MARRIAGE AND CONCUBINAGE IN THE MUGHAL IMPERIAL FAMILY

Author(s): Shadab Bano

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, Vol. 60, DIAMOND JUBILEE (1999), pp.
353-362
Published by: Indian History Congress
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 MARRIAGE AND CONCUBINAGE IN
THE MUGHAL IMPERIAL FAMILY
Shadab Bano

The institution of concubinage, in contrast to ordinary domes

slavery, forms a specific category of bondage, on account of
resemblance to the institution of marriage. The females were k
besides the legally wedded wives, solely or mainly for sexu
enjoyment. Marriage among muslims was a contract, entailin
number of conditions to be fulfilled by both the parties. Non-fulfilm
could annul the marriage; it could thus confer some rights on the wiv
even in a polygamous system. The concubines, on the other hand,
female slaves, kept without legal marriage. There had been no le
limitation among muslims on the number of concubines they co
keep. The master could take any of the slave girls as concubine
virtue of his right of ownership and was entitled to demand serv
from her all his life.1 He could, however, not sell, pledge or give
away as a gift if she bears him a child (umm-walad). Still, she w
not deemed free. Her position once she became the concubine to
king or prince, manifestly changed vis-a-vis other ordinary dome
slave girls as she is now allowed certain privileges earlier denied
the ordinary slaves. The nature of demand was such that empha
was placed on the physical attributes of the slaves and cultu
attainment of mannerisms and ettiquetes. Their position also va
in relation to the legal wives depending on a number of counts. T
paper takes up the institution of concubinage and the modalitie
marriage found in the royal and aristocratic families of Mughal I
In a way, it attempts to study besides the nature, extent and complex
of the institution, the manner in which the females - wives an
concubines, were placed within the Mughal harem.
Harems, with considerable numbers of concubines had been a w
established feature of royal households in many countries and culture
It was, however, the size of the Mughal harem, its elaboratenes
pomp and style and the mode of its management that attracted
attention, and to some extent the- imagination, of especially
European observers who have left graphic descriptions.2 By Ak
time the harem became real colossal in size compared to the ear
days of the dynasty. Though figures about the strength of ear
Mughal harems are not forthcoming, some idea about their relati
smaller size could be gathered by listing the females cited in
Baburnama and Humayun Nama. We know from Abul Fazl

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354 IHC: Proceedings , 60th Session, 1999

Akbar's harem contained more than 5000 women.3 For Aurangzeb's

harem, Manucci gives a higher figure.4
The female inmates, besides the wives and concubines of the king,
also included his elder relations ( the whole entourage of mothers,
foster mothers, grand mothers, aunts etc.) his daughters, nieces etc. It
also included the menials as well. Nevertheless, the section of females
who were spouses of the king and the princes whether as wives or
concubines appears to have been substantial.3
Such sizeable female servile sector of the harem (taking also in
view a larger number of domestic slaves) was a possible source of
embarrassment for an Emperor like Akbar, who had taken positions
against slavery, enslavement6 and polygamy. The episode of Adham
Khan with Akbar over the women captured from Mandu,7 only a year
or so prior to the prohibition of enslavement (i.e. the seizure of all the
women of Baz Bahadur's harem by Adham was claimed with utmost
strictness) indicates the mind-set of the Emperor that could not have
dramatically changed. The state apparently viewed the case differently.
While the order was issued against the enslavement of women and
children of local rebels or recalcitrant elements, it being decreed that
they should be allowed to return to their hpmes or relations; the seraglio
of the vanquished foe with no one left to take care of it, should then
naturally fall under the enlightened care of His Majesty. The women
thereby became the property of the victor. Nevertheless (in the period
after Akbar), enslavement of even the common women folk continued
as a mean to chastise the refractory men. Jahangir gave clear orders to
May waste and ruin his domain (of rebellious zamindar of Jaitpur,
Kathiawar) and imprison his women'. Consequently his wives and
daughters were brought in the harem.8 Similarly, Manucci reports that
when refractory villages were over-run by the faujdars , the best looking
girls out of their women were presented to the king under the
designation of rebels, while others they kept for themselves, and the
rest were sold.9

A dichotomy also appears when Akbar's objection to slavery is

considered under which he had set free many thousands of slaves and
renamed them Chelas (disciples). They would no longer be called
Ghulams. Clearly this benevolence was reserved only for the male
slaves.10 The women slaves seem to have been left untouched.

