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Inka Pottery as Culinary Equipment: Food, Feasting, and Gender in Imperial State Design
Author(s): Tamara L. Bray
Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 14, No. 1 (Mar., 2003), pp. 3-28
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/972232 .
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TamaraL. Bray
In this paper, the imperial Inka ceramic assemblage is examined in terms of its functional and culinary significance. Informa-
tion culledfrom ethnohistoric sources, archaeological reports, and ethnographicstudies is used to drawfunctional inferences
about Inka vesselforms and to outline thefeatures of an imperial "hautecuisine." In the Inka empire, the relationshipbetween
rulers and subjects was largely mediated throughthe prestation offood and drink. The elaboration of a distinctive state vessel
assemblage suggests a conscious strategy aimed at creating material symbols of class difference in the context of state-spon-
soredfeasting events.An empire-wideanalysis of the distributionof Inka vessels indicates the particular importanceof the tall-
neckedjar form (arEbalo)to state strategies in the provinces. Analyzing Inkapottery as culinary equipmenthighlights the links
amongfood, politics, and gender in the processes of state formation. Such an approach also illuminates the importantrole of
women in the negotiation and consolidation of Inka state power.
feasting, and gender figured in the negotiationof These assumptionshave been borneout archae-
state power. To better understandhow pots func- ologically at Inka state administrativecenters like
tioned as political tools in the Inka state, I present HuanacoPampawhereimmensequantitiesof impe-
ethnohistoric and ethnographic information on rial Inkajar and plate fragments,suggestinglarge-
Andeanfoodways, and archaeologicaldataon Inka scale chicha (corn beer) consumption and food
vessel types,theirdistributionaroundtheempire,and serving activities, reportedlyhave been found in
the contextsin which they arefound.These lines of structuresassociatedwith the centralfocus of the
evidenceareusedto drawfunctionalinferencesabout site the main plaza (Morris 1982; Morris and
Inkavessel forms, outlinethe featuresof an imper- Thompson 1985:83-91). These structures,which
ial Inka "hautecuisine,''l and consider the role of also yielded unusuallyhigh percentagesof wide-
women in the developmentof the Inkastate. mouthedjars associated with chichaproduction,
were identifiedas the houses of the Inka's"chosen
Feasting in Early States women"(MorrisandThompson1985:77-80). The
Foodandfeastingareincreasinglyrecognizedas hav- investigatorsat Huanacosuggest that Inka provin-
ingplayeda prominentrolein theemergenceof social cial centerstypicallyincorporatedlargeamountsof
hierarchiesand the negotiation of power (Dietler spaceas the settingfor "whatwas essentiallya form
1996;Gero 1992;Goody 1982;Gummerman1997; of hospitalityraisedto the state level" (Morrisand
Hayden1996;WiessnerandShieffenhovel1996).A Thompson1985:91;see also D'Altroy 1981, 2001
numberof recentstudiesfocusing on the commen- on HatunXauxa).The presentstudybuildson Mor-
sal politics of early statesandempireshighlightthe ris andMurra'simportantobservationsregardingthe
potentialof such approaches.Dietler (1990, 1997, role of hospitalityandpublicfeastingin Inkastate-
1998), for instance,illuminatesthe complexitiesof craft,offering an analysis of imperialInka pottery
imperialentanglementin the Mediterraneanworld thatexpandsthegeographicalscope of the argument
throughinnovativeanalysesof drinkingequipment, and extendsit to incorporateconcernswith gender,
wine consumption,andlocal feastingpractices.Pol- agency,andthe meaningof materialculture.
lock (2003) offersnew insightsintothepoliticaleco- In developingthis study,I drawheavilyuponthe
nomic transformations occurring within early theoreticalinsightsof a specific genre of anthropo-
Mesopotamianstatesby focusing on elite banquets logical worksthatfocus on food. The studyof food-
andthedistribution of mass-produced,bevel-rimmed ways has a long historyin anthropology(Douglas
bowls. Nelson (2003), in a studyof funeraryassem- 1966, 1975, 1984; Fortes and Fortes 1936; Levi-
blages from ancient China, demonstrateshow the Strauss 1966, 1968, 1970; Richards 1932, 1939).
