Aspects of Shikiban-Based Mikkyō Rituals PDF

ASPECTS OF SHIKIBAN-BASED MIKKYŌ RITUALS 137
ASPECTS OF SHIKIBAN-BASED MIKKYŌ RITUALS
Nishioka Yoshifumi 西岡芳文
Vers la fin de l’époque de Heian, on voit apparaître dans le bouddhisme

ésotérique (mikkyō 密教) une nouvelle forme de rites centrés sur la table de
divination (shikiban 式盤). Ce type de rites semble avoir disparu vers la fin
de l’époque de Muromachi, et on ne les connaît que par des références, mais
aussi grâce à un certain nombre de documents préservés au Shōmyōji 稱名寺,
un temple placé sous la protection du clan Hōjō 北条 de Kanazawa 金澤
(près de Kamakura 鎌倉). Ces documents ont récemment fait l’objet d’une
exposition, organisée au Kanazawa bunko 金澤文庫 en 2007 par l’auteur
du présent essai.
Ce dernier examine ici, dans une première partie, les shikiban utilisés
dans l’onmyōdō et le mikkyō, ainsi que les différentes méthodes de divination
fondées sur ceux-ci. Malheureusement, les connaissances relatives au shikiban
se perdirent à l’époque d’Edo, et ce n’est qu’en 1815 que certaines d’entre
elles furent réintroduites sur la base d’un texte chinois. Il semble, d’après de
récentes études, que les shikiban utilisés durant l’époque de Heian aient été
de la même lignée que ceux des Sui et des Tang. Par la suite, cependant,
les techniques japonaises de divination se démarquèrent de plus en plus des
techniques chinoises. À l’époque médiévale, la divination semble avoir été
moins utilisée qu’à l’époque de Heian par les guerriers.
L’auteur décrit ensuite la table de divination (shikiban) traditionnelle
et son symbolisme, essentiellement fondé sur les douze divinités du cycle
sexagésimal et sur le culte taoïste des sept étoiles du Boisseau du Nord (la
Grande Ourse). Le shikiban représente la conception cosmologique chinoise
qui perçoit le Ciel comme rond et la Terre comme carrée. Il consiste en une
hémisphère (représentant le Ciel) pivotant sur une planche carrée (représentant
la Terre). Un certain nombre de shikiban datant des Han ont été retrouvés
récemment dans des tombes.
On retrouve les mêmes divinités dans les shikiban du mikkyō, mais
la divinité centrale de ceux-ci n’est plus l’Étoile polaire proprement dite.
Le trait caractéristique des rites du mikkyō est l’introduction de divinités
tantriques tels Dakiniten 䆣枳尼天 (sk. Ḍākinī) et Shōten 聖天 (sk. Gaṇeśa
ou Gaṇapati) comme honzon 本尊 (Vénéré principal). L’auteur décrit par
exemple un shikiban centré sur Shōten (Kangiten 歡喜天).
Dans la seconde partie de l’essai, l’auteur passe en revue un certain
nombre de documents découverts depuis l’exposition de 2007, dans lequels
le shikiban occupe une place non négligeable, si ce n’est centrale. Plusieurs
de ces documents relèvent de la branche Hirosawa 廣澤流 du Shingon. Ces
documents, tout comme ceux du Hojuin-ryū 保壽院流, permettent entre
autres de redécouvrir un rite de Dakiniten qui avait disparu. L’auteur les
compare avec d’autres sources, notamment un texte, le Kikuta Sanzō Ichiin-hō
菊多三藏一印法 — attribué au patriarche indien Nāgabodhi et recopié
par Kenna 剱阿, le second abbé du Shōmyōji — et le Nōen rokugatsu-hō
能延六月法, texte décrivant un rite de prolongation de la vie centré sur les
Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 21 (2012) : 137–162

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013
Do not circulate without permission of the editor / Ne pas diffuser sans autorisation de l’éditeur
138 Nishioka Yoshifumi
divinités Fudō 不動 et Dakiniten. Un dernier texte rituel traite du rite de

Tohyō Nyoirin 都表如意輪, une manifestation du bodhisattva Kannon 觀音.
Ce rite présente divers traits communs avec celui de Shōten, et les deux textes
semblent provenir des mêmes cercles monastiques.
Dans la troisième partie, l’auteur examine plus en détail le rituel de
Dakiniten. De récents travaux d’historiens de l’art japonais ont permis
d’identifier les principaux personnages du maṇḍala de Dakiniten, et de montrer
comment le culte de cette divinité, au Moyen Âge, en est venu à s’identifier
à celui de la divinité Inari 稻荷, en particulier par l’intermédiaire de leur
messager commun, le renard.
En guise de conclusion, l’auteur examine la lignée de transmission de ce
rituel de Dakiniten. À la fin de l’époque de Kamakura, le rituel en question
(aussi connu sous le nom de Toǌō shitsuji-hō 頓成悉地法), était supposé
remonter à deux moines de la fin du Xe siècle, Kanshuku 觀宿 et Kankyō 鑑教.
Selon l’auteur, cette théorie est sujette à caution.
Introduction
In the world of Japanese esoteric Buddhism (Mikkyō 密教), a unique genre of Bud-
dhist rituals materialized during the latter part of the Heian period. These rituals
were centered on the shikiban (or chokuban) 式盤 (divination board) and treated
it as a honzon 本尊 (the principal or central deity of veneration). Because these
rituals—called banpō 盤法 or shikihō 式法 in the ritual texts (shōgyō 聖教)—were
believed to be remarkably effective, they were performed regardless of one’s rank
or position. However, such rituals were considered to be ightful because they
relied on devas with great powers of obstruction (shōge 障礙) as their honzon. It was
believed that as the power of people who performed these rituals quickly increased,
their fates were also rapidly ruined.
The lineage of transmission for these rituals was discontinued during the Muro-
machi period and the transmission of related texts was interrupted as well. Only
sporadic references remain in literature, leaving behind shallow images of these
rituals. However, many cultural assets om the Kamakura period were transmitted
to Shōmyōji 稱名寺 in Kanazawa 金澤 (Kanagawa prefecture 神奈川縣) in a complete
and unaltered form, so to speak, and among those assets were a unique collection
of sacred texts (shōgyō) that had accumulated due to the protection of the Hōjō 北条
clan of Kanazawa, who served as the regent to the shōgunate during the closing
years of Kamakura period. Among them, sacred texts related to banpō or shikihō
rituals were discovered in great numbers.1 During the summer of 2007, a project
exhibition at Kanazawa bunko 金澤文庫 was organized in Kanagawa prefecture
1. See Nishioka Yoshifumi 西岡芳文, “Shikiban wo matsuru shuhō: Shōten shikihō, Toǌō-
shĳji-hō, Dakini-hō” 式盤をまつる修法──聖天式法・頓成悉地法・ダキニ法, Kanazawa bunko kenkyū
金澤文庫研究 318 (2007): 11–21; id., “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten
Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō hoi” 金澤稱名寺における頓成悉地法̶̶企画展『陰陽道 × 密教』補遺,
Kanazawa bunko kenkyū 320 (2008): 35–47.

entitled Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō 陰陽道 × 密教 (“Onmyōdō multiplied by Mikkyō”).

The exhibition—popular with Japanese and foreign researchers alike—made a large
group of texts available to the public for the first time.2
The present paper is based on the results of the exhibition to which some newer
discoveries have been added. Due to space restrictions, I will keep references to
previously published sources to a minimum. I would like to present new knowledge
by focusing on three main topics: the relationship between Onmyōdō 陰陽道 and
Mikkyō shikiban rituals, the newly discovered documents relating to banpō, and the
development of the Dakiniten ritual (Dakini-hō ダキニ法).
Shikiban in Onmyōdō and Mikkyō
An Outline of Shikiban Divination (Divination Using a Divination Board)
Divination by shikiban (mainly using the rikujin 六壬 [Ch. liuren] divination tech-
nique) was the official duty of onmyōji 陰陽師 om the Nara through the Muromachi
periods. However, it seems that these time-honored traditions were lost under the
Toyotomi 豐臣 administration, due to the loss of office of the head Onmyōdō family
(the Tsuchimikado 土御門 clan). During the Edo period, all knowledge related to
shikiban divination had vanished. In 1815 (Bunka 文化 12), Kanō Tadayoshi 加納直義,
a man born to a family of tacticians, published a text called the Nisen yōryaku 二占要略.3
It served as an introduction to the rikujin and tonkō 伿甲 (Ch. duǌia) methods
of divination, but this text was in fact derived om an abridged translation of a
Ming 明 dynasty work known as the Wubei zhi 武備志.4 The tradition of Japanese
Onmyōdō had been interrupted and shikiban divination is presented in this text as
a technique that had once again been imported om China. An entry on shikiban
divination can be found in the section relating to fangji (Jp. hōgi) 方技 in the Koji
ruien 古事類苑 (an encyclopedia of Japanese classical sources published between 1896
and 1914),5 but it seems that there was little effort on the part of its compilers to
provide detailed information on these techniques and their history.
From the 1960s onward, Takikawa Masajirō 瀧川政次郎 and Murayama Shūichi
村山修一 began a trial run to write essays on shikiban divination within Onmyōdō
2. Translator’s note: The exhibition catalogue was published the same year. See Onmyōdō
kakeru Mikkyō: kikakuten 陰陽道 × 密教̶̶企画展 (Yokohama 横浜: Kanagawa kenritsu Kanazawa
bunko 神奈川縣立金澤文庫, 2007).
3. Nisen yōryaku 二占要略 (1815), preserved in the National Diet Library, Kokkai toshokan
國會圖書館 (Tōkyō).
4. Wubei zhi 武備志 (1621), by Mao Yuanyi 茅元儀 (1594–1640?), edited by Nagasawa Kikuya
長沢規矩也, Wakoku-bon Min Shin shryō-shū 和刻本明清資料集, vols. 3–6 (Tōkyō: Kyūko shoin
古書院, 1974).
5. Konakamura Kiyonori 小中村淸矩 et al., eds., Koji ruien 古事類苑, vol. 13 (Tōkyō: Yoshikawa
kōbunkan 吉川弘文館, 1970 [1896–1914]), 504–60.

