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ECONOMICITATEA. Peisaj Epistemic
ECONOMICITATEA. Peisaj Epistemic
ECONOMICITATEA
Peisaj epistemic
2 Marin Dinu
Editura Economică
Cuvânt înainte
Texte liminale
Editoriale 3
Avertisment
În ritm lunar
4 Marin Dinu
aprilie-decembrie 2010
Criza reflexivităţii
Victoria excepţiei
Mediana naturală
Editoriale 15
Turbulenţa soluţiilor
Doxa economiei
Ineitatea Orientului
Fiabil-Viabil
Ideal – Funcţional
28 Marin Dinu
ianuarie-decembrie 2011
Circularitatea ideologiilor
Confuzionarea metodelor
Izolaţionismul cognitiv
Fictivizarea instrumentelor
Reîncărcarea Economiei
Racul modernităţii
Criza semnalizării
Reducţionismul ideologic
Criza gnoseologică
Negativul lumii
ianuarie-decembrie 2012
Inter-regnum
Goliat
Confuzii tăcute
Economia mistică
Consensul ierarhiei
Tot invers!
proprietari. Dar orice statistică din istorie arată că așa ceva este o
închipuire.
Pe de altă parte, accesul universal la proprietate se vrea o temă
politică fără fundament economic. Randamentul ca sursă a
proprietății infirmă valoarea generală a libertății individuale. Dacă
de milenii structura proprietății a limitat statistic esența
individualismului economic, Avuția a restrâns de facto îndreptățirea
democratică a Puterii. Astfel, Libertatea are sens real doar cu
referire la indivizii care au proprietate. Prin randamentalism
Economia reduce Societatea, iar prin individualism Avuția exercită
Puterea. De aceea Democrația n-a putut fi decât reprezentativă.
Randamentalismul este o variantă economică a legii
progresului cu înțelesul de multiplicare a Avuției. Într-un fel
explicit, multiplicarea Avuției are sens de concentrare, ceea ce ar
însemna diminuarea accesului la Libertate. Corecția la care s-a
recurs din rațiuni stricte de corectitudine politică a presupus
redistribuirea într-o anumită proporție a Avuției.
Statul bunăstării a fost un instrument de oarecare succes.
Destinarea lui esențială s-a dorit o corecție a conversiei absolute a
Avuției în Putere. Redistribuirea țintea mărirea bazei Libertății.
Desigur, a mai avut și o misiune specială, de a feri de alterare
preeminența perspectivei individuale asupra proprietății, amenințată
de eșecul antebelic al politicii liberale și de apariția experimentului
comunist.
Atenuarea individualismului în societate prin întărirea statului
bunăstării a fost compensată de o mișcare surprinzătoare în direcția
individualismului economic al statelor postbelice pe fondul
concurenței dintre sistemele ideologice. Individualismul economic
era subordonat individualismului politic al statului.
Arhitectura economiei postbelice a fost efectul instituționalizat
al individualismului statelor naționale, pe pilonii construcției de la
Bretton Woods. Statele defineau gradele de acces la libertatea
economică nu doar în interior, ci și în economia internațională.
Statele bogate erau cu adevărat libere.
82 Marin Dinu
Antinomia economică
Macroeconomia politică
Vitralii epistemice
88 Marin Dinu
Op țiunea pendulului
Limitări principiale
94 Marin Dinu
Dubla corectivitate
Ianuarie-decembrie 2013
100 Marin Dinu
Macroeconomia subterană
Simetriile sensibile
Nominarea pieţei
Temeiul natural
Contextul anantropic
Determinism indirect
Economicitate psihologizată
Austeritatea corectivă
Iluminismul stabilităţii
Ianuarie-iunie 2014
Consensul idealului
Pisica metodologică
„Economia înţelege acţiunea ca având intensiune
de tip aici şi acum, dovezile constând în faptul că, în
scop explicativ, utilizează în exces două limitări de sens:
spaţiul este văzut ca locul cu destinaţie privată ( prin
disonanţa cognitivă a individualismului metodologic),
iar timpul ca termen scurt
(prin distopia pieţelor raţionale).”
Triade inversate
Impasul metodologic
152 Marin Dinu
Reglatorul natural
Editoriale 155
Două vorbe
Demersul teoretic decurge
din studiul hărții, iar nu al
texturii terenului natural al
economicității.