A noticeable feature of the Mughal harem was that while

everywhere the 'muslim' harems were characteristically composed of
only a small section of 'free' females (only four wives were allowed
by the Mohammadan Law) along with other relations, the larger part

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 Medieval India 355

consisted of slaves, whether concu

male attendants and guards; the Mu
free women as wives. Much befor
limit themselves to four legal mar
women. These were lower in status and did not often come from
aristocratic backgrounds, as were as the legal wives (the " Begums")"
Not legally wedded, remained wives of an inferior status though
probably much above the rest of the concubines. To such wives was
given the title of ' Agha ' while a general title for the cqncubines was
4 Aghachas ' (the lesser Agha).n
A three-fold classification of females into legal wives, free but
inferior wives and the concubines thus existed. Gulbadan clearly brings
out this distinction in her memoirs (the so-called Humayun Nama),
when giving the account of an episode of an entertainment organised
in her tent, she relates that 'many Begums were there and his sisters
and ladies of rank ( Begaha ) and of position (< aghas)u and other ladies
0 aghachahs ) and musicians and reciters'. A list of women attending
the 'Mystic Feast' at a new palace is also given by her in which are
mentioned the Begums, Aghas and Aghachas in that order.14 Similarly,
from Babur's accounts of the harems of Mughal rulers and princes in
Central Asia, a similar classification emerges.15
As marriages to the Begums were contracted under Islamic Law
(the dower generally being exceptionally high) the legal wedlock
naturally entitled them to the position of respect and dignity in
comparison to other women inmates and to claim a greater attention
from their husbands16 which the lower wives were not in a position to
do. The concubines and other wives not married by law were there
for life in the harem at the sweet will of their husbands.17 Those married
under contract could be divorced and such divorce was often inimical
to the wife's interest.18 Acts of divorce appear to be common in the
Mughal nobility outside India and account for many of the remarriages
of the Begums or higher ladies even before widowhood.19
The Agha and the Aghacha sometimes rose to the position of
Begums depending on the husband's will and on condition that he did
not already have four wives. In such cases even divorce of an existing
Begum could be resorted to. One instance is that of Khadija Begum,
a former inferior wife of Sultan Abu Said Mirza.20 She was later on
captured by Husain Mirza and introduced in his harem, became his
favourite and was promoted to the rank of Begum. This same Mirza
had earlier divorced his wives, Bega Sultan Begum, on grounds of her
ill-temper, as also, Shah Banu Begum in whose place he married her
sister.21

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356 IHC : Proceedings, 60th Session, 1999

The contemporaries would make us believe that the imperial

concubines were well provided for. Abul Fazl states that each of the
5000 women of Akbar's harem had separate apartment or Monserrate's
contention that 300 wives dwelt in separate suites of rooms in a very
large palace at Fatehpur Sikri. But the assertion seems more of a
hyperbole than a realistic description, when we actually consider the
palace structures of those times.22 It is understandable that the Begums
had separate establishments but many of the concubines were probably
accomodated in simple large enclosers (or rooms).23 Still, along with
the Begums, the welfare and entertainment of concubines was also
taken care of. In the festive gatherings, for the entertainment of wives
and concubines, the musicians and dancers performed, and some female
servants were attached in service to them.24 The large number of
concubines meant that children born out of legal marriage would be
only a few in number compared to those of the concubines;25 and once
they became mothers of the king's or prince's children they began to
be treated with much dignity. Though the Islamic Law treats the
concubine who is mother of the master's children (umm-walad) as
free once the master is dead, it really depended on his heir, whether
such concubines were to be allowed to move out of the harem.26