history.6 However, an overview of this subject first became clear due to the ener-
getic studies of Kosaka Shiǌi 小坂眞二.7 The research progressed with Kosaka’s
concrete analysis of the shikiban divination technique, and furthermore, this led to
a computer program written by Matsuoka Hidesato 松岡秀達 that could compute
rikujin divination calculations.8
A few essential points that can be observed om Kosaka’s study are that the
shikiban divination used by the Onmyōryō 陰陽寮 during the Heian period was
modeled on methods practiced during the Chinese Sui 隋 and Tang 唐 dynasties.
Aer this period, the development of continental divination no longer influenced
Japan. This also makes it clear that the shikiban techniques practiced by Abe no
Seimei 安倍晴明 (921–1005)—surviving in the rikujin divination handbook, Seǌi
ryakketsu 占事略決—were not always technically superior.9 Kosaka’s analysis of
shikiban techniques reached a level that could not be surpassed by other scholars,
but on the other hand, references to the shikiban divination practiced by onmyōji
and its relationship to society are scarce. Its weakness is the difficulty involved in
analyzing the exchange between shikiban divination techniques on one hand and
cultural and societal history on the other.
In order to help bridge that gap, I have publicized two studies: one on konrō
no miura 軒廊御卜, a national system of divination,10 and the other on shaku 赤口,
the development of shikiban divination during the period of transition into the
Middle Ages.11 However, no existing study currently describes the entire current of
Japanese divination in perspective, and much less is known about the development
of shikiban divination.
A large quantity of historical records survive that date om the Heian through
the Kamakura period and relate to the konrō no miura divination style utilized by
the Onmyōryō for the safety of the emperor (tenno 天皇). Therefore, scholarly
discussion relating to the history of shikiban divination is generally limited to the
ceremonies performed at the Imperial court. However, in surveying the original
6. Takikawa Masajirō 瀧川政次郎, “Tonkō to shikiban” 伿甲と式盤, in Nihon rekishi kōko
gakkai 日本歴史考古學會, ed., Nihon rekishi kōkogaku ronsō 日本歴史考古學論叢 (Tōkyō: Yoshikawa
kōbunkan, 1966), 659–84; Murayama Shūichi 村山修一, Nihon onmyōdō-shi sōsetsu 日本陰陽道史
總説 (Tōkyō: Hanawa shobō 塙書房 1981), 112–18 (chapter 5, section 20).
7. See Kosaka Shiǌi 小坂眞二, “Kodai, chūsei no uranai” 古代・中世の占い, in Onmyōdō sōsho
陰陽道叢書 4 (Tōkyō: Meicho shuppan 名著出版 1993), 19–75; id., “Seimei-kō to Seǌi ryakketsu”
晴明公と『占事略決』 , in Seimei jiǌa 晴明神社, ed., Abe no Seimei-kō 安倍晴明公 (Tōkyō: Kōdansha
講談社 2002), 138–67; id., Abe no Seimei sen Seǌi ryakketsu to Onmyōdō 安倍晴明『占事略決』と
陰陽道 (Tōkyō: Kyūko shoin 古書院, 2004).
8. Matsuoka Hidesato 松岡秀達, Abe no Seimei Seǌi ryakketsu shōkai (puroguramu CD tsuki)
安倍晴明『占事略决』詳解（プログラムＣＤ付）(Tōkyō: Iwata shoin 岩田書院, 2007).
9. Seǌi ryakketsu 占事略決, by Abe no Seimei 安倍晴明 (921–1005), edited in Nakamura
Shōhachi 中村璋八, Nihon onmyōdō-sho no kenkyū 日本陰陽道書の研究 (Tōkyō: Kyūko shoin
古書院, 1985), 25–60. See also Kosaka Shiǌi, Abe no Seimei sen Seǌi ryakketsu to onmyōdō.
10. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Rikujin shikisen to konrō no miura” 六壬式占と軒廊御卜, in Imatani
Akira 今谷明, ed., Ōken to jingi 王權と神 (Kyōto: Shibunkaku shuppan 思文閣出版, 2002), 79–103.
11. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Shaku” 赤口, in Amino Yoshihiko 網野善彦, ed., Kotoba no bunkashi:
chūsei ことばの文化史・中世 3 (Tōkyō: Heibonsha 平凡社, 1989), 87–135.

Chinese texts that deal with shikiban divination, we notice that they not only belong
to the bibliographical categories of fangji (Jp. hōgi) or shushu (Jp. jussū) 術数,12 which
are specialized fields of divination, but many of them are also military science texts,
describing concrete military divination techniques. Thus, we can surmise that until
later periods in China, shikiban divination was transmitted as a military technique
utilized to determine the trends in the state of the war or to otherwise assess situ-
ations on the battlefield. Conversely, in Japan, it is known that during the Jinshin
War 壬申の亂 of 672, Emperor Teǌi 天智天皇 (626–671) personally performed
divination using a shikiban.13 There are also records of onmyōji 陰陽師 that were
deployed to strategic defense positions in remote regions such as Dazaifu 太宰府.
However, aer the Heian period, there is no trace of the practical use of shikiban
divination by warriors. When comparing Japanese and Chinese shikiban divination
techniques, this proves to be an important point.
The True Image of the Shikiban

Since Yan Duǌie 嚴敦傑 has already compiled a simple and clear outline of the
shikiban divination styles utilized in China, namely the rikujin (Ch. liuren), tonkō
(Ch. duǌia), and taiitsu 太乙 (Ch. taiyi) techniques, I will not repeat his findings
here.14 The shikiban is a divination instrument that is based on the Chinese concept
of a round heaven and a square earth. It is constructed by affixing a rotating half-
sphere that represents heaven (tenban 天盤) to the top of a square board that rep-
resents earth (chiban 地盤). The rikujin divination method utilizes shikiban modeled
aer the constellations of all the heavens with the North Star in the center. The
results of this divination style are based upon the correspondence between one of the
Twelve Divine Generals (Jūni shinshō 十二神將) and the sexagenary cycle (kanshi 干支).
Correlations between the two are determined by calendar-related calculations.
In the other two methods—tonkō and taiitsu divinations—nine “palaces” (Ch.
jiugong, Jp. kyūkyū 九宮, a magic square) were positioned onto the square board.
Divination results were obtained based on the deities flying about the nine palaces
12. Translator’s note: According to Mark Csikszentmihalyi, “The term fangji originally was
a bibliographic category that referred to medical and mantic texts, and by extension the tech-
niques that these texts contained. In the Han, this term was contrasted with shushu 數術 (‘arts of
the numbers,’ or ‘algorithm-based techniques’) that included astronomy, calendrics, and divin-
ation, and primarily associated with fangshi [方士] (masters of methods). By later imperial times,
‘method-based expertises’ lost this specific connotation and became roughly synonymous with
the more general category of fangshu 方術 (‘methods and arts’) and came to describe individuals
whose fame rested on the mastery of such methods.” Fabrizio Pregadio, ed., The Encyclopedia of
Taoism, 2 vols. (London: Routledge, 2008), vol. 1: 405.
13. Nihon shoki 日本書紀, edited by Sakamoto Tarō 坂本太郎 et al., NKBT vol. 68 (Tōkyō:
Iwanami shoten 岩波書店, 1965), 388 (672.6.24).
14. See Yan Duǌie 嚴敦傑, “Ba liuren shipan” 跋六壬式盤, Wenwu cankao ziliao 文物参考資料 7,
(1958), 20–23. See also Yan Duǌie 嚴敦傑, “Shikiban sōjutsu” [Ch. shipan zongshu] 式盤綜述,
in Tōyō no kagaku to gĳutsu: Yabuuchi Kiyoshi sensei shōju kinen ronbunshū 東洋の科學と技術̶̶
藪内清先生頌壽記念論文集 (Kyōto: Dōbōsha shuppan 同朋舍出版, 1982), 62–95.