Transferuri fundamentale
Marin DINU
THE ECONOMICITY
Epistemic Landscape
166 Marin Dinu
Foreword
Liminal Texts
Editoriale 167
Warning
The Monthly Rate
168 Marin Dinu
aprilie-decembrie 2010
from which the facts are born. The specific trait lies in the fact that
when subjectivity is excessively objectivized it moves far away
from equilibrium, it regresses toward the critical state, which is the
state of abnormal excess; but when it follows the rule of the natural
common sense it functionalizes the inner equilibriums of the “ideal”
state of far-from-equilibrium, therefore shaping the positive
performance of becoming.
No matter how we look at things, with or without us in the context,
a challenge emerges against an alternative removed from the law of
bifurcation, and what counts within this challenge is the choice of
the path toward the fact and not the fact in itself. Choosing the
perspective of originating the objective facts in subjectivity (more
precisely in inter-subjectivity) or choosing the perspective build on
the objective facts as a given (faced with which we can only
acknowledge the reality) constitutes the drama of knowledge in
Economics, as in any humanist science.
But this challenge is also the trap whose exit reveals not just the
origin of the crisis but also the solution to it. What complicates this
rational positioning is not related to, in truth, just the inadequacies
of reflexivity, of the dialectic of concepts, but also (maybe
especially so) to the tangible on which human nature feels the need
to settle, on the palpable substance of winning and on the speed of
the fulfillment of expectations.
To the degree to which fluctuation is seen, within Economics, as a
dynamic of the physical states around the imminence of the
elementary bifurcation, the sign is one which transcends both the
material and the emotional not to annihilate them, but to make them
compatible with another level of relationship, more complex, but
also with another level of understanding which remains attached to
neither the given nor the created, but combines them both into a new
cognitive unit.
Economics conceptualizes differently from Physics, in the sense that
it conceptualizes facts as landmarks of the complex dynamics of the
Editoriale 171
The rebuilding of world unity must start with the refashioning of the
originations, for them to lose their adversity.
What occurs in the area of Economics is not different from what can
be observed in the behaviors which configure the economic reality.
The irrational characteristic of intellectual reactions has a natural
dimension in the emotional state and an artificial one in impulsive
ideological actions.
In the economy, the alignments of emotion and passion combine,
describing the dynamic of factorial choices at the individual and
social levels, respectively. The prevalent trajectory of the reactions
is – obviously – a question of critical mass, over-determined by
situational logic and inter-subjective contexts restructuring. The
180 Marin Dinu
Reliable-Viable
Today’s crisis has revealed that for economic theory, apart from its
fundamental inconsistencies, living side by side with political
ideologies can only spell failure. Us, the ones from the European
Orient, we are somewhat entitled to declare – based on our direct
experience with ideology-creating contexts – that in the Economics-
Politics functional relationship the winning games are as such because
… Society loses. Sure, the economy loses first, even in both of its
guises: that as a theory (Economics) and that as an activity (the
economy).
What really comes off as shocking is that the loss – of consistency
(in the case of Economics) and of substance (in the case of the
economy) – is unrelated to the quality of the dominant economic
vision. Being rigorous, something such as this does not exist
because, essentially, what we call dominant economic vision is
proven to be the Economics-Politics mixture, in which the control
function for the effects is held by Politics. Otherwise there is no
alternate reason for the economy to be considered – in spite of
fundamentalist perceptions – a product which does not sell but
under the brand of Politics, coming to be exactly what we believe it
should not be: Political Economics.
Translating the explanation of this knowledge in the field of
significations of fractal theory, we could argue that the functional
entity resulting from the confluence of the two instruments for the
operationalization of the societal is composed out of one third
Economics (with conceptual and actional content) and two thirds
Politics. In the projected arrangement the homothetic relations are
respected regardless of form and scale.
What is construed as a potential for bifurcation (towards either
failure or win) in the mix area resides in the control of the segment
(either linear, of perimeter or of volume) disputed at the confluence
between the one third of Economics and the two thirds of Politics.
Two situations can be observed here: on the one hand, the case of
the prevalence of the propensity towards economic rationality,
192 Marin Dinu
where the trend is for the moderation of a little over one half of the
double measure of the Politics segment, thereby reducing the risk of
crisis and launching into an upward trend; on the other hand, the
case where the expectations of Politics weigh heavier, where
rationality is often defied and the one third of the confluence
belonging to Economics is being altered, even in its integrity.