The concubines and the other lower wives were addressed by

different titles which sometimes overlapped. The concubines were
mostly called ' aghachď and ' ghunchachi'21 ' sararV 28 and sometimes
simply 4è/6/'29. However, by the time Abul Fazl wrote, the terms used
were transformed. The title 'Agha', earlier meant to denote free-
inferior wives, was no longer in use, though in the Akbarnama some
of the 4 Aghas' of previous generation are duly mentioned.30 Now, all
the free and the servile wives were called Paristaran?x There was,
however, a division in this class of 'Paristaran' which becomes clear
from the difference in the allowance paid to them. The higher ones
were given Rs 51-20 (per month) and the lower ones an allowance of
Rs 40-10 (or 2). Jahangir calls the concubines Khawas-i-
Khidmatgaran. 32
This arrangement of the Mughal harem with the three distinct
classes of women legal wives, free inferior wives and the concubines
- was an institution of the Mughal family that had prevailed at least
from the time of Timur.33 It is now understandable as to why the
question of the restriction to four marriages was an uncomfortable
one for Akbar. Until his discussions with the theologians in the Ibadat
Khana during the 1570s that had been guided primarily by a family
custpm. Badaoni criticizes him for openly claiming that he had married
many wives, both free-born and slaves and had not restricted himself

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 Medieval India 357

to the legal number of four.34 A

are visible when tjxe institutions
Mongols (before Islamicization), w
to another in marriage or Without
relationships,36 divorce and of ' idd
within which remarriage is not
various Mongol tribes converted
marrying wives of other men, not
two witnesses under Hanafi Law
that the husband had pronounced
was not the case.38 It was perh
precedent that Akbar took to hi
time when he was only 18 or 19
which caused much scandal am
sections of his nobility as had no
The harems of the nobility fo
harem in being elaborately organ
number of women.41 It is, howe
free wives beside the legal four,
were mainly the concubines and
the strength. Pelsaert reports th
each having separate apartment
there might be 10 or 20, or 100 d
then, could take any or as many
he wished.42 The institution of c
widespread in the aristocratic ci
in Akbar's service asked his broth
dahs (slave-girls) that he had at his
for concubinage.43
The common practice of concu
of a clause in a 'model' marriage
in this respect. This contract a
containing routine documents of
In this contract four conditions ar
one of which provides for protecti
of a concubine by the husband.45
NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. R.Levy. Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge, 1957 (2nd edition), pp. 78-
servile status could be ascertained from the fact that he had power to give h
marriage to another man, even against her will. The marriage of a free muslim
his own slave though permissible was hedged with restrictions. The Shafí'ite
holds that he must first free her.

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358 I HC: Proceedings, 60th Session, 1999

2. Early Travels in India (1583-1619), ed. William Foster, New Delhi, reprint 1968,
pp. 17, 31,104; Niccolao Manucci, Storia do Mogor, tr. W. Irwine, 4 vols, London,
1907-8; Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire , 1656-68 A.D., rev. and
improved ed. based upon Irving Brock's tr. by A. Constable, Delhi, 1968, reprint
1983.

3. Ain-i-Akbari contains a chapter on the organisation of Imperial harem; Ain-i-

Shabistan-i-Iqbal. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, ed. Nawal Kishore, Lucknow, 1882,
Vol.1, p. 40.
4. There were 2000 menial servants alone (of different races); in addition there were
king's wives, his daughters and his concubines in the harem. Manucci, op.cit, vol.
II, p. 308. His account should be taken with a bit of skepticism. Generally, the
Europeans in order to present a savoury account of the harem have a tendency to
exaggerate.
5. The concubines were so numerous that to rule and maintain order amongst them
required a separate staff of matrons. (Manucci, op.cit). Hawkins speaks of 300
wives while Ralph Fitch mentions 800 concubines in Agra and Fatehpur. ( Early
Travels in India, op.cit., p. 17). It is interesting to notice that the concubines are
mentioned along with the animals (elephants, horses, cheetah, etc.) of the Imperial
establishment.

6. Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, ed. Nawal Kishore, Lucknow, 1883, v. II, pp. 159-60. Abul
Fazl had dealt in detail, Akbar's view on the matter that even when the rebellious
ones had to be chastised, 'their families must be protected from the onset of world-
conquering armies. No soldier, high or low, was to enslave them, but was to permit
them to go freely to their homes and relations,' and gave sound humane explanations
for it.

