmok 21-ponji KySngsongbu
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: Kwanghwamunt'ong 132-ponji
inswaeso:
tel: 1479 pon
O Ch'on-sok
Kyongsongbu Sinmun'gwan
Kwanghwamunt 'ong Kyongsongbu Hwanggumjong chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong
132-ponji 2-chongmok 2l-p5nji 7660 pon
618
4. Haksaenggye
December 1920
National Library of South Korea (image from microfilm)
619
n : is: ** f? Iff? i t fit * • * •
National
4r Jito,
m
1*!; v3r
Library ;j"n
of South
tits Wt 4ft
m PI m
ft %
£?. -Is
Korea lit
* ^ •?.
— s
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5 2 $& ft m ® EI M ira 14 '
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Prices
postage total

Six issues 1 won 70 chon 10 chon 1 wd« 80 c/zow
Twelve issues 3 won 30 chon 20 c/2o« 3 wow 50 chon
Ad rates
special 25 won
first grade 16 won
inswae: December 9, 1920 mswaein: parhaengso:

month) Kyongsongbu Ch'ulp'anbu
Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong
21-ponji 32-ponji
O Ch'on-sok inswaeso' tel: 1479 pon

Sinmun'gwan chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong
32-ponji Kyongs5ngbu
(Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa 7660 pon
Ch'ulp'anbu P'yonjibwon) 21-ponji
620
_ i ' *• • * *
1 :
5. Haksaenggye
January 1921
;
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V , •- *" 1
621
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Prices
postage total
This issue 60 c/zo« 2 c/20«
Six issues 1 won 70 c/20« 10 c/iow 1 won 80 c/zo«

Twelve issues 3 won 30 c/zorc 20 chon 3 wo« 50 chon
Ad rates
special 25 won
first grade 16 won
inswae: January 20, 1921 parhaengso.

mswaein:
parhaeng: January 22, 1921
21-p5nji Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: 32-ponji
O Ch'on-sok inswaeso:
tel: 1479 pon
32-ponji Sinmun'gwan
Kyongsongbu chinch'e kujwa
(Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok Kyongsong 7660 pon
622
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• • :.- * * ' • ! .,•*ij.« i s ' ? ' V - - » •• .• -•
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•.ivJ2r.iv;*: l;
I 11
6. Haksaenggye •• * J
April 1921
' • l , \ n , J ' ft <n
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623
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of South
Korea /»-*»*»*, 8J
(image
from At 1* $ -
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8fcJR
Prices
postage total
One issue 30 chon 2 c/20ft
Six issues 1 wow 70 chon 10 c/?o« 1 won 80 c/zwz

Twelve issues 3 won 30 c/7o« 20 chon 3 WOH 50 c/zcw
Ad rates
special 25 won
first grade 16 won
inswae: April 10, 1921 mswaem. parhaengso:

Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok Kyongsongbu Ky5nji-dong
21-ponji 32-p5nji
p'yonjip ky5m parhaengin:
mswaeso: tel. 1479 pon

Ch'oe P'ar-yong
32-ponji Sinmun gwan chinch'e kujwa
(Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa ^ ^ ^ 2-chongmok Kyongsong 7660 pon
624
V »,
/
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7 Haksaenggye
May 1921
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microfilm) n
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ma9mt*m*ts*i&8i
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Prices
postage total
Six issues 1 won 70 chon 10 c«o« 1 won 80 chon

Twelve issues 3 won 30 chon 20 c«o« 3 won 50 c«e>«
Ad rates
special 25 won
first grade 16 won
inswae: May 12, 1921 mswaem. parhaengso:

(published on the first of the No Ki-jong HansSng Toso Chusik Hoesa
month) KySngsongbu Kyonji-dong Ch'ulp'anbu
32-p5nji
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: 32-ponji
mswaeso.
Ch'oe P'ar-yong tel: 1479 pon
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa
32-ponji Ch'ulp'anbu chinch'e kujwa
(Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong Kyongsong 7660 pon
Ch'ulp'anbu Chuim) 32-ponji
626
8. Tonga ilbo April 9, 1921
Type size equivalencies'
5 ho "M = 10.5 points
4 ho = 13.75 points
3/20=16 points
2 ho = 21 points
Newspaper prices:
1 issue 4 chon A. one month
80 chon A one month
with postage included 95
chon A three months 2 won
75 chon A six months 5 won
45 chon A one year 10 won 90
parhaeng kyom p'yonjibin: chon A prepayment required
Yi Sang-hyop from areas outside of Seoul
inswaein: Advertising rates:

Yi Yong-mun one line of fourteen characters
in 5-ho type is 1 won, 2
won if included with other
parhaengso: advertisements; one line of
Tonga Ilbosa nine characters in 4-ho type
is 1 won 50 chon; one line of
KySngsongbu Hwa-dong seven characters in 2-ho type is
138-ponji 2 won; if placement on specific
pages is requested, 30 chon
tel: (editorial) 1537 pon for the equivalent of each line
of 5-ho type for each request;
(business) 3146 pon if placement on a specific day
is requested, 20 chon for the
chinch'e kujwa equivalent of each line of 5-ho
Kyongsong: 355 pon type for each request.
1
Here and throughout this appendix images of the Tonga ilbo
masthead are from the Tonga ilbo archive (http://www.donga.com).
Where these images are illegible, I have consulted microfilm records
at the Tonga ilbo building in Kwanghwamun.
2
Type equivalencies are based on type sizes presented in Han'guk inswae taegam (Encyclopedia of Korean
printing) (Seoul: Taehan Inswae Kongop Hyoptong Chohap Yonhaphoe, 1969), image following page
884. The conversion to points here is based on the American point system where one point is .3514 mm.
Han'guk inswae taegam, 544; Han'guk Ch'ulp'an Yon'guso ?!r^!"#?!:<?! -p-i ed., Ch'ulp 'an sajon ffiJiSiSJft
(Dictionary of publishing [terms]) (Seoul: Pomusa, 2002), s.vv. "hwalcha k'ugi," "p'oint'u hwalcha."
627
gjMiSiBBW^â^w^^
9 Tonga ilbo April 27, 1921
Newspaper prices
1 issue 4 chon A one month
80 chon A one month
parhaeng ky5m p'yonjibm 45 chon A one year 10 won 90
chon A prepayment required
mswaein Advertising rates

in 5-ho type is 1 won, 2 IJUSWr
won if included with other EPS
parhaengso Inf jsaw;
advertisements, one line of
Tonga Ilbosa nine characters in 4-ho type y "
is 1 won 50 chon, one line of HA?
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong seven characters in 2-ho type is
138-ponji 2 won, if placement on specific jR3 m •
tel (editorial) 1537 pon for the equivalent of each line A-BHOJI
(business) 3146 pon of 5-ho type for each request, &&P»A
if placement on a specific day
is requested, 20 chon for the &^»8%HnfM
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong equivalent of each line of 5-ho 0*ifc *akasfflg?fi &A,-fc»
355 pon type for each request
628
wr
10. Tonga ilho June 8, 1921
Newspaper prices.
80 chon A one month
parhaeng kyom p'yonjibin: chon A prepayment required
inswaein: Advertising rates: &s$3^2!M&&&&j

in 5-ho type is 1 won, 2 p i i
Tonga Ilbosa nine characters in 4-ho type ,. - fflH
is 1 won 50 chon; one line of ~gf# pfgSri
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong seven characters in 2-ho type is a? m, m
138-ponji 2 won; if placement on specific
pages is requested, 30 chon a» i K ^ * a*£*?3 ass A
tel: (editorial) 1537 pon for the equivalent of each line
(business) 3146 pon of 5-ho type for each request;
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong: equivalent of each line of 5-ho
g»' fesisss
355 pon type for each request.
629
/ / Tonga ilbo June 14, 1921 t&m2SBiS8&6&m*® I
Newspaper prices.
80 chon A one month
parhaeng ky5m p'yonjibin: chon A prepayment required
inswaein: Advertising rates:

Tonga Ubosa nine characters in 4-ho type
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong seven characters in 2-ho type is
fit
138-p5nji 2 won; if placement on specific
tel- (editorial) 1537 pon for the equivalent of each line
of 5-ho type for each request;
(business) 3146 pon if placement on a specific day
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong: equivalent of each line of 5-ho
355 pon type for each request.
630
•^'iv.?
MA
:i f jf. .??
It-*
^|'**-;|;-'4'v .
/If&s
12. Kaebyok
January 1922
'"••!»
%*5 *••£-• ZJ& -^r. &X"

3JL<- * ' % *153 vSJfv ^ |
yicto« Mun'go collection
631
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prepayment_ 50 chon 1 won 45 chon 2 won 90 c/?o« 5 wd» 80 chon
postage _ 2 chon 6 chon 12 c/zcw 24 chon
total 52 chon 1 won 51 chon 3 wow 2 cAow 6 wd« 4 c/id>2
This issue only. Special price of 70 chon; postage 2 chon
inswaein: palmaeso:
parhaeng: January 1, 1922 Min Yong-sun Bookstores in Seoul and the
Kyongsongbu Ch'ongsujong provinces
8-ponji
Copying not permitted
tel- 1104 pon
p'yonjibm: mswaeso chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
Sinmun'gwan
Yi Ton-hwa Kyongsongbu
Kyongsongbu Songhyon- Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok
dong 25-ponji 21-ponji
parhaengin: parhaengso:
Yi Tu-song Kaebyoksa
Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong
61-ponji 88-ponji
632
13. Kaebyok
February 1922
? -Iff •"'" fc'ifS
A ' Mt"l|fef
T
Pi A W
ii ML
* * * • -'"
11 ~0x % ' * • % * #
*A&rf^to*,ii|U i^rtW fililli '*-
Adan Mitn'go collection
633
Notice
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prepayment_ 50 chon 1 won 45 chon 2 won 90 chon 5 won 80 chon
postage _ 2 chon 6 chon 12 chon 24 chon
total_ 52 chon 1 wo« 51 chon 3 won 2 chon 6 won 4 chon
The price of special issues depending on th stances, will increase.
inswaein: palmaeso:
inswae: January 31, 1922
parhaeng- February 1, 1922 Min Yong-sun Bookstores in Seoul and the
copying is not permitted 8-ponji
tel: 1104
p'yonjibin mswaeso. chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
Yi Ton-hwa Sinmun'gwan
Kyongsongbu Songhyon- Kyongsongbu
dong 25-p5nji Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok
21-ponji
parhaengm:
parhaengso.
Yi Tu-song
Kyongsongbu Ikson-dong Kaebyoksa
61-ponji Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong
88-ponji
634
14. Kaebyok
April 1922
• i - i
i
Adan Mun'go collection
635
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\K list /L ,.! 4*
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pon.
[ o fc w % * *"* ' HAHlotoi
4mm&- **
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T <* \>. & A *»«•'- *pr
iw „v» „,,„... »t —~ Ixi™» Jill™
Magazine Price s
no of issues one three six twelve
prepayment_ 50 chon 1 won 45 chon 2 won 90 c/?on 5 won 80 c«o«
postage _ 2 chon 6 chon 12 chon 24 c«o«
total 52 chon 1 wcw 51 chon 3 won 2 c«o« 6 wo« 4 chon
The price of special issues, depending on the circumstances, will increase.
inswae: March 28, 1922 inswaein: palmaeso.

Min Yong-sun Bookstores in Seoul and the
Kyongsongbu Ch'Sngsujong provinces
8-ponji
tel 1104
inswaeso:
p'yonjibin: chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
Sinmun'gwan
61-ponji 88-ponji
636
H'ty-i -.
15. Kaebvok '"'mL' ^S%-|>
June 1922
JkCj.^" -',>wJsJ
» 4 >
V J •y%%$
fif ' €|f- Hi', Vl^w'^"-
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i3J£ '''&.- %
,111 " '^«
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Ilîi'lfe-l-l '-IS
Yonsei University Library
637
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The price of special issues, depending on the circumstances, will increase.
inswae:May31, 1922 mswaem: palmaeso:

parhaeng: June 1, 1922
KySngsongbu Ch'ongsujong provinces
8-ponji
tel: 1104
inswaeso:
p'yonjibin: chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
Sinmun'gwan
Kyongsongbu Songhydn- Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok
61-ponji 88-ponji
638
life TV If; &
16. Kaebvok
ltgp|if|i^fl' 4, * /
July 1922
ijt«,™'ii..u»:f
•£. =0.
/W<z« Mun'go collection
639
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This issue only. Special price 70 chon
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parhaeng: July 10, 1922
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Sinmun'gwan
61-ponji 88-ponji
640
Kaebyok July 1922 Table of Contents
Author of
Title Translation Author/ Translator Original (ij
translation)
Painting by Simsan No
•bm&mk% Su-hyon
Keep Charging Until
fttl^llS^fê-f the End
, M , n ,IM _+_ r O1 *H Humanistic Relativism
% (_ , and the People 01 %k1t
^ Yi Ton-hwa
Choson
A&T& Personalism ^4-tA Ch'oe Sung-man

fcl $ ^ 2] %k "g Advocacy for Rural
^JSi^ Yi Song-hwan
(flJIft) Reform (deleted)
A Word to Confucians ^LTR/^ Kim Pyong-jun
The Origins and

j^m^mYn± Beginnings of
Humanity
u\H Chonmun
Student Essays
The Problem of Choson
Labor in the Context
of General Trends in 4=7jcS§ Yi Yong-hui
the Labor Movement
(mm) (deleted)
Steel and Coal % /E f-fjj Yang Chae-sun
-t u -r- « -n-rti-* bd ^ Intriguing Sights and T, ^y . r.

