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Corporate governance practices in the privatised British electricity utilities are analysed in
this paper. It is shown that external governance did not put enough pressure on the managers
of the companies. Soft price regulation, the lack of product market competition in distri-
bution, low financial leverage and the deactivated takeover market created a stable environ-
ment. Moreover, diffused ownership was not an adequate stimulus either. Although board
structures complied with best practices and executive incentives were in place, these two
devices were unable to successfully restrict managerial discretion. Therefore, it is suggested
that global competition in the market for corporate control could play an important role
in bringing in the appropriate incentives. The evidence indicates that allowing American
electric firms to bid for their UK counterparts brought to light inadequate corporate
behaviour.
# Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2000. 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. Volume 8 Number 1 January 2000
66 CORPORATE GOVERNANCE
experiment'' (Vickers and Yarrow, 1991) and ject to political control by the corresponding
can be summarised as follows: Government Department and, to a lesser
. The four main segments of the industry ±
extent, by Parliament. There were also con-
sultative councils, in which consumers had a
generation, transmission, distribution and
voice in the affairs of the industry. The
supply ± were separated, in order to
statutes of the sector required the Boards to
increase transparency and introduce com-
pursue break-even policies, balancing the
petition where feasible.
.
results taking one year with another. In order
Generating capacity was divided among
to foster efficiency, this broad objective was
three new firms: two fossil-fuel generators
progressively transformed into a series of
and a third company in charge of the
formalised financial controls and restrictions
nuclear plants.
.
± a target rate of return on net assets, an
The transmission network was detached
external financing limit or several per-
from generation and assigned to the
formance objectives ± (Chesshire, 1996). Of
National Grid Company (NGC).
.
course, there was a strong possibility that civil
The former Area Boards were renamed
servants could frequently slip up in monitor-
Regional Electricity Companies (RECs)
ing managerial behaviour. At the same time,
and kept their geographical scope. But,
some strategic options ± the nuclear pro-
they were required to operate their distri-
gramme and fuel/equipment supplier
bution and supply businesses as separate
choices ± were heavily conditioned by poli-
activities.
.
tical decisions, with wider considerations
Competition in the generation business
than the economic results of the sector
was introduced through a wholesale
(McGowan, 1988). But excessive political
power pool. In this market, generators
intervention and vague and conflicting objec-
and suppliers achieved co-ordination by
tives were not the only problems with the old
means of spot prices.
.
system ± e.g. the lack of credible bankruptcy
The supplying of electricity to final cus-
or acquisition threat; political determina-
tomers was liberalised in three steps. At
tion of executive salaries; and absence of
the end of the process, all customers would
performance-related rewards (Kay and
be free to choose their supplier at market
Thompson, 1986; Martin and Parker, 1997).
prices.
. Two salient arguments for pursuing privat-
Electrical networks ± transmission and
isation and deregulation were that (1) com-
distribution ± remained as monopolies,
petition would create downward pressures
but access was made available to third
on costs and prices, and (2) management
parties on the basis of non-discriminatory
would have more freedom to use their
terms. Tariffs for these transport services
initiative (Secretary of State for Energy,
were subject to price cap regulation.
. 1988). The substitution of public controls
The ownership of the NGC was transferred
for market forces should have motivated
jointly to the RECs.
. directors to increase efficiency. As Burns
The RECs and the two fossil fuel gener-
and Weyman-Jones (1998) demonstrated, fol-
ators were rapidly privatised by public
lowing privatisation there was a significant
offers.
increase in the productivity of the RECs
The twelve Regional Electricity Companies distribution businesses. Thus, these firms
constitute an excellent population of firms for benefited from higher profits, which gave rise
studying how corporate governance mechan- to surplus financial resources. As can be seen
isms have evolved after privatisation because: in figure 1, the internal generation of cash
they were similar in size; they also had an increased substantially during the period
equivalent resource endowment at the time of under review, comfortably exceeding the
vesting ± as a result of uniform policies and investment needs of regulated businesses.
