Journal of Field Archaeology

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The Recuay Culture of Peru's North- Central

Highlands: A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its
Implications

George F. Lau

To cite this article: George F. Lau (2004) The Recuay Culture of Peru's North- Central Highlands:
A Reappraisal of Chronology and Its Implications, Journal of Field Archaeology, 29:1-2, 177-202,
DOI: 10.1179/jfa.2004.29.1-2.177

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 177

The Recuay Culture of Peru's North-

Central Highlands: A Reappraisal of
Chronology and Its Intplications

George F. Lan
University of East Anglia
Norwich, United Kingdom

Recent archaeological investigations of post-Chavln occupations in the North-Central

Highlands of Peru (Department of Ancash) provide new chronological data that help situ-
ate the Recuay culture and its transfOrmations in time. Because of the bur;geoning interest
in northern Peru) and the cultural complexity of the Early Intermediate Period (ca. A.D.
1-700) in general) a reconsideration of Recuay prehistory is needed. This complements the
recent advances in the cultural sequences of coevalgroups such as Moche) Nasca) and Caja-
marca. The discussion reviews ceramic and radiometric evidence to reconstruct six broad cul-
tural periods) of which the first four can be identified as components of a (Cfucuay Tradi-
tion.)) To evaluate changing cultural relationships and exchange patterns in northern Peru)
the new chronology clarifies local North Highland transfOrmations follo'wing Chavln)s col-
lapse (ca. 100 B.c)) coast-highland interactions between Recuay and MochejGallinazo
groups (ca. A.D. 200-700)) and changing socio-cultural dispositions ofRecuay groups dur-
ing the period ofWari expansion (ca. A.D. 750). Recuay)s development and regional inter-
action by phase furnish new insight into the character of social complexity in the ancient
Andes.

Introduction and the fmal transformations of Recuay culture vis-a-vis

In large part owing to the pioneering efforts of the great
Andeanists Julio C. Tello (1929, 1940) and Wendell C.
Bennett (1944), Recuay culture has long been recognized
as a vital and influential component in Peruvian prehistory.
Despite its early recognition, however, Recuay culture and
its position in the general chronology of the Central Andes
have largely remained obscure. Recent political unrest in
Peru's higWands combined with a long-standing bias for
coastal study and other research priorities have limited the
diachronic understanding of Recuay culture.
The present contribution reviews the current chrono-
logical evidence for Recuay socio-cultural transformations,
marshalling data, especially from new radiocarbon and ce-
ramic studies, to situate Recuay tradition alongside broad-
er patterns in Andean prehistory with greater temporal pre-
cision. Specifically,the new framework will be used to illu-
minate the timing and character of cultural sequences, in-
cluding local developments following Chavin's collapse,
Recuay interaction with Moche and Gallinazo cultures,
Wari expansion into the North HigWands.
Recuay Culture and Society
Recuay culture emerged as part of the unprecedented
regional developments of the Early Intermediate Period,
ca. A.D. 1-700 (Rowe and Menzel 1967). Renowned for
the proliferation of art styles, the Early Intermediate Peri-
0d was also a time of major socio-economic innovation, in-
eluding the formation of expansionistic polities, the rise of
urban centers, and strong regional distinctions in technol-
ogy, economic production, and religion. The Moche,
Nasca, and Lima flourished as the major cultures of the
coast, while PukarafTiwanaku and Recuay achieved promi-
nence in the higWands. These pan-Andean developments
are often understood to reflect the cultural heterogeneity
and geopolitical balkanization of the Central Andes fol-
lowing the collapse of Chavin civilization. Most portrayals
of Recuay culture, however, have remained synchronic be-
cause of significant gaps in reliable chronological evidence.
Recuay culture developed in a region of northern Peru
178 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau
largely corresponding to the Department of Ancash (FIG.
I), an environmentally diverse area featuring Pacific coast-
line, montane, and tropical rain forest habitats extending
over 36,000 sq km. The Callejon de Huaylas (FIG. I), or
the intermontane drainage of the Santa River, has been the
traditional focus of Recuay research. Tello (1929) and Ben-
nett (1944) provided the first syntheses of the culture
based on excavations and descriptions of monuments and
collections from this region. Subsequent work reiterates
the valley's importance (Lanning 1965; Wegner 1988; Is-
bell 1989; Gero 1990). IZeyarchaeological sites have been
studied near the modern towns of Aija, IZatalc(Roko Ama),
Huaraz (Jancu, Wilkawaln, Balcon de Judas, and sites of
the Pierina mining area), CarhuazjMarcara (Huaricoto,
Honcopampa, al1:dQueyash Alto), Yungay (Guitarrero
Cave), and Caraz (Tumshukayko and IZatiama). Just north
of the Callejon de Huaylas, major centers at Pashash and
La Pampa have also been investigated (Grieder 1978;
Smith 1978; Terada 1979).
Recuay occupation is known, but poorly documented,
from the Callejon de Conchucos, the Marmon-draining
valleys to the east of the Cordillera Blanca. Major Recuay
settlements have been identified in and around the modern
towns of Chavln de Huantar, Chacas, and Pomabamba
(Tello 1929, 1960; Espejo Nunez 1957; Lumbreras 1970;
Amat Olazabal1976; Herrera 1999).
The Recuay culture also flourished along the Pacific
flanks of the Cordillera Negra. Archaeological research in
this region has focused traditionally on settlement systems,
finding strong Recuay presence in the middle to upper val-
ley areas of the Huarmey, Casma, N epena, and Santa rivers
(Tello 1929; Grieder 1978; Proulx 1982; Wilson 1988).
Recent excavations and radiocarbon determinations from
Chinchawas, a village settlement located at the headwaters
of the Casma Valley (Lau 2001), provide critical new data
for the reevaluation of Recuay chronology presented here.
The Recuay are best known for their distinctive art style
that emerged after Chavln in the North-Central High-
lands. Despite the geographic propinquity, Recuay ceram-
ics and stone sculpture lack clear relationships to previous
Chavln culture. The iconography, which stresses themes of
important personages and ancestor veneration, appears to
be a conscious break from the esoteric and mystifying em-
phases of Chavln imagery. In addition, innovations in tech-
nology and artistic elaboration - including the use of white
kaolinite clays, resist and polychrome painting, effigy
forms, and architectural representations - distinguish the
Recuay pottery style (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; Grieder
1978). Highland Recuay peoples also excelled in the man-
ufacture of monolithic stone sculpture (Tello 1929; Ben-
nett 1944; Schaedel 1948, 1952). Depicting noteworthy
individuals and images of status and cosmology, Recuay ar-
tisans engaged many of the sculptures as structural mem-
bers in special architectural settings. Recent arguments
maintain that most sculpture functioned in local mortuary
ritual and status aggrandizement (Lau 2000, 2001).
Recuay culture manifests significant stylistic ties to co-
eval developments in the Central Andes, including the
Moche (Bruhns 1976; Bankmann 1979), Salinar, and Gal-
linazo (Larco 1945, 1948; Bennett 1950), Cajamarca
(Julien 1988; Terada and Matsumoto 1985), Lima (Pat-
terson 1966; Makowski and Rucabado Yong 2000), and
montane forest cultures (Church 1996). Later, there are al-
so some stylistic connections with Wari culture (Schaedel
1952, 1993). Recuay's central geographic position in
northern Peru likely facilitated vigorous stylistic inter-
change by connecting different parts of the sierra with
coastal and eastern montane forest zones. Stylistic connec-
tions coincided with exchange relationships. Rare sumptu-
ary goods such as marine shell, metal artifacts, and fancy ce-
ramics comprised key components of long-distance trade.
Exchange probably also included bullcier products, such as
camelid meat (on the hoof or as dried chJarki [English:
"jerky"] meat packages) and staple tuber crops. Textiles and
spun camelid fiber may have also been important com-
modities for high-altitude communities (Lau 2001:
416-419).
Recuay groups prospered through cultural and eco-
nomic transactions between different ecological zones (Tel-
lo 1929: 14-16). Many settlements occupied strategic lo-
cations on vital exchange routes (Smith 1978; Proulx
1982), and small communities were established to exploit
high altitude agricultural lands (upper quechua) as well as
zones for camelid pasturage or puna (Lau 2001).
As in other contemporary cultures, like Moche and
Nasca, warfare is a recurring theme in the interpretation of
Recuay groups (Lumbreras 1974a: 112-116; Lau 2000:
181-182) with warriors, weapons, and trophy heads as
common motifs in Recuay art (Tello 1929: 75-80;
Schaedel 1948: figs. 56-57). Painted scenes from Moche
pots illustrate battling Moche and Recuay warriors (Weg-
ner, in Proulx 1982: 90). In addition to their location on
defensive ridgetops, Recuay settlements were often forti-
fied with moats, large perimeter walls, restricted access,
and parapets. Archaeological evidence of weapons, such as
maceheads, projectile points, slingstones, and atlatl hooks,
is common (Tello 1929; Proulx 1982; Lau 2001). Mod-
eled ceramics also depict large fortified enclosures with
armed sentries positioned along the walls (Lumbreras
1978: 113).
It appears that a number of independent polities, prob-
ably along the lines of large chiefdoms, comprised Recuay
 Journal ofFieldArchaeoLogyjVol. 29) 2002-2004 179