Kwa
* f e * ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ Sounds of Red Russia i ^ ^ fek [A
(i« traveler to
(deleted)
Beijing]
A Warning to Southern y ^ ^ .»
Kim Hong-gi
Choson Farm Owners
The July Autumn of the -*;/*** v r-u
7 ,,/ ^&m Yi Chong-nm
Imsul Year °
641
To Make Plain What Is
>r\--&&, PakTal-song
Right and Wrong
(Around the World)
(iu^-;a) Over the Hills and • &
Iru
Across the Waters
Society News — n£^ reporter
Visiting Teacher Son
&itfi Ch'unp'a
•am Ui-am's Grave
Inspiration and
fl J 3 £?!- A Kangho Hagin
Literature
Taedong River (poetry) Û'S Anso
A Historical Survey of
IhM'W Pak Chong-honj
Choson Art
Living in the
sfeTitix Kim Sok-song
Mountains
Evgenil
Hometown illilii Pingho
Chirikov
~rA iM [Sic] Sijo 4Mfl/L Yi Sang-jong
^ ^ % Azaleas £-Mf\ Kim So-wol
*f#^]E William
Hamlet £ff Hyon Ch'ol
Shakespeare
mm Supplement
Vsevolod
F9 H Pnl Four Days m& Sang-sop
Garshin
r^Hllj 6|H From Leaves of Grass &fi& Kim Sok-song Walt Whitman
7l-grSl*>5.^- One Autumn Night i~M$L Hyon Chin-gon Maxim Gorky
Rabindranath
^H No Title &fe Kim Ok Tagore &
Sarojini Naidu
Selma
Mt7« The Wedding March +«© Py5n Y6ng-no
Lagerlof
44s. 7}fe M Riders to the Sea mn Haea John Synge
Abeille (Honey bee) Anatole

«4 £T (gnS) r Queen of the lakel
Tn&% Pang Chong-hwan
France
642
17. Kaebyok
August 1922
|§|g s | § 1 | | *,'J|

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inswae: July 28, 1922 mswaein: palmaeso:

parhaeng: August 1, 1922
8-ponji
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chinch'e8106
p'yonjibin:
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dong 25-p5nji 21-p5nji
61-ponji 88-ponji
644
Kaebyok August 1922 Table of Contents'
A uthor of
Title Translation A uthor-/Translator Ot igmal (if
translation)
£35 ill/I {i Seeing the Panorama of
Ch'onji on Mt. Paektu's
Pyongsa Peak
The Power of Direct
Action
The Consolidation of
Myohyang
Choson Lands—Causes ^fflilA Sanin
and Current State Affairs
The Underlying Causes of
BkK$]%m& Farmers Moving from the
Countryside to the Cities H=y-± SonU-jon
and the Disadvantages of
Farm Work
Two Weeks in the German
MMU^-MF^ Countryside
Pak Sung-ch'61
A Diary of Travels to the

rnr^MrA Southern Coast &MIS + Ch'anghae Kosa
What is the Current

Situation in France? Min Chang-sik
=£5 - j f l » Visiting One Prefecture

and three Counties—Five rKS& Pak Ch'unp'a
Truly Surprising Facts
Freedom's Beauty [about
the Statue of Liberty]
and the Saints of A — &> Iru
a^ SA County's Founding [about
Washington DC]
tnfelflj A Tonic ik.% Yaroe

Cool Stories in the Shade
&I£&BS -Mi reporter
[for Summer]
Îdf^f The Sentiment in the Park *H Chanmul
5flME«A-t Kaesong Tennis Society ' pC^B reporter
'The ongmal table of contents of this issue of Kaebyok housed at Adan Mun'go is missing This is based on the
1987 Hanil Munhwasa facsimile, also housed at Adan Mun'go.
645
Society News reporter
£e Theatre du peuple Romam
(People's theater) Kim Ok
Rolland
A Prisoner's Life Kim Sok-song
A Historical Survey of
Choson Art Pak Chong-hong
Some Day Long From

^ ^ R So-wol
Now
Une passion dans le desert Honore de
Pyon Y6ng-no
(Passion in the desert) Balzac
Sijo 4MR'AL Yi Sang-jong
('KB) € - U ^ Shanghai Tears (fiction) M ill Toksan

William
Hamlet £.iA Hyon Ch'ol
Shakespeare
646
VK -ft
m •
I;:.
••«! ii
18. Kaebyok
October 1922
«-1. ••->* . —
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647
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648
; • - : • • • • • . ' *
mm
: ' ' i .,y. J . " -
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79 Kaebyok
November 1922
• « '
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649
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-vf"
20. Kaebyok
February J 923
liti M»i.i , .i'•: •• : . » - ' - • • .si!
* m
t?Jb
^4cfa» Mun'go collection
651
^ 'tl % & * 3
flj "Sr fti si li i ^ ~ -ri#
H ' « 'ft '''» 'ft 5 '** _ r " T *
(..•-'A^'I'Â-I A.wA« Z± * v T 1*
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no. 32 ft
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652
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fs-rj ' -• . :: JL f| *y • -o
Appenzeller-Noble Memorial Museum collection
653
inswac: March 15, 1923 inswaeso:
parhacng: March 20, 1923
Price: 50 chon
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No Ki-jong
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654
L A K i'i EADO
22. Kaebyok
May 1923
-r 1
35* /I
Jc/arc Mun'go collection
655
f-
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Kaebyok issue fa 3£ =*•; J. ' iH .=.

no 35
Pi m
A i
£» « • « sr s
M ir , VH -SS.
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A' OJ,r
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tel 1104
mswae April 28, 1923 mswaein
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656
v • -•'
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23. Kaebvok
October 1923 /
4
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657
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dong 25-ponji Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-
dong 55-ponji
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parhaengso: copying is not permitted
Yi Tu-song
88-ponji
658
24. Yongdae
October 1924
659
X. X 1 3 o ^M^
3E IE |
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it' 5^ 4s 1
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i- I M - ET J2. -£. A A l|
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£S*0feSHft
M *4~|».
lid; Be sr
3fc
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Yongdae no 3 50 c/zon
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mswae October 17, 1924 mswaein ch'ong palmaeso

Yang Che-gyom Munudang
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parhaengso 67-p5nji
Im Chang-hwa
Yongdaesa chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong
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25 Tonga ilbo November 24, 1924
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Kyongmunsa facsimile, 1976,

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662
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663
2 7 Tonga ilbo January 1, 1925
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664
28. Tonga ilbo January 4, 1925
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665
r
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29 Kaebyok
Januarv 1925
/\
3$L
?$lffIP
.4
Cover from Yonsei University Library,
colophon from Adan Mim'go collection
666
*™~*
m m m m n £9 ^ I A
gr r? n mum &?*\1\w''*»'%'.]&
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Kaebyok issue ,
*
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1 **
A ;
I " Wg tig * f -*I-S « * » S I 1 I1 C!i ! - ;i
t O
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inswae: December 30, 1924 mswaem: tel: Kwanghwamun 1104/42

Min Yong-sun chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
KyongsSngbu Ch'Sngsujong
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p'yonjibm:
inswaeso:
Yi Ton-hwa
dong 55-ponji
parhaengin:
parhaengso: copying is welcome
Yi Tu-song
88-ponji
667
•T-^Sk,
^ WSJ
.1 ,~ :*\
,4« i.j—sft, \ *
30 Yongdae
January 1925
.^•BULJ
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Kyongmunsa facsimile, 1976,

at Adan Miin go collection
668
;f-2J- as # t< *
* * % ir
B It £• af
* ms *a n •a1 m
*
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8t a a t 2
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IS •a
1 A
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I It is
Yongdaeno.5 38 chon
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inswae: January 8, 1925 mswaem:

Yang Che-gyom
p'yonjip ky5m parhaengin:
parhaengso:
Ko Kyong-sang
Yongdaesa
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2-chongmok 87-ponji
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150-ponji 13832 pon
Please inquire about advertising and advertising rates at Yongdaesa
669
31. Sinyosong
%d& y** / f
^ 'v 14 -
|
January 1925 <|l m if;
Sl-
it!*
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Sinyosong w A
ft
A* -i- ff
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January 1925 mi m ;i H *
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H
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colophon
o;c mn m P-ii m 7lt
A HP
o.o •GO 1-
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1
W
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A JE A m
$0 «;s
m *? m 1-
ill - Jg
a;® £8
del i i *fc 8fc m
Sinyosong
Vol. 3 no. I
mswaein: parhaengso:
Special price 40 chon
Min Yong-sun Kaebyoksa
Kyongsong Ch'ongsujong Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong
inswae: December 30, 1924 8-ponji 88-ponji
tel: Kwang42
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: inswaeso:
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Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong Kyonsongbu Kongp'yong-
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postage included postage included postage included postage included
671
H"
32 Tonga ilbo February 2, 1925
Newspaper prices
I issue 4 chon A one month
80 chon A one month
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Cho Ui-sun
Advertising rates
parhaengso one line of fourteen characters
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Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong advertisements, one line of ta©3£
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1346 pon
2 won, if placement on specific
* S met
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{illegible) 1347 pon for the equivalent of each line ffi& JKK»£
1348 pon of 5-ho type for each request,
if placement on a specific day —BU
chinch'e kujwa is requested, 20 chon for the . - - 5fcfflSf>
equivalent of each line of 5-ho
Kyongsong 355 type for each request
672
??1
33 Choson mundan
April 1925
r" "\r- -"*
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lis
2*
scrips
m
Songjin Munhwasa facsimile, second printing, 1974

in the Adan Mun'go collection
673
£
M»-* d*
ft FP ® mm 5 |
(9 £ s> * L
- - - ^ .1-
If S W rm »n — . A ' St • — * &
Choson n
31 * « « ssff s
mundan *
* * a IPi- S3 5|« a s «?1 M l n
April 1925 ? -fe- -fr • -ft- s i:3 ^

m : :;
colophon
5 •?-
* JK~ ' R IK 2 ^ = 5 i Pt! 1
8 :
K
* a- « nor & i & . S*A ,
II
. .••„..•„,„,.—
suit It Kl * - ,_,——
Special issues are released twice a year
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o n e (special issue) four (three regular issues eight (six regular issues One y e a r (nine regular issues
and one special and two special and three special
issue) issues) issues)
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Advertising prices_from 5 won to 30 won
inswae: March 29, 1925 inswaeso: Notice

parhaeng: April 1, 1925 Send orders with prepayment;
HansSng Tos5 Chusik Hoesa send payment to postal
p'yonjip kyom parhaengin: Kyongsong Kyonji-dong 32 account; 10% surcharge for
payment in postage stamps;
parhaengso: foreign postage 10 chon; 12
Pang In-gun
chon fee for returns.
Koyang-gun Sungm-myon
Yongdu-ri 168-1 Choson Mundansa
Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe
Yongdu-ri
inswaein:
No Ki-jong
Kyongsong Kyonji-dong chinch'e Kyongsong 5784 pon
32-ponji
674
34. Kaebvok
May 1925
••'it, ,w ,*\V-'V '• • l'*~
^cfaw Mun'go <
675
! t fiX *£ ,lg jifv
kk \
' s w n I I 88 iEir-
ft n en i«] tt m •H" SI fit • i ! > flf
: ÎÎAJAIAJ =. i — * » II
a * m 2 * #
S ' ,?, MP,
A * i~H C5Q
SI
m s® * $ * «| s —T la
ao % :
m fa \ ""T ~&3*fc
•BWS$S»S*8*8 if
Kaebyok issue >
nm I C3 ' n o
no. 59
A BB BB^ *? w i*^ -4-yr & •
f
* & . t t U: *§ a ft:
> •
Magazine Prices
no. of issues one (special) three six twelve
prepayment_ 50 chon (70 chon) l won 44 chon 2 w<5« 88 c/?dn 5 won 76 c/7d«
postage _ 2 cftdw (2 chon) 6 c/?d« 12 c/70« 24 chon
total_ 52 c/?d« (72 chon) l wd« 50 c/zd« 3 wcw 6 won
Special issues appear in January and July. At other times also, depending on circumstances,
prices may increase.
inswae: April 25, 1925 mswaein: tel: Kwanghwamun 42

Min Yong-sun chinch'e Kyongsong 8106
Kyongsongbu Ch'ongsujong
8-ponji
p'yonjibm.
inswaeso:
Yi Ton-hwa
dong 55-p5nji
parhaengm:
parhaengso: copying is welcome
Yi Tu-song
88-ponji
676
35. Choson mundan
July 1925
m J
0 : !
%
•s
^4<afa« Mun'go collection
677
Choson
mundan
July 1925
colophon
^\#*» ^mrn- fmmm 3

Special issues are released three times a year
one (special issue) four (three regular issues e i g h t (MX tegular issues One y e a r (nine regular issues
and one special and two special and thiee special
Advertising pnces_from 5 won to 30 won
mswae' June 29, 1925 inswaeso. Notice

parhaeng: July 1, 1925 Send orders with prepayment;
Hansong Tos5 Chusik Hoesa send payment to postal
KyongsSng Kyonji-dong 32 account; 10% surcharge for
payment in postage stamps;
parhaengso: foreign postage 10 chon; 12
Pang In-gun chon fee for returns.
Koyang-gun Sungin-myon
Yongdu-n 168-1 Choson Mundansa
Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe
mswaem: Yongdu-ri
No Ki-jong tel Kwanghwamun 1203

Kyongsong Kyonji-dong
32-pdnji chmch'e Ky5ngs5ng 5784 pon
678
36 Tonga ilbo Julv21, 1925
Newspaper prices
80 chon A one month
parhaeng kyom p'yonjibin chon A three months 2 won
Kim Ch'ol-chung 75 chon A six months 5 won
inswaein chon A prepayment required
Cho Ui-sun from areas outside of Seoul
parhaengso Advertising rates

one line of fourteen characters
in S-ho type is 1 won, 2
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong advertisements, one line of
138-ponji nine chaiacters m 4-ho type

seven characters in 2-ho type is «J* $ , III
1346
{illegible) 1347
1348
pon
pon
pon
2 won, if placement on specific
tor the equivalent of each line
of S-ho type for each request,
0 tlf?
B « t N n
III
msfeest. *£U35S
if placement on a specific day fig
chinch'e kujwa is requested, 20 chon for the »THKB£
Kyongsong 355 equivalent of each line of 5-ho saaenw
type for each request
679
- g ""j "• L."^.**''* 'ilWiiny w^"-
37. Choson mundan ^*

#3» .N.
October 1925
j" ^
"i
..' i
^daw Mun'go collection
680
ftl & ."*- *
1,1 if: & n
i i *
PU
V A
lif
* •'"l"
—"" 'v r-t — .':
Choson Me !> * V. I9r '' * ' V
-.1 'l '!<
*\H ** J »V| *£% ( *
'71 }/>
11 if HI" if*
f *i i'i
V ' n h n I*
mundan S
f: '-; _*. "i 'Jj r • ..' i.