Shangeliteendeavoredto createandingratiateances- Foodhas stood at the centerof so manystudiespre-
torsthroughthemediumof food anddrinkto advance cisely becauseit is so fundamentalto the reproduc-
the politicalagendasof the living. I^heseand other tionof society(see Goody 1982).Withinthisoeuvre,
recentworksunderscorethevalueof viewingpottery a number of recent works highlight the political
as culinaryequipmentandtheways in whichsuchan dimensionsof food preparationanddistributionand
approachcan enrich,engender,andadddetailto our the ways in whichculinarypracticesreflect,respond
understanding of earlyimperialpractices. to, and invoke political change (e.g., Adams 1990;
In the Andean context, the importanceof reci- Counihan1999;Dietler 1996;Goody 1982;Hastorf
procity,hospitality,and feastingas key components 1990, 1993; Mintz 1985;Weismantel1988). These
of Inkastatecraftwas firstdiscussedby Murra(1980 studiesserveto underscorethe fact thatfood is one
[1955]). The labor servicesowed the stateby local of thestrongestmarkersof ethnicity,status,andclass.
communities,which could range from cultivating They also suggest thatcooking and cuisine consti-
fieldsto massivepublicworksprojects,weretypically tutefertilegroundfor the materialsymbolizationof
couched in terms of the reciprocalobligations of ideologicalandpoliticaldiscourse.
chiefly generosity.An importantaspectof reciprocal
laborobligationsin theAndeswas theunderstanding Material Symbols
thattheworkpartywouldbe fully provisionedby the Oneof theprincipalcontributionsof post-processual
sponsorin termsof rawmaterials,tools,andfood and approachesto archaeologyhas been theirinsistence
drink(Murra1980:97,121-134). uponthe activenatureof materialculturein the con-
as a conscious strategyaimedat creatingvisible dif- (1962 [1553]), one of the earliestand most obser-
ferencesbetween social classes. I also contendthat vantof all the Spanishchroniclers,andFelipe Gua-
the selectionof culinaryequipmentas a mediumfor man Poma de Ayala (1936 [1613]), an indigenous
thematerialexpressionof classdifferencewasdeeply authorwhose letterto the Kingof Spainis filled with
entwinedwith the way genderwas used by the state illustrationsof dailylife thatoffermanyinsightsinto
to model social hierarchy(see Silverblatt1987). In Andeanculture.The ethnohistoricdataare supple-
thenextsection,I outlinetheparametersof sixteenth- mentedwith modernethnographicandethnobotan-
centuryAndean cuisine and cooking practices in ical observationswheretheseofferusefulinsightsor
orderto establisha culinaryand functionalcontext clarifications (i.e., Antunez 1985; Estrella 1988;
for the imperialInkaassemblage. Towle 1961;Vokral1991;Weismantel1988).
Below I reviewtheethnohistoricreferencesrelat-
Andean Foodways and Inka Haute Cuisine ing to Andean culinary practices and habits. The
The importanceand ubiquityof ceramiccontainers informationis arrangedaccordingto the majorfood
in the Andes is attestedboth by the archaeological categoriescomprisingtheindigenousdiet.Eachfood
recordandscatteredreferencesthroughoutthe writ- categoryis consideredwith respect to methods of
ings of early Spanish commentators.Cobo (1964 preparation,modes of servingandeating, and stor-
[1653]:Bk.11, Ch.6:20),for instance,wrotethatthe age practices.The focus throughoutis on habitsand
average Indian's household furnishingsconsisted techniquesthatwould have affectedvessel usage.
primarilyof "pots,largejars,pitchers,andcups."An
The Native Andean Diet
earlierpassagereferringspecificallyto the northern
highlandsdescribesa typicalhouseholdas follows: The basic Andeandiet is summedup in the follow-
"Inthe secondroom of the house they [theIndians] ing passagewrittenbyananonymoussourcein 1573
have their storeroomfull of large and small pots, "Theirusualsustenanceis wine madeof maize ....
some on top of the ground,othersburiedin the earth and some herbswhich they call yuyo and potatoes,
as vats for straining and preparingtheir wines"2 andbeans,andcookedmaize;theirdailybreadis any
(Atienza 1931[1575?]:52-53). of these cooked with a little salt,andwhattheycon-
Despite such useful observations,referencesto sideras a good seasoningto putin theirstewedfoods,
specific vessel forms and associatedfunctionsare is red pepper"(Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226).