high mobility of human resources within the This situation created a typical free cash
nationalised electricity industry ±; and, even flow dispute ± in the terms proposed by
more importantly, they faced an identical Jensen (1986): the problem is how to moti-
regulatory regime. vate managers to pay out the cash to share-
holders rather than investing it in excessive
growth strategies or wasting it on other
3. Corporate governance in the organisational inefficiencies. In the case of
privatised electric utilities the British RECs, few would deny the
evidence of very large increases in directors'
Managers of the nationalised electricity sector remuneration (Williams, 1995; Keenan, 1996;
were given a generic mandate to act in the MacKerron and Watson, 1996) and tendencies
public interest. Nevertheless, they were sub- towards empire building policies through
Figure 1. Evolution of RECs' internally generated cash and investment payments (in constant 1991 £m )
diversification adventures (Aveline, Overd rewards all other shareholders. This asym-
and Stout, 1995). Such agency costs arise from metric recompense discourages any attempt
internal and external control mechanisms at supervision. For this reason, institutional
which probably did not function properly investors ± pension funds, unit trusts, insur-
and that will be analysed in the following ance companies ± are frequently encouraged
sections. to play a leading role in management over-
sight (Monks and Minow, 1991; Jensen, 1993).
They have the knowledge, the experience
and, usually, the power to assume this task
4. Internal governance mechanisms (Pound, 1988).
Ownership Structure The British government retained a golden
share in each REC, redeemable no later than
Direct monitoring performed by owners is 31st March 1995. The consent of this special
the most obvious governance device. A large shareholder was required for the amendment
shareholder has the incentive to collect of Articles of Association of companies3. They
information and exercise control in order to included provisions preventing any person
prevent opportunistic managerial behaviour from having an interest in 15% or more of the
(Shleifer and Vishny, 1986). On the other capital. As table 1 shows, the largest share-
hand, highly diffused ownership stimulates holder rarely went beyond 10%. Moreover,
free riding behaviour (Grossman and Hart, the number of shareholders with a stake of
1980): the effort of a minority owner equally 3% or more, never exceeded the figure of 6.
Accordingly, it can be asserted that large holder meetings to boards of directors. There-
holdings were infrequent. So, the absence of fore, the composition and functioning of
a leading investor could have induced free the latter organ have attracted considerable
riding comportment. attention, as it represents the key instrument
for increasing control over management
(Zahra and Pearce, 1989; Johnson, Daily and
Boards of Directors Ellstrand, 1996). However, it is often claimed
The power of decision in large corporations that senior corporate executives dominate the
has been progressively moving from stock- boards and they do not act in accordance with
EASTERN
Largest shareholder 6.38 5.99 6.12 6.11
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 9.38 (2) 17.44 (4) 9.55 (2) 16.20 (4)
EAST MIDLANDS
Largest shareholder 4.83 4.83 4.75 4.74
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 11.02 (3) 7.83 (2) 4.75 (1) 4.74 (1)
LONDON
Largest shareholder 5.02 4.99 4.85 5.13
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 14.85 (4) 16.48 (4) 14.84 (4) 11.32 (3)
MANWEB
Largest shareholder 8.11 8.04 6.48 6.67
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 12.27 (2) 11.05 (2) 6.48 (1) 16.76 (4)
MIDLANDS
Largest shareholder 9.89 9.33 5.14 5.75
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 14.66 (3) 12.37 (2) 8.26 (2) 9.42 (2)
NORTHERN
Largest shareholder 7.03 8.01 6.01 6.41
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 19.74 (4) 16.45 (3) 6.01 (1) 6.41 (1)
NORWEB
Largest shareholder 10.01 10.01 10.85 10.85
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 23.80 (4) 22.56 (4) 20.01 (3) 24.13 (4)
SEEBOARD
Largest shareholder 5.52 7.10 6.62 5.78
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 26.84 (6) 24.19 (5) 11.36 (2) 10.52 (2)
SOUTHERN
Largest shareholder 8.05 8.35 7.86 7.81
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 8.05 (1) 8.35 (1) 7.86 (1) 7.81 (1)
SWALEC
Largest shareholder 14.9 5.20 5.2 6.00
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 29.00 (4) 22.60 (6) 14.00 (3) 22.20 (5)