WK k /j
October 4* -•• • ": - CM" • iL\z. ,*,-—.-; ',.'
i!.
1925 It } ft } U *?T i-
% t
1 , ')'
colophon ?l w I: |r- 7
III
Pj II-
«•*? I t 0f III
Special issues are released three times a year
one (special issue) four (three tegular issues e i g h t (six regular issues One y e a r (nine regular issues
and one special and two special and three special
Advertising prices_ from 5 won to 30 won
inswae: September 29, 1925 Notice

inswaein:
parhaeng: October 1, 1925 Send orders with prepayment,
Kunt'aek Mup'yong send payment to postal
Kyongsongbu Changgok account, 10% surcharge for
ch'onjong 76-ponji payment in postage stamps,
foreign postage 10 chon, 12
Pang In-gun chon fee for returns.
Koyang-gun Sungin-myon parhaengso:
Yongdu-ri 168-1
Choson Mundansa
inswaeso: Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe
Yongdu-ri
Hammyong Hoesa Kunt'aek
Inswaeso tel: Kwanghwamun 1203
Kyongsongbu Changgok
ch'onjong 76-ponji chinch'e Kyongsong 5784 pon
681
.A«I
}»ts* it • » ~* %%%$&%> lit

38. Munmyong
December 1925
a 1
4 , v ;j% v.
I! ?J ,. fJ • :
682
prices
one issue three issues (three months) six issues (six months)
30 ch'on (postage 2 chon) 92 ch'on (postage included) 1 won 80 ch'on (postage

included)
inswae: December 23, 1925 inswaeso:

release: December 25, 1925
p'yonjip kyom parhaeng:
Kim Ch'ang-gwon
p
Kyongsongbu An'guk-tong 56 °
inswaein: Kwahak T'ongsinsa
Kyongsongbu An'guk-tong 56
No Ki-jong
Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32 chinch'e Kyongsong 14,881 p6n
683
Appendix 3.2
Pressmen (inswaein)
1. Min Yong-sun 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652, 656, 658, 667, 671, 676
{Kaebyok, Sinyosong) Kyongsongbu Ch'ongsujong 8-ponji
2. Cho Ui-sun 661, 664, 665, 672, 679

{Tonga ilbo) KyongsSngbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
3. Yi Yong-mun 627, 628, 629, 630

{Tonga ilbo) Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
4. No Ki-jong 626, 654, 674, 678, 683

{Haksaenggye, Paejae, Choson mundan, Munmyong) Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji
5. Ch'oe S6ng-u 618, 620, 622, 624

{Haksaenggye) Kyongsong Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok 21-ponji
6. Yang Che-gyom 660, 663, 669

{Yongdae) P'yongyangbu Sinyang-ni 150-ponji
7. Orisaka Tomoyuki 610

{Ch'angjo) Yokohama-si Negishi-cho 3257 banchi
8. Pak In-hwan 613

{Haksaenggye) Kyongsong Hwanggumjong 2-chongmok 148-ponji
9. Ktint'aek Mup'yong 681

{Choson mundan) Kyongsongbu Changgok ch'onjong 76-ponji
684
Appendix 3.3
Printers (inswaeso)
1. Sinmun'gwan 618, 620, 622, 624, 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652
2. Tonga Ilbosa printing facilities 627, 628, 630, 661, 664, 665, 672, 679
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
3. Taedong Inswae Chusik Hoesa 656, 658, 667, 671, 676

Kyongsongbu Kongp'yong-dong 55-ponji
4. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa 626,' 654, 674, 678, 683

5. Chusik Hoesa Kwangmunsa 660, 663, 669

P'yongyangbu Sinyang-ni 150-ponji
6. Fukuin Insatsu Koshi Gaisha 610

Yokohama-si Yamashita-cho 104 banchi
7. Choson Pangmun'gwan Inswaeso 613

Kyongsong-pu chong-2 chongmok 148-p5nji
8. Hammyong Hoesa Kunt'aek Inswaeso 681

KySngsong Changgok ch'onjong 76-ponji
1
Here Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa is listed as Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Ch'ulp'anbu.
685
Appendix 3.4
Editors Listed in Colophons
1. Yi Ton-hwa 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652, 656, 658, 667, 676
(Kaebyok) Kyongsongbu Songhyon-dong 25-ponji
Kyongsongbu Samch'Qng-dong 52-ponji
2. O Ch'5n-sok 613, 618, 620, 622, 624

(Haksaenggye) Kyongsongbu Kwanghwamunt'ong 132-ponji
3. Kim Ch'61-chung 661, 664, 665, 672, 679

(Tonga ilbo) Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
4. Yi Sang-hyop 627, 628, 629, 630

(Tonga ilbo) Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
5. Pang In-gun 674, 678, 681

(Choson mundan) Koyang-gun Sungin-myon Yongdu-ri 168-1
6. Im Chang-hwa 660, 663

(Yongdae) [no address listed]
7. Kim Hwan 610

(Ch'angjo) Tokyo-shi Aoyamaminami-machi 5-chome 75 banchi
8. Ch'oe Par-yong 626

(Haksaenggye) Kyongsongbu Kyonji-dong 32-ponji
9. Appenzeller 654
(Paejae) Kyongsongbu Chong-dong 34-ponji
10. Ko Kyong-sang 669

(Yongdae) [no address listed]
11. Pang Chong-hwan 671

(Sinyosong) Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong 88-ponji
12. Kim Ch'ang-gwon 683

686
Appendix 3.5
Publishing Companies (parhaengso)
1. Kaebyoksa 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652, 656, 658, 667, 671, 676
Kyongsongbu Kyongun-dong 88-ponji
2. Tonga Ilbosa 627, 628, 629, 630, 661, 664, 665, 672, 679
Kyongsongbu Hwa-dong 138-ponji
3. Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa Ch'ulp'anbu 613, 618, 620, 622, 624, 626
Kyongsongbu Kwanghwamunt'ong 132-ponji
4. Yongdaesa 660, 663, 669

Kyongsongbu Toyom-dong 41-ponji
Kyongsong Chongno 2-chongmok 87-ponji
5. Choson Mundansa 674, 678, 681

Kyongsong Tongdaemun oe Yongdu-ri
6. Ch'angjosa 610
Tokyo-shi Aoyamaminnami-machi 4-chome 3 banchi
7. Paejae Haksaeng Ch'ongnyonhoe 654

Kyongsongbu Chong-dong 34-ponji Paejae Kodung Pot'ong Haklcyo
8. KwahakT'ongsinsa 683
Appendix 3.6
Distributors Listed in Colophons (including regional
offices, ch'ongpalmaeso, ch'ongpanmaeso,palmaeso, etc)
1. Munudang 660
2. Hoeik Sogwan 610

687
Appendix 3.7
Prices Listed in Colophons (in won)
Four
One issue of issues, Eight
monthly mag, Three three issues,
One one month Special issues/ regular Six six Twelve
Issue daily newspaper issue months and one issues/ regular issues/
paper subscription (postage) (postage) special/ months and two months
(postage) three special
months
(postage)
Ch'angjo 04 1.15 2.2 4.3

March 1920
Haksaenggye 0.3 1.7 3.3

July 1920 (0.02) (0.1) (0.2)
Haksaenggye 03 1.7 3.3

October 1920 (0.02) (0.1) (0.2)

December (0.02) (0.1) (0 2)
1920
Haksaenggye 0.6 (.02) 1.7 33

January 1921 (0.1) (0.2)

April 1921 (0.02) (0.1) (0.2)
Haksaenggye 0.3 (.02) 1.7 3.3

May 1921 (0.1) (0.2)
Tonga ilbo 0.04 0.8 2.75 5.45 10.9

April 9, 1921 (0.15)
Tonga ilbo 0.04 0.8 2.75 5.45 10.9

April 27, 1921 (0 15)
Tonga ilbo 0.04 0.8 2.75 5.45 10.9

June 8, 1921 (0.15)
Tonga ilbo 0.04 0.8 2.75 5.45 10.9

June 14, 1921 (0.15)
Kaebyok 0.5 0.7 1.45 2.9 5.8

January 1922 (0.02) (0.02) (0.06) (0.12) (0.24)
688
Foui
One issue ot issues, Eight
monthly mag, Thiee thiee issues,
One one month Special issues/ legulai Six six Twelve
Issue daily newspapei issue months and one issues/ legulai issues/
papei subsciiption (postage) (postage) special/ months and two months
(postage) thiee special
months
(postage)
Kaebyok 05 145 29 58
Febmaiy 1922 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaebyok 05 1 45 29 58
Apnl1922 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaebyok 05 1 45 29 58
June 1922 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaebyok 05 07 1 45 29 58
July 1922 (0 02) (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaeb) ok 05 145 29 58
August 1922 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaebyok 05 1 45 29 58
Octobei 1922 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Kaebyok 05 07 1 45 29 58
Novembei (0 02) (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
1922
Kaebyok 05 145 29 58
Febmaiy 1923 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Paejae 05
Maich 1923
Kaebyok 05 1 45 29 58
May 1923 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Sinch 'onji
August 1923
Kaebyok 05 1 45 29 58
Octobei 1923 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Sinyosong 03 0 85 16 3
June 1924
Ydngdae 05 1 45 28
Octobei 1924 (0 002)
689
Foui
monthly mag, Thiee thi ee issues,
One one month Special issues/ legulai Six six Twelve
Issue daily newspapei issue months and one issues/ 1 egulai issues/
papei subscnption (postage) (postage) special/ months and two months
(postage) thiee special
months
(postage)
Tonga ilbo 08
Novembei 24, 0 04 (0 15) 2 75 5 45 109
1924
Yongdae 0 38
Decembei (0 02) 1 15 21
1924
Tonga ilbo 08
January 1, 0 04 (0 15) 2 75 5 45 10 9
1925
Tonga ilbo 08
January 4, 0 04 (0 15) 2 75 5 45 109
1925
Kaebyok 05 07 1 44 2 88 5 76
January 1925 (0 02) (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Yongdae 0 38 11 21
January 1925 (0 02)
Swyosong 03 0 85
Jdnuaiy 1925
Tonga ilbo 08
Febmaiy 2, 0 04 (0 15) 2 75 5 45 109
1925
Choson
mundan 04 07 17 33
Apul1925
Kaebyok 05 07 144 2 88 5 76
May 1925 (0 02) (0 06) (0 12) (0 24)
Choson
mundan 04 07 17 33
July 1925
690
Four
monthly mag; Three three issues,
One one month Special issues/ regular Six six Twelve
Issue daily newspaper issue months and one issues/ regular issues/
paper subscription (postage) (postage) special/ months and two months
(postage) three special
months
(postage)
Tonga ilbo 0.04 0.8 2.75 5.45 10.9

July 21, 1925 (0.15)
Choson
mundan 0.4 0.7 1.7 3.2
October 1925
Munmyong 0.3
December (0.02) 0.92
1925
691
Appendix 3.8
Advertising Rates Listed
in Colophons (in won)
Special First Second Second