San Jose
de More Cajamarca :-a
~ 0
~.
.)equetepequ ~

~
Limawar;U
~yacucho
-Nasca

Department of
Ancash

\
o vnyash
\
I
I
I
J

,
J

f
Huantarl
I
I
I
/
I

o Archaeological site
• Modern settlement

~ Recuay culture area

,_./

Above 2000 masJ

Above 4500 masl

o 50
I

km

Figure 1. Map of northern Peru with location of sites, some of which are mentioned in text. The inset
shows the location of the mapped area and the Department of Ancash in Peru.
180 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau
society by the mid-1st millennium A.D. Given growing ev-
idence for regional cultural variability, it is unclear that the
groups ever coalesced into the more complex or enduring
political unit sometimes ascribed for Recuay (Smith 1978;
Shimada 1994: 86, 258). Nevertheless, we may conceive
of a commonwealth of largely independent groups adapt-
ed to the higWand and upper coastal valley environments
of Ancash, and sharing very similar material culture,
iconography, and behavioral patterns - especially in funer-
ary ritual, exchange interests, and settlement organization.
Increasingly asymmetrical social relations in Recuay cul-
ture coincided with a shift towards stratification and secu-
lar administration in adjacent groups, such as Gallinazo,
Moche, and Lima. The current evidence, especially from
settlement patterns and stylistic studies, suggests that Re-
cuay cultural differentiation and political development may
have been a response to intensive competition with its
neighbors (Proulx 1982; Topic and Topic 1983; Shady So-
lis 1988; Shimada 1999). The Recuay pattern agrees with
arguments that widespread innovations in art, technology,
and iconography during the Early Intermediate Period
were developed to aggrandize elite segments of society and
to signal political authority (e.g., Silverman 1993; Uceda
and Mujica 1994; Bawden 1996; Gero 2001). By the 8th
century A.D., the Recuay tradition came to a close as new
cultural patterns associated with extending Wari influence
became predominant (FIG. 2).
Recuay's development represents a remarkable example
of adaptation to challenging higWand environments that
contrasts with earlier societies (e.g., Chavln). Recuay re-
search promises to offer insights into the emergence of hi-
erarchy in small-scale, "trans egalitarian" societies (Hayden
2001). Public art, exchange, technological innovations,
warfare, and religion all contributed to marked Recuay so-
cio-political change during the Early Intermediate Period.
This discussion confronts the fundamental problem that
Recuay's role in Andean archaeology cannot be addressed
reliably without knowing its temporal relationships to oth-
er cultures and broader historical changes. The updated
cultural sequence presented here, .therefore, contributes to
a more inclusive consideration of northern Peruvian pre-
history.
Style and Chronology in Highland Ancash after
Chavln
Radiocarbon data, organized by stylistic associations,
provide the basis for an absolute chronology of higWand
Ancash after Chavln (FIG. 2). All dates in the text that are
reported as b.p. ages are uncalibrated. Additional details of
each sample are presented in Table 1, citing calibrations us-
ing the Warsaw University Andes radiocarbon database
(Ziolkowski et al. 1994) or CALIB version 4.3 online. The
most recent published version of CALIB can be found in
Stuiver and Reimer (1993). Parts of this discussion refer to
the "Recuay tradition" (ca. A.D. 1-800), a broad term
meant to describe four distinctive but related phases in Re-
cuay's general development: Huanls, Recuay, Late Recuay,
and Early Wari-influenced phases (FIG. 3). Future work in
higWand Ancash should improve this reconstruction by
identifying subphases as well as regional variations.
Huaras Style (200 B.C.-A.D. 250)
Since Bennett's original formulation in 1944, the tem-
poral placement of Huaras culture has been a problem.
"Huaras;' as is common practice, will be used to avoid con-
fusion with the modern city and province ofHuaraz. Many
scholars accept that Huaras white-on-red pottery occurs
prior to Recuay materials (Bennett 1944; Lumbreras
1970; Grieder 1978) or comprises an early but partially
overlapping phase in a broader Recuay sequence beginning
at the end of the Early Horizon, ca. A.D. 1 (Lanning 1965;
Gambini 1984).
Huaras is often considered as an early component of the
Recuay tradition on the basis of its material culture. The
Huaras emphasis on open bowls and small jars, red slips,
and groups of painted vertical or horizontal bands along
exterior rims continues into Recuay. Other elements, in-
cluding Huaras funerary practices, sculptural iconography,
and masonry technique, anticipate later Recuay practices
(Bennett 1944: 36, 50; Lanning 1965: 140; Lumbreras
1970: 69-74).
At Chavln de Huantar, Huaricoto, and perhaps also at
Pashash, archaeologists find white-on-red pottery strati-
graphically below Recuay levels (Lumbreras 1974b;
Grieder 1978: 63-65; Burger 1985: 125). Other recent in-
vestigations (Isbell 1989, 1991; Lynch 1980; Gero 1990;
Ponte Rosalino 2000) expand the geographic distribution
and functional contexts of Huaras style pottery and sup-
port Bennett's (1944: 109) original contention that
Huaras should occur largely after the end of Chavln and
before occupations containing Recuay kaolinite pottery.
Any stylistic developments from Huaras to Recuay remain
poorly understood but most evidence points to a smooth
transition with strong cultural continuity (Lanning 1965;
Burger 1985; Gero 1992, 2001).
There are ten fully reported radiocarbon measurements
associated with white-on-red ceramics (TABLE I). From
Chavln de Huantar, Lumbreras (1989) cited two ages,
2640 ± 70 B.P. and 2480 ± 70 B.P.; Amat (1976) also
published another assay of2100 ± 100 B.P. A sample from
Guitarrero Cave (Lynch 1980: 43) yielded a date of 2315
± 125 B.P. AnAMS date of2230 ± 55 B.P. was tal,en from
 Journal of Field ArchaeologyfVol. 29 2002-2004 y 181

1600 l'-

1500
(")

l'-

~
<0
•.....
M
M
l'-
~
(")
N
~
N
~ I~
1400 --
I-
~ ~ o ~ ~~ ~~
t
(")

~ f t I- I
1300 )( v
I-

1200 ~ ~ Post-
:: ~ N (,,)'<tg~~ Inka
00::> l'- r- l'-
1100 I (") ~

rr Ir >!
~ N N NN';::~(,,)
~N"", ",~ ~~ ~ (") (") Q) ~
Inka
1000 M .•..• CO ~G CO.!!!CO<{<l..
~ 0 (")
(") M (") N ~~It)~C: I I
900 mr:: ~ ~ ~
.....mq, ~~~~~I Aquillpo
~~ ~ ~ ~ r
~~H
V ~ )(
800 t"'\

I I
lH-~~~r
(") I I
V "'.- .•..•
~ I
I

700
~~
v~~~~
CO ~' to-
I 1
? t y ~ 'i
Late
600 --* ,n '";" ~
I-
@~ I r1 Early Wari
500
400
~~t I I
Wari
--
- -Influence
300 ~ Late --
Influence
I f--

200 -Recuay - -Recuay

100 -Huaras
caJAC/BC ...• ....-
100 --

200 ~
~
300 !
400
~:c I m f---
Calibrated radiocarbon ages
vIOl:;

500
~~or;-
from North-Central Highlands,
v~~.sb
600 ~ -o-N 10 Q)
It)('')Q)1.ll Ancash, Peru
700 ~ :'i~CO

«
:r:
800 jr-- (1-sigma ranges)

Figure 2. Radiocarbon measurements for highland Ancash after Chavln. Bars contain calibrated one-
sigma ranges and intercepts.

the Pierina Mine site ofChonta Ranra Punta (Ponte 2000). of kaolinite, two- and three-color polychrome painting, re-
Gero (1992: 17) ran a series of seven assays from Queyash sist decoration, hand modeling of sculptural elements, dis-
Alto where the two earliest, associated with Huaras pot- tinct vessel shapes, and a characteristic group of icono-
tery, yielded ages of 2220 ± 150 B.P. and 2140 ± 90 B.P. graphic elements (Reichert 1977; Smith 1978; Grieder
Two pertinent dates from Pashash, associated with white- 1978). Although stylistic seriations exist, the lack of docu-
on-red Quinu style pottery, are 1640 ± 80 B.P. and 1610 mentation, stratigraphic control, and radiocarbon evidence
± 170 B.P. (Grieder 1978: 191). Finally, the large circular precludes verification (Tello 1929: 85-98; Bennett 1944:
structure at La Pampa yielded a date associated with white- 99-104; Kroeber 1944: 93-96; Amat 1976: 534; Gambi-
on-red ceramics of 640 ± 50 B.P. (Terada 1979: 178). ni Escudero 1984: 144-147). Most research has focused
At face value, the radiocarbon evidence indicates that on the Callejon de Huaylas, but the distribution of Recuay
pottery with white-on-red decoration would appear to pottery also extends to the western Andean flanks as well
have a history of use spanning 1000 years, beginning at as the Callejon de Conchucos.
least by the terminal Early Horizon. It is notable that none Recuay styles in the Conchucos are known by various
of the ten assays fits well with the later ranges generallyex- names, including "Mariash;' "Callejon" (Lumbreras 1970),
pected for Huaras culture, ca. A.D. 1-250. The aberrant "Huaylas" (Espejo Nunez 1957), and "San Jeronimo"
ages of some of the white-on-red samples will be consid- (Bennett 1944). Chavln de Huantar and its vicinity have
ered below. consistently produced Recuay materials above Chavin-pe-
riod materials (Tello 1960; Bennett 1944; Lumbreras
Recuay Style (A.D. 250-650) 1970; Amat Oblazabal1976; Burger 1982, 1984). Owing
"Classic" Recuay pottery (FIG. 4) is identified by a suite to limited research, however, there are no radiocarbon
of diagnostic features, including fme and thin fabrics, use dates for Recuay occupation of the Conchucos. The largest
182 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau

Highlands Coast
Ancash Pashash Pierina Chinchawas Caiamarca Huamachuco Moche Viru Santa (asma
1532

LATE Inka-
late
Inka Pierina· Sazon Chimu-Inka Estero Tambo Manchan
HORIZON Aquillpo Inka Real

-- - - Final -- -- -- --
1480
Cajamarca

Early
LATE Tambo (asma
Cotojirca Chimu La Plata
INTERMEDIATE Toro Real
V
1200
PERIOD Aquillpo

-- -- -- --
1000 - Chakwas Late
Cajamarca Late
--
Tanguche
late
900 Tuscan EarlyChimu Tomaval
Wari- Warmi
MIDDLE influence Cotojirca Choloque
IV
HORIZON Urpay Early
800 Early Tanguche
Chinchawasi B Chamis
Wari· / --
2 Amaru
influence Middle
-- -- --
- - - Late V
700 Cajamarca Moche
late Usu Chinchawasi
1 IV Huancaco
600 Recuay c: A Huamachuco Middle Guadalupito
0 -
..•.• Nivin
oN Moche III
•.••.
500 \J Huacohu
0 Cotojirca late
EARLY ~ Kayan C late
400 Recuay f.... Early II Gallinazo
Quimrt 11\
Suchiman-
INTERMEDIATE ~ B Moche
0 Early I cillo
300 :J Yaia
PERIOD v Cajamarca
~ -
200 ce - Gallinazo Early- Early
A
Huaras Quinu Purpucala Middle Suchiman- Cachipampa
100 Gallinazo cillo
Cotojirca Initial
II Salinar
A.C.l Caiamarca
Figure 3. Cultural chronology for Ancash and correlations with adjacent cultures. Dates are in cal years A.D.
 Journal of Field ArchaeologyfVol. 29) 2002-2004 183

Table 1. Radiocarbon assays for Huaras ,vhite-on-red style ceramics.

