OLD SAXON

1. Data
(1) Nominative
/her-uNom./ → [heruNom.] (LL) ‘sword’
/luft-uNom./ → [luft-ØNom.] (H) *luftu

(2) Oblique
/her-uObl./ → [heruObl.] (LL) ‘sword’
/luft-uObl./ → [luft-uObl.] (HL) *luft

2. Constraints
(3) MAX-IO
(4) *HL ‘No uneven (HL) trochees’
(5) LICENSE (HL, OBL.) ‘HL trochees are licensed in the oblique (if HL, then oblique)’

3. Ranking arguments
(5) MAX-IO » *HL
/luft-uObl./ MAX-IO *HL
a. luft-ØObl. *!
b. " luf.t-uObl. *

(6) LICENSE (HL, OBL.) » MAX-IO

/luft-uNom./ LICENSE (HL, OBL.) MAX-IO
a. " luft-ØObl. *
b. " luf.t-uObl. *!

4. Summary
(7) LICENSE (HL, OBL.) » MAX-IO » *HL
/her-u, luft-u/ LICENSE (HL, OBL.) MAX-IO *HL
NOMINATIVE
A. a. " he.ruNom. N/A
b. her-ØNom. N/A *!
B. a. " luft-ØNom. N/A *
b. luf.t-uNom. *! *
OBLIQUE
A. a. " he.ruObl. N/A
b. her-ØObl. N/A *!
B. a. luft-ØObl. N/A *!
b. " luf.t-uObl. *
ROMANIAN
1. Data
1. Data
(1) Singular
/pom+uSg./ → [pom-ØSg..] ‘fruit-tree’ *pomu
/akr+uSg./ → [akr-uSg.] ‘sour-sing.’ *akr

(2) Plural
/pom+iPl./ → [ pom jPl. ] ‘fruit-trees’ *pomi
/akr+iPl./ → [akr-iPl.] ‘sour-pl’ *akr

2. Constraints
(3) MAX-IO
(4) *PK/[hi] ‘No high vowel syllable nuclei’
(5) UNIFORMITY-IO
(6) LICENSE (CSEC., PL.) ‘Consonants with secondary articulation are licensed in the plural
(if CSEC. then plural)’
(7) SONCON ‘No codas rising in sonority’

3. Ranking arguments
(8) *PK/[hi] » MAX-IO
/pom+uSg./ *PK/[hi] MAX-IO
a. " pom-ØSg. *
b. pom-uSg. *!

(9) MAX-IO » UNIFORMITY-IO

/pom+iPl./ MAX-IO UNIFORMITY-IO
j Pl.
a. " pom *
b. pom-iPl. *!

(10) LICENSE (CSEC., PL.) » MAX-IO

/pom+uSg./ LICENSE (CSEC., PL.) MAX-IO
a. " pom-ØSg. *
w Sg.
b. pom *!

(11) SONCON » *PK/[hi]

/akr+uSg./ SONCON *PK/[hi]
a. " akr-uSg. *
b. akr-ØSg. *!

2
 SONCON
|
*PK/[hi] LICENSE (CSEC., PL.)
|
MAX-IO
|
UNIFORMITY-IO (~ *CSEC.)

MAYAK
1. Data
(1) Intervocalic stops normally undergo lenition to a (homorganic) fricative or glide:
p→w
t → 
c→j
k→
(2) lenition in the active voice (-u), but no lenition in the passive (-Ir)
Unmarked Active Passive
lp lew-u lp-r ‘open’
mt me-u mt-r ‘beat’
kac kaj-u kac-r ‘bite’
tak ta-u tak-r ‘wash’

PASS maat-r ‘It is being drunk.’

1SG maa-r ‘I am drinking it.’
2SG maa-ir ‘You are drinking it.’
3SG maa-r ‘He is drinking it.’