Journal Issue Full Grade Grade Grade
Page Full Half Full
Page Page Page
Haksaenggye
July 1920 25 16 10
Haksaenggye
October 1920 25 16 10
Haksaenggye
December
1920 25 16 7 10
Haksaenggye
January 1921 25 16 7 10
Haksaenggye
April 1921 25 16 7 10
Haksaenggye
May 1921 25 16 10
Journal Issue most expensive least expensive
Choson mundan
April 1925 30
Choson mundan
July 1925 30
Choson mundan
October 1925 30
692
Special First First First Second Second Second Third Third Third
Journal Issue Full Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade
Page 1/4 1/2 Full 1/4 1/2 Full 1/4 1/2 Full
Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page Page
Kaebyok
August 1921
Before
Increase 30 6 11 20 3.5 6.5 12 3 6 10
After
Increase 45 10.5 18 30 7 12 20 4.5 8 15
Src: Ch'oe Su-il, "Kaebyok" yon'gu, 307. Kim So-wol did not appear in this issue of Kaeyok.
One line 30 chon 20 chon

One of fourteen One line One line for the for the
line of characters of nine of seven equivalent of equivalent of
Issue of fourteen in 5-ho type characters characters each line of each line of
Tonga ilbo characters if included inA-ho in 2-ho 5-ho type if 5-ho type if
in 5-ho with other type type placement on placement on
type ads specific pages a specific day
is requested is requested
April 9,
1921 1.5 0.3 0.2
April 27,
1921 1.5 0.3 0.2
June 8,
1921 1.5 0.3 0.2
June 14,
1921 1.5 0.3 0.2
November
24,1924 1.5 0.3 0.2
January 1,
1925 1.5 0.3 0.2
693
30 chon 20 chon
One One line for the for the
line of of fourteen One line One line equivalent of equivalent of
Issue of fourteen characters of nine of seven each line of each line of
Tonga ilbo characters in 5-ho type characters characters 5-ho type if 5-ho type if
in 5-/70 if included inA-ho \r\2-ho placement on placement on
type with other type type specific pages a specific day
ads is requested is requested
January 4,
1925 1 2 1.5 2 0.3 0.2
February
2, 1925 1 2 1.5 2 0.3 0.2
July 21,
1925 1 2 1.5 2 0.3 0.2
Appendix 3.9
Account numbers
1. Ch'angjosa 610
furikae koza T5ky5 4474
2. Hoeik Sogwan 610

3. Hansong TosQ Chusik Hoesa Ch'ulp'anbu 613, 618, 620, 622, 624, 626
4. Tonga Ilbosa 627, 628, 629, 630, 661, 664, 665, 672, 679
chinch'e kujwa Kyongsong 355 p5n
5. Kaebyoksa 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652, 656, 658, 667, 671, 676
6. Munudang 660
694
chinch'c Kyongsong 5784 pon
8. Yongdaesa 663, 669

9. Kwahak T'ongsinsa 683

chinch'e Kyongsong 14, 881 pon
Appendix 3.10
Telephone Numbers
1. Kaebyoksa 632, 634, 636, 638, 640, 644, 648, 650, 652, 656, 658, 667, 671, 676
tel: 1104 pon
tel: Kwanghwamun 1104/ [Kwanghwamun] 42
2. Tonga Ilbosa 627, 628, 629, 630, 661, 664, 665, 672, 679
tel: (editorial) 1537 pon (business) 3146 pon
tel: (editorial) 1345 pon; 1346 p6n
{illegible) 1347 p6n; 1348 pon
3. Hansong TosQ Chusik Hoesa Ch'ulp'anbu 613, 618, 620, 622, 624, 626
tel: 1479 pon

695
Appendix 3.11
Authors That Appeared With Kim So-wol
(Authors with Identifiable Given Names—
Arranged by Given Name in Korean
[Ka Na Ta] Alphabetical Order)
Note
The following includes authors listed in the tables of contents in the journals in which Kim So-
wol's work appeared or were identified by a by-line in the Tonga ilho. If an author appeared more
than once with Kim So-w5l, "Issue" refers to the first time the author appeared. The names of
foreign authors do not usually appear in the tables of contents of these periodicals. The foreign
authors I list here are are those that I have been able to identify from the contents of these
periodicals. They are alphabetized by family name. There are a number of foreign authors I have
not been able to identify.
Sources and Abbreviations
Puram: [O Yong-sik ^ ^ M ]. "Aho pyolmyong mit p'ilmyong yemyong illam

ffl'Jk 'M"J/i ^ %%i S ^ —% (A register of nom deguerre, aliases, pen
names, and nom deplume)" Puram t'ongsin 12 (November 2005): 160-
227.
'Kaebyok" p'ilmyong: Ch'oe Su-il s | ^<2J. "'Kaebyok' p'ilmyong saegin r7fl ^1 Til TA
S. O
Afl O]
- I 1_i
(Index of pen names in Kaebyok)." In "Kaebyok" yon'gu
[
F7fl
n^s3 3 , ^ (A Study of Kaebyok), 738-741. Seoul: Somyong
Ch'ulp'ansa, 2008.
Yi: Yi Sang-gy5ng °] A&^%. "Puin" eso "Sinyosong" kkaji: kundae

yosong ySn'gu ui kich'o charyo r j f *?]j ^1 Ai r ^l ^ •*§ a ^}7-} '•
^ ^ ^ Q^Z] ASLA-S. (From Puin [Wife] to Sinyosong [New
women]: primary materials for the study of modern women)." In Puin/
Sinyosong >M A/?/f ^cti. (Wife/ new women), K'ep'oi Puksu reprint of
Puin and Sinyosong, vol. 1, 3-35. Seoul: K'ep'oi Puksu Ch'ulp'ansa, 2009.
Kuksa: Kuksa P'yonch'an WiwSnhoe database, http://db.history.go.kr. Records in

the database can sometimes conflict or be incorrect. Where I cite it, I have
checked multiple records called up by a search in an attempt to ensure what
I report is correct. Waejong inmul refers to Waejong sidae inmul saryo If
l&Wj ftA'#?'iif4 (Historical sources about people during the Japanese
colonial period). About this source, see Chang Sin -Q'Q. "Ilche ha ui
yosich'al kwa Waejong sidae inmul saryo s^l*}^l -8_A] Is"2r
r
fc&W ft A ^ '£.P[$ (The surveillance system and the Waejong sidae
inmul saryo)." Yoksa nonmun cheyon'gu no. 11( December 2003): 143-177.
696
Han'guk chapchi: Ch'oe Tok-kyo 2-] ^ _ul. ed. Han 'guk chapchi paengnyon §f(Mf(t„.i 77 ^f-
(One hundred years of Korean journals). 3 vols. Seoul: Hyonamsa, 2004.
Yun: Yun P6m-mo f+J'L'f. "1910-yondae ui soyang hoehwa suyong kwa