Site (reftrence) Laboratory no. 14e )'mr'S B.P. One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase association Context and material
Chavln de Huantar HAR-1104 2640±70 832-791 B.C. 919-562 B.C. Huaras Tomb 7, in stone fill (charcoal)
(Lumbreras 1989)
Chavln de Huantar HAR-1109 2480±70 787-409 B.C. 801-398 B.C. Huaras Midden on house floor
(Lumbreras 1989) (charcoal)
Guitarrero Cave Si-1504 2315 ± 125 517-204 B.C. 790-52 B.C. Huaras- Recuay Unit 47, fire-drill hearth
(Lynch 1980) (wood)
Chonta Ranra Punta AA32484 2230±55 386-201 B.C. 399-124 B.C. Huaras Locus 137 (charcoal)
(Ponte 2000)
Queyash Alto Beta-31354 2220±150 403-54 B.C. 763 B.C.-A.D. 79 Huaras White-on-red level (charcoal)
(Gero 1992)
Queyash Alto * Beta-31357 2140±90 357-46 B.C. 396 B.C.-A.D. 54 Huaras White-on-red level (charcoal)
Chavln de Huantar Gif-1079 2100±100 350 B.C.-A.D. 16 390 B.C.-A.D. 123 Huaras Old temple atrium, NE sector,
(Amat 1976) Level 5 (plant carbon)
Pashash Tx-944 1640±80 A.D. 263-534 A.D. 237-601 Quinu Fill above Quinu level-Cut 4
(Grieder 1978) Level 4 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-1332 1610±170 A.D. 243-638 A.D. 34-768 Quinu Stone fill, Cut 9 Level 4,
(Grieder 1978) white-on-red (charcoal)
La Pampa TK-173 640±50 A.D. 1293-1396 A.D. i279-1410 White-on-red RCC structure, upper floor
(Terada 1979) (charcoal)
*Joan Gero, personal communication 2000.

suite of dates comes from Pashash, where many of the
finest Recuay vessels known were recovered. Grieder
(1978) identified three local Recuay subphases-the
Quimlt, Yah!,and Huacohu. The Yaiaphase is represented
by two assays: 1590 ± 60 B.P. and 1380 ± 100 B.P. The fi-
nal phase, Huacohu, is represented by two measurements:
1490 ± 70 B.P. and 1110 ± 270 B.P. Three other Recuay
dates, with no subphase association, are also reported:
1400 ± 60 B.P., 1500 ± 90 B.P., and 1580 ± 70 B.P. These
dates indicate that Recuay occupation at Pashash appears
to have been late in the Early Intermediate Period and rel-
atively short-lived (ca. A.D. 400-650) (TABLE 2).
Further south, the area around modern Huaraz formed
another center for Recuay development (Bennett 1944;
Schaedel 1948, 1952). One site, Balcon de Judas, revealed
large quantities of broken Recuay kaolinite bowls, with
monochrome and polychrome painting along exterior
bowl rims (Wegner 1988). Eisleb (1987) illustrates very
similar pottery in the Macedo Collection in the Museum
fur Volkerkunde, Berlin, a massive gravelot recovered from
the Roko Ama cemetery in IZatak.At Chinchawas, located
due west of Huaraz, Lau (2001: 179-187) encountered
pottery resembling Balcon de Judas and IZatakmaterials in
the lowermost deposits of the site. The assemblage was at-
tributed to a local Recuay variant, known as the IZayan
style. The lone IZayan assay from Chinchawas yielded an
age of 1710 ± 50 B.P., which is just slightly earlier than the
Pashash dates.
Radiocarbon measurements were also reported for the
Marcara-Carhuaz area in the Callejon de Huaylas, tal(en on
samples recovered by Gary Vescelius and Hernan Amat
(Buse 1965; Ravines 1982; Ziolkowski et al. 1994). Al-
though the contexts and associations have never been pre-
sented in full, at least two dates that are not presented in
Table 2 reasonably fall within Recuay ranges at 1541 ±
125 B.P. and 1621 ± 145 B.P. Taken together, the radio-
carbon evidence (TABLE 2) indicates that classic Recuay
pottery may have been produced for only four centuries ca.
A.D. 250-650.
Late Recuay Styles (A.D. 600-700)
By the end of the 6th century A.D. in higWand Ancash,
kaolinite ceramics were being replaced by a proliferation of
coarser locally-decorated wares (FIG. 5). At Chinchawas,
this is known as "Chinchawasi 1 Ware N' (Lau 2001:
187-196). At Pashash, a related style, named "U su"
emerges (Grieder 1978: 70). Published examples occur as
far abroad as Chacas (Wegner 2000: 16), IZatak (Eisleb
1987: figs. 23, 38, 92), and Pierina (Ponte 2000). In ad-
dition, "Callejon" style ceramics from the Mosna drainage
show late Recuay features (Lumbreras 1970: 67).
Stylistically, cultural changes point to a gradual dissolu-
tion of the previous Recuay fmeware style. In general, late
Recuay pottery manifests preferences for coarser oxidized
fabrics, tan to pinkish buff paste colors, and the disappear-
ance of kaolinite. Elaborate modeling and resist decoration
become more infrequent. In painting, the line weights be-
come heavier and less meticulous; fewer colors are used, re-
lying almost exclusively on a dark red pigment. Painting
occurs typically on the exterior of bowls and small jars.
Common designs reuse but update previous Recuay pref-
erences: multiple horizontal meanders, groups of vertical
184 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau

[:::'. ~I
010
, a
\
016
v

Vl~
012
016 06

~~

016

'-',.
---.---~-.
I0 7
c
0 w

016

\
.
. ,'
.. ~ ..

~
x
016

017

013
\ :".
....
",

\\:;."
t=:l--
E;UI
018

Is •
orange or red slip

dark brown or black

gl~ 018
~ red

1
'\
';.'
014

I Z , :.:'
;,':;:::; ..
E5. I
020

Ju
0

••• em
5

Figure 4. Examples of Reeuay-style pottery, from Kayan phase, Chinehawas. A-D) Kaolinite open bowls; V)
Modeled kaolinite adorno, probably the head of a eamelid; W) Small redware jar; X-Y) Kaolinite ring-bases.
 Journal ofFieldArchaeologyjVol. 29y 2002-2004 185

013

018
1f33d~l
018

7 QlT!r
018

\ ~T 015

018

..
········.·.:·,
w ·
'.~

",: .

.. .
09

;:~::

9
020
09

• red o 5
D white (n-p) ••• em

Figure 5. Examples of Late Recuay pottery, from Chinchawasi I phase, Chinchawas. A-J) Exterior-paint-
ed open bowls and cups; K-M) Jars; N-P) Contemporary white-an-red "non-Huaras" bowls.
186 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau

Table 2. Radiocarbon assays for Recuay and Late Recuay ceramics.

Style
Site (reftrence) Laboratory no. 14C years B.P. One-sigma range Two-sigma range Phase association Context and material
Recuay
Chinchawas AA32365 1710±50 A.D. 256-408 A.D. 229-429 Kayan Burnt area, OP9 Level J,
(Lau 2001) Terrace 1 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-1824 1590±60 A.D. 411-540 A.D. 264-616 Recuay-Yaia Fill over La Capilla burial,
(Grieder 1978) Cutl2 Lv4 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-942 1580±70 A.D. 411-559 A.D. 263-639 Recuay Alluvium, Cut 3 Level 2
(Grieder 1978) (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-940 1500±90 A.D. 433-647 A.D. 386-685 Recuay Alluvium over surface,
(Grieder 1978) Cut 3 Level 2 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-941 1490±70 A.D. 475-643 A.D. 420-664 Huacohli Burned roof beams, Cut 4
(Grieder 1978) Level 2 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-1329 1400±60 A.D. 604-669 A.D. 541-765 Mid-Recuay (Yaia) Fill in doorway to burial,
(Grieder 1978) Cut 12, Lev. 6 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-943 1380±100 A.D. 600-764 A.D. 435-886 Yaia Fill over house structures,
(Grieder 1978) Cut 3 Lev. 4 (charcoal)
Pashash Tx-1331 1110±270 A.D. 658-1216 A.D. 412-1401 Huacohu Fill under house floor,
(Grieder 1978) Cut 9 Level 3 (charcoal)
Late Recuay
Chinchawas AA32369 1395±45 A.D. 622-664 A.D. 598-689 Chinchawasi 1 Base of midden, OP19
(Lau 2001) Level L (woodfbone)
Chinchawas AA32371 1375±45 A.D. 642-677 A.D. 602-763 Chinchawasi 1 Under batan, house -
(Lau 2001) OP49 Level D (charcoal)
Queyash Alto* Beta-31353 1360±90 A.D. 618-768 A.D. 537-886 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay association
(charcoal)
Queyash Alto* Beta-30112 1350±80 A.D. 640-768 A.D. 543-879 Post-Recuay Post-Recuayassociation
(charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32368 1305±45 A.D. 663-773 A.D. 652-801 Chinchawasi 1 Floor refuse deposit, OP31
(Lau 2001) Level H (charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32376 675±50 A.D. 1283-1386 A.D. 1263-1400 Chinchawasi 1 Tomb ST-3, OP65 Level B
(Lau 2001) (charcoal)
*JoanGero,personalcommunication2000.