SWEB
Largest shareholder 10.6 10.20 11.52 12.20
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 22.1 (3) 25.60 (3) 11.52 (1) 15.90 (2)
YORKSHIRE
Largest shareholder 5.15 8.15 4.84 4.93
Shareholdings > 3% (No) 15.17 (2) 21.98 (4) 8.60 (2) 8.45 (2)
their fiduciary duty, but rather in their own their effectiveness ± the average size dropped
interests. from 9.91 in 1992 to 9.16 in 1995. As far as
In recent years, there have been several pro- board composition is concerned, we can ob-
posals to ameliorate this problem. Undoubt- serve in table 2 that, although all companies
edly, the most influential was the Cadbury met the requirement of having at least three
Report (CFACG, 1992), which suggested a non-executives prior to the report, their
Code of good practice for British boardrooms. weight has grown since then from 41% to
The Committee, which produced the report at 49%. Regarding the delimitation of responsi-
the end of 1992, was set up at the instigation bilities, most RECs used to have a chairman
of the London Stock Exchange and the with executive powers, but, in line with the
accountancy profession. The key recommen- recommendations, there has been a growing
dations were: separation between the posts of chairman and
. Clear division of responsibilities at the chief executive. However, in many cases, it
is not clearly evident that the former is a
head of the company ± e.g. separation of
truly non-executive director. Likewise, all
chief executive post from board chairman.
. The need to increase non-executive repre- companies have established auditing, re-
muneration and nomination committees, in
sentation in board composition ± with at
compliance with the Code's recommenda-
least three non-executive directors.
. Non-executive directors to be assigned a tions ± in fact, most of them had done so
prior to the report. Consequently, it can be
leading role in controlling functions. The
seen that non-executive directors have
board should have: (1) an audit committee,
achieved considerable power on REC boards,
composed of at least three non-executives;
particularly with regard to the internal con-
(2) a remuneration committee, made up
trol of their companies. Added to that, there
wholly or mainly of non-executives; and
has been a noticeable increase in the amount
(3) a nomination committee, with a non-
and quality of corporate governance infor-
executives majority.
. The correction of board accountability mation released in the annual reports. To
sum up, the Cadbury proposals were strongly
deficiencies, by including details in annual
represented in REC boardrooms. Therefore,
reports of established committees, remuner-
they should have diminished agency prob-
ation and possible conflicts of interests.
lems between shareholders and directors.
All RECs welcomed the Cadbury Report and
stated their commitment to fully complying
with its recommendations. A slight decrease
Executive incentives
in the number of board members was dis- Apart from increasing supervision, owners
cernible in the light of the publication of the have another instrument for aligning man-
Report, perhaps in an attempt to improve agers' goals: linking their remuneration to an
NE: number of non-executive directors / E: number of executive directors / SEP: separation of Chairman and Chief Executive posts
Source: RECs Annual Accounts
(Armstrong, Cowan and Vickers, 1994). has been in place. At vesting, X efficiency
Charges for using electrical networks are factors were set high to ease privatisation
capped by the Director General of Electricity and to allow RECs to carry out all their
Supply, according to the RPI-X formula, for necessary investments. But RECs heavily
four or five year periods. This approach does pursued cost-cutting and downsizing strate-
not allow any cost passthrough and the gies and, consequently, their profits grew
regulator is not involved in examining the steadily until 1995, when prices were re-
companies' internal policies. Therefore, dur- viewed. So, monopoly status plus imperfect
ing the regulatory lag ± once tariff increases regulation implied high rents ± above normal
are established, the regulator will have little rates of return ±, which allowed executives
power to control management behaviour. All to comfortably meet shareholder demands
this goes to show that REC directors enjoyed (Parker, 1997) and spend the surplus on their
much greater autonomy than they would own objectives.
have under a traditional rate of return
regulation regime.