chakka uisik 1910 ^-1X$\ &&BiMi fi^-A \'\ SJEsulc (The acceptance
of Western-style painting in the 1910s and the thought of [Korean]
painters)." Misul sahakyon gu (September 1994): 111-156.
Kwon: Kwon Yong-min M!%^ ifi, ed. Han'guk hyondae munin taesajon
*1- ^ &( cfl -g- tj- cfl A} ^1 (Encyclopedia of contemporary Korean literary
figures). Seoul: Soul Taehakkyo Ch'ulp'anbu, 2004.
Transliteration Transliteration
Given Name Alias Source Issue
(Given Name) (Alias)
Haksaenggye
:TES Kang Mae n/a n/a Kwon
January 1921
Kaebyok April Kaebyok
J^^SzE KangPong-ok n/a n/a
1923(Kuksa) February 1923
Kaebyok
^rAlM. KangChe-dong n/a n/a Kuksa
May 1923
Yongdae
fhfliM Ko Han-sung Kosari Puram December
1924
Tonga ilbo Tonga ilbo
|T7! &M. Ko Hui-dong Ch'un'gok January 1, January 1,
1925 1925
ft1}*
Tonga ilbo Kaebyok
Kwon Tok-kyu Aeryu
April 1, 1920 April 1922
Kaebyok
Kim Kyong-jae * ^t Choksong Kuksa
January 1925
Kaebyok
Kim Kyong-jae 4z%'-T: KimKwang-u Kuksa
January 1925
Yongdae
&mm Kim Kwan-ho £.1 Tongu Yun
October 1924
Kaebyok
sfelStt KimKwang-sik n/a n/a Kuksa
October 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
&MM Kim Ki-jon ty> # LU A Myohyang Sanin
p'ilmyong January 1922
697
Kaebyok
Kim Ki-j6n Ki-jon Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Kim Ki-j6n Kim Ki-jon Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Kim Ki-j6n Soch'un Puram
January 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Kim Ki-jin P'albong
p'ilmyong October 1923
Kaebyok
seWm Kim Ki-jm Yodolmoe Puram October 1923
Tonga ilbo
Kim Tong-song
se jfcnX Ch'olligu Puram April 9, 1921
XT "rt" Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in ^ 1 Eg! Kumdong Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in Ch'unsa Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in Siodim Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in *:£A Tongmunin Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in £m Kumdong Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo Ch 'angjo
Kim Tong-in AA Tongin
March 1920 March 1920
Tonga ilbo
Kim Tong-hwan GA P'ain November 24,
Puram
1924
Tonga ilbo
Kim Tong-hwan tLJtA Kangbugin November 24,
Puram
1924
Tonga ilbo
£&%& Kim Tong-hwan ,tiXN Ch'wigong November 24,
Puram
1924
Tonga ilbo
£M& Kim Tong-hwan /6/JlS- Ch'angnanggaek Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
Hanyang
&$L<$k Kim Tong-hwan &MW& Puram November 24,
Kwagaek
1924
698
„. T.T Transliteration ... Transliteration
Given Name ._,. , Alias ,.,. . Source Issue
(Given XT
Name) (Alias)
Tonga ilbo
y^
<&M% KimTong-hwan 91 Ch'osa Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
^LJWJS; KimTong-hwan Jp#^T C h ' o Pyongjong Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
4feM$k KimTong-hwan A.ft-1 MokPyongjong Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
isiz.0.$i KimTong-hwan hPi] Sok Pyongjong Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
lst$i'M KimTong-hwan Aft f Hwa Pyongjong Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
sfejfelt!! KimTong-hwan H E ill A Kangso Sanin Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
£ilft. Kim Tong-hwan KWH KWH Puram November 24,
1924
Tonga ilbo
Paeksan
<fetk^ KimTong-hwan SLU#&] Puram November 24,
Ch'Qngsu
1924
Choson Choson
Ml KimNang-un 1&-M Nang-un mundan mundan July
July 1925 1925
Kaebyok
^z H i3/? Kim Myong-sun WM T'ansil Puram January 1922
Kaebyok
ik^W- Kim Myong-sun WP^V Mangyangch'o Puram January 1922
Kaebyok July
ik&lfe KimPyong-jun n/a n/a Kuksa 1922
Choson
sfe iffi §k Kim Pyong-ho >m Kumam Puram mundan
April 1925
Sinyosong
^fezkJIII KimY6ng-sun n/a n/a Kuksa
January 1925
699
„ Transliteration ., Transliteration
Given XT
Name ir, Alias , . , •, Source Issue
(Given xT
Name) N
(Alias)
Tonga ilbo
Kaebyok
&HI i± Kim Ung-gak n/a n/a December 23,
April 1922
1924
Haksaenggye
3&lstH. KimWon-gun n/a n/a Kuksa
May 1921
Choson
Kim Yun-gyong Puram mundan
&±u •Sk Ilp'a
July 1925
Choson
&jtVr Kim Yun-gyong %^ Han'gyol Puram mundan
July 1925
Ch 'angjo
£&{£ KimChong-sik £MJ] Kim So-wol Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
ikm& Kim Chong-sik MB So-wol Puram
March 1920
Tonga ilbo
Ch angjo
^KIK. KimChong-sik s}^ Humdal November 24,
March 1920
1924
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Kim Chong-jin JrJJ Unjong
p'llmyong Februaiy 1923
Choson
Kim Chi-hwan SL Ilch'on Puram mundan
July 1925
Haksaenggye
Kim Ch'an-yong ^rttf^ Kim Yu-bang Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
Kim Ch'an-yong Iffî Yu-bang Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
Kim Ch'an-yong MX Kugyong Puram
July 1920
Kaebyok
Kim Ch'ang-sul £f A Yam Puram
May 1925
Kaebyok Kaebyok
&X%. Kim Ch'6n-u K ± K Saeng
May 1923 May 1923
Choson
&m?5 Kim P'll-su n/a n/a Kuksa mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
^'fflx Kim Hyong-won h®. SSksong Puram
January 1922
Ch 'angjo
Kim Hwan n/a n/a Kwon
March 1920
700
Haksaenggye
Mm Kim Hui-gwon 4H6, Kim Ok Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
Kim Hui-gwon Ifc&Wf, Kim Anso Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
Mm Kim Hui-gwon ^"1' Anso Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
M*m Kim Hui-gwdn &W%{L Anso Saeng Puram
July 1920
"Kaebyok" Haksaenggye
M*m Kim Hui-gwon teA 6 k Saeng
p'ilmyong July 1920
Haksaenggye
Mm Kim Hui-gwon AS AS Puram July 1920
Paejae
Na Kyong-son ID I? To-hyang Puram March 1923
Paejae
Na Kyong-son W \ty Nabin Puram March 1923
Paejae
wJ6.0k Na Kyong-son M Unha Puram March 1923
Paejae
Na Kyong-son ^ • r i t Sojong chi Ong Puram March 1923
Choson
Na Hye-sok nHpil Chongwol Puram mundan
October 1925
See Haksaenggye
No Ki-j5ng n/a n/a
Chapter Two April 1921
Kaebyok KaebyokJuly
; ar$i No Su-hyon 'O-nii Simsan
July 1922 1922
Han 'guk
Ch 'angjo
No Cha-yong m Ch'unsong chapchi, vol.
March 1920
2, pg. 296
"KaebySk" Ch 'angjo
No Cha-yong ^7-
H Kkumkil
p'ilmyong March 1920
2 Ch 'angjo
No Cha-yong #AiJ KkumuiKil Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
No Cha-yong ^ H KkumuiKil Puram
March 1920
Kaebyok
Kaebyok
No Chong-il Iru March 1922
January 1922
(Kuksa)
701
Paejae
21U& Mun Se-yong uJJl Ch'ongnam Puram
March 1923
Haksaenggye
Mun Il-p'y6ng >ltez Hoam Puram
October 1920
Tonga ilbo Kaebyok
3c ^ A Mun T'ae-s5n n/a n/a
July 2, 1927 April 1922
Kaebyok
See
BiJ^v/M Mm Yong-sun n/a n/a November
Chapter Three
1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Pak Tal-song fa-tyk Ch'unp'a
p'llmyong January 1922
Tonggyong "Kaebyok" Kaebyok
PakTal-s5ng ^ ^ 1
Ch'unje p'llmyong January 1922
Tonga ilbo
Pak Sog-yun Ally! Saebyol Puram January 4,
1925
Tonga ilbo
mL Pak Sog-yun i/tJ Pakch'on Puram January 4,
1925
Munmyong
>ll)|3tjjL Pak Sun-byong n/a n/a Kuksa December
1925
Kaebyok
Î^LK PakYong-hui Ml H PakHoe-wol Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
Ih3i lffi PakYong-luu &|% Song-un Puram
January 1925
Pangch'on Kaebyok
Jl^ffi PakYQng-hm ^tt§,l Puram
Hyangdo January 1925
Munmyong
>H—35. Pak Il-byong -#^ Ch'undo Kuksa December
1925
Kaebyok
4-h^/^ Pak Chong-hong ^M Yoram Kuksa
April 1922
Kaebyok
/fh^Tn Pak Chong-hwa JF\-J1M PakWolt'an Puram
May 1923
Kaebyok
/IhMIn Pak Chong-hwa FJ #|| Wolt'an Puram
May 1923
Kaebyok
irhiffrl Pak Chong-hwa #M Ch'unp'ung Puram
May 1923
702
_, Transliteration ... Transliteration
Given XT
Name ,„. ,., . Alias ,... . Source Issue
Kaebyok
^hU^n Pak Chong-hwa Chosuru chuin Puram
A May 1923
Kaebyok
/frliFW Pak Chong-hwa Chosuru chuin Puram
A May 1923
Choson
JjtU Pang In-gun S/fu Ch'unhae Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
lit n Pang In-gun £fS Pyokp'a Puram mundan
October 1925
"KaebySk" Kaebyok
Pang Chong-hwan -if A£ ^£ Moksong Saeng
p'ilmyong February 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Pang Chong-hwan -^f ô1 Moksong
p'ilmyong Febmary 1922
Kaebyok
Pang Chong-hwan dN/i>£ Sop'a Puram
February 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
jj-Aim Pang Chong-hwan ?b# Chanmul
Kaebyok
Pang Chong-hwan -cr^f e| Un P'ari Puram
February 1922
Sinyosong Kaebyok
-ftKM Pang Chong-hwan Ibc^r^ Un P'ari
January 1925 February 1922
Kaebyok
Pang Chong-hwan ffiS^t Ssang S Saeng
Puram February 1922
Choson
j^jSEE Pyon Song-ok n/a n/a mundan July
Kuksa 1925
Kaebyok July
Pyon Y6ng-no Suju
Puram 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Py5n Yong-man Kongmyong
p'ilmySng October 1923
Kaebyok
nt±^ Son U-j6n n/a n/a Kuksa
January 1922
Kaebyok
&#& Son Hyo-jun n/a n/a Kuksa
May 1923
Choson
Waejong
Song Tong-man 5fc Altfn Song Pong-so mundan July
$is inmul (Kuksa)
1925
703
Alias Source Issue
Choson
Waejong
Song Tong-man A^r^ Song Pong-u mundan July
inmul (Kuksa)
1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Sin Sik /[_/-'# A KanghoHagin
p'ilmyong June 1922
Choson
An Sok-chu ^£ Sog-yong Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
An Sok-chu 'JZ EH $5 An Chon-yong Puram mundan July
1925
Munmyong
An Ir-yong n/a n/a Kuksa December
1925
Kaebyok
An Chae-hong R li Mmse Kuksa
January 1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Yang Chu-dong icM Muae
Sinyosong Kaebyok
Yang Chu-dong itjfe4 Chu-dong Saeng
January 1925 February 1923
Kaebyok
Yom Sang-sop W-& Sang-sop Puram January 1922
Kaebyok
Yom Sang-sop %H ChewSl Puram January 1922
Kaebyok
Yom Sang-sop Wi JJ- Hoengbo Puram January 1922
Haksaenggye
O Sang-sun fliS; Sonun December
Puram
1920
Haksaenggye
O Sang-sun ?EiM Kongch'o December
Puram
1920
Haksaenggye
O Sang-sun hLM SSnghae December
Puram
1920
Ch 'angjo
O Ch'on-sok ~k:M Ch'on-won Puram
March 1920
Han 'guk
Ch 'angjo
O Ch'on-sok <i <2i Eden chapchi, vol.
March 1920
2, pg. 296
704
Ch 'angjo
RA®, O Ch'6n-sok -*1- Tongsan chapchi, vol.
March 1920
2,pg 296
Choson Choson
tMJHQ Yu To-sun -TrSLlr Yu To-sun miindan July mundan April
1925 1925
Munmyong
Yu Pong-yong V<Lil Ansan Puram December
mw.% 1925
Munmyong
fom« Yu Pong-yong r
|»|
J \k Ch'ongwon Kuksa December
1925
Munmyong
Tanbong Puram December
mn.it Yu Pong-yong
)m 1925
Munmyong
^ # Yun Ik-son it^j- Hwagok Puram December
1925
Choson
^•m >: Yi Kwan-gu s} ^} ^ Yi Kwan-gu Kuksa mundan April
1925
Choson
yi>-
M Yi Kwan-gu #5U Hwasa Kuksa mundan April
1925
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su -£:W$. YiPo-gy5ng Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su ^F PI Ch'unwon Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su ^ 2j o] Kkokkkogi Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su rjTptjîy^ Kyongso Hagin Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
^ ft ft Yi Kwang-su MJtl Koju Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su 5W Noa Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su # 1 ^ Noaja Puram
January 1922
Puram Kaebyok
3=3£<* Yi Kwang-su ^ ^ Tangbaek
January 1922
705
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su if St Pogyong Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su h'&l&h SokkokKain Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su MS Changbaek Puram
^%m
-F:
January 1922
Changbaek Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su Puram
-f ym KtiiliA
Sanin January 1922
Kaebyok
; « Yi Kwang-su Olbori Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Kwang-su Puram
«a Oebae January 1922
Kaebyok
4= Yi Kwang-su £=1 Tanmoe Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
$ Yi Kwang-su 'S'SITE"*!" Tanmoe Munhak Puram
January 1922
Tonga ilbo
^JMztc Yi Ku-yong n/a n/a Kuksa January 1,
1925
Kaebyok
^ ^ T K Yi Ki-yong Minch'on Puram
May 1925
Kaebyok
Yi Ton-hwa fîi' Yaroe Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Ton-hwa H Hi 111 A Paekdu Sanin Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Ton-hwa "?A#U Ch'anghae Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Ton-hwa Choam Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Yi Min-ch'ang n/a n/a Kuksa
May 1925
Choson Choson
$ Yi Pyong-gi fll Kanam mundan mundan July
July 1925 1925
Choson
Tonga ilbo
&%W Yi Pyong-gi 7r^ Karam mundan July
July 21, 1925
1925
706
Choson
^mk Yi Pyong-gi •Jroffna Karam Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
« ^ Yi Pyong-gi ffl£ Imdang Puram mundan July
1925
Tonga ilbo
&M.& Yi Pong-su n/a n/a Kuksa
July 21, 1925
Munmyong
$FSfV Yi Sang-jae nib Wollam Puram December
1925
Munmyong
M4- Yi Sang-jae fJIfi Kyeho Puram December
1925
Kaebyok
^ffl>i: Yi Sang-jong « YiSik Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok
^MFI/E Yi Sang-jong «/£ Yi Y6n-ho Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok
^n*/i: Yi Sang-jong BSrfj Ch'ongnam Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok
3NFI5E Yi Sang-jong mm Sanun Kuksa
July 1922
Sinyosong
=Ml*n Yi Sang-hwa ®!k Sanghwa Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
$M Yi Sang-hwa /firr W
Muryang Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
4N-RW Yi Sang-hwa * I f MuryangsSng Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
3MH*n Yi Sang-hwa E^ Paenga Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
4Mn*n Yi Sang-hwa ^ Munwi Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
$ffi*p Yi Sang-hwa Sanghwa Puram
January 1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
^s Yi Song-t'ae YSL YS Saeng
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
3^& Yi Song-hwan i§* Pyokt'a
707
Kaebyok
Yi Song-hwan n/a n/a Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok
4 KM Yi Yong-suk n/a n/a Kuksa
February 1923
Sinyosong
^> »v Yi Un-sang Nosan Puram
mn January 1925
Sinyosong
Yi Un-sang Tuusong Yi
^mw January 1925
Sinyosong
^m Yi Un-sang m\ Namch'on Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
Yi Un-sang Yokchi Toin Puram
^mn January 1925
^-5 Ptt
Sinyosong
f-%m Yi Un-sang Puktu Yi
January 1925
Sinyosong
Yi Un-sang Igong Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
Yi Un-sang Unsang Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
y^î ffl Yi Ik-sang Il5 Songhae Kw6n
January 1925
Tonga dbo Kaebyok
^Kzk Yi In-y5ng n/a n/a
June 13,1928 February 1922
Ch 'angjo
4- Yill 4tPS Tong-won Puram March 1920
Kaebyok
***** Yi Chong-nin j$UU Hwangsan Kuksa January 1922
Kaebyok
ImKyu Ujong Kuksa June 1922
Sinyosong
Im Suk-chae n/a n/a Kuksa
January 1925
Choson
Im Yong-bin n/a n/a Kuksa mundan July
1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Im Chang-hwa No-wol
Kaebyok
Chang T6k-su ffi'Uj Solsan Puram
January 1922
708
„ ,. Transliteration ., Transliteration
Given Name ,„ ,, , Alias ,., . Source Issue
Tonga ilbo
Haksaenggye
'jk^B.M. Chang To-bm ^|z, Sanun February 2,
July 1920
1927
Ch angjo
mift/! Chon Yong-t'aek Nulbom Pw am March 1920
Ch 'angjo
m^/f Chon Yong-t'aek TA Ch'uho Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
mX/T Chon Yong-t'aek KS Changch'un Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
mtfj)' Chon Yong-t'aek ^-g- Pat Nulbom Puram March 1920
Nongmin
Kaebyok
J X.^ ChongYong-t'ae ftJH Token'on August 1930
February 1923
(Kuksa)
Kaebyok
M%-
m-^-Mt Cho Ki-gan n/a n/a
Kuksa February 1922
Choson
#{) & Cho Chu-hyon t±? . Choun mundan April
Puram 1925
Choson
££!$£ Cho Chu-hyon i$JI|fi|3 ChongjuNang Pwraw mundan April
1925
Sinyosong
«3£ Cho Chun-gi ^% Ch'un'gwang Kwon
January 1925
Kaebyok
ikMH Chu Yo-sop It '5 Yosim Puram
October 1922
Kaebyok
'XW& Chu Yo-sop ^fe It' Kumsong Puram
October 1922
Ch 'angjo
tkWffi Chu Yo-han S-fP Yohan Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
xmw Chu Yo-han â Songa Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
itmrn Chu Yo-han mn Polkkot Puram
March 1920
s ^
Ch 'angjo
xw^ Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
%LM%I Chu Yo-han 3K.-fAiliA Nangmm Sanm Puram
March 1920
709
Ch 'angjo
mm Chu Yo-han Kujappyong Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
xnm Chu Yo-han &m PaeksQn Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
&ti?fti Chu Yo-han bm% Orina Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
'xnm Chu Yo-han •ftfijUi Hanch'ongsan Puram
March 1920
Kaebyok
4MA^ Ch'a Sang-ch'an f^ Ch'ongo Kuksa November
1922
Choson
HAM Ch'aeMan-sik £lii Paengnung Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik «t^ Ch'aeong Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik "TW Hwaso Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'aeMan-sik &m-iiA Hoyondangin Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik 'ttft'M Hobindang Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik i\M± Pugung Saeng Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik SfeiSd Unjong Kosa Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik W «s Tan • S Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
HAM Ch'ae Man-sik g-s Ssang • S Puram mundan July
1925
710
„. ,T Transliteration ... Transliteration
Given Name ,„. , Alias ,... . Source Issue
(Given XT
Name) (Alias)
Choson
UlSitll Ch'ae Man-sik *£.\h'\_ Kumsan Saeng Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
H£M Ch'ae Man-sik fSlil^kA Kumsan Saengin Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
W.\^'^f Ch'oe Nam-son Kongnyuk Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
ftm-# Ch'oe Nam-son /\4 Yuktang Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
tt m W Ch'oe Nam-son Hansaem Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
WffJS- Ch'oe Nam-son p^£(EtEA Namak Chuin Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
#I-TJ?I Ch'oe Nam-son tlfellnjA Kokkyoin Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
WWW Ch'oe Nam-sQn A'1£#A Yuktang Hagin Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
Sr%#- Ch'oe Nam-son jt£[$4l Ch'ukhan Saeng Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
# . N&H- Ch'oe Nam-son AP--S Taemongch'oe Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
W\M% Ch'oe Nam-son HS^tt Paekun Hyangdo Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
Hl^t? Ch'oe Nam-son "jlSbllA In'gyongToin Puram mundan
October 1925
Kaebyok
ffjW Ch'oe Tong-o Hill Uisan Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
iilCH^ Ch'oe Tong-o ^M Hagwon Kuksa
January 1922
711
_,. Transliteration ... Transliteration
Given XT
Name ,„. . Alias ,... , Source Issue
(Given XT
Name) (Alias)
Munmyong
W$S Ch'oe Rin -£ Kou Puram December
1925
Munmyong
m% Ch'oe Rin ,!,£4 Kou Saeng Puram December
1925
Munmyong
Ch'oe Rin An/t Yoam Puram December
m 1925
Paejae
#HW Ch'oe Pyong-hwa Kojop Puram
March 1923
Choson
WMi Ch'oe Sang-hyon 'Sl^t Ungang Saeng Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
Wmt Ch'oe Sang-hyon tiVA Ch'ongsong Puram mundan July
1925
Kaebyok
WMtk Ch'oe Sung-man Kflkkom Puram
July 1922
Kaebyok
W7kM Ch'oe Sung-man J&iTe Kungnving Puram
July 1922
Kaebyok
W. 7k r*j Ch' oe Sung-man |fo % Kukkwang Puram
July 1922
Haksaenggye
#A$jf Ch'oe Par-yong Jfei^l Tangnam Puram
April 1921
Choson
Witlfc' Ch'oe Hak-song ttgfg Sohae Puram mundan April
1925
Choson
m%tk Ch'oe Hak-song i§|lt£ Solbong Puram mundan April
1925
Choson
v
|S?Bfe Ch'oe Hak-song £if P'ungnyon Puram mundan April
1925
Paejae Paejae
^BftfS HanPyong-hui n/a n/a
arch 1923 March 1923
Kaebyok
SffliC HyonSang-yun dNJP Sosong Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
^ffliC HyonSang-yun S|l£ Kidang Puram
January 1922
712
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
AIMtt Hyon Chin-gon Pingho
Kaebyok
2 fail Hyon Hui-un 2; ft Hy5n Ch'61 Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
£«& Hyon Hui-un Hyondang Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Hyon Hui-un "Mi Hyojong Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Hyon Hui-un Hyojong Saenj Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Hyon Hui-un Se Yu-ong Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Hyon Hui-un Haeam Puram
January 1922
Sinyosong
Hong Myong-hui &&) Pyokch'o Kuksa
January 1925
Sinyosong
Hong Myong-hui *TA Kain Kuksa
January 1925
Kaebyok
Hong Yong-hu Nan-p'a Kuksa
February 1923
'Kaebyok" Kaebyok
lHWo^h Hwang S5g-u Sok Saeng
Kaebyok
Hwang Ui-don /fuW Haewon Puram
January 1922
Andersen, Ch 'angjo
Hans December
Christian 1920
Tonga ilbo
Bai Juyi
February 2,
1925
Baudelaire, Kaebyok
Charles October 1922
Bryant,
Haksaenggye
William
October 1920
Cull en
Chirikov, Kaebyok
Evgenii July 1922
Darwin, Haksaenggye
Charles April 1921
713
de Balzac, Kaebyok
Honore August 1922
de
Paejae
Maupassant,
March, 1923
Guy
Haksaenggye
Dickens,
December
Charles
1920
Dolph, Fred Kaebyok
A. January, 1925
Dowson, Yongdae
Ernest October, 1924
Munmyong
DuFu
December,
flfll 1925
France, Kaebyok
Anatole July 1922
Garshin, Kaebyok
Vsevolod July 1922
Goethe, Ch 'angjo
Johann March 1920
Gorky, Kaebyok
Maxim July 1922
Grimm Haksaenggye
Brothers July 1920
Harden, Tonga ilbo
Maximilian April 9, 1921
Heine, Ch 'angjo
Heinrich March 1920
Kaebyok
Hugo, Victor
January 1922
Yongdae
Ibsen, Henrik December
1924
Irving, Sinyosong
Washington January 1925
Lagerlof, Kaebyok July
Selma 1922
714
Latane, John Tonga ilbo
H. April 9, 1921
Lenin, Kaebyok
Vladimir May 1923
Liang Qichao Kaebyok
October 1922
LiBai Yongdae
January 1925
Longfellow,
Paejae
Henry
March 1923
Wadsworth
Mbrike, Yongdae
Eduard January 1925
Naidu, Kaebyok
Sarojini July 1922
Tonga ilbo
Picasso,
November 24,
Pablo
1924
Poe, Edgar Kaebyok
Allan October 1922
Reeve, Tonga ilbo
Arthur B. April 9, 1921
Rolland, Kaebyok
Romain August 1922
Shakespeare, Haksaenggye
William January 1921
Starr, Tonga ilbo
Frederick June 8, 1921
Synge, John Kaebyok
Millington July 1922
Tagore, Kaebyok
Rabindranath July 1922
Teasdale, Yongdae
Sara January 1925
Tennyson, Haksaenggye
Alfred Lord January 1921
Yongdae
Turgenev,
December
Ivan
1924
715
Given Name (Given Name) Alias Source Issue
(Alias)
Wagner, Sinyosong
Richard January 1925
Choson
Wang Shifu
mundan July
1925
Wen
Yongdae
Zhengming
October 1924
Whitman, Kaebyok
Walt July 1922
Kaebyok
Wilde, Oscar November
1922
Yeats,
Kaebyok
William
April 1922
Butler
716
Appendix 3.12
Authors That Appeared With Kim So-wol
(Authors with Identifiable Given
Names—Arranged by Alias in Korean
Alphabetical Order [Ka Na Taj)
Transliteration Given Transliteration