The state of permanent tension, illustrated by the trends in the area
of confluence, has explanations belonging to different perspectives,
to which specific procedures of action are being attached. They
indicate that the control of the mechanisms of wealth matter for
Economics (at the value of a third of a viable entity) and the
function for the control of power takes precedence for Politics (at
the value of two thirds of the resulting societal entity). The reunion
of the two functions is inconsistent, because the possibility of
compromise is excluded, and the result can only be of either one
nature or the other. In fractal language, Economics has the function
of generating the rule for covering the territory of Society with the
homothetic dimension specific to the state of rationality, while
Politics has the function of generating an internal structure of the
Social according to the rule of fluctuating arrangements, with no
internal homothecy in the Mandelbrotian sense. And for this reason
the double target is proven to be a one-way highway to failure.
The mechanical solution to covering the Social is the very raw failure
which we experience as generalized crisis, when Politics forcefully
pushes it way towards achieving its goal. It achieves, though, this
counter-performance by minimizing the reliable manifestation of the
specific segment of Economics. The solution is to restart the
dynamics in the Economics-Politics area of confluence. For this, the
function of Economics is to enlarge the space of rationality over at
least half of the fractal dimension with which Politics intersects the
area of confluence. Which means that Economics has to functionalize
its own segment and, at the same time, in order to achieve the
Editoriale 193
Ideal-Functional
Economics into the obsession for growth. Its sense was understood
as a progressive compensation –over large segments of time –
between gains and losses. Somewhat scholastically, starting from its
very birth, the theory of economicity has conformed with the
precepts of the universe moved by the mechanics of infallible
cyclicity. The control of surpluses was, obviously, the attribute of
the authority (in its various expressions) and it eventually finished
by indentifying itself with the money-managing power.
The rule of the mechanical equilibrium, generator of trends towards
the ideal, configured Economics as a science by way of transferring
methodological perspectives, especially from Physics. It is known
that the rationality of the physicalist universe is partial, the idea of
the primary impulse with regard to the movement of bodies being
accepted as coming from outside the system. Economics founded it
dynamic universe in the same manner – finality being the trend-
setting expression for the ideal equilibrium and with the prime cause
coming from a nebulous nature, destined to self-generate and to
induce self-regulation in the functioning of the wealth-producing
mechanism.
The metaphor of the invisible hand inculcates this vision. It means
that Economics has constructed a mechanism by which it –
invariably – gives solutions which cumulate the surpluses of wealth
in favor of the part which holds the right (as being born from the
ideal) to pretend for the equilibrium to be favorable to it.
The fixation of Economics in the ideal is completely transparent in
this crisis when it manifests itself as a crisis of solutions. In fact, the
perception of Economics as an explicative formula for the (short-
term) fluctuations in the contribution of factors to the infallible
(long-term) growth does not differ from Newton’s perspective when
he had to explain why the universal clock does not stop. Cognitive
tolerance allows for the existence in the same place of the rational
and the irrational, while Economics manifests excessive tolerance in
196 Marin Dinu
socializing losses accepted tacitly and the solutions for offloading the
own excesses vehemently rejected.
The ideality of economicity is saved by sacrificing that which
functions with a rational impulse: the real economy.
ianuarie-decembrie 2011
The true turbulences with which the idea of crisis has been
associated don’t belong as much to the eminently irrational behavior
of the financial markets, as they do to the attempt of making heard
the ambitions of imposing of one ideological vision or the other.
From the libertarian over-excitement with regard to the millennial
wonders of the market to the most perverse interventionism of the
top-down change, almost all variants of political ideology exhibited
their exaggerations in the form of promises to bring us out of the
crisis. These, though, have been driven only by the cause of
maintaining power through the overuse of perverse forms of market
control. There is no doubt that the panic induced by the crisis was
and continues to be associated with the stretching to the limit of the
prevalent positions around the circuits of wealth.
It is worth mentioning that the higher visibility of ideological
projections, to the detriment of those economical per se, could
represent one proof of the behavior of ideologiesby which they must
198 Marin Dinu
not assume the guilt for starting the crisis. If it can be this way (and
it is obvious that all the conditions are met for it to be possible!) the
opportunity for maximizing gains cannot be missed by the political
ideologies. The costs are supported only by the economy. Certainly
this situation points to the fact that in the post-crisis things will still
be arranged according to the pre-crisis model.