in accordance with the calendar. The names of divinities chanted by onmyōji when
performing magical steps called uho 禹歩 (Ch. yubu, “the Paces of Yu”) or henbai 反閉
(Ch. fanbi)15 belong to the deities of the Big Dipper; these names are also utilized
in tonkō divination. Each of these three divination methods (together, called
san-shiki 三式) was transmitted separately, and each utilized physically unique shikiban.
However, at least in Japan, rikujin divination was the mainstream style; examples
involving practical uses of tonkō and taiitsu divination are largely unknown.
A few extant shikiban artifacts have been unearthed om old grave sites dating to
the Han 漢 dynasty. However, there is only one known shikiban in copper (thought
to date om the Six Dynasties 六朝 period)—the history of which is unclear—that
would be closest to the original Sui and Tang period shikiban inherited by Japanese
Onmyōdō. This copper shikiban is presently in the possession of the Shanghai
Museum (Shanghai bowuyuan 上海博物館).16 Almost no examples of the creation of
illustrations, pictorial materials, or the like are known. However, a possible reference
may be found in the “Qingming shanghe tu” 清明上河圖 (“Along the River During
the Qingming Festival”), illustrated by the Song dynasty painter Zhang Zeduan
張擇端 (1085–1145), and now in the possession of the Palace Museum at the Forbidden
City in Beĳing (Beĳing Gugong bowuyuan 北京故宮博物院). In this painting, on
the le bank of the Hongqiao 虹橋 (“Rainbow Bridge”), beside an open restaur-
ant, there is a street stall with a thatched roof; this is the stall of a fortune-teller.
Paper signs lower om the roof inscribed with the terms shenke 神課, kanming 看命,
and jueyi 決疑.17 An item on a desk in the same street stall appears to be a shikiban
(fig. 1).18 Shenke is a term characteristic of rikujin divination, corresponding to the
eight trigrams (hakke 八卦) of divination methods utilizing the Yĳing 易經. It is
thus very probable that the item on the desk in the painting is indeed a shikiban. It
is important also to note that studies of the ancient Chinese astronomical history
mention a spoon-shaped magnetically charged directional needle placed above the
square base of the shikiban that served as a compass.19 It is also thought that the
evolution of the shape of the shikiban can be seen in the fengshui 風水 divination
15. The term uho 禹歩 (yubu) or henbai 反閉 (or 反閇) (fanbi) signifies ritual steps used in
Onmyōdō and Daoism that imitate the shape of the Big Dipper. According to tradition, these steps
emulate the staggering walk of the legendary Chinese king, Yu 禹, who was tasked with controlling
the great floods of China and exerted himself so much that he became lame on one side of his
body. Translator’s note: See Poul Andersen, “The Practice of Bugang,” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 5
(1989): 15–53; see also Poul Andersen, “Bugang,” in The Encyclopedia of Taoism, vol. 1: 237–41.
16. Takahashi Yōji 高橋洋二 et al., eds., Uranai to majinai 占いとまじない, Bessatsu Taiyō 別冊
太陽 73, Nihon no kokoro 日本の心 73 (Tōkyō: Heibonsha, 1991), the figure appearing on page 27.
17. Shenke refers to the results obtained using a divination board (e.g., a shikiban). Kanming
relates to the practice of physiognomy or chiromancy. Jueyi indicates interpretations derived om
oneiromancy and other methods of divination.
18. Nakamura Kōichi 中村公一, Ichiban daikichi! Omikuji no fōkuroa 一番大吉! おみくじのフォークロア
(Tōkyō: Taishūkan shoten 大修館書店, 1999), 119.
19. Wang Zhenduo 王振鐸, “Sinan zhinan zhen yu luojing pan” 司南指南針與羅經盤, Keji
kaogu luncong 科技考古論叢 (Beĳing: Wenwu chubanshe 文物出版社, 1989), 50–218.

Fig. 1: Detail of “Qingming shanghe tu” 清明上河圖, by Zhang Zeduan 張擇端. From
Ren Bonian 任伯年, Rongbaozhai huapu, gudai bufen 榮寳齋畫譜, 古代部分, 12. Beĳing:
Rongbaozhai chuban 榮寳齋畫譜, 1997, fig. 18.
boards (Ch. luopan 羅盤) of future generations, but a systematic study of this process
has yet to be produced.20
Upon considering the character of shikiban adopted by the Japanese Mikkyō
tradition, there is a unique reference compiled within volume 19,782 of the Yongle
dadian 永樂大典 titled “Xiaofa jushi” 小法局式.21 This document is one of the few
valuable Tang and Song dynasty texts that describe a shikiban divination method
referred to as Leigong shizhan 雷公式占 (Thunder Sire board divination).22 This text
establishes that Leigong divination is fundamentally a variation of liuren / rikujin
divination. The big difference is that in the liuren / rikujin method, the divination
board is only used as a divination instrument, while in this source, the divination
board is described as the object of a Daoist Jiao 醮 ritual (a festival of offering to
a deity). In this text, it is recorded that deities such as the deities of the Big Dip-
per, the gods of the constellations, and the Twelve Divine Generals, are asked to
descend onto the shikiban. Offerings are dedicated, rituals are practiced, and at
20. For a study of the shikiban as an astronomical instrument, see Chen Mengjia 陳夢家,
“Han jian nianli biaoxu” 漢簡年歴表叙, Han jian zhuishu 漢簡綴述 (Beĳing: Zhonghua shuju 中
華書局, 1980), 229–74 (especially pp. 260 and ff).
21. Yongle dadian 永樂大典, photographic reproduction, di shiba zhi 第十八帙, di baiqishiba
ce 第百七十八冊, juan 卷一万九千七百八十二, “ju” zi 「局」字 (Beĳing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局,
1959–1960), 7 recto–22 verso.
22. Translator’s note: Leigong refers to a Chinese thunder deity, usually translated “Thun-
der Sire” (see The Encyclopedia of Taoism, vol. 1, pp. 629–630 by Lowell Skar). In Japanese, this
divination method is pronounced Raikō shikisen.

this time the ritual statement text is also read aloud. When the officiant invokes
Leigong using a newly constructed divination board, he has to veri whether or
not the cloud-pneuma (Ch. yunqi, Jp. unki 雲氣) appears on it, performing the
practice of kouchi 叩齒,23 tying the divination board with five-colored threads in
order to seal the deities within it, and the like. Similar practices may be found in a
Japanese Mikkyō ritual called Fūban sahō 封盤作法 (the Ritual Procedure of Sealing
the Board).24 It was understood in China and Japan that Leigong divination was
performed exclusively for the emperor. We must suppose that this particular tech-
nique, which was strictly controlled and prohibited om coming into the hands of
retainers or commoners, was leaked in some way, and thus came to be incorporated
into Japanese medieval Mikkyō.
The Dakiniten Shikiban and the Shōten Shikiban

The physical image of the shikiban used by onmyōji remains unknown, but the
Mikkyō shikiban may be visualized based on banpō-related documents preserved
in the sacred text storehouse at Shōmyōji. With the help of these documents,
the divination board used in the Toǌō shĳji hō 頓成悉地法, the “Ritual of Prompt
Siddhi (success)”(Dakini-hō ダキニ／䆣枳尼法), could be reconstructed at the 2007
Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō exhibition.25 At this point, the recreation of a Kangiten
歡喜天 shikiban may also be attempted.26
Taking into account the indications of the Shō Kangiten shikihō 聖歓喜天式法,
included within the Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大蔵經 (vol. 21, no. 1275), and
the documents related to Shōten shikihō that are found among the sacred texts at
Shōmyōji, it can be hypothesized that the two-bodied Kangiten is placed in the
center of the conical heaven board (tenban). Arranged in the four directions are
Nichiōten 日王天, Aiōten 愛王天, Getsuaiten 月愛天, and Gitokuten 議特天, the four
alternate forms of Kangiten. On the square earth board (chiban), the Deva Guardians
of the Eight Directions are positioned among the Twelve Devas. Furthermore, along
the edges (or along the four sides, if the earth board is constructed in the form of
a cube) the twenty-eight constellations and the thirty-six animals are illustrated in
the same style as a Dakiniten shikiban or an original rikujin shikiban (fig. 3).
23. Translator’s note: Kouchi, or “clapping the teeth,” is a Daoist practice thought to strengthen
teeth and prevent tooth decay, as well as to summon deities and protect against demonic forces.
Livia Kohn, ed., Daoism Handbook (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 102–103.
24. Translator’s note: The Fūban sahō (the ritual procedure of sealing the board) is described in
several Shōmyōji documents, especially in the Toǌō shĳji banpō shidai 頓成悉地盤法次第 (Shōmyōji
shōgyō 稱名寺聖教 or Shōmyōji collection [hereaer abbreviated SJC], case 316, number 24; edited
in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, pp. 45a–47a): see Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 46c–47a.
25. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten Onmyōdō
kakeru Mikkyō hoi,” Kanazawa bunko kenkyū 320 (2008): 47. See also fig. 2.
26. Translator’s note: In Japanese Buddhism, Kangiten and Shōten 聖天 are alternate names
for the Indic deity Nandikeśvara or Vināyaka (more popularly known as Gaṇeśa or Gaṇapati).
See for example Robert Duquenne, “Gaṇapati Rituals in Chinese,” Bulletin de l’École française
d’Extrême-Orient, 77 (1988): 321–54.