7. Ibid., vol.11, pp. 142-3. It was an Indian custom practised by rulers to arrange for
the destruction of the entire seragli when the defeat became eminent so that the
women might not fall into victor's hands. The same was being done to the women
of Baz Bahadur's harem when Adham khan reached the spot. He took possession
of all his property, including his concubines and dancing girls.
8. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ed. Saiyyad Ahmad, Aligarh, 1864, pp. 193-4.
9. Manucci, op.cit., vol.11, p. 424.
10. Akbarnama , op.cit, V.III, pp. 379-80. He is said to have exclaimed: 'what strength
has this handful of weakness to take upon itself the name of Mastery (Sahibi) and
to make slaves of the children of men?' The female slaves were now referred to
under such designations as Paristaran (worshippers [cf. chelas ], i.e. attendants) in
the official literature and not as Kanizak, kani: or dah.

1 1 . Babur particularly mentions everytime the high parentage of the Begams. There is
perhaps only a single reference when it is not given, i.e. in the case of the parentage
of Araq Begam ( Baburnama , or Tuzuk-i-Baburi, tr. A. S.Beveridge, London, 1921,
Vol. I, p. 267). It was a custom of the Mughal house tfyat the chief queen should not
be of less than royal descent.
12. As the position of latter two categories, Aghas and Aghachas were not much
different; both being 'inferior' women of seraglio, one free the other servile, there
titles were many times used interchangeably. There were females of free parentage,
daughter of so and so, clubbed with concubines and mistresses under the designation
of aghas and aghachas. Eg: Zubaida Aghacha, granddaughter of Husain Shaikh
Timur (Baburnama, ibid, v.l, p. 267) Aulus Agha in Umar Sheikh Mirza's harem
was a daughter of Khwaja Husain Beg; born to her was a daughter who died in
infancy, they (sent her out of the harem a year or 1 8 months later; ( Baburnama , v,I,

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 Medieval India 359

p. 24). Such free wives stood in sharp co

13. Gulbadan Begam, Humayun-Nama, ed.
Humayan, Delhi, 1994, p. 37. A number of
in the Baburnama, who were inferior f
Sultan Mahmud Mirza (Baburnama, v.
Sheikh (Baburnama, v.I, p. 18). Earlier th
and daughters of Mongol Khans were al
Tarikh-i-Rashidi , tr.E.Denison Ross, Pat
op.cit, v.III, p. 589). As such they must ha
14. Humayun-Nama, op.cit., pp. 31-33.
1 5 . The harems of Sultan Husain Mirza, H
were discussed. In spite of Babar 's reticen
could be known from casual references in
It must be remembered that only some, w
were enumerated.

16. An instance is reported by Gulbadan that Bega (Haji) Begam, Humayun 's wife
made a complaint to him that he had of late ignored Gulbarg Begam (another wife)
and herself and had not visited their camps to which Humayun got annoyed and
asked for apologies While Gulbarg wrote and he settled it with her, Bega Begam
further insisted on the point ( Humayun-Nama , op.cit., p.38).

17. But if no lonąer desired they could be simply thrown out of the harem on some
pretext (Baburnama, v.I, p. 24). It must be remembered that the husband had the
power to give the concubines in marriage to another men, even against their will.
(Levy, op.cit).
18. Bega Begam, the first wife of Sultan Husain Mirza died of grief at her divorce.
(Baburnama, vol. I, pp. 267-8).
19. Ibid., vol.1, pp. 21-22, 267, 268, 342; Humayun Nama, tr. A. S. Beveridge, Delhi,
1994, Appendix A, p.209. Some clear cases of divorce by husbands are stated
while in other it is not evident whether husband's prerogative was exercised. It
could be otherwise as well. Mahchuchak Begam's case suggest that the decision of
separation was imposed from the woman's side. (Baburnama, vol. I, p. 342). A
common form of remarriage of the widows was to the dead men's brother or nephew
according to the traditional Mughal custom of yanga-lik (a kind of levirate). It
differed from pure levirate in not being made with childless women. Baburnama,
vol. I, pp. 267, 306; Humayun Nama, tr. Beveridge, op.cit, Appendix A, pp. 208, 245,
251-2; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, op.cit., pp. 273,330.
20 Baburnama, vol.1, p. 268.
21. Ibid., pp. 267-268. So his legal wives were again tour, namely cnuii ö., rayanaa
Sultan B., Apaq B. and Khadija B. He had many inferior wives and concubines as
well, and those named were the ones considered to be of some status.
22. Considering the large size of Akbar's harem, even if both the palaces at Agra and
Fatehpur Sikri are taken into account, the type of accomodation mentioned by Abul
Fazl was hardly possible. (Ain, op.cit., v.I, p.40). This would also be true in case of
the *300 wives' at Fatehpur Sikri. (Fr.Aquaviva in Letters from tķe Mughal Court
(1580-83), transi. J.Correa-Affonso, Bombay, 1980, p.59; Monserrate, Commentary,
transi. J S. Hoyland and S.N Banerjee, London, 1922, p. 105.