decidedly rarein ethnohistoricsources. It is likely Maize.Cornwas by farthemosthighlyesteemed
thatthe very commonplacenatureof these objects, cropin the Andes.Virtuallyevery accountof native
as well as the gender of the chroniclers,rendered subsistencelists maize as one of the main items in
themall butinvisible.Fortunately,however,theculi- the precolumbiandiet (Acosta 1954 [1590]:109;
naryhabitsandsubsistencepracticesof Andeanpeo- Anonimo 1965 [1573]:226;Cobo 1964 [1653]:Bk.
ples were apparentlyof more interest.The patterns 11, Ch. 6:21, Bk. 4, Ch. 3:159; Garcilaso 1945
of food preparation,consumption,and storagethat [1609]:Bk. 2:48; Rodriguez Docampo 1965
can be reconstructedfromthe documentaryrecords [1650]:75).After it was dried,maize could be pre-
offer considerable insight into ceramic vessel paredin a numberof differentways, two of the most
requirementsand use in the precolumbianAndes. commonmethodsbeing boiling andtoasting.Cobo
Oneof theprincipalsourcesI haveusedforinfor- (1964 [1653]:Bk.14, Ch.5:244) notesthatcornker-
mation on nativeAndean culinarypracticesis the nels were toasted in "perforatedclay casseroles."
JesuitscholarBernabeCobo (1964 [1653]),who left Toastedmaize, or cancha, was often ground into
one of the most detailedaccountsof daily life in the flour that was then used in a varietyof ways (Gar-
Andes. Cobo arrivedin Peru in 1599, moving to cilaso 1945 [1609]:Bk.2:177). Cobo (1964
Cuzcoin 1609 andtravelingextensivelyin the high- [1653]:Bk.14,Ch.3:160)mentions,forinstance,that
landsfor the next severaldecades.He is considered maize flourwas used to make tortillas,which were
by many to be amongthe most reliablechroniclers "toastedor cookedin clay casserolesset in the fire.''
of Inka culture(Rowe 1946:194; Urton 1999:31). One of the most importantuses of maize in the
Othersources I rely upon include Fray Martinde Andes was for the productionof chicha (cornbeer;
Murua(1946 [1590]), who provides useful infor- in Quechua,aka).3The elaborationof chicha was
mation on Inka customs, Pedro de Cieza de Leon seen as one of the fundamentalculinary tasks of
ognized threedifferenttypes of salt: sea salt, min- the [sapa] Inca . . . ate selected maize that is
eral salt, and salt collected from springsby boiling capyaatco sara, and papas manay[early pota-
toes], . . . and llama called white cuyro,and
the waterin pots. chiche[tiny fish], white cuy, and much fruit and
Meat. Meatwas apparentlyconsumedon a lim- ducks, and very smooth chicha which took a
ited basis. Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244) month to mature and was called yamor aca.
states thatit was eaten only rarelyby the common And he ate other things which the Indians were
people, implying that the elite had greateraccess not to touch upon pain of death.
(see also Estrella 1988:313, 319; Guaman Poma Murra(1960) notes that maize was generally
1936 [1613]:55; Gummerman1991; Paz Ponce de accordeda muchhigherstatusby the Inkaandtheir
Leon 1965 [1582]:237; Vokral 1991:76). Modern subjectsthanpotatoesandothertubers,which actu-
ethnographicevidencefromthe southernhighlands ally formedthe staplesof theAndeandiet.A descrip-
indicatesthatcamelidmeatconstitutes10 percentof tionof thefirstInkaqueen,MamaOcllo'sdailyrepast
the campesinodiet (Antunez1985:63);archaeolog- givenby Murua(1962:29)providesfurtherevidence
ical evidence from the centralsierraalso indicates of the elite connotationsof maize in the Inkadiet,
that commonershad some access to meat, though Her daily food was usually maize taken either
they apparentlyconsumedpoorercuts thanthe elite as locrosanca [seagull/hawk(?) stew] or mote
(Sandefur2001). While game animalssuch as deer, [boiled maize kernels], mixed in diverse man-
rabbit,partridge,and water fowl were reportedly ners with other foods, cooked or otherwise pre-
abundant(Anonimo 1965 [1573]:220; Cobo 1964 pared. For us these are coarse and uncouth
foods, but for them they were as excellent and
[1653]:Bk.9;GuamanPoma1936 [1613]:204 207), savory as the softest and most delicate dishes
sources suggest that hunting,and thus game con- put on the tables of the monarchs of Europe.