Fig. 2: The restoration of a shikiban used in Toǌō shĳji hō (Dakini hō). This repro-
duction is based on the Banpō honzon zu 盤法本尊圖 (SJC, reverse side of the archive
number 1248, 1268 and 774; edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, pp. 67a–68b) and the
Sōshō banzu 相承番圖 (SJC, case 316, number 20), and takes diverse extant Dakiniten
maṇḍala into consideration.
As for the four alternate forms of Kangiten, their images may be determined
according to their representations in a Kangiten maṇḍala 歓喜天曼荼羅 dating to
the Nanbokuchō 南北朝 period (14th century).27 Here, the two-bodied Kangiten
27. Presently in the possession of the Kanagawa Prefectural Museum of Modern Art
(Kanagawa kenritsu kindai bĳutsu-kan 神奈川縣立近代美術館). This maṇḍala is om the pos-
sessions of master painter Kinoshita Shōkō 木下翔逅 (1926–1998). For other examples of such
Kangiten maṇḍalas, see Kōyasan Reihō-kan 高野山靈寶館, ed., Tenbu no shoson: Dai-jūgo-kai
Kōyasan Daihōzō-ten 天部の諸尊̶̶第十五回高野山大寶藏展, Kōya-chō 高野町 (Wakayama-ken
和歌山縣 Kōyasan Reihō-kan, 1994), fig. 49; Kyōto-shiritsu geĳutsu daigaku geĳutsu shiryō-kan
京都市立藝術大學藝術資料館, ed., Bukkyō zuzō shūsei: Rokkaku-dō Nōman-in butsuga funpon
佛教圖像聚成̶̶六角堂能滿院佛画粉本 (Kyōto: Hōzōkan 法藏館, 2004), fig. 1078 (the original is
preserved in Omuro Shiǌō-in 御室眞乘院).

Fig. 3: The restoration of a

shikiban used in Shōten shikihō
(Kangiten shikihō) in its
developed form. This repro-
duction is based on the
aforementioned Shō Kangiten
shikihō, and takes diverse
extant Kangiten maṇḍala into
consideration.
appears in the center, and the four alternate forms of Kangiten are arranged on each
of the four petals of a lotus. The descriptions of the four Kangiten contained in the
Shō Kangiten shikihō coincide with these images. Furthermore, arranged along the
edges of the maṇḍala’s square border are the sanmayagyō 三昧耶形 (symbolic forms)
of the Twelve Devas. Drawn in the upper part is Daĳizaiten 大自在天 (Maheśvara),
and in the lower part are two Kangiten, one with four arms and another with six
arms. Arguably, the production of this maṇḍala was fundamentally based on the
design of the Shōten shikiban.
There are other esoteric shikiban rituals mentioned in medieval sources, namely
those that utilize the Five Great Kokūzō or Ākāśagarbhas (Godai Kokuzō 五大
虚空藏), the Five Great Wisdom Kings or vidyārājas (Godaison 五大尊), or a special
form of Nyoirin Kannon or Avalokiteśvara with a Wish Fulfilling Jewel and Wheel
named Tohyō Nyoirin 都表如意輪 as their honzon. However, no iconographic or
textual documents have yet emerged that allow their actual images to be determined.
Also, there is a mysterious wooden shikiban originating om the Middle Ages in
the possession of Tamon’in 多聞院 in Yamaguchi prefecture 山口縣.28 Full photos
28. It has been designated a Yamaguchi cultural property (ken shitei bunka-zai 縣指定
文化財). See Usuki Hanaomi 臼杵華臣, and Ishihara Keĳi 石原啓司, eds., Bōchō no bĳutsu to bunka
防長の美術と文化 (Tōkyō: Gakushū kenkyū-sha 學習研究社, 1983), figs. 34–37.

and detailed data on this shikiban were not publicized, so it is still impossible to
identi the deities appearing on it. However, I believe that there is enough room
to clari this according to the development of research om this point forward.
These shikiban were enshrined as the honzon on Buddhist ritual altars and were
used as objects of worship. Thus, they differ in character om the shikiban used
as implements of divination in Onmyōdō. However, according to texts relating to
Shōten shikihō, the officiant had to rotate the heavenly disc according to its intended
purpose (such as prayers for victory, love, cursing one’s enemies, easy childbirth,
recovery om disease, stopping rainfall, or making rain), setting it to the deity that
corresponds to the ritual’s goal. Thus, it is clear that the function of the rotating
shikiban disc was utilized in relation to the attainment of ritual goals.
Newly Discovered Sources Relating to Banpō
The Special Transmission of the Nishinoin-ryū 西院流 Lineage
Each of the ritual texts relating to banpō (esoteric board rituals) discovered at Shōmyōji
prior to the Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō exhibition have been made available to the
public by Kanazawa bunko, and were edited in its catalogue. Since the exhibition, new
related documents have been discovered and published in Kanazawa bunko kenkyū
金澤文庫研究, vol. 320.29 Among them, one set of documents is of special interest.
This set is comprised of records demonstrating that Tan’ei 湛睿 (1271–1346)—the
third abbot of Shōmyōji—received the transmission of the rituals of Toǌō shĳji
hō as well as Rinnō kaǌō 輪王灌頂 (the Abhiṣeka of the Cakravartin) om Kenna
釼阿 (1261–1338), the second abbot of Shōmyōji, as a special transmission of the
Nishinoin-ryū (Nishinoin-ryū betsu sōden 西院流別相傳) during the sixth month of
1322 (Genkō 元亨 2).30 The transmission consisted of a set of four documents all
related to Dakiniten rituals. Tan’ei was first instructed in ritual methods such as
honzon, dhāraṇī, Kaigen sahō 開眼作法 (the ritual to open the eyes of a honzon), and
the like. Next, he was instructed in ordinary rituals (hiraza 平座), and aerward,
the secret banpō techniques. Finally, he was instructed in the Rinnō kaǌō which
was one form of the Sokui hō 即位法 (the Buddhist enthronement ritual). Thus,
this set of documents makes it clear that all of these rituals were transmitted as a
single coherent whole.
Even today, the Nishinoin-ryū prospers as a lineage of transmission representative of
the Hirosawa-ryū 廣澤流 of the Shingon school 眞言宗. Its teachings are known accord-
ing to a basic scripture (konpon shōgyō 根本聖教) called the Nishinoin hakketsu 西院八結;
29. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten Onmyōdō
kakeru Mikkyō hoi,” Kanazawa bunko kenkyū 320 (2008): 35–47.
30. Nishioka, “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten Onmyōdō kakeru
Mikkyō hoi”, 37a–38a; Shohō deǌu ki 諸法傳受記, handwritten by Tan’ei in 1322, SJC, archival
document 2731, edited in Nishioka, ibid., 42a. See also ibid., 40a–41c.

the printed book published by Tōji 東寺 is used to formally ordain monks.31 The
current lineage of transmission derives om the Nōzen branch (Nōzen kata 能禪方)
of the Nishinoin lineage; its founder was Nōzen 能禪 (1204–1289), the disciple of an
active monk in Kamakura named Zenhen Kōgyō 禪遍宏教 (1184–1255). However, the
current transmission does not contain any texts that relate to Dakiniten rituals in
any way. Similarly, a different text called the Nishinoin hakketsu kōhon 西院八結廣本,
an expanded version of the branch of Gen’yu 元瑜 (1228–1319)32—another disciple
of Kōgyō and a confidant of both Adachi Yasumori 安達泰盛 (1231–1285) and Hōjō
Tokimune 北条時宗 (1251–1284)—shows no evidence of teachings related to the
Dakiniten ritual. Moreover, even in the most comprehensive catalogue of Shingon
teachings at the present time, the Catalogue of Sacred Teachings of All Temples in
the Country (Zenkoku jiin shōgyō mokuroku 全國寺院聖教目録) of the Chizan 智山
sub-sect of the Shingi 新義 Shingon school,33 no sacred teachings related to the
Dakiniten ritual can be found. Even taking into account that these teachings may
have been lost due to the purge of “heretical” rituals (iryūgi 異流儀) or wars that
arose during the Muromachi period and later, the Dakiniten rituals seen in related
Shōmyōji texts seem to give rise to the undeniable possibility that its transmission
was limited to the outskirts of Kamakura during the close of the Kamakura period.
The Dakiniten Ritual of the Hōjuin-ryū 保壽院流 Lineage