The most revealing clue of this evolution is the transformation of the
appeal for socializing losses into a behavioral leitmotif, as opposed
to respecting the laws of the free market game. Thus, the cancerous
growth came to be the savior of counter-performance. The
dimension above natural limits of some functional structures of the
economy (such as banks or strategic enterprises) has become the
argument directly derived from the logic of the faith in the
infallibility of all that which exceeds normal measure.
“Too big to fail” became, through the channel of ideology, the
antinomic expression of the free market theory. That this refrain
happens in a place where not so long ago it was considered
inconceivable does not seem to raise any worries.
We can find here the well dissimulated goal for which the crisis
transforms into an argument against a change in the order of things:
the very force which is interested in reproducing the crisis is
allowed to be the one tasked with ending the crisis. In fact, the
opportunity of maintaining the ideology functional resides in the
double possibility at hand: either to prolong the crisis as much as
possible, or to prepare the seeds for the comeback of the crisis as
fast as possible.
Although it seems like something pertaining to the absurd, we must
not be deterred in recognizing that the most valuable specialty of
ideologies is to border the absurd. The guaranty of this consequence
is the stark option of any ideology for pushing the alternative into
the derisory. The solution of an ideology is constructed to be unique
and its singularity is unavoidable. The fundamental methodological
reductionism of ideologies is especially due to this exclusivism of
Editoriale 199
Reloading Economics
It is not hard to realize the fact that today’s crisis flows from economic
relevance towards other territories, including the one of knowledge.
The most peculiar aspect of contagion is related to the model of
knowledge, its very intellectual fundaments, time and causality. This is
the sign that we may face a system-crisis exactly because the founding
vision of the modern context, the structuring of civilization is being
affected.
The most novel implications arrive with the sublimation of the
artificial – represented by the virtualization of space and by its
dislocation of the empirical. Previous crises have been focused on
Editoriale 229
ianuarie-decembrie 2012
Inter-regnum
“If God proved tolerant towards the varying intensity in the people’s
acceptance of their destiny, the markets exclude those which are not
anytime, anywhere and, especially, anyhow adaptable.
Liberalization is no longer tolerant. The market proclaims: I am the
State!”
The economy concentrates wealth at a fast rate, but society does not
escape poverty.
The guidelines of knowledge have become fluid under the plethora
of contradictions. The path of which the dissonances insinuate has
been prepared by the fact that the day-to-day action has been
removed from under the matrix of ethically balanced discernment.
Profit was judged as normal outside the caveat of it bringing good to
everyone. The equality of chances became a loser’s solution.
Materialism has extended its anti-human facet, becoming the raison
d’être of social systems. The whole human universe thus led to
antithetical consequences, the will for good being perverted into a
source for crisis.
The feeling of dysfunctionality in the present world configuration is
rooted in ideological determinism. The faded expression of this
picture is the result of a movement originating in the resuscitated
depths of societal experiments. Unnatural targets – such as the
expectations of the market – structure the trajectory of actional
systems. Inside the materialist inter-conditionings empire of profit-
at-any-cost, the causes are replaced by motives, while intentions
replace rules. Order is a matter of personal ambitions transferred to
the formulas of power.
On this terrain the states are sacrificed in the management of
markets, whereas the markets occupy the positions of democratic
decision-making. Reality becomes increasingly trapped within
theoretical frameworks which are obsessed by efficiency, while
performance is certified by the very short time span. Freedom
becomes particularized, power economicised and wealth
dissocialized. A global mechanism emerges, through which the
markets impose the functions of the state. Through corporatization,
capitalism becomes a market society.
The paroxysmal behavior of market ideology, having become
corporativism, announces the halting of creative destruction. The
world got fixed in that exceptional manner of the survival solutions
236 Marin Dinu
acceptance of their destiny, the markets exclude those which are not
anytime, anywhere and, especially, anyhow adaptable… against
anyone, it could be argued, in an obvious paraphrasing of an
illustrious Romanian financier.
Liberalization is no longer tolerant. The market proclaims: I am the
State!
Corporatism cannot stand freedom.
Goliath
Mystical Economics
nothing else to do but wait for the natural rhythms, set by the
invisible hand, which is moved by the will and the power of the
Creator.