sumption,was strictlyregulatedby the Inka(Cieza Her drink was a very delicate chicha, which
1962 [1553]:400; Rowe 1946:217). Domesticated among them was as highly esteemed as the Elne
animalsincludeddog, Muscovyduck,camelids,and vintage wines of Spain.
guinea pig (cuy). Camelidsand guineapigs, which In general,the ethnohistoricsourcesconvey the
were by farthe most common,constituteda regular sense that maize was special, desirable,and even
componentof most Indianhouseholds,butthe meat viewed as holidayfood by the highlandpopulations
of these animalswas usuallyreservedfor mealsthat (Murra1960:397).
markedspecialoccasions.Freshanddriedfish were Reportsof royalgifts involvingfood offerfurther
also a common element of the native diet among insightintothesymbolicweightingof Andeandietary
those who lived near the sea, lakes, or rivers(e.g.,
elements.The InkarulerAtahualpa,for instance,is
Estrella1988:332-338). Cobo(1964 [1653]:Bk.14, said to have sent llamas,cooked llama meat, dried
Ch.5:244) notes thatdriedfish was frequentlyused ducks,maizebread,andvessels of chichato Pizarro
as "meat"to make locro. upon his landingat Tumbez(Coe 1994:214).Else-
According to Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 3, Ch. whereit wasreportedthattheroyalfood (tupacocau)
4:113, Bk. 14, Ch. 5:244; also Acosta 1954 givenby the Inka"tothepeoplethathe sentabroad,"
[1590]:136; SalazarVillasante 1965 [1565?]:132) consistedof a smallbag of maizebelievedto be par-
the numberof ways meat was preparedwas fairly ticularlynutritiousbecause it came from the Inka
limited. Generally speaking, it was either stewed himself (GonzalezHolguin 1952 [1608]:369).It is
(typically in locro with aji and other vegetables),apparentfrom vanous sourcesthatmaize and meat
dried (as charqui), or barbecued.Roasting in an were consideredthe food of the gods, andby exten-
earthenpit oven (pachamanca)was also a common sion, of the Inka.Ethnohistoricsourcesclearlystate
methodof preparation. thatthe nobilityate moremeatand maize thantheir
subjectswho dined primanlyon tubersand greens
Inka Haute Cuisine
(GuamanPoma 1936 [1613]:55; Garcilaso 1945
Variouschroniclersof Andeancultureoffer hintsas [1609]:Bk. 2:124; Paz Ponce de Leon 1965
to what may have constitutedInka"hautecuisine," [1582]:237). Though maize was apparentlycon-
though none addressthe matterdirectly.Guaman sumedacrossthe social spectrum,it does not seem
Poma (1936 [1613]:332),for instance,tells us that, to have been an item of everydayfare for the com-
cooking ollas. Similarly,the productionof salt may vessels is implied by referenceto certainculinary
haverequiredspecialbasinsorollasto facilitateevap- techniques mentioned above. Soaking beans, for
oration. instance,wouldhaverequiredthe use of a vessel for
a periodof up to severaldays. Productsmade into
Serving preserves, such as ajf and camote, presumably
With respectto the types of vessels thatcomprised requiredlonger term storage containers.The fer-
the nativeAndeantable service, we have this valu- mentingandagingof chicharequiredtheuse of stor-
able description: age jars from one to severalweeks. Standardfood
There are only two or three types of pieces that preparation tasks used large quantities of water,
they use for this purpose: unglazed clay pots implying the presenceof waterstoragecontainersin
(ollas) on which they used to carve various Elg- the house compound.
ures, the same as they did on jars and other ves- The above review of ethnohistoricreferencesto
sels; plates made from dry calabashes,that were Andeanfoodwaysandculinarytechniquessuggests
the size of small china plates, from clay, and
from wood-those of wood are called meca, and the many ways in which potterywas likely used in
those of clay they call pucu; and medium-sized the precolumbianAndes. The diversityof tasks in
ceramic casseroles that they call chuas. The whichceramicvessels wereemployedimpliesa cor-
table service of the noblemen and chiefs were respondingdiversityin the rangeof vessel shapes.