Among the Shōmyōji texts, there is also a Dakini ritual text affiliated with the
Hojuin-ryū 保壽院流 (another important lineage of the Hirosawa-ryū). The Shoson
hō mokuroku 諸尊法目録, edited by Ryūhen 隆遍 (1145–1206)34—a catalogue of basic
scriptures of the same lineage—contains a section named “Tentōbu” 天等部 that
lists rituals relating to different devas. This section supplies the rituals of thirty-
nine worthies (shoson-hō 諸尊法). Near the end, there is a description of the ritual
of Dakiniten 䆣枳尼天, following those of Jiǌa-shin 深沙神 and Daikokuten 大黒天
(Skt. Mahākāla). Because an addition mark (ka 加) appears beneath the title, this
Dakiniten ritual appear to have been added by leaders of the Hojuin lineage aer
its founder Kakuzei 覺成 (1126–1198).
The teachings that I believe correspond with this ritual of Dakiniten35 share fun-
damental concepts with the Toǌō shĳji hō of the aforementioned special transmission
of the Nishinoin-ryū (Nishinoin-ryū betsu sōden). Rituals that focus on shikiban are
similar between these two lineages. However, the written vows (hotsuganmon 發願文)
31. Nishi-no-in hakketsu narabini Shi-gon 西院八結并厶言, 10 vols., edited by Kōbō daishi
issen-hyaku-nen onki jimu-kyoku 弘法大師一千百年御遠忌事務局 (Kyōto: Kyōō gokoku-ji (Tōji)
教王護国寺 (東寺), 1934). This edition contains a commentary by Kōgyō 宏教.
32. The manuscript of this text is held at Ryūgeji 龍華寺 in Kanazawa.
33. Shingon-shū Chizan-ha shozoku jiin shōgyō shiryō satsuei mokuroku 眞言宗智山派所屬寺
院聖教史料撮影目録, 4 vols., edited by Shingon-shū Chizan-ha shūmu-chō 眞言宗智山派宗務廳
(Kyōto: published by Shingon-shū Chizan-ha shūmu-chō, 2007).
34. SJC, case 318, number 57.
35. Dakini (kō, ka) 䆣枳尼〈廣・加〉, SJC, case 318, number 149.

of these rituals are different. According to the Nishinoin-ryū betsu sōden, the vow
reads, “With a most sincere heart, I vow only to Moǌu 文殊,” but the Hojuin-ryū
text substitutes Moǌu (Skt. Mañjuśrī) for Dainichi 大日 (Skt. Mahāvairocana).36 At
the end of the work, it states, “Even though it [this Dakiniten ritual] belongs to a
different lineage, it should be appended to the Hirosawa-ryū ritual procedure of the
applied practices (kegyō 加行).” Thus, we understand that these were not originally the
lineage’s teachings, but they were purportedly incorporated as necessary. From this
point forward, a detailed comparative study of these teachings must be undertaken.
The Kikuta Sanzō Ichiin Hō 菊多三藏一印法

Other scriptures that record a detailed description of the shape of the shikiban have
been discovered. For example, there are works such as the Sōjō banzu 相承番圖 (The
Illustration of the Transmitted Board),37 the Hachidō goryū kuketsu 八童五龍口决
(The Oral Tradition on Eight Youths and Five Dragons),38 and the Banpū shidai
盤封次第 (The Procedure of Sealing the Board).39 Their contents are similar to texts
that were already known, but they seem to have also been independent teachings.
A short text called the Kikuta Sanzō ichiin hō 菊多三藏一印法 (The Ritual of the
Single Mudrā of the Master of Tripiṭaka Kikuta),40 also handwritten by Kenna, is
a ritual procedure of the Shikai toǌō kaǌō 四海頓成灌頂 (The Abhiṣeka of Prompt
[Success for Domination over] the Four Oceans). When the practitioner performs
the Kikuta Ichiin 菊多一印 mantra and mudrā, he is instructed to place his pressed-
together fingertips on his male organ (onzō 陰藏)41 to apply sacramental power (kaji
加持, Skt. adhiṣṭhāna) to it. This is worth noting, since it suggests that the rituals
of Dakiniten have an “heterodox” (gehō-teki 外法的)42 character. Kikuta Sanzō—or
Daruma Kikuta 達磨掬多43—seems to be an alternate name for Nāgabodhi (Ryūchi
36. Respectively, shishin hotsugan yuigan Moǌu 至心發願唯願文殊 and shishin hotsugan
yuigan Dainichi 至心發願唯願大日.
41. Translator’s note: Onzō or onzō-sō 陰藏相 (Skt. kośa-gata-vasti-guhya) is one of thirty-
two marks of the Buddha’s body: the Buddha’s male organ is sheathed like that of an elephant
of good origin or a horse of good race. See e.g., Dazhidu-lun (Jp. Daichido-ron) 大智度論, Taishō
shinshū daizōkyō, vol. 25, no. 1509, 90b; Étienne Lamotte, Le traité de la grande vertu de sagesse,
vol. 1 (Leuven: Université de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, 1981 [1944]), 274–75. However, here,
the term simply designates the practitioner’s male organ.
42. Translator’s note: Gehō literally means “exterior to the (Buddhist) Dharma.” The term is applied
to rituals that are not properly of Buddhist origin (for example Onmyōdō rituals), but this term also
carries the implication that a ritual is heretical or heterodox. Here, gehō is used in the latter sense.
43. Translator’s note: The name Daruma Kikuta 達磨掬多 has been reconstructed in Sanskrit
as Dharmagupta; according to certain traditions, he was a monk in Nālandā monastery, and was
the master of Śubhakarasiṃha. See for example Liangbu dafa xiangcheng shizi fufa ji (Jp. Ryōbu
daihō sōshō shĳi fuhō-ki) 兩部大法相承師資付法記 by Haiyun (Jp. Kaiun) 海雲, Taishō shinshū
daizōkyō, vol. 51, no. 2081, 786b.

bosatsu 龍智菩 ) of the Nālandā Temple in India. Nāgabodhi is a legendary figure

of esoteric Buddhism and one of the eight patriarchs of the Shingon school, and
also said to have been the master of Śubhakarasiṃha (Ch. Shanwuwei, Jp. Zenmui
善無畏, 637–735). However, the text does not provide any explanation as to what sort
of relationship he had to this ritual. A similar example is a text called the Kongōchi
shidai 金剛智次第 (The Ritual Procedure of Vajrabodhi),44 quoted in a ritual text of
Shōten shikihō. Texts such as these distort history by invoking the name of legend-
ary patriarchs (such as Nāgabodhi or Vajrabodhi) in an attempt to make a ritual’s
origin seem more ancient.
The Nōen rokugatsu-hō 能延六月法

(Rituals to Extend [One's Longevity] for Six Months)
Among the newly discovered documents, there is a text called the Nōen rokugatsu
shidai 能延六月次第. It belongs to a cycle of ritual texts of Dakiniten that were titled
(gedai 外題) by Kenna and handwritten by Shūhan 秀範 (1276–?).45 Utilizing the
power of Fudō Myōō 不動明王 (Vidyārāja Acala) to subdue Dakini, this ritual aimed
to extend one’s longevity for six months. As Iyanaga Nobumi 彌永信美 has already
shown,46 it was an extremely practical ritual, affiliated with the inge of Dakiniten
ritual practices. According to the original colophon, Seigen 成賢 (1162–1231) recorded
this text during his practices in the year corresponding to Jōkyū 承久 9.47
In addition, another document was discovered in the Shōmyōji corpus—a text
written by Kiin 熈允 (1295–1377),48 based on oral tradition and known as the Fudō
nōen rokugatsu-hō 不動能延六月法. Aer providing the details of the ritual, Kiin’s text
enumerates the relationship between the earthly branch (jūni-shi 十二支, literally
“twelve branches”) of a petitioner’s birth year and the inauspicious month in
which calamity would descend upon him.49 The emphasis on inauspicious years
and months seem to demonstrate that this text has some relation with Onmyōdō
concepts. There exist also ritual texts with very similar contents dating om the
early modern period. Only these rituals were kept om extinction. It is clear that
they were preserved because of their practical character.
44. Shōten shikihō kuden 聖天式法口傳 (SJC, case 399, number 42), edited in the Kanazawa
bunko exhibition catalogue, Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 38c–39a. Translator’s note: Kongōchi (Skt.
Vajrabodhi, 671–741) is another of the eight patriarchs of Shingon Buddhism.
45. Shūhan, also known as Kenshō-bō 見 (顯) 性房, was ordained at Sasame 佐々目 in
Kamakura 鎌倉. He then went to study esotericism at Muroo-ji 室生寺 and in Kyōto. He had a
close relationship with Kenna and Shōmyōji.
46. Iyanaga Nobumi 彌永信美, Daikokuten Hensō: Bukkyō shinwagaku 1 大黒天變相̶̶佛教
神話學 1 (Kyōto: Hōzōkan 法藏館, 2002), 569–70.
47. Translator’s note: Jōkyū 9 is not a valid year entry. The Jōkyū era ended in Jōkyū 4 (1222).
By extension, Jōkyū 9 would correspond to 1228, the year officially recognized as Antei 安貞 2.
48. Kiin, known also as Genryō-bō 玄寥房 became later the fih generation abbot of Shōmyōji
under the name of Jūson 什尊. He was a disciple of Kenna.
49. Translator’s note: The earthly branches are part of the East Asian sexagenary cycle
(ganzhi 干支).