(3) The fricatives that result from lenition (,) are allophones of the homorganic stops

2. Constraints
(5) LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) ‘Intervocalic stops (VTV) are licensed in the passive voice
(If VTV, then passive)’
(6) *VTV ‘No intervocalic stops’
(7) IDENT[cont] ‘Correspondent segments have identical specification for
[continuant] in input and output’
(8) * ‘No fricative’

3. Analysis
Assume first a hypothetical input /ata/ that is inflected in turn for active and passive:
(9) LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) » IDENT[cont] » *VTV
/ataA/ LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) IDENT[cont] *VTV
a. " aaA *
b. ataA *! *

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/ataP/ LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) IDENT[cont] *VTV
a. aaP *!
b. " ataP *

The problem is that (9) does not work for inputs like /aa/:
(10) LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) » IDENT[cont] » *VTV
/aaA/ LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) IDENT[cont] *VTV
a. " aaA
b. ataA *! * *
/aaP/ L ICENSE (VTV, PASS .) I DENT [cont] *VTV
a. 0 aaP
b. " ataP *! *

IDENT[cont] has to be dominated by the context-free markedness constraint *:

(10) LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) » * » IDENT[cont] » *VTV
/aaA/ LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) * IDENT[cont] *VTV
a. " aaA *
b. ataA *! * *
/aaP/ LICENSE(VTV, PASS.) * IDENT[cont] *VTV
a. aaP *!
b. " ataP * *

TIWI
1. Data
(1) The behavior of the Non-Past affix with respect to hiatus
a) Vowel-final deletion before a vowel-initial morpheme
nN + p + apa → nm-p-apa
you np eat ‘You eat.’

aN + p + akupauli → am-p-akupauli
she np go back ‘She goes back.’

b) Vowel-final retention before a consonant-initial morpheme

nN + p + () +kinani → nm-p--kinani
you np lie ‘You are lying.’

(2) The Non-Past affix always retains its vowel

a) Consonant-initial morpheme
pu + t + () + papuk → pu-t--papuk
they p rub ‘They rubbed.’

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b) Vowel-initial morpheme
N + t + apa → n-tu-apa
we p eat ‘We ate.’

(3) The distribution of tense prefixes

C-stem V-stem
Non-Past (np) p- p-
Past (p) t- tu-

(4) Tiwi stress and phonotactics

a) Primary stress assigned to the penultimate syllable of the word
b) Secondary stress assigned iteratively from left to right, with clash avoidance
c) In weak positions (no stress, secondary stress), high vowels (i, u) and are normally
realized as []
d) hiatus (V.V) is generally avoided

2. Constraints
(5) Constraints on the distribution of high vowels and schwa
* ‘No schwa’
*]ω ‘No word-final schwa’
MAX-F ‘No deletion of underlying features’
*V[+hi] ‘No high vowels’
*V[+hi, -stress] ‘No unstressed high vowels.’

(6) Constraints on the distribution of hiatus

MAX-IO
*V.V ‘No hiatus’
LICENSE(V.V, PAST) ‘Hiatus is licensed in the past tense (If hiatus, then past)’

3. Analysis
3.1 Distribution of high vowels and schwa
(7) *]ω » *V[+hi, -stress]
/kirimi/ *]ω *V[+hi, -stress]
a. " k(rí.mi) *
b. k(rí.m) *!

(8) *V[+hi, -stress] » MAX-F

/kirimi/ *V[+hi, -stress] MAX-F
a. " k(rí.mi) * *
b. ki(rí.mi) *!*

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(9) *MAX-F » *V[+hi]
/kirimi/ *MAX-F *V[+hi]
a. " k(rí.mi) * **
b. k(r.mi) **! *

(10) *]ω » *V[+hi, -stress] » MAX-F » *V[+hi]

3.2 Past/ Non-past asymmetry in hiatus resolution

(11) LICENSE(V.V, PAST) » MAX-IO » *V.V
/pUnp + a1pa/ LICENSE(V.V, PAST) MAX-IO-(AFF) *V.V
a. " pa1.pa *
b. pu.a.pa *!
/tUp + a1pa/ LICENSE(V.V, PAST) MAX-IO-(AFF) *V.V
a. " tu.a.pa *
b. ta1.pa *