made of silver and gold in former times [Cobo The following passageoffers valuableinsightsinto
1964 (1653):Bk. 14, Ch. 4:243].
the native classification of the domestic pottery
Occasionalremarksaboutthe customarymodes inventory:
of presentingandeatingfoodsprovidefurtherinsight Nor did they make the same distinctions in
intovessel requirements.Cobo [1964 (1653):Bk.14, earthenwarethat we use, but speak only of pots
Ch.5:245]reportsthattheIndianstypicallyatetwice (ollas) andjugs (cantaros),which they differen-
a.day,once in the morningandonce in the lateafter- tiate in terms of size (larger and smaller) and
noon. Husbandsand wives would sit back to back decoration (some have been sculpted with fig-
ures and designs); small, plain plates (platillos);
on theground,withthewife facingthefood andserv- and small shallow plates (patenas). The rest of
ing her husband upon request. Atienza their vessels correspond to the types that the
(1931[1575?]:4143) notes that"themen nevereat Spaniardsusually make from clay, which they
fromone platewith theirwomen,andindeedwould [the Indians] made from silver, gold, wood, and
considerit a disgrace,andtakeit as such,if theywere dried calabashes; not even in their ancient sep-
ulchers, in which they buriedtheir dead with all
forced to do so." At social gatheringsand public forms of food and drink, does one find vessels
feasts, Cobo reportedthat each family broughtits other than the types referredto here [Cobo 1964
own food anddrink,thoughsharingwas apparently (1653):Bk. 3, Ch. 6:114-115].
an institutionalizedpractice.It was customary,for This passage suggests that beyond gross mor-
instance, when drinking chicha either ritually or phological distinctions,the ethno-classificationof
socially to offer a toastto yourcompanionor guest. potteryrevolvedprimarilyaroundvessel size andthe
Thispracticeinvolvedtakingtwo tumblersandoffer- presenceor absenceof decoration.This observation
ing one to thepersonwithwhomyou wishedto share on theemic organizationof potterycorrespondswith
a drink(see Betanzos 1968 [1551]:55). the definitionsof vessel types providedby Bertonio
(1879 [1612]) in his Aymaradictionary.His defini-
Storage tions also rely primarilyon the criteriaof size and
Besides their importancein food preparationand decorationin describinganddifferentiatingbetween
serving,pots andjars were also used as storagecon- vessels. In addition,Bertoniodefines a.few vessels
tainersin Andean households.Regardingthe stor- with respectto the foods with whichthey were gen-
age of food staples,Cobo (1964 [1653]:Bk. 14, Ch. erally associated.Modernethnographicstudies of
4:242) notes thatbasic foods such as maize, chuno, potteryproductionand consumptionin the central
andquinoawere usuallystoredin largeceramicjars Andes yield similarfindingswith regardto indige-
eitherinsidethe houseor in a separateareadesigned nous taxonomiesof ceramiccontainers(e.g., Costin
for storagejust outside. and Hagstrum1995:631-2; Hagstrum1989).
The need for othershort-and long-termstorage These observationsoffer useful guidelines for
n --
A
1
2
B
D 8
s
{¢-¢-bE
- -
ll
E 10
c}
12 13
F
G 14
Meyers 1975).
form categories used in this study (after
Figure 1. Inka vessel
9 (f X ; (3 4 5 % 6 C 7 2
Meyers Inca jar Long-necked vase Face neck jar Long-neeki Short-necked Two-iMled One-handli
(19763 bottle bottle vessel vessel
Bingham Type 1 ---- Type 131z, d Type 13h Type 13a Type 6 ---
(19153 Aryballus 3ug Jug Jug Pelike jug
Fernandez Makas Florere --- l:3eposlto Deposit Jarron ---
(1971)
Pardo Matas Florero Puina Atsana Aisana Puchuela 1JCi hjchi
(1957) Tticachuranas Puchuela
Rowe Shape A Shape fiI --- Shape D --- Shape B Shape C
(1944)
= . . .. ....... -
NIeyers C()nical-based Roundbased One-footed olla Two-handled Tnv}-handled Shallow plate/boutl Cup
(l976) olla olla bowl plate
Bingham Wide-mouffi ppes 7-l0 Type 2 Type 4 Type 4d Types ll & 12 Type lSb
(l915) aryballus Bea!er olla l:)eep dish l)rinking ladle
Fernandez hqui Ollas cyliSricos Olla caliz Qocha --- C:huappucu Q'em
(1971)
14 LATINAMERICAN
ANTIQUITY [Vol.14, No. 1, 2003
<jz w t_ 1t
. r I ' $ El Qthche t La C
: l,# _ .e 4 a K
.) $ j$ 31
* * * .