Furthermore, a short tale, a dra for a sermon, can be found in Fudō nōen rokugatsu
no koto 不動能延六月事 handwritten by Tan’ei,50 which is presented as a quotation
om a text called “Go innen shū dai nĳūsan” 御因縁集第廿三 (the August Records of
Tales of Origin, section twenty-three). According to the tale, during a night when
Shōrin Ajari 勝林阿闍梨 (of the Saitō 西塔 at Mt. Hiei 比叡山) was holding a vigil
at Sannō Ōmiya 山王大宮, the gongen 權現 (the kami of the sanctuary) commanded
the Hachiōji 八王子 (the Eight Princes, younger deities of the sanctuary) to take
the life of a disbelieving local resident under the sanctuary’s control (ujibito 氏人)
named Abe no Hiro… 安倍廣□ (the last character of his name is illegible). However,
because the intended target had just presented offerings to Fudō the day before,
Shōrin overheard deities conversing about having extended his life for six months.
The tale concludes by stating that Shōrin then renewed his belief in Fudō Myōō.
The Tohyō Nyoirin Shikihō 都表如意輪式法

(The Shikiban Ritual of Tohyō Nyoirin Kannon)
Among the newly discovered materials that I presented and edited in volume 320 of
Kanazawa bunko kenkyū, the text of Document 41 (pp. 43c–46a) was written on the
reverse side of several archival documents (shihai moǌo 紙背文書); therefore, it was
cut into pieces and its original form could not be restored.51 However, it contained
agments of the Shō Kangiten shikihō found in the Taishō canon (T 21, no. 1275)
mentioned above. It appears that several ritual texts were mixed together in this
document. From this point forward, a precise investigation is in order. This docu-
ment can be very likely identified as a ritual text of Tohyō Nyoirin hō 都表如意輪法.
It is particularly interesting in that it describes the procedure of taking magical steps
(uho or henbai) with illustrations.52 Similarly, technical terms derived om rikujin
shikiban divination such as fukugin 伏吟 (Ch. fuyin) or hangin 反吟 (Ch. fanyin) occur
in this document.53 There seem to have been several variant traditions of Tohyō
Nyoirin ritual, and one passage of this document enumerates the different traditions
by which deities are inscribed on the shikiban.54 If there were a comparative study
on maṇḍalas and icons of Nyoirin Kannon 如意輪觀音, it would perhaps become

51. Translator’s note: Before the modern period, paper was so precious that many ritual
manuscripts are preserved on the reverse side of official documents or letters, etc. Because modern
historiographers attached greater importance to the official documents, some were cut into pieces.
This helped to make the official documents coherent, but also removed crucial information om
the ritual document on the reverse side.
52. See Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten
Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō hoi”, 44a–b; a photographic reproduction of the image is given at p. 46b.
53. See ibid., 44b. Fukugin 伏吟 (fuyin) designates the state of the divination board in which
the heavenly sphere and the earthly board are at positions opposed by 180 degree. Hangin 反吟
(fanyin) is a state in which they are at exactly the same position, differing by zero degrees. These
two states are both considered inauspicious.
54. Nishioka, ibid., 44b–c, where a Fukū giki 不空儀軌, and a Kongōchi gi 金剛智儀, or
Kongōchi ki 金剛智軌, are mentioned.

possible to estimate the actual forms of the deities that appear on the shikiban. On
the other hand, the Tohyō Nyoirin ritual quotes sources such as the Kongōchi ki
金剛智軌 (The Ritual by Vajrabodhi), and other texts by Gochibō 五智房 or Jōjōbō
乘々房.55 This may be evidence that this ritual was transmitted by persons who also
transmitted the board ritual of Shōten (Shōten shikihō 聖天式法). These works and
their transmitters must be investigated in future studies.
Incidentally, in a document presented by Tsuda Tetsuei 津田徹英, a shikiban
ritual of Godaison (Godaison shikihō 五大尊式法) preserved in Kanchi-in 觀智院 of
Tōji 東寺 (the thirty-seventh fascicle of the Gojikkan-shō 五十卷鈔 by Kōzen 興然,
1120–1203), there is also an illustration of henbai footprints.56 There are references
to rites typical of Onmyōdō, such as In getsuken 飲月建, Tenko 天鼓,57 and the like,
which were also adopted into this Mikkyō ritual.58 I believe that this Godaison shi-
kiban ritual, as well as the Tohyō Nyoirin ritual and the Shōten shikihō, came into
existence via the same lineage of thought.
55. Gochibō and Jōjōbō are quoted, ibid., 44c–45a.

56. See Gojikkan-shō 五十卷鈔, edited in Shingonshū-zensho 眞言宗全書, vols. 29–31 (Kyōto:
Dōhōsha shuppan 同朋舍出版, 1977, vol. 30), 678–85.
57. Getsuken (sometimes pronounced gakkon) 月建 (Ch. yuejian) designates a system of
correlation between the twelve Chinese zodiac animals and the twelve months (the first month
corresponds to the Tiger, the second to the Hare, and so on). According to the Shōten shikihō
kuden (SJC, case 399, number 42, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 38c) and the Shōten
shikiban ketsu sahō 聖天式盤結作法 (SJC, case 298, number 31, edited in ibid., 42c), the expression
“in getsuken” or “don getsuken” 呑月建 (“swallow the getsuken”) seems to mean a ritual in which
the practitioner, using water, writes on the palm of his hand a siddhaṃ character related to the
getsuken, and pretends to pour it into his mouth. It constitutes one of the visionary practices
by which the practitioner identifies himself with the shikiban, and thus situates himself at the
center of the cosmos.—On the other hand, according to the Shōten shikihō kuden (SJC, case 399,
number 42, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 38c–39a), Tenko 天鼓 (“heavenly drum”) indi-
cates different ritual movements of the body, such as blinking, clapping the teeth (kouchi 叩齒)
[see above, n. 23], clapping the hands, and others. See Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 38c–39a. See also
Tanaka Katsuhiro 田中勝裕, “Shō-henbai narabini goshin-hō no ichi-kōsatsu: ‘tenko’ to ‘gyokunyo’
wo megutte”『小反閇并護身法』の一考察̶̶「天鼓」と「玉女」をめぐって, Bukkyō daigaku daigaku-in
kiyō 佛教大學大學院紀要, 33 (2005): 17–32.
58. Tsuda Tetsuei 津田徹英, “Uho, henbai to Soǌō-ō, Rokuji Myōō no zuzō” 禹歩・反閉と
尊星王・六字明王の圖像, Nihon shūkyō bunkashi kenkyū 日本宗教文化史研究, 2:2 (Tōkyō: Iwata
shoin 岩田書院, 1998), 75–83.

The Development of the Dakiniten ritual
The Dakiniten Maṇḍala
The image of Dakini has been studied by art historians such as Hayashi On 林溫
and Shirahara Yukiko 白原由起子.59 They noted an impressive icon of Dakiniten rid-
ing a white fox, currently in the possession of a certain family, that dates om the
Middle Ages. Aer the publication of their papers, a few other Dakini maṇḍalas
with similar iconography were discovered too. We now know that this kind of image
continued to be secretly produced even during the Edo period.
More recently, Irie Tami 入江多美 has published an essay on the Izuna mandara zu
伊頭那 (飯繩) 曼荼羅圖 in the possession of Rinnōji 日光山輪王寺 on Mount Nikkō.60
Her research revealed the organization of the most complicated Dakiniten maṇḍala
known today, containing a total of fi-four worthies (sonkaku 尊格). The petitioner
of this drawing, a monk named Teizen 貞禪, was active in the vicinity of Mount
Nikkō om the close of the Nanbokuchō period through the early Muromachi 室町
period. Evidence of his dedication of the Nihongi 日本紀, the Reiki ki 麗氣記, and
the Shinkei zu 神系圖 to Chūzeǌi 中禪寺 in Nikkō in 1399 has also come to light.61
From the Nanbokuchō period tale of Shiichi shōnin 志一上人 and Hosokawa
Kiyouji’s 細川清氏 (?–1362) tale of the Dakiniten ritual in the Taiheiki 太平記 onward,62
Mikkyō ritual discourse relating to the Dakiniten ritual remained cloaked in shadows.
It was replaced by the Izuna no hō 飯縄の法, which tended to become a synonym
for sorcery. This maṇḍala transmitted to Mount Nikkō may be accepted as a rare
iconographical piece of evidence detailing the transition period during which the
Dakiniten ritual was directly transformed into the Izuna ritual.
The hanging lanterns arranged at the ont shrine (haiden 拜殿) of Fushimi
Inari Taisha 伏見稻荷大社 in Kyōto are decorated with the signs of twenty-eight
astrological mansions. Thus, the composition of the Dakiniten ritual based on the
shikiban seems to have been transmitted in secret. However, the model of a shikiban
was generally forgotten. Succeeding the Dakiniten rituals, it is rather the image of
59. Hayashi On 林溫, “Dakiniten mandara ni tsuite” 䆣枳尼天曼荼羅について, Bukkyō