or horizontal lines, repeating circles, and simple repeating
linear and geometric motifs such as rectangles, mazes, and
triangles.
Radiocarbon evidence (TABLE 2) indicates that late Re-
cuay styles flourished during the 7th century A.D. Three as-
says date Chinchawasi 1 at 1395 ± 45 B.P., 1375 ± 45 B.P.,
and 1305 ± 45 B.P. Two assays from Queyash Alto, asso-
ciated with local "post- Recuay" occupation, yielded com-
parable ages of 1360 ± 90 B.P. and 1350 ± 80 B.P.
Early Wari-Injluenced Styles (A.D. 700-850)
During the height of terminal Recuay styles, foreign cul-
tural influences' in the Callejon de Huaylas became increas-
ingly pervasive. Wari-influenced occupation at Honco-
pampa commenced, as part of Vescelius' "Early Honco"
phase (Lanning 1965: 140; Buse 1965: 327); Isbell
(1989, 1991) reports four dates from Wari-associated con-
texts at the site: 1380 ± 70 B.P., 1330 ± 100 B.P., 1280 ±
70 B.P., and 1240 ± 90 B.P. (TABLE 3). The assays indicate
that Wari expanded into the Callejon de Huaylas by the be-
ginning of the 8th century A.D. and promoted a major
building program highlighted by foreign style D-shaped
structures and patio-groups (Isbell 1989, 1991; c£ Topic
and Topic 2000: 195). The pottery from Honcopampa has
not yet been published, so stylistic comparisons are cur-
rently unavailable.
Cultural changes have been documented at Chinchawas
in the transition between phases Chinchawasi 1 and 2 (Lau
2001). The major continuity consists of a ware character-
ized by dark red painting on a light background (FIG. 6).
Redder paste colors become more prominent, as if the
long-standing emphasis on light kaolinite-related fabrics
was being displaced. The earlier preference for painting on
bowl exteriors shifts. discernibly to interiors during Chin-
chawasi 2. In designs, there is a growing emphasis on dual
face images, nested diamonds, and the concomitant disap-
pearance of other representations. Finally, Chinchawasi 1
Ware B, a "white-on-red" pottery, falls out of favor.
Throughout the Callejon de Huaylas, locally decorated
pottery commonly occurs, but with a greater abundance of
exotic prestige ceramics. Chakipampa B (an imported Wari
style), Cajamarca, Late Moche and other North Coast
styles, and non-Recuay kaolinite pottery have all been doc-
umented as trade items, especially in burial contexts (Ben-
nett 1944: figs. 9, 10, 13; Menzel 1964; Lanning 1965:
140; Lau 2001: 283-334). The greater frequency of exot-
 Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29) 2002-2004 187

Table 3. Radiocarbon assays for Wari-influenced ceramics.

Style
Site (ro/rence) Laboratory no. 14e years B.P. One-sigma range TIvo-sigma range Phase association Context and material
Early Wari-influenced
Honcopampa n/a 3 1380±70 A.D. 618-687 A.D. 541-777 Late E.I.P./MHI Patio-group AC-8,
(Isbell 1989) Exc. 2, floor hearth
(charcoal)
Honcopampa n/a2 1330±100 A.D. 640-778 A.D. 539-943 Huaras-bearing Patio-group AC-5,
(Isbell 1989) Excav. 1, Level 11
(charcoal)
Llaca Am<iCaca AA32489 1300±55 A.D. 662-776 A.D. 644-880 Cotojirca IV Hearth with ashy
(Ponte 2000) sediment (charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32367 1290±45 A.D. 668-776 A.D. 657-863 Chinchawasi 2 Refuse deposit, OP4
(Lau 2001) Level G (charcoal)
Honcopampa n/a 5 1280±70 A.D. 663-804 A.D. 642-937 Middle Horizon 1-2 Patio-group AC-2,
(Isbell 1989) Exc.4, broken floor
(charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32366 1255±45 A.D. 689-863 A.D. 664-891 Chinchawasi 2 Refuse/fill, OP21
(Lau 2001) Level I (charcoal)
Honcopampa n/a 1 1240±90 A.D. 673-892 A.D. 642-993 Middle Horizon 2 Patio-group AC-5,
(Isbell 1989) Exc.l, sw floor
(charcoal)
Queyash Alto * Beta-30115 1210±80 A.D. 690-942 A.D. 659-998 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay
association (charcoal)
Ancash Punta AA32481 1195±55 A.D. 734-937 A.D. 686-981 Cotojirca IV Outside habitation
(Ponte 2000) Unidad Z2 (charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32372 1180±45 A.D. 778-940 A.D. 694-980 Chinchawasi 2 Top of refuse deposit,
(Lau 2001) OP26G (charcoal)
Late Wari-influenced
Chinchawas AA32373 1170±55 A.D. 778-960 A.D. 692-994 Warmi Refuse on floor,
(Lau 2001) OP36G (charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32374 1160±45 A.D. 781-961 A.D. 730-985 Warmi Burnt refuse on floor,
(Lau 2001) OP43I (charcoal)
Queyash Alto * Beta-30114 1160±80 A.D. 776-982 A.D. 679-1022 Post-Recuay Post-Recuay
association (charcoal)
Chinchawas AA32370 1150±50 A.D. 782-977 A.D. 731-998 Warmi Burnt pit, OP20
(Lau 2001) Level F (charcoal)
Yarcok AA32490 1125±50 A.D. 886-983 A.D. 778-1018 Middle Horizon Chullpa tomb, Tumba
(Ponte 2000) 11, Capa 2 (human
bone)
Chinchawas AA32377 655±50 A.D. 1288-1392 A.D. 1276-1405 Warmi Chullpa tomb CT-2,
(Lau 2001) OP57 Level A
(human bone)
*Joan Gero, personal communication 2000.

ic pottery reflects widening exchange relationships fostered
by early Wari expansion.
Three radiocarbon ages are available for Chinchawasi 2
contexts: 1290 ± 45 B.P., 1255 ± 45 B.P., and 1180 ± 45
B.P. The ages fall largely into the 8th century A.D. and can
be considered roughly coeval with the occupation at Hon-
copampa. One "post-Recuay" date from Queyash Alto
yielded an age of 1210 ± 80 B.P. Two sites in the Pierina
mining area, associated with Cotojirca IV pottery, provid-
ed comparable dates of 1300 ± 55 B.P. and 1195 ± 55 B.P.
(Ponte 2000) (TABLE 3).
Late Wari-Influenced Styles (A.D. 850-950)
The subsequent phase of late Wari-influenced styles in
highland Ancash commences during the 9th century A.D.
and is marked by the widespread disappearance of Recuay-
tradition features in local decorated pottery. In their stead,
we see the emergence of innovative wares bearing affinities
to Wari secular styles (FIG. 7). In the Casma headwaters, by
around A.D. 850, the Chinchawasi 2 phase was being re-
placed by Warmi ceramics (Lau 200 1) and dark red or or-
ange oxidized fabrics predominate. Surface treatment is
much less elaborate, with striations commonly found on
bowl and jar surfaces. Bowl interiors comprise the primary
field for painted decoration, which is rendered primarily in
black and dark purple. Designs include lattices, wing mo-
tifs, band or meander designs, arcs, and nested arcs. Plastic
decoration, especially circular punctations and shallow in-
cisions on jar necks and strap handles, becomes more
prevalent. Applique ribbed fillets and nubbins also occur
more commonly. Some Cotojirca IV pottery reported for
the Pierina sites may be contemporary to Warmi styles
188 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau

=-=--\\i1I~'·F====~7
019

9
023

.~.
\:"",',",
.

'
.~
016

·.m~····.~.~
~~V4.~.016

~\ =1"""'---rJ
018

Z 020

020

023

,,-z: -1[fIf7
022

1i..JIW 7 m

• red
---
o
em
5

Figure 6. Examples of Early Wari-influenced ceramics, from Chinchawasi 2 phase, Chinchawas.

A-H) Interior-painted and exterior-painted bowls; I-M) Jars.