Alias Sources Issue
(Alias) Name (Given Name)
Choson Choson
ffl& Kanam A*
Mk Yi Pyong-gi mundan mundan
July 1925 July 1925
Tonga ilbo Choson
A &i- Karam ^mfe Yi Pyong-gi July 21, mundan
1925 July 1925
Choson
.561 u u Karam 9= Mil Yi Pyong-gi Puram mundan July
1925
.711 A W Sinyosong
«TA Kain UK MU 70.
Hong Myong-hui Kuksa
January 1925
Tonga ilbo
U-itA Kangbugin <t^.i% Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24, 1924
Tonga ilbo
iLpCllllA KangsoSanin îlJH Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
tL P ^ A Kangho Hagin ^ di Sin Sik
p'ilmyong June 1922
Kaebyok
J^FWA Kyongso Hagin ^%'& Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Munmyong
^m Kyeho ^r± Yi Sang-jae Puram December
1925
Yongdae
jLAfe} Kosari Mm Ko Han-sung Puram December
1924
Munmyong
Kou #01? Ch'oe Rin Puram December
1925
Munmyong
T^Sî Kou Saeng Ch'oe Rin Puram December
1925
717
Alias Sources Issue
Paejae
M Kojop W&1\\ Ch'oe Pyong-hwa Puram
March 1923
Kaebyok
lOvif] Koju « / * Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Choson
rfliÂ Kokkyoin #lTJtV Ch'oe Nam-s5n Puram mundan
October 1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
&m Kongmyong -tx.m Py5n Yong-man
p'llmyong October 1923
Choson
Â Kongnyuk WM Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Haksaenggye
[
&X£ Kongch'o jim& 0 Sang-sun Puram December
1920
Haksaenggye
MX Kugyong ±^7K Kim Ch'an-y5ng Puram
July 1920
Ch 'angjo
^)iUK Kujappyong xnm Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Kaebyok
1 1=1 Kukkom WTkh Ch'oe Sung-man Puram
July 1922
Kaebyok
w% Kukkwang WT&M Ch'oe Sung-man Puram
July 1922
Kaebyok
M£ Kungnung îKh Ch'oe Sung-man Puram
July 1922
Ch 'angjo
?$m. Kumdong 4t&{ Kim Tong-in Puram
March 1920
Choson
*gUi^L Kumsan Saeng HAW Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Choson
£iU££A Kumsan Saengin HI? It! Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
&M Kumsong 'xmbi Chu Yo-sop Puram
October 1922
Haksaenggye
&^HS Kim Anso <&W¥k Kim Hui-gwon Puram
July 1920
Choson
Udife Kumam 4zM% Kim Pyong-ho Puram mundan
April 1925
718
Alias Souices Issue
Haksaenggye
Kim Ok Kim Hui-gwon Puram
July 1920
Kaebyok
Ms! Kidang HkWft Hyon Sang-yun Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Ki-jon Kim Ki-j5n Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
&%* Kim Kwang-u Kim Kong-jae Kuksa
January 1925
Kaebyok
Mam Kim Ki-jon Kim Ki-jon Puram
January 1922
Ch 'angjo
£^ Kumdong Kim Tong-in Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kim So-wol &£(£ Kim Chong-sik Puram
March 1920
mm KimYu-bang #IJ*TK Kim Ch'an-yong Puram

Haksaenggye
July 1920
Kaebyok
Kkokkkogi $ */* Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
"Kaebyok" Ch 'angjo
Kkumkil lis, ~{-lt No Cha-yong
p'ilmyong March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kkum ui Kil \M~fffi. No Cha-y5ng Puram March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Kkum ui Kil : ? 6k No Cha-yong Puram March 1920
Paejae
Nabin mm% Na Kyong-son Puram March 1923
Kaebyok
Nan-p'a I^TRJ? Hong Yong-hu Kuksa February
1923
Choson
PrlW-Â Namak Chuin #F^# Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Sinyosong
nun Namch'on $ Yi Un-sang Puram
January 1925
Ch 'angjo
^MvklllA Nangnim Sanin ffj Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Choson Choson
<&£ Nangun &&: Kim Nang-un mundan mundan July
July 1925 1925
719
Alias Sources Issue
Sinyosong
^LlJ Nosan *gyn Yi Un-sang Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
&K< Noa 4=%/* Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
^K'-f- Noaja -$%& Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
i%n No-wol #Rfn Im Chang-hwa
Ch 'angjo
2. • Nulbom mn/f Ch5n Yong-t'aek Puram
March 1920
Choson
m •S Tan«S HHKf Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Munmyong
;w Tanbong syjum Yu Pong-yong Puram December
1925
Kaebyok
%3\ Tanmoe ^X/* Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
%3)&^ Tanmoe Munhak 4*/* Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Haksaenggye
iJS\ki Tangnam it AM Ch'oe Par-yong Puram
April 1921
Kaebyok
^ Tangbaek ^%fr Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Choson
4 Tttrtii Taemongch'oe W-ffils- Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Nongmin
Kaebyok
August
feJII Tokch'on TICS Chong Yong-t'ae
1930
February
1923
(Kuksa)
Paejae
TS# To-hyang ns.?^ Na Kyong-son Puram
March 1923
Tonggyong "Kaebyok" Kaebyok
^ ^ l Ch'unje
*biifi£ Pak Tal-song
Ch 'angjo
MA Tongmunin «t Kim Tong-in Puram
March 1920
720
Alias Sources Issue
Han 'guk
chapchi, Ch 'angjo
Tongsan >;ix% O Ch'on-sok
vol. 2, pg. March 1920
296
Yongdae
Tongu ±W^ Kim Kwan-ho Yun
October 1924
y*>.-
Ch 'angjo
Tong-won Yill Puram
March 1920
Ch 'angjo
Ch 'angjo
Tongin Kim Tong-in March
±^c 1920
March 1920
Sinyosong
•^j-t if Tuusong 4?pa Yi Un-sang Yi January 1925
Kaebyok
^ # 9 Mangyangch' o ^ lifl ^ Kim Myong-sun Puram January 1922
Tonga ilbo
A& j MokPyongjong zfefkltli Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Kaebyok
JS-A-J "Kaebyok"
—I o Moksong ^•Aim Pang Chong-hwan February
p'ilmy5ng
1922
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
^H3£ MoksSng Saeng JJZ&L Pang Chong-hwan
p'ilmyong
February
1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
!>#UJA Myohyang Sanin &AS& Kim Ki-jon
Sinyosong
"T"^ Munwi 4Mflft Yi Sang-hwa Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
JS|JJ|, Muryang 4sfflW Yi Sang-hwa Puram
January 1925
Sinyosong
/flTr u C]
MuryangsSng ^10 w Yi Sang-hwa Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
±Hf Muae ^trii Yang Chu-dong
p'ilmyong
February
1923
Kaebyok
KU£ Minse %h:m An Chae-hong Kuksa
January 1925
Kaebyok
mi Minch'on ^%7% Yi Ki-yong Puram
May 1925
721
Alias Sources Issue
Kaebyok
Ih/Lfll PakWolt'an Ih&Ffll Pak Chong-hwa Puram
May 1923
Tonga 11bo
UfJ Pakch'on M^ltL Pak Sog-yun Puram January 4,
1925
Kaebyok
Ihfej! Pak Hoewol Pak Y6ng-hui Puram
January 1925
Ch'angjo
>, s n Pat Nulbom Chon Yong-t'aek Puram
March 1920
Pangch'on Kaebyok
Pak Yong-hui Puram
Mm& Hyangdo January 1925
Choson
H^ Paengnung Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
& SR Lil A Paekdu Sanin A>- Yi Ton-hwa Puram
mt January 1922
Tonga ilbo
Paeksan
^Lil^fij £M Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
Ch'ongsu
24,1924
A Ch 'angjo
Paekson Mnm Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Sinyosong
Paega Mfli Yi Sang-hwa Puram
January 1925
Choson
&E§tJi Paekun Hyangdo # |4j ft Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
tH^2 Ch 'angjo
Polkkot 4JSS8 Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Sinyosong
£f#J Pyokch'o ^^p-TI Hong Myong-hui Kuksa
January 1925
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Pyokt'a $M^ Yi S5ng-hwan
Choson
Pyokp'a fitfti Pang In-gun Puram mundan
October 1925
Kaebyok
mm Pogyong 4,A Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Sinyosong
Puktu ^!2ffi Yi Un-sang Yi
January 1925
722
Transliteration Given Transhteiation
Alias Souices Issue
Choson
±te>± Pugung Saeng fffii Ch'ae Man-sik Put am mundan
July 1925
"KaebySk" Kaebyok
«jfe Pingho £Si»ft£ Hyon Chin-gon
p'llmyong January 1922
Tonga ilbo
Haksaenggye
/lijk Sanun •M/m Chang To-bin February 2,
July 1920
1927
Kaebyok
« Sanun 4NH/E Yi Sang-jong Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok
£•# Sang-sop mnbi Y5m Sang-sop Puram
January 1922
m>k Sanghwa ^\m Yi Sang-hwa Puram