geĳutsu 佛教藝術 217 (1994): 5, 10–11, 92–108; Shirahara Yukiko 白原由起子, “Fushimi Inari
mandara kō: Kojin-bon Dakiniten mandara ni taisuru iken”「伏見稻荷曼陀羅」考̶̶個人本
「䆣枳尼天曼荼羅」に對する異見, Tōkyō kokuritsu hakubutsukan kenkyū-shi 東京國立博物館研究誌
(Museum) 560 (1999): 3–4, 7–23.
60. Irie Tami 入江多美, “Nikkōzan Rinnōji zō ‘Izuna (Izuna) mandara zu’ ni tsuite” 日光
山輪王寺藏「伊頭那（飯繩）曼荼羅圖」について. Tochigi kenritsu hakubutsukan kenkyū kiyō: jinbun
栃木縣立博物館研究紀要・人文 25 (2008): 1–25. Translator’s note: See also Irie Tami, “Dakiniten
(Shinko-ō bosatsu) ni kansuru ichi-shiron: Nikkōzan Rinnōji zō ‘Izuna (Izuna) mandara zu’ wo
chūshin to shite” ダキニ天（辰狐王菩）に関する一試論̶̶日光山輪王寺藏「伊頭那（飯繩）曼荼羅圖」
を中心として, Bĳutsu-shi ronshū 美術史論集 (published om Kōbe daigaku bĳutsu-shi kenkyūkai
神戸大學美術史研究會), 8 (2008): 94–110, available online at <http://www.lit.kobe-u.ac.jp/art-
history/ronshu/ron8.html>.
61. Only the storage boxes remain; the texts themselves have been lost.
62. Translator’s note: See Taiheiki 太平記, NKBT vol. 36: 358–60.

the Izuna rituals that would prevail as heretical teachings and sorcery. Symbolic
figures, such as Hosokawa Masamoto 細川政元 (1466–1507), were known for having
used these methods to manipulate the political world of their times.63
The Dakiniten Ritual and the Cult of Inari

At the very mention of Dakiniten, Inari Myōjin 稻荷明神 springs to mind. However,
there are only a few ancient documents in which the Mikkyō ritual of Dakiniten was
joined to the cult of Inari. The tradition related to Hata no Ototari 秦乙足 connected
the Hata 秦 clan of Inari-worshippers to Tōji’s Kūkai 空海. But this tradition was
transmitted in secret and generally not circulated.64 The transmission of the legend
of the great catfish of Nanba 難波 (the story of the stūpa of mud of Shitennōji 四天
王寺土塔)65 seems to have been completely interrupted aer the Kamakura period.
It is worth noting that shrines utilizing the name of Inari exist in great numbers
throughout the whole of Japan. However, with the exception of Fushimi Inari Taisha,
it is rare for such shrines to have any reliable history up to the Middle Ages. It is
difficult to grasp wholly or quantitatively, but even looking at cadasters contained
in manor archives of the Middle Ages, one can see that the name “Inari” does not
seem to appear as equently as deities such as those of Kumano 熊野, Hachiman
八幡, Kasuga 春日, or Suwa 諏訪.
According to Nakamura Teiri 中村禎里, om the mid-Edo period onward, Inari
shrines increased tremendously within Edo 江戸. He coǌectures that the enlarge-
ment of the urban population along with the increasing development of new rice
fields in villages entailed an assertive expansion of Inari shrines, most especially in
eastern Japan.66
63. The fundamental source on Hosokawa Masamoto’s obsession with Izuna rituals is the
Ashikaga Kisei-ki 足利季世記, edited in Kaitei Shiseki shūran 改定史籍集覧, vol. 13 (Kyōto: Rinsen
shoten 臨川書店, 1990) 144 and ff. See Suegara Yutaka 末柄豐, “Hosokawa Masamoto to Shugendō:
Shisen-in Kōsen wo chūshin ni” 細川政元と修驗道̶̶司院興仙を中心に, Haruka naru chūsei 遙
かなる中世, 12 (1992): 64a–69b.
64. See Ototari jinku saimon 乙足神供祭文, in Inari ichiryū daĳi 稻荷一流大事, edited in Inari
daisha yuisho-ki shūsei, vol. 1 稻荷大社由緒記集成, Shinkō chosaku-hen 信仰著作 (Kyōto: Fushimi
Inari taisha shamusho 伏見稻荷大社社務所, 1957), 92–94. See also a text of the same title, Ototari
jinku saimon, in the Shōmyōji collection, handwritten by Shūei: SJC, case 317, number 7, edited
in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 51c, and another text entitled Ototari saimon 乙垂祭文, SJC, case
346, number 27, edited in Nishioka, “Kanazawa Shōmyōji ni okeru Toǌō shĳji hō: kikakuten
Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō hoi”: 42b (see also id., ibid.: 38a–b).
65. Toǌō shĳji kuden-shū 頓成悉地口傳集, SJC, case 337, number 101, edited in Onmyōdō
kakeru Mikkyō, 63c. Translator’s note: The legend reports that Dakiniten sent her eight children
om India (Teǌiku 天竺) to Japan in order to bring benefits to its inhabitants. However, there
was a great wind over the ocean, and they were swallowed by a giant catfish (namazu ナマヅ). An
“old man” (okina ヲキナ) caught this catfish, cut its belly open, and found the eight children of
Dakiniten. He then installed them at the stūpa of mud of Shitennōji.
66. Nakamura Teiri 中村禎里, Kitsune no Nihonshi: kinsei kindai hen 狐の日本史・近世、近代
(Tōkyō: Nihon editā sukūru shuppanbu 日本エディタースクール出版部, 2003, Second Part: “Edo
no Inari” 江戸の稻荷), 130–248.

It is necessary to study folk beliefs surrounding foxes (kitsune 狐) in a larger

perspective than before, including those related to possession or stories concerning
humans and animals. However, it would seem possible that om the Muromachi
period onwards, these beliefs in foxes had become amalgamated with the cult of
Inari, and responding to the change in society, spread in folkloric culture. Ancient
Dakiniten rituals deemed important to the nation were kept secret. However, a wide
diffusion of beliefs related to Inari would have resulted om the descent among the
populace of onmyōji and gyōja 行者 (“ascetics”) that had been employed by influential
people to perform these rituals.
The Origins of Banpō
Under close investigation of the Shōmyōji sacred text (shōgyō) corpus, an overview
of elements of banpō (or shikihō) that were adopted by Mikkyō rituals can finally
emerge. A detailed study of the Shōmyōji texts and their reception is in order om
this point onward. My interests lean heavily against the background of the age in
which this genre of unique rituals came into existence.
I dealt with this problem in a previous paper,67 but I would like to point out that
according to the Toǌō shĳji hō kuketsu mondō 頓成悉地法口决問答,68 the Dakiniten
ritual was transmitted in the following manner:
Dainichi Nyorai 大日如来 → Kongō Satta 金剛埵 → Ryūmyō 龍猛 → Ryūchi 龍智 →
Kongōchi 金剛智 69 → Zhenhe 珍賀 of Qinglong Si 青龍寺 → Enga 圓賀 → Kanshuku 觀
宿 → Nyokū 如空 and Preceptor Kankyō 鑑教和尚 of Jingoji 神護寺 → Jōun 乘運, one of
the Jūzeǌi 十禪師 (protector monks of the emperor) of Jogaǌi 貞観寺, temple member
[?] (nyūji 入寺) and Kōsuke 高輔, governor of Sanuki (Sanuki-no-kami Kōsuke 讃岐守高輔
[Takamuko no Kimisuke 高向公輔]) → Zen Saishō 善宰相 (Miyoshi no Kiyoyuki 三善清行)
→ Nichizō 日藏 of Yoshino Yama 吉野山 → Ikegami no Heikyū 池上平救 → Nishinomiya
no Chūshō 西宮忠照 / Jingen 尋源 → Keihan 經範 of Heǌōji 遍照寺 → Shĳji In 悉地院
→ Kakuban 覚鑁 → Kishun 基舜 → Renken 蓮顯 → Kōgyō Gon no Risshi 宏 [教] 權律
師 → Gen’yu 元 [瑜] → Kōyu 宏瑜 → Dōgon 道嚴 → Dōshun 道舜
The Dakini kechimyaku 䆣枳尼血脈,70 reproduced with a colophon of 1154, records

the Dakiniten ritual transmission as follows:
Fukū Sanzō 不空三蔵 71 → Zhenhe 珍賀 of Qinglong Si 青龍寺 → Kōbō Daishi 弘法大師 →
the enlighted Enga 圓賀 who took the same ship (dōsen kakusha 同船覺者) → Prelate Kan-
shuku 觀宿僧都, enlightened in Japan (Nihon kakusha 日本覺者) → Nyokū Ajari 如空阿闍梨
67. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Sōsetsu” 總説, in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 6.