(Ponte 2000: figs. 16, 19). The Warmi phase may best cor-
relate with Vescelius' "Late Honco" phase derived for the
Carhuaz-Marcara area (Lanning 1965: 140).
The mid-late Middle Horizon position of Warmi and
other related styles is supported by their frequent associa-
tion with above-ground tombs, or chullpas (Bennett 1944:
fig. 4; Lau 2001). Exotics from chullpas consist of styles
that date to the mid-late Middle Horizon, such as Viiiaque
(Tello 1929: 27; Terada 1979: plate 73b; Isbell 1991: 34;
Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000: fig. 6a), Middle Ca-
jamarca (Terada 1979: plate 73a; Terada and Matsumoto
1985), and Nieverla (Lau 2001: 289-290). Particularly
striking is the proliferation of press-molded wares typical
of coastal styles found in Supe (Lanning 1965), Huarmey
(Thompson 1966; Priimers 2000), Casma (Collier 1962),
and more northern valleys, such as Santa (Wilson 1988),
Vini (Collier 1955), Moche, and Chicama (Larco 1948).
The Warmi radiocarbon samples from Chinchawas clus-
ter in the latter half of the 9th century A.D. (Lau 2001:
263-264). The three assays, taken from different test pits
in the site's main sector, measured 1170 ± 55 B.P., 1160 ±
45 B.P., and 1150 ± 50 B.P. Radiocarbon measurements
from late occupations at the Yarcok site in the Pierina area
(1125 ± 50 B.P.) and QueyashAlto (1160 ± 80 B.P.) may
be associated ages. On the basis of this small suite of dates,
late Wari influence in the Callejon de Huaylas appears to
have developed and ended abruptly (TABLE 3).
Aquillpo Style (A.D. 950-1450)
In the Callejon de Huaylas, cultures developing after
Wari influence are often referred to as "Aquillpo" or
"Akillpo" (Vescelius, in Lanning 1965). Many sites have
produced Aquillpo-type pottery, including the Pierina
mining area (Ponte 2000), Honcopampa (Isbell 1989,
1991), Balcon de Judas (Steven Wegner, personal commu-
nication 1998), and Pojoc (Burger 1982). At Chinchawas,
Lau (2001) characterizes a local variant referred to as
"Chakwas" style (FIG. 8).
Aquillpo wares are best known for repetitive plastic dec-
oration on plain redware fabrics ranging in color from
brick red to orange. Punctation, incision, and applique
treatments - in the form of lugs, adornos, and fillets - are
common additions to the exteriors and rims of bowls, and
the necks, strap handles, and rims of jars. Occasionally, pot-
ters combined rows or lattices of incisions with puncta-
tions. Painting is uncommon, ~ut occurs occasionally in
the interiors of bowls, typically as simple, black geometric
designs (FIG. 8A). Based on associations, stylistic similari-
ties, and stratigraphic contexts, these styles begin at the ter-
minal Middle Horizon and span the Late Intermediate Pe-
riod.
Journal ofField ArchaeologyfVol. 29y 2002-2004 189
One Aquillpo period radiocarbon sample from the Pie-
rina mining area yielded an age of 535 ± 50 B.P. (Ponte
2000). Other sites from Pierina and the Callejon de Huay-
las have produced comparable ages, suggesting a pre- Inka
occupation between A.D. 1200 and 1450. There are five
dates from tomb contexts that fall within the Aquillpo time
range despite older ceramic and architectural associations;
these are Samples AA32376, listed in Table 2, AA32377 in
Table 3, and in Table 4 AA32491, AA32486, and
AA32485. Although contamination of earlier organic ma-
terials is possible, it is more likely that the ages date the
reuse of earlier tombs for Aquillpo period interments.
Reuse would support the hypothesis that chullpa funerary
practices continued during the Late Intermediate Period,
when highland peoples often appropriated the mortuary
spaces of earlier Middle Horizon groups (Isbell 1997; Sa-
lomon 1995; Lau 2000). Finally, the only date for Inka-pe-
riod occupation in highland Ancash is from La Pampa,
where a Caserones period sample yielded an age of 500 ±
70 B.P. (Terada 1979).
Issues in Recuay Prehistory
An updated sequence for highland Ancash facilitates fin-
er cross-dating with broader socio-cultural developments
during the post-Chavln period. Using the current chronol-
ogy as an aid, the following section addresses three major
issues concerning Recuay culture. Future fieldwork should
clarify the observations and preliminary conclusions pro-
vided here.
Collapse ofChavin and the EmellJence of the Huaras
Style
Although the emergence of Chavln civilization has been
a prominent research topic in recent decades, its collapse
has received much less treatment. The decline of Chavln's
regional influence is notable because early manifestations
of the Recuay tradition emerge quickly thereafter in the
North-Central Highlands. The transitional period, around
200 B.C. to A.D. 200, is often associated with white-on-red
Huaras culture.
The Huaras style contrasts starkly with previous Chavln
pottery and surely indicates a fundamental disruption of
cultural patterns at Chavln de Huantar and other sites
(Lumbreras 1970; Bennett 1944; Burger 1984, 1985). In
particular, the Huaras reliance on painted decoration, oxi-
dized redwares, bowl forms, and simple linear patterns on
vessel exteriors in distinct combinations diverges from ear-
lier pottery styles. Moreover, white-on-red iconography, in
general, lacks the overt and complex religious symbolism
of Chavln -period pottery (Willey 1948: 10-11).
Other profound transformations coincided with the de-
190 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and Implications/Lau

a
• black

015

o white j
o orange red (slip)
Dpaste
IIll dark red
• black
• black

022

• black

018
022

\~Y7.. ~e

I~ .bla~ • purple

7
023

018

\------
. liLl m
I~ f
• black

az
• black 024

020
""...,.---- -~~
=--:----:----~.
.. I~~ .:a~
---
o
em
5

Figure 7. Examples of Late Wari-influenced ceramics, from Warmi phase, Chinchawas. All are open bowls
with interior-painted designs.