Debt
Agency Theory presents debt as perhaps the
Product market competition strongest governance device (Jensen, 1986;
In a perfectly competitive market, there is no 1989). The firm is contractually bound to pay
place for management discretion. Executive the interest and redeem the principal. In case
opportunism would alert shareholders to of default, creditors can take the firm to
negligent practices (Tirole, 1988). But if the bankruptcy court and directors may lose their
firm earns rents,4 directors can satisfy prin- posts. Consequently, debt denotes a strong
cipal expectations and, at the same time, commitment, in comparison with equity. It
employ the extraordinary results in their reduces the amount of free cash flow avail-
own benefit. able to managers, forcing them to disgorge
The first steps towards liberalisation wit- cash rather than waste it.
nessed a sudden emergence of competition The net indebtedness of the industry under
in the electricity supply market (Littlechild, public ownership was very small. For this
1995). Both established generators and second- reason, as part of the 1990 reform, the
tier suppliers entered traditional REC geo- government put £2.8 billion worth of debt
graphic areas and won substantial market into the liabilities of the RECs, to be repaid to
share. Although deregulation had not been the Treasury. Even after this financial oper-
fully implemented, competition was so vigor- ation, REC balance sheets remained healthy
ous that results in this segment were fre- during the whole period, with low leverage
quently negligible or negative. Nevertheless, ratios ± see table 4. The remote likelihood of
the main business of the RECs was distribu- bankruptcy and the light scrutiny of debt-
tion. As it is a natural monopoly, economic holders did not force directors to provide
regulation ± in the form of price controls ± justification for their actions.
AGREED APPROVED
REC BIDDER between by DTI DATE
parts
Yes No Yes No
terised by restructuring and divestitures, only ate market has contributed to an increase in
foreign firms can present a real threat to the efficiency.
existing management team. In fact, 8 out of 12 Finally, it should be stressed that the aim of
RECs ended up in the hands of US electric this paper has been to explore ± taking the
utilities. British RECs as a case study ± some possible
relationships between privatisation, deregu-
lation, governance and globalisation. Never-
6. Conclusions theless, further research efforts would be
needed in order to find hard empirical
Following privatisation, external governance evidence of these relations and to reach
instruments did not put enough pressure on conclusive results.
the directors of the RECs. Soft price regu-
lation, the lack of product market competi-
tion in distribution, low financial leverage 7. Notes
and the deactivated takeover market created
a stable environment. Moreover, diffused 1. A comprehensive review of the issues can be
ownership was not an adequate stimulus found in Surrey (1996). See also Young, Shuter
either. Although board structures complied and Kuhn (1996); Armstrong, Cowan and
with best practices and executive incentives Vickers (1994); or Bishop, Kay and Mayer
were in place, these two devices were unable (1994).
2. This paper deals only with the electricity
by themselves to successfully restrict manage-
industry in England and Wales. In Scotland
rial discretion.5 It should not be forgotten that and Northern Ireland, the sector had, and still
Cadbury type proposals for improving has, different structural configurations and
governance have attracted a lot of criticism. regulatory regimes.
Despite the fact that they may have some 3. For this reason, Marino (1998) considers golden
validity, it seems a plausible hypothesis for shares as atypical external governance mechan-
the RECs that once a control mechanism is isms.
artificially altered ± for example, by means of 4. Rent can be defined as return in excess of a
a golden share ±, its role can not be fully resource owner's opportunity cost.
substituted by others. 5. Ogden (1997) presents a different view in the
related case of the privatised British water and
The fact that electricity companies are con-
sewerage companies.
sidered ``strategic'' assets by many governments
deserves special consideration. Privatisation
and liberalisation policies are frequently im-
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in K. Keasey, S. Thompson and M. Wright (eds.). Dean at the Jovellanos Business School.
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financial issues, Oxford University Press, Oxford, governmental and non-profit sectors.
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