Human action, both the individual and the social one, constitutes the
fundamental element in the space of economic rationality, being the
one which gives sense to the wealth-producing system. As such,
setting the explicative model of Economics in something other than
the sphere of temporal and contingent meanings of the human action
– as a transactional formula of inter-subjectivity, interested in utility
– signifies a betrayal of the epistemic constitution of Economics.
This happens even more so as there is an insistence on the relevance
of the self-regulation of the present system of wealth production,
which is centered on capital, by diminishing the weight carried by
the role of the subjective factor, hypostatized both individually and
inter-individually (socially) as the main agent for the way things
work.
There seems to be a skewing of the scientific perspective coming
from the direction of eroded disputes on the divine right for the
control of power, this time transfigured into the unique principle for
structuring the space of economic rationality. In a spectacular way,
the ethos of the political order influences the arrangements of the
economic order so profoundly that even the architecture of
economic cognition conforms to its precepts. The founding of the
rules of wealth production on the faith in the legitimacy of power
not only perverts the rational fundament of economic knowledge, it
also turns into derisory any logical principle. Thus for the
conceptual construct of Economics only the expectations of power
become sufficient. The operating space of the principles of power
becomes absolute through the fusion with the oligopolitical space of
wealth, the result being the most active source for the reproduction
of the vision on the implacable, self-driven march of the economy.
All possible exaggerations fit into such a paroxysmic exaggeration,
with the invariable goal of maintaining the faith in the divine powers
Editoriale 245
Political macroeconomics
Epistemic stained-glass
258 Marin Dinu
Except that the exaggeration did not stem from moving away from an
extreme, but from repeating the mistake of following exclusively the
values of the other extreme. The tightness of the control mechanisms
was maintained, by moving from the experience of the social control
of wealth in order to easily manage individual freedoms, to the
corporatist control of individual liberties in order to efficiently
administer wealth. Paradoxically, corporatist capitalism defies the
market, just as communism has defied society.
The common sense of the pendulum of cognition was thus cyclically
breached, the median point being seen as unnatural. The present
crisis, whose span surpasses that of any other past crisis, is the
cumulated effect of the extremist experiment in moving the pendulum
of theoretical visions and of methodological principles. The global
crisis appears as the unintentional consequence of the heated partisan
battle – a sort of alternate permanent revolution – after the ideological
adversary took off in haste or has been long dead. Having more out of
one formula, pushing it to become the sole one, is toxic for
development.
To come out of the crisis can only mean to keep the just movement of
pendulation in the ideological preferences, where the extremes are
attenuated by the diversity of the models for combining the economic
factors in a natural formula – in other words, the formula which asks
for the discernment reserved to common sense, as a natural reason for
economicity.
Assumed to be a success of the offensive for bringing down the
practices of the welfare state, favouring redistributive formulas which
are sensitive to the social perspective in solving the equitability –
efficiency dilemma, the dilution of the theory of development has
freed up space for the expansion of the visions of market
fundamentalism.
The mixture of plans and arguments is not quite natural, but it is the
irrational answer of pushing Economics into the role of a science of
wealth, where it is preoccupied only with quantitative instruments
264 Marin Dinu
Limitations of principle
ianuarie-decembrie 2013
“Like Physics, which cannot yet explain 96% of the substance in the
Universe, so is Economics, unprepared to understand and to offer a
rational explicative model to the underground economy.”
Indirect determinism
Psychologized economicity
298 Marin Dinu
manuals. The instinct of conservation digs out the social anomia and
the fear of hell bursts from the human nature.
The addition which completes the picture of liberty comes from the
size of the foam off the top of the pint, which defeats gravity, being
forbidden to fall no matter how many past failures it carries. The
failure belongs to people, not to their constructions. Government is
liable to pay because it bets on wealth instead of on exuberance or
panic. The market knows how to ask, the government must learn
how to give. If it does give, there’s only one option: to give ever
more.
With its determinants confiscated by psychology, economicity is left
with one choice: allying with politics. After all, being founded on
faith, the economicity adopts the goal of the will for power. The
religion of trust expands on the political correctness of the
equivalence between wealth and power. Governance is rationalized,
while democracy is sublimated.
In the new upside down context money becomes a purpose in itself,
ceasing to be the means for sustainable functionality of the action
dedicated to dynamically satisfy life’s needs. There’s a real money-
sphere established around the world, filtering principles and
producing norms for the general functioning of affairs. Money has
replaced space and time in the relativistic model of the corporatized
world.