cline of Chavln. Peoples within Chavln's sphere of influ-
ence in the North HigWands invested tremendous effort in
the construction and maintenance of monumental plat-
form-mound temples. Although the tradition of monu-
mental architecture continued, such as at Tumshukayko
and Pashash, the buildings were not constructed in the
Chavln style, suggesting that later groups largely rejected
the principles of Chavin religion. Nowhere is this more ev-
ident than at Chavln de Huantar itself, where Huaras
groups built common residential buildings and dumped
refuse atop one of the most sacred places of the temple
complex, the Old Temple atrium (Lumbreras 1970,
1974b, 1977). Further, the general moratorium on temple
building and renovation programs at Chavln de Huantar
and other sites suggests a widespread interruption of
Chavin influence, ca. 200-100 B.C. (Burger 1992: 228; c£
Rodriguez IZembel 2001).
The pattern of large civic-ceremonial centers in the
North Highlands appears to be replaced by a more frag-
mented social landscape based on small local communities
and territories. Settlement studies have yet to identifY ma-
jor Huaras sites that can be interpreted as regional capitals.
It seems that most Huaras peoples resided in village com-
munities, such as the re-occupations of Chavln de Huantar
and Huaricoto. Anticipating a common strategy in later
Recuay times, ?uaras settlements bearing evidence of pub-
lic architecture' occupied hilltop locations (Amat 1976;
Gero 1990). This pattern was part of a wider phenomenon
of defensive settlement orientation that affected many parts
of northern Peru after Chavin, especially the coast
(Daggett 1985, 1987; Wilson 1988, 1995). The hilltop
sites appear to have been refuges for small, independent
groups rather than components of a centrally coordinated
defensive system (Topic and Topic 1982: 9).
The radiocarbon determinations for white-on-red asso-
ciations are, at best, only suggestive of the timing of
Huaras occupations. Sample Gif-l079 from Chavin's
sunken circular plaza fits within the expected Huaras age
range and the dates from Queyash Alto (Beta-31354 and
Beta-31357) and Chonta Ranra Punta, Pierina (AA32484)
are also acceptable. The remaining assays are more difficult
to reconcile. Two samples from Huaras contexts in the
sunken circular plaza at Chavln produced surprisingly ear-
ly determinations (HAR-II04 and HAR-II09). The Gui-
tarrero Cave assay (Si-1504) may also be considered some-
what older than anticipated. Meanwhile, three dates (Tx-
944, Tx-1332, and Tk-173) appear too young for the ex-
pected ranges of Huaras occupation.
In addition to the absolute chronology, data are emerg-
ing that suggest a simple sequential ordering from white-
on-red to Recuay style is untenable. At Chinchawas, a
Journal of Field ArchaeologyfVol. 29y 2002-2004 191
white-on-red ware (Chinchawasi 1 Ware B) occurs nearly
exclusively with other Chinchawasi 1 pottery, associated
with late Recuay styles dating to ca. A.D. 600-700 (Lau
2001). At a glance, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B pottery resem-
bles the Huaras white-on-red style defined by Bennett
(1944). Bo\vl shapes and exterior painting are the primary
similarities. More careful revie\v, however, reveals clear dif-
ferences. Bennett's (1944: 37) vessels exhibit a strongly
carinated profile that does not appear on the Chinchawas
specimens (FIG. 5N-P). Moreover, Bennett's pots are pol-
ished to a dull luster, which contrasts with the matte finish
of Ware B specimens. Finally, Chinchawasi 1 Ware B bowls
in general are much larger than Bennett's examples.
Lau (2001: 278-279) concludes that Chinchawasi 1
Ware B is not of the Huaras style, but constituted an ar-
chaistic reformulation or holdover of an older decorative
tradition. The Ware B specimens at Chinchawas comprise
a very specialized pottery that is linked to other fancy Chin-
chawasi 1 ceramics. The homogeneity of form also suggests
that Chinchawasi 1 Ware B was limited to certain uses,
most likely as serving vessels for special occasions. The
common inclusion of white-on-red pottery in burial con-
texts reiterates their ceremonial importance (Bennett
1944; Lynch 1980).
Over 50 years ago, Willey (1948: 10-11) noted percep-
tively that white-on-red pottery occurred widely as a result
of technological convergence rather than as a single cultur-
al phenomenon resulting from religious or military expan-
sion. What is more, Bennett (1944: 36) defmed Huaras
pottery as specialized funerary ceramics with distinct forms
and decoration. Because red pastes and white pigments are
common in pottery manufacture, it is quite likely that not
all white-on-red pottery found in the Callejon de Huaylas
belongs under the heading of"Huaras" (Vescelius, in Buse
1965: 330). Rather, the radiocarbon data suggest that
there was a long history of production and use of white-
on-red pottery in highland Ancash that crosscuts period
and cultural boundaries. The Huaras culture is only one of
many to use \vhite-on-red styles and the positive identifi-
cation of Huaras pottery is necessary before chronological
associations can be determined.
Recuay Interaction with Gallinazo andMoche
The new chronological evidence for Recuay culture en-
abIes more precise examination of the trajectory of Recuay
contact with coastal groups. Because of the lack of compa-
rable sequences and radiocarbon evidence, it has been im-
possible to assess models of coast-highland relationships
diachronically (e.g., Topic and Topic 1983; Gambini Es-
cudero 1984: 134-135). Here, Recuay interaction is seen
as a series of developments that coincided with other socio-
192 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau
cultural transformations during the Early Intermediate Pe-
riod.
Coastal valley surveys demonstrate coast-higWand con-
nections at the settlement level. Proulx (1982) argues con-
vincingly that Moche peoples controlled the lower valley in
N epena, while Recuay groups occupied the upper zones.
The pattern of a middle valley "buffer" zone between
coastal and higWand peoples also obtains in the Vim and
Moche (Topic and Topic 1982) as well as in the Santa val-
leys (Wilson 1988). The chronology and nature of the ter-
ritorial standoff, however, remain unresolved.
Most of the Recuay sites identified in the N epefia sur-
vey occupy hilltops, suggesting that defensive positioning
was an important dimension of the settlement system
(Proulx 1982: 87). Notably, numerous fortified sites are
oriented to defend lower coastal valleys collectively during
the early portion of the Early Intermediate Period (Willey
1953; Wilson 1988). Some important sites were fortified
"gateway" communities, located at vital road junctions or
constricted valley necks, which connect highland with
coastal areas (Czwarno 1983; Topic and Topic 1983).
Pottery associations currently provide the best temporal
and spatial markers for Recuay presence on the coast. Ear-
ly interaction during Gallinazo times can be identified.
Gallinazo (or Vini) refers to the North Coast culture that
develops by the first centuries A.D. prior to Moche flores-
cence (Larco 1945; Bennett 1950; Willey 1953). Based in
the Vini Valley at the large urban site kno,vn as the Galli-
nazo Group, Gallinazo comprised a stratified society with
a strong militaristic character, whose culture extended into
the Moche and Santa Valleys (Fogel 1993). Gallinazo
eventually became annexed or displaced as part of Moche
expansion, presumably through military invasion, but
groups with Gallinazo cultural characteristics continued at
least until Moche V (Shimada 1994, 1999). Six calibrated
radiocarbon samples conservatively frame Early Gallinazo
occupation at ca. A.D. 1-200 and Late Gallinazo ca. A.D.
300-500, (see Shimada 1994: 4-5; Ziolkowski et al.
1994). These data suggest that Late Gallinazo overlapped
quite significantly with Recuay and Moche III -IV (Middle
Moche) occupations of northern Peru.
Wilson (1988: 151-177) reported the first signs of
higWand contacts in the lower Santa Valley as occurring
during Early to Middle Gallinazo times (i.e., Early Suchi-
mancillo), in the form of intrusive kaolin sherds, stone-
lined tombs, trails and corrals for llama trains, and ground
drawings with higWand animal motifs. Connections are al-
so apparent between Gallinazo and higWand groups in the
middle Moche Valley in the form of kaolin bowl sherds
(Topic and Topic 1982: 12-21). Initial contacts between
coastal and Recuay peoples can be closely allied with com-
mercial interests associated with llama transport. During
Late Gallinazo (i.e., Late Suchimancillo), more abundant
remains of herding corrals as well as Recuay ceramics and
tombs indicate marked but "peaceful" intensification of
coast-higWand trading relations (Wilson 1988: 355).
Stylistically, coastal and highland ceramic traditions
contrasted considerably. As Bennett (1944: 102) notes, the
variability of Recuay pottery might be attributable to the
fact that each vessel was hand modeled. Nonetheless, there
are some stylistic affmities that can be enumerated. A com-
mon vessel shape is the popper or kanchero form, which is
introduced as early as Gallinazo phases (Tello 1929:
86-88; Donnan 1965: 117). This shape is not common in
Huaras pottery and appears to have become popular main-
ly in later Recuay assemblages, probably after A.D.
200-300. Another shared form, possibly of Salinar origin,
consists of a distinctive bottle with a shortened, everted
rim spout fed by three tube handles (Larco 1948: 20-22).
Gallinazo and Recuay pottery also share other features-
such as the representation of architectural settings, sculp-
tured human and animal figures, nested geometric motifs,
and elaborate resist decoration.
Coast-higWand interaction is perhaps best demonstrat-
ed by the use of the figure known as the Recuay "moon an-
imal", "dragon", or "crested feline" (Bruhns 1976·,
Bankmann 1979; Reichert 1982; Makowski and Rucaba-
do Yong 2000). The animal shows distinctive characteris-
tics including a profile position, large circular eyes,
clenched claws, and a mythical appendage, often emerging
from the animal's head, spiraling or broken into segments
with circular or half-circle fmials. This animal is a central
motif in Recuay funerary pottery, but also occurs some-
times on Recuay sculpture and textiles.
The crested animal design occurs in Moche art as early
as phase I (Donnan 2001). Moche I vessels show dramat-
ic anthropomorphic versions of the animal, who some-
times wields a sacrificial knife and severed head. The ani-
mal carried associations with death, ritual sacrifice, and de-
capitation that were common in later Moche imagery and
funerary practices aimed to aggrandize leadership and a
warrior ethos (e.g., Makowski 1994). The mutual popu-
larity of the image appears to relate to the emergence of
Moche and Recuay systems of rank and elite ideology dur-
ing the Early Intermediate Period. Why the design became
so pervasive in Recuay art while it maintained only a sub-
sidiary role in later Moche art requires additional attention.
Although the coast and highlands shared clear cultural
affmities,the precise directions in which influence spread
are not always clear. Ceramic comparisons led Larco
(1945, 1962) to postulate that Recuay culture, or in his
terminology "cultura Santa" or "Callejon'~ derived from
 Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29) 2002-2004 193

12'14

a
• black.

12'16

12'16

;=······I~~~~
12'14

12'20

\\ ..
.............•..

R<
12'7
:.:..
I
9 12'21
12'8

@
~h
,. .. .•.
+ ~

( ---
o
em
5

Figure 8. Examples of Aquillpo style pottery, from Chakwas phase, Chinchawas. A-F) Plastic-decorated
bowls; G-O) Jars.
194 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau
Vini (i.e., Gallinazo) peoples. In contrast, Reichert (1982)
argued on the basis of "hybrid" vessels, i.e., a small sample
of Moche jars inspired by Recuay forms and composition,
that the influence descended from the higWands (also
Bankmann 1979).
Occasional interaction is also documented by the pres-
ence of Moche products in the Recuay heartland. Amat
(1976: 535) briefly mentioned Moche II objects from Re-
cuay tombs in the Mosna Valley. Grieder (1978: 72-73)
documented fragments of imported pottery and a spindle
whorl in Moche style. Late Recuay tombs in the Pierina
area produced some Moche ceramics, including a fragment
of a fanged decapitator figure (Ponte 2000). Proulx (1982:
91) reported Moche vessels in highland-style graves in the
upper Nepena Valley. Lau (2001: 285, 310) recovered
Late Moche painted and pressed pottery in a residential
zone of Chinchawas, as well as a small effigy bottle in a Re-
cuay style subterranean tomb. A fragment of Moche V pot-
tery was also found at Huaricoto (Richard Burger, person-
al communication 2001). Coastal ceramics therefore
passed occasionally into the Recuay area by A.D. 400 and
continued until the decline of Moche and Recuay ca. A.D.
700-750.
Recuay culture, on the other hand, does not occur com-
monly in lower coastal valley areas, except in mixed ceme-
teries (Larco 1962; Proulx 1982, 1985; Gambini Escud-
ero 1984; Wilson 1988) and is not a common feature of
Moche archaeological contexts. For example, Recuay pot-
tery was not prominent in the rich Middle Moche warrior-
priest grave found in Vini or the recent excavations at the
Moche site. Nor is Recuay tradition pottery found in the
later, Late Moche graves at San Jose de Moro, which con-
tained imports from distant regions of Peru, including de-
rived Cajamarca, Nieveda, and Wari styles (Castillo 1993,
2000; Castillo and Donnan 1994a, 1994b).
Moche and Recuay ceramic exchange can be accurately
characterized as light, highly specialized, and focused on
high-status sumptuaries found typically as grave goods. In
terms of distribution, the current evidence demonstrates
ceramic exchange into the Pashash region by Moc~e III or
I~ probably via the highlands east of Moche, Vini, and
Santa. This seems plausible, given that Moche groups were
established in the lower Santa Valley by phase III (Donnan
1973; Wilson 1988).
Subsequent access into the Callejon de Huaylas contin-
ued through the western Andean flanks but extended fur-
ther south into the Cordillera Negra. Beyond N epena
(Proulx 1982: 90), Moche presence also appears in habita-
tion and cemetery sites in lower ~asma, the southernmost
known extension of Moche IV political influence (Wilson
1995: 200-202). On the basis of Recuay and Moche IV
radiocarbon evidence, the interaction can be situated ca.
A.D. 500 and 650 (Ziolkowski et ale 1994; Shimada 1994;
Russell, Leonard, and Briceno 1998; Chapdelaine 1998).
There were occasional Moche V connections that reached
late Recuay groups in upper Casma and the Callejon de
Huaylas during subsequent periods.
It is somewhat surprising to find only very limited
amounts of Moche pottery in highland contexts, especially
considering the geographic overlap and apparent wealth
and proximity of emerging Recuay elites, such as at
Pashash. Recuay iconography shared very little overall with
Moche or any other coastal style. Despite some stylistic
borrowing, both Moche and Recuay groups manifested
very little interest in intensive emulation of their powerful
neighbors.
In all likelihood, Recuay culture had already lost its
prestige by the beginning of Moche v: The production and
use of kaolinite vessels in classicRecuay style was already in
decline soon after A.D. 600. The development of derived
Recuay styles with limited local distributions (e.g., Chin-
chawasi 1 and 2, and U su) supports the hypothesis that
Recuay groups in the Callejon de Huaylas became smaller
and less influential. It would follow that late Recuay pot-
tery does not occur commonly as a prestige ware in coastal
contexts.
Currently, there is no direct evidence for warfare be-
tween Moche and Recuay groups. John and Theresa Topic
(1997) argue that most Moche fineline scenes of warfare
mainly concern internecine fights between Moche groups,
fIXedas small-scale ritual contests. The available data sug-
gest that intensive interaction between Moche and Recuay
groups was limited, especially outside middle valley zones.
Further, highland ceramics are more commonly associated
with Gallinazo fortified sites in the middle valleys of San-
ta, Vini, and Moche (Topic and Topic 1982: 9). The rela-
tive contemporaneity of Late Gallinazo, Moche, and Re-
cuay contexts (ca. A.D. 300-600) suggests the likelihood of
multi-ethnic interaction within single valleys.
Some provisional observations about coast-higWand in-
teraction can now be made. First, the western flanks of the
Andes constituted the interaction's physical milieu, no
matter whether the region is construed as a conduit for
communication or as a natural obstacle. Second, pottery
interaction occurred in shared stylistic elements as well as
in ceramic exchange. The occasional sharing of vessel
forms, decoration, and imagery appears to have comprised
the earliest dimension of Moche interaction (by phase I)
with Recuay tradition groups. This interaction follows a
pattern established in Gallinazo. It is suspected that early
coast-highland connections during the Early Intermediate
Period were fostered by mutual exchange relationships at
 Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 29-, 2002-2004 195