23. In a painting 'Prince in Bedchamber' c. 1600-05, in a single room are depicted

beds of three females and half a figure of another female is also visible, probably
depicting the scene how concubines were accomodated. (K.S.Lai, Mughal Harem,

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360 I HC: Proceedings, 60th Session, 1999
New Delhi, 1988, pl.2, collection, Los Angeles County Museum, Los Angeles).
24. Manućci, op.cit., vol.11, p. 308.
25. Out of 14 sons born to Sultan Husain Mirza, three only were out of legal marriage.
{Baburnama, op.cit., p.269). Jahangir also refers to some of his brothers and sisters
and his own children born of concubines ( Tuzuk-i-Jahagiri , op.cit. v.I, pp.8, 14-
16).
26. While Aurangzeb did not allow those 'maid servants and the ladies' who were wives
of Shahjahan to do so, others were given permission to marry freely anyone they
pleased. (Manucci, op.cit., vol.11, p. 11 8).
27. Baburnama , Vol.1, p. 1 In. Beveridge notices the ranking among the females of the
harem. She calls the 'ghunchachi' one rank next to the four legal wives. They were,
however, not the free wives next to Begams, but were concubines proper. Eg: Mingi i
bib Aghacha, a concubine of Husain Mirza, referred to also as a 'ghunchachi', was
a purchased slave. (Humayun Nama , tr. Beveridge, op. cit., Appendix A, p. 265).
28. Baburnama V.I, pp. 48-49.
29. The 'Bibis' were clearly the lower women of the harem. An armed women is referred
as 'Bibi'. (Humayan Nama, tr. Beveridge, op.cit, pp.40, 180n). From the list of
women present at the ł Mystic House* feasting, given by Gulbadan, the 'Bibis' present
were just 3 out of 87 and appear to have been women of little importance.
( Humayun- Nama , ed. Beveridge, op, cit, pp.3 1-33). Abul Fazl in his list of women
who were to go to Mecca, mentions Bibi Safiya and Bibi Sarwsahi who were 'among
the servants of H.M. Jahanbani Jinnat Ashiyani [Humayun] ( Akbarnama , op.cit,
vol.III, p. 145).
30. Akbarnama , vol.III, p. 145. Abul fazl did not probably follow the older sense of
the title łAgha' for he uses it also for Maham Anaga, wife of Nadim Kokaltash,
one of Akbar's special confidants, perhaps in the sense of 'lady of position*.
3 1 . Ain op.cit, vol.1, p. 40. The class of 'Mahin Banus' mentioned as the first grade of
ladies was formed by the free wives since they received the highest allowances
ranged from as high as Rs 1610 to as low as Rs.27 per month, while those of the
Imperial Concubines (Parastaran-i-Huzur) ranged from Rs. 51 to 20, and for other
concubines/slave women, just Rs.40 to 2 (or 10) per month.
32. In his account of Akbar's children, Jahangir mentions those who amongst his
brothers and sisters were born of concubines. Shahzada Khanam, Shah Murad,
Shaikh Daniyal were born of Khawas-i-khidmatgaran, the mothers 'names being
not mentioned. His sisters Shakaru-n-nisa Begam and Aram Banu Begam were
born of Bibi Daulat Shad probably an inferior wife as the title 'Bib i 'denotes. ( Tuzuk -
i-Jahangiri, op.cit., vol.1, pp. 14- 16).
33. For Mongols there seem to be no limit to legal marriages. The Mughals, even after
Islamicization, carried on with the practice, though four legal ones were recognised.
Tarikh-i-Rashidi informs that the Mohammadan marriage Law was respected by
the Mughals during the time of Timur. ( Tarikh-i-Rashidi , op.cit., p. 43) Still, the
Zafarnama notices nine wives of Timur (Tarikh-i-Rashidi, pp.278-9n). The concept
of keeping large numbers of concubines along with many wives was perhaps a
borrowing from the Islamic harems.
34. Abdul Qadir Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, ed. Ahmad Ali and W.N. Lees,
Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1865, vol.11, pp. 207-8.
35. Tarikh-i-Rashidi, op.cit., p. 6. According to an old Mughal custom, the favourite
wife had the allotment and disposal of the man's other wives, keeping back or