The portrait of Economics, coloured with instincts and framed by
political preferences, inspires waves of passions which carry the
human being through all forms of feeling, giving him the sensation
of strength; that strength through which speculation absolves him of
work, profit saves him from mobility, virtuality satisfies his dreams,
pollution sends him towards the stars.
Oikononomia was born in Greece together with Oikoumene, the
stable World. Their symbols were the freedom of the public space
and the management of the private space. The modern economy has
Editoriale 301
Underdevelopment’s gravitation
with the states being turned from payers of last resort into payers for
any situation.
At a superior level of understanding, the corporatist capitalism
represents that state of social reality in which the natural
relationships between the constitutive elements – from the types of
cause to the sets of effects, going through functional structures,
institutional arrangements and value markers – are being judged in
real terms and validated in terms of efficiency. The generic cognitive
form is that of a mechanism which, when set to the scale of the
societal universe, transforms values of all kinds – on the principle of
mechanical work – into money.
The constitutive path of the corporatist functionality has the features
of a tolerated experiment, but an out-of-control one. Equivocal
language favours tolerance, leading to the atrophy of the critical
spirit. The agglomeration of messianic terms into the public
discourse, through which prosperity re-kindles the illusion of
heaven, while political correctness normalizes the mental and
physical interdiction, leads to the opacity of understanding. Reality
is occurrent and it must be accepted as such. Thus, the inertia of
faith appears as a result of the passage of time, the vector through
which habit is transformed into a second nature.
The principal resource for the insinuation of the experiment was
certainly the ideological stimulation of the intolerance towards
control. The option for deregulation in the economy has favoured
the precepts of corporatist capitalism. Essentially, the sensitivities
towards keeping the conditions for the reproduction of the
efficiency-equity correlation have been dissolved. This means that
the lubricant which maintained non-critical levels in the friction
between the market mechanisms and the societal mechanisms has
been diminished.
The worst unexpected consequences of evolution have amassed in
the area of an upturned utopia, in which the social is being re-
composed in economic terms. The consistency of values which
306 Marin Dinu
social crisis. But the sense sought by the analyses on its stability is,
surprisingly, a quite confusing challenge: is “equilibrium” being
favoured through decisions on the minimal slope of the development
curve, or are there stimulated the trends for recuperating the recoil
of the development stirred by the crisis? On principle, the analysis
has sense when economic stability is seen as the support for
permanently establishing the trends of social development, while
financial stability is seen as a consequence of economic stability.
As such, types of financial stability are yet to be defined according
to the slope-parameters of development or to the actual state of
configuration of the economy, from a development standpoint. By
dulling/deactivating the sources of development, as suggested by
the strategies of austerity, or by utilizing these sources sustainably,
with – naturally for an emergent country – milestones set for the
long term, the accurate image of these types of stability obscures the
success of the strategy for the functional integration of these
economies. The comparative analysis, using the global result
indicators and recognized as a usual method for the characterization
of the economy’s capacity – including the potential of the financial
system, offers scarce evidence that the finality of the stability
process is being insured.
The cruel reality is that for a long time from now on Central and
Eastern Europe will deplete its energies in the process of escaping
underdevelopment, and as such it will unavoidably face instability.
The levelling of the economic behaviour under the effect of
integration, especially through the voluntary acceptance of the
functional standards specific to the Euro zone, has jammed the
potential of the emergent post-planning economies of absorbing the
integration’s force of traction, a situation also prolonged by the
misfortune of some of adhering right at the time of the start of the
economic crisis, which has affected the integrated European
economy.
Editoriale 309
ianuarie-iunie 2014
Axial vacuum
History’s lessons are passed in the bluffing game of the world which
is assaulted by image. Time flows through the screen of existential
emotions which are explained through languages encrypted and
decrypted in an impressionist way. The world has little time for the
argument in the face of a life filmed through the lens of audience.
Reality stems from the fiction of the soap opera; it has the substance
of banality presented in violent colours. The supreme institution in
forging destinies turns out to be fashion.
The feeling that the position of man as the nervous centre of the
things which configure the path of progress is undermined by the
avalanche of irrational impositions. The economy of social life
eliminates the valuing options on which the cultural memory is
founded. Discernment is constructed in the field of referential
minimalism, where the consciousness of an alternative is atrophied.