Table 4. Radiocarbon assays for post-Wari ceramics and related occupations in highland Ancash.
Style
Site (reference) Laboratory no. 14 C years B.P. One-sigma range 'Evo-sigma range Phase association Context and material
Aquillpo
Carhuac Punta AA32482 535±50 A.D. 1330-1433 A.D. 1303-1444 Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Locus 641
(Ponte 2000) (charcoal)
Inka
La Pampa TK-193 500±70 A.D. 133~1445 A.D. 1302-1609 (Late) Caserones Contents of vessel
(Terada 1979) under floor
(charcoal)
Colonial
Pashash Tx-1330 420±80 A.D. 1425-1622 A.D. 1331-1649 Colonial Base of wall, Cut 7
(Grieder 1978) Level 4 (charcoal)
Related assays
Urpaycoto* AA32492 3060±50 1405-1224 B.C. 1430-1131 B.C. Ancash Locus 3924 (ceramic)
Quitapampa C* AA32488 2305±55 401-262 B.C. 478-262 B.C. Recuay Burned circular
structure, outside
tomb (charcoal)
Hornojirca C* AA32491 615±50 A.D. 1298-1402 A.D. 128~1421 Cotojirca IV Subterranean tomb
(human bone)
Llaca Ama Caca* AA32485 535±70 A.D. 1325-1438 A.D. 1296-1476 Rockshelter, Capa 1,
Sector IV (charcoal)
Ama* AA32486 520±55 A.D. 1333-1438 A.D. 130~1453 Cotojirca III Funerary structure A,
with copper
(charcoal)
Auquish Corral* AA32483 250±50 A.D. 1637-1796 A.D. 149~1947 Cotojirca V/Aquillpo Hearth in patio
/(charcoal)
Marcara area t 1-1352 2086±225 393 B.C.-A.D. 131 777 B.C.-A.D. 419 White-on-red General context
(charcoal/bone)
Marcara areat 1-1350 1851±135 A.D. 5-340 168 B.C.-A.D. 527 General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1359 1621±145 A.D. 255-601 A.D. 81-676 Recuay General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1353 1541±125 A.D. 401-644 A.D. 240-758 General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1355 991 ± 110 A.D. 90~1180 A.D. 780-1274 Late Honco General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1358 956±210 A.D. 888-1279 A.D. 658-1411 Late Honco General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1354 896±115 A.D. 1019-1263 A.D. 897-1298 Late Honco General context
(charcoal)
Marcara areat 1-1356 586±110 A.D. 1291-1436 A.D. 122~ 1489 General context
(charcoal)
Marcara area t 1-1357 501±105 A.D. 1325-1473 A.D. 1286-1640 General context
(charcoal)
*VietorPonte,personalcommunication1999.
tZi6lkowskiet al. 1994.

least partly reliant on llama transport. Actual interchange
of vessels grew more prevalent at the same time that the
coastal and higWand styles became more stylistically diver-
gent (c£ Moche IV versus Pashash Recuay). Radiocarbon
evidence suggests that ceramic exchange mainly occurred
ca. A.D. 400-750. Finally, the data suggest that both the
earlier stylistic interaction and later ceramic exchange were
relatively light. This may reflect one or a combination of
factors: resilient cultural traditions, impermeable frontiers,
little physical contact, and/or disinterest in referencing oth-
er cultures, especially on the parts of elites.
The Decline of Recuay and Wari Expansion into
Ancash
Just as the emergence of Recuay culture has seen limit-
ed research, very little information exists to understand the
decline of Recuay. Despite the dearth of data, most schol-
ars argue that Wari culture played a significant role in ac-
celerating the process (Menzel 1964, 1977; Lanning
1967; Lumbreras 1974a). New archaeological studies con-
firm unequivocally that Wari intervention coincided with
sharp transformations in the Recuay cultural tradition (Is-
bell 1991; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000; Ponte
196 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and I mplicationsjLau
2000; Lau 2000, 2001). During the early Middle Hori-
zon, local Recuay pottery traditions underwent a dramatic
makeover. Both at Pashash and at Chinchawas, terminal
Recuay assemblages show that kaolinite production essen-
tially disappeared and traditional decorative methods and
designs became obsolete in favor of more rustic red -on-
light wares (Lau 2001: 187-236; Wegner 2001: 29). In
addition, cultural mixing occurred, as Wari designs became
incorporated into Recuay forms (e.g., Wegner 2000: 16).
Wari-Recuay interaction is also evident in the changes in
form and composition of stone sculpture (Lau 2001:
335-376; Schaedel 1948: 75-79, 1952: 168-169). The
overall picture suggests that Recuay peoples claimed new
ideas and benefits from Wari affiliation, but relied heavily
on local stylistic and technological traditions.
These observations lead to more questions about the
demise of Recuay than they resolve. First, many multi-
component sites in the North Highlands that show post-
Recuay occupations, such as Queyash Alto and Pashash, do
not manifest discernible Wari influence. Wari interaction in
highland Ancash thus appears to have been strong in cer-
tain settlements while absent in others. In addition, by the
time Wari becomes established in Ancash, the use of kaoli-
nite clays had already fallen out of favor, suggesting that
some fundamental changes already occurred in local Re-
cuay culture prior to Wari expansion. Similar cultural pat-
terns have been documented in Late Moche pottery
(Castillo 2000: 151-160). The parallel trajectories support
the hypothesis that Wari did not instigate the terminal de-
velopments of these regional cultures, as much as it ma-
neuvered into already-changing social arrangements.
The Late Moche phase has been described as a period of
"collapse" and "crisis:' when elite rule became vulnerable
due to environmental stress, economic destabilization, and
increasingly ineffective ideologies (Bawden 1996: 263;
Castillo 2000: 173). Currently, it would be premature to
use either term in reference to the Recuay case. Partly this
is due to lack of data, but recent research also indicates that
some late Recuay communities experienced unprecedented
economic growth and cultural elaboration (Lau 2001).
Another pertinent problem concerns Recuay as a pres-
tige culture. The current evidence indicates that Recuay
fancy pottery appears very infrequently in the highlands
outside of Ancash. Although stylistic affinities exist, it is
notable that long-term investigations in the Cajamarca and
Huamachuco regions do not report intensive Recuay in-
fluence in the form of trade wares (Thatcher 1972;
IZrzanowski 1977, 1986; Terada and Onuki 1982, 1985;
Terada and Matsumoto 1985; Julien 1988; Topic and Top-
ic 2000: 194). The region between Pashash and Santiago
de Chuco (FIG. r) does produce Recuay-influenced pottery
(Perez Calderon 1988, 1994) and appears to have been a
transitional zone between the Recuay heartland and its
more northern highland neighbors.
The general scarcity of Recuay trade wares is somewhat
surprising because fancy Cajamarca imports show a fairly
wide distribution in the Recuay area, albeit in limited
quantities. Cajamarca itself does not seem to have exerted
political authority over Huamachuco or Recuay (Julien
1988). Further, simple geo-political relationships based on
settlement size and geography cannot account for this im-
balance; Huamachuco would seem to be a key intermedi-
ate political system during the late Early Intermediate Pe-
riod and Middle Horizon yet it leaves little cultural mark
on either Cajamarca or Recuay. It can be argued therefore
that different systems of cultural prestige appear to have
been operating in the North Highlands, as reflected in the
valuation of special commodities. Specifically, highly
portable Cajamarca style objects, especially spoons and
small bowls, were esteemed in highland Ancash during late
Recuay and Wari-influenced times.
Radiocarbon associations situate the exchange at ap-
proximately A.D. 500-900. The appeal of acquiring Caja-
marca products, particularly as funerary offerings, was thus
already established well before Wari expansion ca. A.D.
700-750. Wari's cultural ties later do appear to have pro-
moted heightened access and flow of certain northern
goods, including Spondylus and Cajamarca pottery (Shady
Solis 1988; T. Topic 1991), especially to areas south of An-
cash.
It is unclear whether the high status of Cajamarca de-
rived from one or a combination of factors, such as tech-
nological virtuosity (e.g., Lechtman 1980), geographical
distance (Helms 1993), or some as yet unknown cultural
content specific to ancient Cajamarca. It is apparent, how-
ever, that its cross-cultural significance was prized by Re-
cuay peoples and many others, including Moche ~ Early
Chimu, Huamachuco, groups of the eastern Andes, and
Wari.
Settlement patterns also demonstrate fundamental
changes during early Wari interaction. While Wari-period
sites were established or renovated throughout the Calle-
jon de Huaylas (Bennett 1944; Isbell 1989; Lau 2001),
surveys of regions in the Callejon de Conchucos indicate
that intrusive Wari occupation was comparatively light
(Amat 1976; Herrera 1999). Unlike the Callejon de Huay-
las, exotic Wari pottery appears very infrequently in the
Conchucos, although local Middle Horizon pottery cul-
tures apparently flourished (Herrera 1999: 10). In addi-
tion, Amat (1976: 534-535) identified drastic disruptions
in the settlement system of the Mosna Valley.The Recuay
period accounts for the most number of sites, 58, of any