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 Medieval India 3 6 1

giving him whichever of them she please

Isan Bugha Khan (reign 1321-1330 A.D.)
with child by the khan, in marriage to one o
36. It must have been accordingly (Mongol c
Yunus Khan (grand mother of Babur) was gi
upon his seizure of Mughulistan to one of hi
prison. However, the lady did not agree and
that officer. When asked for justification, s
allowed by Muslim Law. ( Tarikh-i-Rashidi ,
a good follower of Islam.
37. Mirza Kamran made such a proposal to
ruler of Badakhshan ( Humayun Nama, op. c
38. Khwandamir, Tarikh-i-Habib-us-Siyar
Husaini, Tehran, 1353 A. H./l 933-34 (repr
Khan, the Uzbeg ruler attacked Herat, he h
rulers brought before him. Khanzada Begam,
pleased in his presence. Desiring to marry
her two years before. Witnesses gave eviden
Shaibani. Manifestly Babur didn't believe t
39. Badaoni (op. cit, v.II, p. 61) believed t
marriage)common among Shias. His prejud
as fornication. (Badaoni, op. cit., v.II, pp.
the family of saints or great Shaikhs. We
assassinate Akbar. ( Akbarnama , tr. H. Bev
40. A Mughal noble, Ismail Quii Khan kept
translation of Abul Fazl', Ain-i-Akbari, Ne
Singh had 1500 wives, (ibid., p. 353) Said
eunuchs of whom he had 1200. (ibid., p. 35
Khan Bahadur, there were many women. I
many children from his wives and concubin
there wre 60 male children. (Manucci, op.
4 1 . Muzaffar Khan, only an ordinary amir, h
Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-16
Hakluyt Society, London, 1907, 1914, vol.1
42. Francisco Pelsaert, Remonstrantie, tr. W.
1925, pp. 64-5. Each night when the nobl
very warm welcome from her and her sl
'Then if one of the pretty girls takes his fa
his wife not daring to show any signs of di
43. This letter belongs to the year 1581. ( Ruq
Lahore, 1968, p. 22) One dah had been pur
and another ("a beautiful one") purchased
significant to note that the sale of slaves
spite of Akbar's strict ordinance against i
Muinud Din Nadvi, A.A. Dihlawi, I.A.Arsh
44. Nandram Munshi, Siyaqnama, ed. Nawal
Nikahnamas were studied by Prof. Shire
Mercantile Community-Aspects of social l
the 17th century)', PIHC, Delhi, 1992, pp.
the collection of Persian documents, mainly

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362 I HC: Proceedings , 60th Session, 1999
an a anonymous Mughal official about the middle of the 17th century and now
preserved at Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. She regarded these documents coming
from Surat as peculiar to the mercantile community at Surat. From the Siyaqnama
document it appears that contracts with these terms were common elsewhere as
well.

45. In such a case, the wife was entitled by the contract to take the slave girl away from
her husband and sell her and keep the proceeds in part payment of her mihr (dower);
she could also manumit her, if she so wished.

aghachas. Eg: Zubaida Aghacha, granddaughter of Husain Shaikh

Timur (Baburnama, ibid. v.I, p. 267) Aulus Agha in Umar Sheikh Mirza's harem
was a daughter of Khwaja Husain Beg; born to her was a daughter who died in
infancy, they sent her out of the harem a year or 18 months later; ( Baburnama , v,I,
p. 24). Such free wives stood in sharp contrast to the Begams of the harem.

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