The means have become more important than the ends, the
mechanisms gaining equilibrium irrespective of the consequences
on man. The market, and not man, became the measure of all things.
The sensation of a backward arrangement of reality is sustained by
the excessive division at the level of public communication. The
aggression on reality through projects meant to change the natural
order by overturning the norms of cohabitation, on the basis of
ideological justification, has in fact reached a critical level. Liberty
has become the badge used to cover the mystification of the equality
of chances. The economic biology of competition insures the
spectrum of possibilities in theory, the contingency being inevitably
monopolistic. The faces of reality belong to the illusion of the ethics
of geopolitical strategies, with the truth being expressed by a single
voice – the one of economic power.
Society is economically inhabited, democracy is electorally
occupied, the rule of law is covered by the texture of power. The
citizen loses identity, the relativism of values amplifies the
differences, the orientation becomes ambiguous, while forwards
means backward and the cardinal points – just like the planet’s
320 Marin Dinu
magnetic poles – are reversed together with the parallels and the
meridians.
This chaos seems to have a single cause: the lack of consensus on
what we are. The moving universe is intelligible if we give it a
sense. The consistency of society is given by its ideal of escaping
the inferno of materialism.
Reversed triads
an actional standpoint because they are the ones creating the rules.
The macroeconomic level is configured as a trans-individual reality
– a sort of organically fused diversity. At the level the economicity
is validated through a reality of a complex consistency, where the
whole commands the prevalent functions.
The discrete and discretionary cellular behaviour from the
microeconomic level (the result of the gnoseological super-focusing
on the individual) cannot realize an inversion towards the organic,
complex and cooperative behaviour of the macroeconomic level. At
this top level the cognitive relevance of the principle of
methodological individualism is dissolved. At the macro level lays
the complexity, which is structured on the different principle of
methodological sociality. This principle provides cognition with the
argumentative platform for describing the sense of the complex
reality. It does this by highlighting the spatial and temporal co-
relations, the weave of social context and the inter-subjective basis
of the human nature. Starting from this methodological principle,
Macroeconomics deciphers the interaction between the various
intentions and individual objectives.
A fixation with an extra-scientific cause refuses this principle’s right
of citizenship. Thus, Macroeconomics is asked to remain a vassal to
the empire of Microeconomy’s specific determinism. The direct
consequence of this is the cancelling of the normative, cooperative
and distributive functions specific to this side of economic reality.
Thus, focusing the analyses on the flavour of individualism with
excluding functions paints Macroeconomics as the sum of
microeconomic phenomena. The whole is being mechanically
conceived as a sum of parts.
In fact, Macroeconomics is a whole catalysed by the social
substance of the human individual, by the economic values of
intersubjectivity. The reality of the macroeconomic whole exceeds
the addition of the functional components, as it has functions which
are not only complex, but also completely different in their finality.
330 Marin Dinu
the calculation which sets the path of the human action, but the
manifestation of the psyche with regard to expectations, beliefs,
sentiments and illusions. From here onwards it was easy for the
irrational exuberance to become the source of profit, for notoriety to
explain performance, for the stimulation of trust to create mass-
choice and for the ritualization of decision making to anchor the
finality.
Economics plays the role of the magic of the artificial, overturning
the economic way of thinking. The regulating mechanism is
composed of elements which sit contrary to the logic of the space of
economic rationality.
The most puzzling thing is that Economics does not recognize that
the sense of its cognition is given by the source of the randamental
human action, by the man already driven by the vagaries of life to
satisfy the needs pertaining to the natural order. It resembles a
neurotic situation. The determinants of rational action should not
have to confront and to be moderated by elements belonging to
another order, because they essentially belong to the human nature,
to the natural order specific to the species. The structuring of the
space of economic rationality has a regulator which eminently
originates in the human nature. The economic way of thinking
settles around an element of the human nature. This natural
regulator lends a normal sense to the human action, it institutes the
rules for the logic of this action. This regulator is the common sense.
Centring the randamental human action on common sense
constitutes the only possibility for human action to remain within
the perimeter of the natural material order. Any other elements
destined to become the object of human action, like the ones meant
for intermediating needs such as money, would keep their status as
means, as working instruments. They will also not become means in
themselves, replacements for the elements of the natural order, of
life.
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