Sinyosong
January 1925
/Hlap Sinyosong
Sanghwa 4MflTn Yi Sang-hwa Pin am
Tanuary 1925
Tonga ilbo
4H Saebyol imXL Pak Sog-yun Puram January 4,
1925
Choson
«g0 S6-hae #/r|fe Ch'oe Hak-song Puram mundan
April 1925
Kaebyok
ft'&BX Sokkok Kain "?%& Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Tonga ilbo
h&T Sok Pyongjong £ « Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
*L Sok Saeng 5t@3l Hwang S6g-u
p'llmyong
February
1923
Kaebyok
hfc Soksong &M% Kim Hy5ng-won Puram
January 1922
Choson
&& S5g-yong A^Pft An Sok-chu Puram mundan July
1925
Haksaenggye
*?£ Sonun ^ffl/$ 0 Sang-sun Puram December
1920
723
Alias Sources Issue
Choson
srW- Solbong WK& Ch'oe Hak-song Puram mundan
April 1925
Kaebyok
&UU Solsan Chang T6k-su Puram
January 1922
Haksaenggye
Songhae O Sang-sun Puram December
m 1920
Kaebyok
SSnghae Yi Ik-sang Kwon
m January 1925
Kaebyok
Se Yu-ong
\^mm Hyon Hui-un Puram January 1922
Kaebyok
Sosong 'MM ft Hyon Sang-yun Puram January 1922
Ch 'angjo
jUR So-wol Kim Chong-sik Puram March 1920
Paejae
zk^ZM Sojongjiong WWM Na Kyong-son Puram March 1923
Kaebyok
/.h^h Soch'un Kim Ki-jon Puram January 1922
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
Sop'a 7J/E!^. Pang Chong-hwan February
p'ilmySng
1922
Waejong Choson
Song Pong-so 'MOx-M Song Tong-man inmul mundan July
(Kuksa) 1925
Waejong Choson
Song Pong-u ^MM, Song Tong-man inmul mundan July
(Kuksa) 1925
Ch 'angjo
Songa Chu Yo-han Puram March 1920
Kaebyok
Song-tin Pak Yong-hui Puram January 1925
Kaebyok
Suju Pyon Yong-no Puram July 1922
Ch 'angjo
Siodim Kim Tong-in Puram March 1920
Kaebyok Kaebyok
Simsan No Su-hyon
July 1922 July 1922
724
Alias Sources Issue
Choson
*E'S Ssang • S Sî Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mimdan
July 1925
Kaebyok
Ssang S Saeng Pang Chong-hwan Puram February
as^ rMik 1922
Munmyong
'-4'ULi Ansan SUil^ Yu Pong-y5ng Puram December
1925
Haksaenggye
&m Anso <kWM Kim Hui-gw5n Puram
July 1920
Haksaenggye
Ff-*%± Anso Saeng ±WM Kim Hui-gwon Puram
July 1920
Choson
L
M:mm An Chon-yong 'Mi&ft An Sok-chu Puram mundan
July 1925
Tonga ilbo
Kaebyok
Kf& Aeryu WLM£ Kwon Tok-kyu April 1,
April 1922
1920
Kaebyok
ik^M Yaroe ^mt Yi Ton-hwa Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
fj'A Yain ^gsfc Kim Ch'ang-sul Puram
May 1925
Ch 'angjo
vmn Orina ikwm Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
"Kaebyok" Haksaenggye
m± 6 k Saeng ±WM Kim Hui-gwon
p'ilmyong July 1920
Han 'guk
chapchi, Ch 'angjo
6fligi Eden &X®, O Ch'on-sok
296
Kaebyok
^=1 Yodolmoe <kM'®i Kim Ki-jin Puram
October 1923
l Kaebyok
&<k Yosim M.WM Chu Yo-sop Puram
October 1922
Munmyong
kum Yoam WftS Ch'oe Rin Puram December
1925
Kaebyok
m^L Yoram *m& Pak Chong-hong Kuksa
April 1922
725
Alias Sources Issue
Kaebyok
#iLBl Olbori ^-%& Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
^H Oebae 4=X/* Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Ch 'angjo
£.& Yohan Xtiftil Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
Sinyosong
tyi'm&K Yokchi Toin ^mw Yi Un-sang Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
% J Ujong # i Im Kyu Kuksa
June 1922
Choson
¥,W±. Solgang Saeng fffflfi Ch'oe Sang-hy5n Puram mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
-£(T Unjong &>\-m Kim Chong-jin
p'ilmyong
February
1923
Choson
Sl&W-L Unjong Kosa ^£M Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Munmyong
Hrfe Wolnam ^mtF Yi Sang-jae Puram December
1925
Kaebyok
J! #11 Wolt'an Ib^-fn Pak Chong-hwa Puram
May 1923
Choson Choson
ffSLlr Yu To-sun S1J3IJHI Yu To-sun mundan mundan
July 1925 April 1925
Haksaenggye
tff"# Yu-bang &MSK Kim Ch'an-yong Puram
July 1920
Choson
/\JgI Yuktang grk& Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Choson
A»A Yuktang Hagin #i%S Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Sinyosong
Unsang ^mu Yi Un-sang Puram
January 1925
Kaebyok
^451 Un P'ari TiW& Pang Chong-hwan Puram February
1922
726
Alias Sources Issue
Sinyosong Kaebyok
&3r3 On P'ari Til&k Pang Ch5ng-hwan January February
1925 1922
Paejae
Bffi Unha wmu Na Kyong-son Puram
March 1923
Kaebyok
«;LiJ Uisan w^w- Ch'oe Tong-o Puram
January 1922
Sinyosong
H£ Igong « « Yi Un-sang Puram
January 1925
Choson
^ ) ^ Yi Kwan-gu « # Yi Kwan-gu Kuksa mundan
April 1925
Kaebyok
$M Yi Po-gyong ^xm Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
« f e Yi Yon-ho ^kw-A: Yi Sang-j5ng Kuksa
July 1922
Kaebyok July
« YiSik ^Bm Yi Sang-jong Kuksa
1922
Choson
3I&&A In'gyong Toin #i4i# Ch'oe Nam-son Puram mundan
October 1925
Kaebyok
Kaebyok
-t& Ira l£iL- No Chong-il March
January 1922
1922
Choson
Ilch'on Kim Chi-hwan Puram mundan
-m &m% July 1925
Choson
- & Ilp'a ±jtm Kim Yun-gyong Puram mundan
July 1925
Choson
f-f^ Imdang ^n.®. Yi Pyong-gi Puram mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
"Kaebyok"
*b# Chanmul yj'Ttm Pang Chong-hwan
p'ilmyong
February
1922
Kaebyok
m& Changbaek &%-& Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
feSiliA Changbaek Sanin ^ym Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
727
Alias Sources Issue
Ch 'angjo
Changch'un m^/ L f Chon Yong-t'aek Puram
March 1920
Kaebyok
Choam y*y-a
Ait Yi Ton-hwa Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Choksong ifelf<fcfc Kim Kyong-jae Kuksa
January 1925
Choson
n H pJl Chongwol Iff ,#-11 Na Hye-sok Puram mundan
October 1925
Kaebyok
Chewol m faat Y6m Sang-sop Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
&&JflJS±A Chosuru Chuin M^^ Pak Chong-hwa Puram
May 1923
Kaebyok
ft ZKffi1" A Chosuru Chuin * bfi W Pak Chong-hwa Puram
May 1923
Choson
Ida or' Choun Uttii ChoChu-hyon Puram mundan
April 1925
Ch 'angjo
A/&PS ChuNagyang AMI? ChuYo-han Puram
March 1920
Sinyosong Kaebyok
IJ-^-d.1 Chu-dong Saeng ^t\-$l Yang Chu-dong January February
1925 1923
Tonga ilbo
#T$£^ Ch'angnanggaek ^jfe.^ Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Kaebyok
Ch'anghae Yi Ton-hwa
mm ^mt
'-F%L Puram January 1922
Choson
K43 Ch'aeong ^Mi Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Tonga ilbo
Ch'olligu ^jit$C Kim Tong-song Puram
April 9, 1921
Ch 'angjo
AH Ch'on-won %^^ O Ch'5n-sok Puram
March 1920
Kaebyok
Ch'ongnam Yi Sang-jong Kuksa
July 1922
Paejae
Ch'ongnam Mun Se-yong Puram
March 1923
728
Alias Sources Issue
Choson
%v Ch'ongsong #Mfl£A Ch'oe Sang-hyon Puram mundan July
1925
Kaebyok
r
fiS- Ch'ongo >Ku# Ch'a Sang-ch'an Kuksa November
1922
Munmyong
i rj m Ch'ongwon JH-lt Yu Pong-yong Kuksa December
1925
Tonga ilbo
Jf.^T Ch'o Pyongjong ^jft'J:^ Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Tonga ilbo
Ch'osa &3H& Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Ch 'angjo
VKM Ch'uho m^/f Chon Yong-t'aek Puram
March 1920
Choson
-m\i Ch'ukhan Saeng >-£ IYJ Sfc
ff l-H ^ Ch'oe Nam-s5n Puram mundan
October 1925
Tonga ilbo Tonga ilbo
#£ Ch'un'gok Jifeit Ko Hui-dong January 1, January 1,
1925 1925
Sinyosong
Ch'un'gwang /t@f^3S Cho Chun-gi Kwon
January 1925
Munmyong
Ch'undo ii— m Pak Il-byong Kuksa December
1925
Ch 'angjo
Ch'unsa ^
£jfeC Kim Tong-in Puram
March 1920
Han 'guk
chapchi, Ch 'angjo
Ch'unsong JJk'f'Sic No Cha-y5ng
296
Kaebyok
£tsS Ch'unwon ap,* / * Yi Kwang-su Puram
January 1922
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
Ch'unp'a IKîS Pak Tal-song
Kaebyok
Ch'unp'ung IhiifP Pak Chong-hwa Puram
May 1923
729
Alias Transliteration Given Transliteration Sources Issue
Choson
WM Ch'unhae tjru Pang In-gun Puram mundan
October 1925
Tonga ilbo
tk-V"- Ch'wigong £jfe# Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Kaebyok
Iffl T'ansil &m& Kim Myong-sun Puram
January 1922
Tonga ilbo
ill A P'ain ^ i.'J& Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
A(ff P'arbong 4zM'm Kim Ki-jin
p'ilmySng October 1923
Choson
P'ungnyon ^ ii-ftlS Ch'oe Hak-song Puram mundan
April 1925
Kaebyok
Hagwon w->m Ch'oe Tong-o Kuksa January 1922
Choson
Hangyol &±$& Kim Yun-gyong Puram mundan July
1925
Choson
Hansaem -Hi-fi-t^ Ch'oe Nam-s5n Puram mundan
October 1925
Tonga ilbo
anyang
mm* " , &*«i Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Kwagaek Ch 'angjo
Chu Yo-han Puram
March 1920
•ftnlLl Hanch'ongsan 'XMffil Kaebyok
Haeam £f3il Hyon Hui-un Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
Haewon Hwang Ui-don Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
X. Hyondang 2ffil Hyon Hui-un Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
-ift Hyon Ch'61 Hyon Hui-un Puram
January 1922
Choson
^ Jf %. Hobindang S i Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
£M
July 1925
Alias Sources Issue
Haksaenggye
<AJi* Hoam H-2^ Mun Il-p'yong Puram
October 1920
Choson
fefcaiA Hoyondangin HiWf Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Munmyong
\tyS Hwagok -P&^r Yun Ik-son Puram December
1925
Tonga ilbo
•X&T Hwa Pyongjong &J&& Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24,1924
Choson
$StL Hwasa îa* Yi Kwan-gu Kuksa mundan
April 1925
Choson
^ # Hwaso H&M Ch'ae Man-sik Puram mundan
July 1925
Kaebyok
JMOJ Hwangsan ^mm Yi Chong-nin Kuksa
January 1922
Tonga ilbo
7 Ch 'angjo
$\1g Huindal & £iz Kim Chong-sik November
March 1920
24,1924
Kaebyok
$ # Hoengbo M§? Yom Sang-sop Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
ngfel Hyojong zmm Hyon Hui-un Puram
January 1922
Kaebyok
n^tf^k Hyojong Saeng ÎSil Hy5n Hui-un Puram
January 1922
Choson
i&ilrlfiU Chongju Nang WtlM Cho Chu-hyon Puram mundan
April 1925
Haksaenggye
AS AS &!$J£ Kim Hui-gwon Puram
July 1920
Kaebyok Kaebyok
K± K Saeng &X& Kim Ch'6n-u
May 1923 May 1923
Tonga ilbo
KWH KWH &£& Kim Tong-hwan Puram November
24, 1924
"Kaebyok" Kaebyok
YS£ YS Saeng $ f l Yi Song-t'ae
p'ilmySng January 1925
731
Appendix 3.13
A iithors That Appeared With Kim So-wol
(Unidentified Authors and Authors with
Unidentifiable Given Names—Arranged in
Korean Alphabetical Order [Ka Na Taj)
Name or Alias as
it Appears in the Transliteration Issue
Periodical(s)
m&h Karagin Choson mundan July 1925
SIM Kang Mun-su Choson mundan July 1925
M Kang Bin Kaebyok June 1922
%%J^ Kang Won-su Kaebyok October 1923
S^ Kang Chon Paejae March 1923
3*1°^ Komsi Odim Kaebyok May 1923
Kye Ku-hwan Paejae March 1923
mm Ko Mun-yong
nsm. Kombo
Haksaenggye July 1920
Choson mundan October 1925
^M-
^ Kusul Haksaenggye October 1920
Ê±£ Kim Ki-jin Choson mundan July 1925
&Mi Kim Yong-bo Choson mundan July 1925
±<+<X Kim Chae-hong Choson mundan July 1925
&nmx Kumgang Kyongbu Tonga ilbo July 21 1925