68. SJC, case 337, number 103, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 66c.
69. Translator’s note: The first five names in this list have Sanskrit equivalents. Respec-
tively, they are Mahavairocana, Vajrasattva, Nāgārjuna (also known as Ryūju 龍樹 in Japanese),
Nāgabodhi, and Vajrabodhi.
70. SJC, case 401, number 24, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 69c. This document is
inscribed on the reverse side of a printed calendar edited in 1317 (Bunpō 文保 1).
71. Translator’s note: The Sanskrit equivalent of this name is Amoghavajra. He was also one
of the eight patriarchs of Shingon Buddhism.

→ Preceptor Kankyō 鑑教和尚 of Jingoji 神護寺 → Jōun 乘運, one of the Jūzeǌi 十禪師
of Jogaǌi 貞観寺 (and Sanukinokami Takamuku no Kimisuke 讃岐守高向公輔) → Zen
Saishō 善宰相 (Miyoshi no Kiyoyuki 三善清行) → Lord Nichizō 日藏公 of Yoshino Yama
吉野山 → Ikegami no Heikyū Ajari 池上平救阿闍梨 → Nishinomiya no Chūshō 西宮忠昭
temple member [?] (nyūji 入寺) → Shin’en 信圓 of Daigo(ji) 醍醐 → Protector monk
Dōshun gubu 道俊供奉 → Eiga Daihōshi 榮賀大法師, resident of Tōji 東寺 → Ninzen 忍禪
Either way, the Dakiniten ritual is said to have been transmitted to Zhenhe of
Qinglong si (presumably a deformation of the name of Huiguo 恵果 of Qinglong si)
om one of the eight patriarchs of Shingon Buddhism. It was transmitted om
Zhenhe to Enga, a monk who would have journeyed to Tang China, and om him
to a monk named Kanshuku. The two transmission lineages also coincide in that
Kanshuku is the originator of the Dakiniten ritual in Japan.
In the colophon for the text, Dakini ダキニ handwritten by Kenna,72 we read:
“On the thirteenth day of the ninth month of Enchō 延長 3 (925), at Daigoji, the
preceptor Kankyō 鑒教和尚 of Jingoji finished the transmission, having been initi-
ated by the Gon no shō-sōjō 權少僧正, Kanshuku 觀宿.”73 Even if this is thought
to be a pretense, by the latter Kamakura period, it was generally accepted that the
Toǌō shĳji hō had originated with Kanshuku and Kankyō at the beginning of the
tenth century.
In the ritual of Rokujikyō hō 六字經法, recorded in texts such as the Kakuzen-shō
覺禪鈔 and Nishinoin hakketsu 西院八結, we also find quotations that are attributed
to Kanshuku.74 Thus, it seems that the ritual of Rokuji Myōō 六字明王, who is
accompanied by the constellations and takes the posture of performing the Onmyōdō
henbai ritual, was conceived also as having been created by this figure. According to
Shingon lineage documents (kechimyaku 血脈), Kanshuku (843–928) is a historical
figure; he was an intimate pupil (nyūshitsu deshi 入室弟子) of Shinga 眞雅 (801–879),
Kūkai’s younger brother, and the abhiṣeka disciple (kaǌō deshi 灌頂弟子) of Shōbō
聖寶 (832–909). In 925, he became the eleventh head priest of Tōji (Tōji chōja 東
寺長者). However, it has been suggested that the Rokuji Myōō ritual, in which
elements characteristic of Onmyōdō were richly adopted, was the original idea of
Haǌun 範俊 (1038–1112). It also appears to be quite difficult to trace Dakiniten
shikihō backwards to Kanshuku’s time.75
There are many sacred texts related to the Dakiniten ritual that are said to have
been transmitted by a man referred to as “Kankyō of Jingoji,” though this figure
does not appear in any Shingon lineage documents. This seems to indicate that
Mikkyō rituals that incorporated many elements of Onmyōdō continued to be cre-
ated at temples in the suburbs of Kyōto during the Insei 院政 period.
72. SJC, case 296, number 27. Rinnō kaǌō 輪王灌頂, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 52a–b.
73. 右、延長三年九月十三日、於醍醐寺、神護寺鑒教和尚授之畢、傳授阿闍梨權少僧都觀宿.
74. Kakuzen-shō, edited in Dainihon bukkyō zensho 大日本佛教全書 (Tōkyō: Suzuki gakujutsu
zaidan 鈴木學術財團, 1971), vol. 54, 58b and 62a; Nishi-no-in hakketsu narabini Shi-gon, vol. 1,
140 recto and 158–59.
75. Tsuda Tetsuei, “Rokuji Myōō no shutsugen” 六字明王の出現, in Tōkyō kokuritsu hakubutsukan
kenkyū-shi (Museum) 553 (1998): 27–54.

The colophon to the Toǌō shĳji banpō shidai 頓成悉地盤法次第,76 thought to have
been written by Kakuban’s 覚鑁 (1095–1143) student, Kishun 基舜 (?–1164), states:
Even though a large number of methods of practice of this worthy were circulated intern-
ally and externally, those who received this transmission were rare. Above all, there was
a discontinuation of learning in relation to banpō. My saintly former teacher [Kakuban]
practiced this teaching, obtaining siddhi. I also inherited this teaching, and have thus
completely attained siddhi. In learning the esoteric arts, the main rule is to seek a trans-
mission lineage that proves to be efficacious and receive the [master’s teaching regarding
how to] practice. Thus, the present procedure and oral transmission (shidai kuketsu 次第
口决) must never be diffused, even for a thousand gold pieces.77
I tend to believe that Dakiniten banpō rituals circulated as secret practices during
the lives of Kakuban and Kishun—who received the devotion of Retired Emperor
Toba 鳥羽法皇 (1103–1156, r. 1107–1123)—as practices for attaining worldly benefits.
The process of formation for other banpō rituals may have also resembled this.
However, unfortunately, the historical records that deal with the diffusion of these
other banpō have not survived.
Translated by Joseph P. Elacqua
76. SJC, case 316, number 24, edited in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō: kikakuten, 45a.
77. 此尊行法多付内外雖令流布、傳来流人尤以爲希、就中於盤法者所習絶也。先師聖人修此次第、被
得悉地。
予又相承、
顯悉地了。
密法之習、
尋効驗流傳受修行、
殊爲規模。
今此次第口决等事、
莫傳千金而已。

Bibliography
Abbreviation
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SJC Shōmyōji 稱名寺 collection, preserved at Kanazawa bunko 金澤文庫,
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ASPECTS OF SHIKIBAN-BASED MIKKYŌ RITUALS 137

ASPECTS OF SHIKIBAN-BASED MIKKYŌ RITUALS

Nishioka Yoshifumi 西岡芳文

Vers la fin de l’époque de Heian, on voit apparaître dans le bouddhisme

Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 21 (2012) : 137–162

divinités Fudō 不動 et Dakiniten. Un dernier texte rituel traite du rite de

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

entitled Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō 陰陽道 × 密教 (“Onmyōdō multiplied by Mikkyō”).

Shikiban in Onmyōdō and Mikkyō

An Outline of Shikiban Divination (Divination Using a Divination Board)

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The True Image of the Shikiban

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Dakiniten Shikiban and the Shōten Shikiban

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

Fig. 3: The restoration of a

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

Newly Discovered Sources Relating to Banpō

The Special Transmission of the Nishinoin-ryū 西院流 Lineage

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Dakiniten Ritual of the Hōjuin-ryū 保壽院流 Lineage

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Kikuta Sanzō Ichiin Hō 菊多三藏一印法

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

bosatsu 龍智菩 ) of the Nālandā Temple in India. Nāgabodhi is a legendary figure

The Nōen rokugatsu-hō 能延六月法

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Tohyō Nyoirin Shikihō 都表如意輪式法

50. SJC, case 316, number 28.

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

55. Gochibō and Jōjōbō are quoted, ibid., 44c–45a.

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Development of the Dakiniten ritual

The Dakiniten Maṇḍala

59. Hayashi On 林溫, “Dakiniten mandara ni tsuite” 䆣枳尼天曼荼羅について, Bukkyō

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

The Dakiniten Ritual and the Cult of Inari

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

It is necessary to study folk beliefs surrounding foxes (kitsune 狐) in a larger

The Origins of Banpō

The Dakini kechimyaku 䆣枳尼血脈,70 reproduced with a colophon of 1154, records

67. Nishioka Yoshifumi, “Sōsetsu” 總説, in Onmyōdō kakeru Mikkyō, 6.

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

Nishi-no-in hakketsu narabini Shi-gon 西院八結并厶言, 10 vols., edited by Kōbō daishi

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

2002 “Seimei-kō to Seǌi ryakketsu” 晴明公と『占事略決』, in Seimei jiǌa 晴明神社,

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

Pregadio, Fabrizio, ed.

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

© École ançaise d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 2013

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