phase. In contrast, only two Wari occupation sites were en-
countered. The Conchucos probably constituted the east-
ern frontier for Wari cultural expansion in higWand An-
cash. Massive sites, like Yayno and Tinyash, were fortified
centers of powerful warring polities that emerged in the
latter half of the 1st millennium A.D. (Tello 1929; AntUnez
1935; Thompson and Ravines 1973). Additional research
would clarify whether Wari expansion into the region may
have been thwarted by these potent local centers.
New trade routes emerged or intensified in use during
the period of late Wari influence. Exchange continued for
higWand ceramic styles, including Vifiaque (Amat 1976;
Buse 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares 2000), Caja-
marca (Terada 1979; Bennett 1944), and lesser known
wares such as Wilkawaln resist, polis1:).edred-and black-
wares, and derived Cajamarca styles (Lau 2001). Perhaps
most striking was the rise of coastal imports. Nieverla and,
in particular, press-molded red- and black-wares of coastal
origin became popular imports into the Callej6n de Huay-
las region (Lanning 1965; Paredes, Quintana, and Linares
2000; Lau 2001). Coastal interaction, incidentally, also be-
came increasingly prominent for Cajamarca groups after
the Middle Cajamarca phase, following Wari expansion
(Julien 1988: 237).
Changes in obsidian exchange were also present. At
Chinchawas, the large majority of the obsidian assemblage
was found in Chinchawasi 2 and Warmi phase levels, dat-
ing to ca. A.D. 700-900. All the 27 analyzed samples from
the site were from the Quispisisa source near Ayacucho
(Burger and Glascock 2000), contrasting with earlier peri-
ods when obsidian occurs infrequently (Lynch 1980;
Burger 1985; Lau 2001). There was, therefore, a funda-
mental restructuring of access for Central HigWand obsid-
ian that can be attributed to Wari economic interests.
Wari cultural influence, though extensive in coverage,
became established only in certain settlements within high-
land Ancash. In particular, Wari culture was strongly asso-
ciated with contexts for status display, offering caches, and
funerary practices. As is the case further north in the area of
Huamachuco, corporate architecture constructed in Wari
style, such as at Honcopampa, does not manifest evidence
of intensive Wari use. Apparently, the centers never served
their intended purposes, perhaps because of overextension
of state resources or local occupation/competition (J. Top-
ic 1991; T. Topic 1991; Topic and Topic 2000).
Finally, Wari presence in Ancash can be linked to settle-
ments strategically located for trade. Wari likely benefited
from trade networks that exploited efficient routes along
intermontane valleys and coast-higWand corridors (Topic
and Topic 1983, 2000). For example, both Honcopampa
and Chinchawas share little in common in terms of size or
Journal of Field ArchaeologyfVol. 29) 2002-2004 197
architectural elaboration, but may have been attractive
nonetheless because they were established settlements situ-
ated at the mouths of key mountain passes. This pattern of
core expansion is different from situations where satellite
administrative centers were under direct Wari control (An-
ders 1986; Schreiber 1992) or where Tiwanaku influence
spread through vertical colonies (Stanish 1992; Goldstein
1993).
Besides secure access to exchange routes, however, it is
unclear what type of economic leverage Recuay groups
held. Late Recuay pottery certainly did not cross foreign
boundaries frequently. Recent studies point to agricultural
and herding products, such as camelid meat and processed
fiber (Lau 2001); more research is needed to identify oth-
er potential commodities, such as metalwork or textiles.
Transactions of fme textiles, for example, would lend sup-
port to the hypothesis that Recuay tapestries were an in-
spiration for Wari weaving technology (Oakland Rodman
and Fernandez 2000: 126).
Despite its limited distribution, Wari culture apparently
had appeal for commoners as well as elites in the Callej6n
de Huaylas. The evidence from Chinchawas indicates that
Wari imported goods were not beyond the means or
purview of small-scale rural communities. Indeed, Wari
and Wari-affliiated pottery was found in common residen-
tial contexts and midden refuse by Chinchawasi phase 2.
This new evidence reinforces the argument that Wari cul-
ture, in addition to its role in exchange, carried important
cultural or religious overtones that had wide appeal (Men-
ze11964, 1977). Wari ideology was not restricted to elite
use, but also found acceptance among groups of different
economic standing. It seems that Wari precepts may have
circulated at different levels of Andean society by the mid-
dle part of the Middle Horizon.
The new data from the Ancash higWands also indicate
that Wari influence exhibited different manifestations di-
achronically. For example, the initial period of influence at
Chinchawas (end of Chinchawasi 1 through Chinchawasi
2) contains local pottery that still maintained strong conti-
nuities to Recuay traditions and technology. Later Wari in-
fluence appears stronger-as the local decorated pottery
becomes completely replaced by a style (Warmi Ware A)
that bears most resemblance to derived, secular Central
HigWand styles (Lau 2001). Recent settlement and archi-
tectural studies across the Central Andes appear to support
earlier stylistic seriations finding at least two primary peri-
ods ofWari influence (Isbell and McEwan 1991; Schreiber
1992; Castillo 2000; Williams 2001).
During the Middle Horizon, fundamental cultural
changes occurred on a wide pan-Andean scale (Willey
1948; Menzel 1964; Schaedel 1966; Lanning 1967; Lum-
198 Recuay Culture of Peru: Chronology and ImplicationsjLau
breras 1974a; Isbell and McEwan 1991). Despite the
strong regional variability in expression and intensity
(Schaedel 1993), not since the terminal Early Horizon
were cultural developments of such apparent affinity and
contemporaneity so dispersed across the Central Andes. In
addition to the widespread distribution of Wari-style pot-
tery and architecture, critical economic changes were tal(-
ing hold. Central HigWand Quispisisa obsidian was traded
throughout the Central Andes in unprecedented levels.
New patterns of distribution characterized the Middle
Horizon in general (Burger and Asaro 1977; Shady 1988;
T. Topic 1991; Burger and Glascock 2000). In addition, it
seems an innovative and coherent religious program may
have formed during Wari expansion (Menzel 1964, 1977;
Isbell 1983). Major changes in burial practices also oc-
curred in different regions (e.g., Donnan and Mackey
1978; Mackey 1982; Castillo 2000) and the Recuay heart-
land was not immune (Isbell 1997; Lau 2000,2001). The
data for higWand Ancash reiterate that broad cultural and
economic patterns of the Middle Horizon were funda-
mentally different than the regional developments. of the
Early Intermediate Period.
Conclusion
The updated radiocarbon chronology presented here al-
lows us to evaluate the history of cultural transformations
in the North-Central HigWands and its relationships to
better known sequences in the Central Andes during the
1st millennium A.D. The working reconstruction shows the
Recuay cultural tradition emerging after the collapse of
Chavln at the onset of the Christian era and lasting until
about A.D. 800. Huaras culture was an early component of
the Recuay tradition, although the identification and dis-
tribution of all post-Chavln white-on-red cultures in high-
land Ancash require additional clarification. "Classic" Re-
cuay, or those cultures represented by typical Recuay style
funerary pottery, appears to last from A.D. 250 to 650. Fi-
nally, later derived Recuay styles earmark the decline of Re-
cuay culture in higWand Ancash, and anticipate the strong
transformations ascribed to Wari expansion and cultural in-
fluence between A.D. 750 and 900. Subsequent develop-
ments witness the re-emergence of local rustic styles (e.g.,
Aquillpo) associated broadly with the Late Intermediate
Period, followed by the widespread appearance of intrusive
Inka culture during the last phase of prehistory.
Drawing Recuay culture back into the orbit of Central
Andean prehistory improves our current understanding of
changing socio-political complexity during the Early Inter-
mediate Period and Middle Horizon. The new evidence
presented here is instrumental in moving away from nor-
mative models of Recuay culture towards an assessment of
its variability in time, space, and interregional relation-
ships. Future settlement survey, excavation, and additional
radiometric determinations should refine, by phase, the
current understanding of northern Peruvian prehistory af-
ter the fall of Chavln civilization.
Acknowledgments
Permission for archaeological investigations at Chin-
chawas was provided by the Instituto N acional de Cultura,
Peru under Resoluci6n Directoral Nacional 419-96jINC;
lowe many thanks to the staff at the Lima and Huaraz of-
fices who graciously provided research facilities, supervi-
sion, and permission to export radiocarbon samples. I
would like to thank the National Science Foundation and
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research
for enabling the Chinchawas investigations and radiocar-
bon assays, under grants SBR-9612574 and No. 6066, re-
spectively. Richard L. Burger, Steve Wegner, and Jeffrey
Quilter offered insightful comments on previous drafts of
this manuscript and Recuay prehistory in general. From
their work in the Callej6n de Huaylas, Joan M. Gero and
Victor Ponte Rosalino provided generous access to un-
published radiocarbon dates and associations that
strengthen the revised chronology.
Ge01;geLau (ph.D. Yale University) 2001) is a Lecturer at the
University of East Anglia and has worked in the Recuay re-
gion since 1995. His interests include the eme13ence of social
inequality) rural communities in complex societies)South
American visual culture) and coast-highland interaction in
the Andes. Mailing address: Sainsbury Research Unit) Uni-
versity of East Anglia) Norwich NR4 7Th United ICingdom.
E-mail: geo13e.lau@aya.yale.edu
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