&£& Kim Kyu-ho Kaebyok November 1922
3fc D "IT Kim Kum-chyu Choson mundan April 1925
£» Kim Ki-yong Haksaenggye April 1921
&$LM Kim Tong-han Kaebyok June 1922
&%& Kim Py5ng-yun Munmyong December 1925
3tz>g?5np Kim S6k-ch'6l Kaebyok May 1923
rkfiStBl Kim Song-yong Kaebyok November 1922
&mm Kim Song-yong Haksaenggye July 1920
&W& Kim Song-un Kaebyok February 1923
(
&m M Kim Su-hyong Kaebyok May 1923
^TREP Kim Yong-gap Kaebyok November 1922
^M Kim Chun-won Paejae March 1923
&i$ Kim Ch'ang-gwon Munmyong December 1925
#?*£ Kim T'ae-song Paejae March 1923
&&$ Kim Ho-yop Paejae March 1923
732
Name or Alias as
Periodical(s)
±<m Kim Hong-gi Kaebyok July 1922
±itX Kim Hwa-ch'on Kaebyok May 1923
MH Nanch'on Choson mundan July 1925
hk II fi No Chong-hun Haksaenggye October 1920
¥ 3 °1 Nurongi Kaebyok January 1925
Wbdi Toksan Kaebyok August 1922
&& Tori Kaebyok October 1923
Mh Tongsok Choson mundan July 1925
InFA Tongin Kaebyok February 1922
&I& Magyong Yongdae October 1924
,15 SI ill A Madu Sanin Choson mundan July 1925
&*fot Ma Ch'un-sik Paejae March 1923
^fe Mandok Yongdae December 1924
M Mogun Paejae March 1923
m&Am Mongt'ong Kuri Haksaenggye December 1920
AEjS0J^jL4el Muwi Sanbong Kosari Tonga ilbo November 24 1924
*M Mun Ch'i-myong Yongdae October 1924
&§ym Min Yu-byong Kaebyok January 1922
B64-^ Min U-bo Kaebyok May 1923
tmm Min Chang-sik Kaebyok August 1922
MS& Pak Kil-su Paejae March 1923
ttmna Pak Tong-hun Haksaenggye May 1921
11*^ Pak Pyong-t'eak Paejae March 1923
^± Pak Saeng Kaebyok October 1923
im& Pak Sung-ch'61 Kaebyok April 1922
jfmm PakYong-jip Haksaenggye April 1921
tt£® Pak Chi-song Munmyong December 1925
^B>M Pak Ch'ang-ha Paejae March 1923
^%7t Pak T'ae-won Haksaenggye July 1920
Pak Hyong-bySng Kaebyok January 1925
mm Pak Hwa-hon Munmyong December 1925
k-Y'X*&
hkft Pangju Choson mundan July 1925
7JMM Pang Hye-gyong Sinyosong January 1925
fr.iiT Paedalcha Haksaenggye October 1920
733
Name or Alias as
Periodical(s)
~!aM Paekchu Yongdae December 1924
-i-1-1 Pom Mulkyol Munmyong December 1925
T-ftJlg Pulchiam Kaebyok May 1925
im*k& Pungyo Tonggok Kaebyok October 1922
<0i±Â Sansang Hagin Haksaenggye January 1921
=JL--^ 391 Saeng Haksaenggye May 1921
Somong
m^ Kaebyok June 1922
M Sokch'on Choson mundan July 1925
/>^ Soyang Choson mundan April 1925
ilMUiA Soyo Sanin Tonga ilbo July 21, 1925
&££t Songdang Saeng Ch'angjo March 1920
&¥i Songam Paejae March 1923
&te^ Song Hwa-ja Sinyosong January 1925
j/ia Sindo Haksaenggye May 1921
Sin Myong-su Paejae March 1923
H'-Û Sin T'ae-ok Haksaenggye May 1921
lk'& Yayong Yongdae October 1924
SifiA Yangdongsil Chuin Kaebyok October 1922
^ ¥ Yang Paek-hwa Kaebyok January 1925
«&ttj Yang Chae-sun KaebyokJuly 1922
^«H Yangmyong Kaebyok October 1923
Âli@^ Yon'gyong Kwagaek KaebyokJuly 1922
c.iL<£ O Ho-yon Choson mundan July 1925
« Waning Choson mundan July 1925
S.3§ Uguk Choson mundan July 1925
» # Ungdang Paejae March 1923
/[li'l£ Yudang Haksaenggye April 1921
it^lg Yu Min-song Choson mundan July 1925
*#fl Yu Ch'un-gyong Kaebyok May 1923
^$ffi Yun Hyang-sik Paejae March 1923
^m/& Yi Kang-hup Munmyong December 1925

« * ! Yi Kyong-suk Sinyosong January 1925
« « Yi Kyong-jun Paejae March 1923
47Xf*B Yi Yong-hui KaebyokJuly 1922
734
Name or Alias as
Penodical(s)
4=6£Jff Yi Yong-gyu Choson mundan July 1925
« YiUn C'hoson mundan April 1925
Kim Chong-jun
mm Haksaenggye July 1920
4*g& Yi Ch'ang-nim Kaebyok October 1923
&kiL Yi Ch'u-gang Haksaenggye July 1920
-*£k Ilchip Saeng Kaebyok June 1922
i-im'-E Im Su-dol Munmyong December 1925
mi Imju Kaebyok June 1922
m-£$. Chaunyong Tonga llbo July 21 1925
ifeAIH Chang Tae-jin Paejae March 1923
?
MMi Chang Ui-sik Paejae March 1923
r±» Chaesop Choson mundan April 1925
E ^ Chonmun KaebyokJuly 1922
ii Chong Paejae March 1923
$wn Chong Paek Kaebyok January 1925
fPB[^/$ Chong Pyong-sun Choson mundan July 1925
JiWsiL ChongSn Saeng Tonga ilbo June 8 1921
»:$i Chong Chong-ang Tonga ilbo January 1, 1925
/tan^Jl Cho Man-wol Sinyosong January 1925
Mfit Cho U-sik Choson mundan July 1925
li¥ Chu Kug-y5ng Paejae March 1923
£*# Chu Yong-bang Kaebyok October 1922
Mg-I- Ch'anghae K5sa Kaebyok August 1922
AwascA Ch'onggu Sanin Kaebyok November 1922
«i-. Ch'Qngp'a Saeng Paejae March 1923
Sfslm Ch'oe Sin-bok Paejae March 1923
wicm Ch'oe Yun-gwon Paejae March 1923
m&& Ch'oe Chae-hak Paejae March. 1923
m$$:& Ch'oe Chong-ho Pae/'ae March 1923
wmk Ch'oe Ch'ang-hyon Paejae March 1923
VK Ch'u Paejae March 1923
vk-iL Ch'u-gang Haksaenggye October 1920
a± Ch'uk Saeng Kaebyok February 1922
M Ch'unt'aek Choson mundan April 1925
735
Name or Alias as
Periodical(s)
^ M ^(illegible) Ch'unp'ung Yi (illegible) Tonga ilbo June 8, 1921
£n& Ch'unhyo Choson mundan July 1925
m%''± Ch'wimong Saeng Haksaenggye January 1921
±p, T'ou Choson mundan July 1925
mM± P'yorang Saeng Mimmyong December 1925
fl&iUA Haksanin Haksaenggye April 1921
®&m Han Tong-ch'an Kaebyok May 1923
^M Han Sol-p'a Haksaenggye July 1920
•fr^ftfe Han Un-song Haksaenggye December 1920
MR Haea KaebyokJuly 1922
î vim Ho Chuk-chae Kaebyok October 1922
£fe Hyondok Paejae March 1923
£ffi Hyonsong Kaebyok February 1922
m?m Hong Sun-myong Choson mundan April 1925
vJzK'tt Hwang Yong-song Tonga ilbo November 24, 1924
&m± Chonggwan Saeng Kaebyok May 1925
J^ J Saeng Kaebyok May 1925
JSU ± JSU Saeng Kaebyok November 1922
PHS PHS Haksaenggye April 1921
SW^L SW Saeng Pae/'ae March 1923
Y/|: Y Saeng Pae/'ae March 1923
736
Appendix 3.14
Students in Kim So-wol's Graduating Class at Paejae High School and the Editorial
Notes from Paejae (March 1923), 162-66.
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HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Graduate School of Arts and Sciences

DISSERTATION ACCEPTANCE CERTIFICATE

The undersigned, appointed by the

have examined a dissertation entitled

How Poetry Mattered in 1920s Korea

presented by Peter Wayne de Fremery

candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy and hereby

Peter Wayne de Fremery

The Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of

East Asian Languages and Civilizations

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL USERS

All rights reserved.

How Poetry Mattered in 1920s Korea

problems, detailed bibliographic surveys of forty-five individual copies of vernacular

of bibliographic contexts in which it appears, including a recently rediscovered alternate

presentation of his canonical Chindallaekkot (Azaleas).

The Demise of Korea's Classical Chinese Poetic Tradition n

The Publication of Poetry in 1920s Korea 14

Apparent Criteria for Inclusion of Books in

A Preliminary Bibliographic Sketch of Hansi during the 1920s 25

Printing, Publishing, and the Materiality of Poetry from 1920s Korea 43

Printing, Publishing, and Poetry on the Korean Peninsula, 1910-1945 69

Conclusion—Poetry on the Page 138

Critical Contexts 145

The Periodicals 159

So-wol's Editors 188

Relentlessly Reworking the Page 205

Love, Art, and Commas—

The Vernacular Word—

The Publication of Chindallaekkot (Azaleas) 251

The Extant Copies of So-wol's 1925 Chindallaekkot 259

Chindallaekkot's, Two Issues 265

The Facsimile Reproductions of Azaleas 293

The Narrative Arc of Chindallaekkot 310

The Tropological Regions of Azaleas 316

Figure 1.1 Ch'a Sang-ch'an's censored "poems" on page seventy-two of the

Figure 1.4 Robert Darnton's "Communications Circuit" 46

Figure 2.1 Newly built Hansong Toso Chusik Hoesa building no

Figure 2.3 Elements of Korean typefaces 129

Figure 2.4 Type comparison—tang 131

Figure 4.3 "Wanderer's Spring" in Ch'angjo 215

Figure 4.5 "Afternoon Tears" in Ch'angjo 217

Figure 4.6 "Longing" in Ch 'angjo 218

Figure 4.7 "Spring Hill" in Ch'angjo 219

Figure 4.15 "Stream" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 242

Figure 4.16 "Azaleas" in the July 1922 issue of Kaebyok 244

Figure 6.4 "Road" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 343

Figure 6.7 "Azaleas" in the Chungang Sorim issue of Chindallaekkot 349

Table 2.1 Number of permits granted to new and old novels 80

Table 2.2 Number of permits granted to munjip, yugo, and kyongso 81

Table 2.3 Number of permits granted to books of poetry 82

Table 2.4 Comparison of book prices by genre 85

Table 2.5 Number of publishers on the Korean peninsula, 1910-1945 93

Table 2.7 Taedong Inswaeso balance sheet, 1923 112

Table 3.4 Kim So-wol's editors 199

making the gift of a few quiet hours to work each day.

almost unimaginable. Probing questions and innumerable suggestions from my mentor

Continuing support from Professor Kwon Y5ng-min of Seoul National University,