Figure 3. Map indicating locations of Inka sites included in distnbutional analysis of Inka potteryX
(Figure5). The arEbalo, for instance,comprises52 the ratiosbetweenthese four vessel types is gener-
percentof the totalnumberof identifiableInkaves- ally morebalanced(100:81:46:61).The biggestdif-
sels in the provincialdistrictsand only 29 percent ference between the two regions is in the relative
in the core region. The only vessels besides the proportionof arlEalosto othervessels and the sig-
arfbalo that occur with any frequency in the nificantlyhigherfrequenciesof shallowplates(Form
provincesare the shallow plate (Form 13) and the 13) and two-handleddeep dishes (Form 11) in the
pedestal-basecooking pot (Form 10). These three heartland.
forms appearto constitutethe minimalassemblage The fact thatthe arlEalois found in higherpro-
for any Inka-affiliatedgroupor individualresiding portionsin the outlying sectors of the empire sug-
in the hinterlands. gests that it was of particularimportanceto some
The overallratioof the four most common ves- aspect of the imperialexpansionprocess.As men-
sel types(arlEalos,shallowplates,pedestalpots,and tioned earlier,this vessel form is generallyassoci-
the two-handled casserole) in the provinces is ated with storage and the transportof chicha,a
roughly100:33:48:7.In the core areaof the empire, productelaboratedby women. The Inka,following
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta 3 - 1
- 2 - s -
- 8 19
(west/SW) Mt.Ampato 8 - 1
- 7 - - 18 34
La Centinela 8 1 6 - - 4 - 1 1 - 6 27
Old Ica 7 2 1 2 1 1 - 4 3 - 13 1 35
Pachacamac 24 1 - 3 3 - 2 - 8 15 - 34 90
Collasuyu Hatunqolla 50 4
1
5 3 1 40 3 107
(south) Pallimarca 60 - 1 10 - 25 - 96
Llullaillaco 3 - 2 - 2 2 - 10 19
Chicoana,LermaValley S - 7 - - 42 1 55
E1Plomo 3 - 2 - - 3 8
La Reina 30 3 5
- 50 - 88
Chinchasuyu HuanacoPampa 376 - 17 - - 26 419
(north) HatunXauxa 237 55 - 111 17 420
La Plata 2 - 2 - - 6 - 10
E1Quinche S 1 - 1 -
- 1 1 - 2 - 12
Rumicucho 577 557 69 - 67 - 1,270
Ollantaytambo X X X X X X
Choquepukio X X X X X X X X
Chinchero X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
Machu Picchu X X X X X X X X X X X X
Cuntisuyu Maucallacta X X X X X
Mt. Ampato X X X X
ChinchaValley X X X X X
Ica Valley X X X X X X X X X X
LaCentinela X X X X X X X
Pachacamac X X X X X X X X
Inkawasi X X X
Collasuyu Hatunqolla X X X X X X X X X
Titicaca X X X X X X X X
(Islas del Sol, Luna)
Tiquischullpa X X
Pallimarca X X X X X
Puno X X X X
Mt. Llullaillaco X X X X X
NW Argentina X
LaReina X X X X
PucaraChena X X X X
Chinchasuyu HuanacoPampa X X X
HatunXauxa X X X X X
La Plata X X X
Quito X X X X X X X
El Quinche X X X X X X X
Rumicucho X X X X
Ingapirca X X
Tomebamba X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
50
45
40
Q
35
30
25
20
I
-
15
10
5
| - T - - _ - - T
o
F1 F4 F6 F9 F10 F11 F13 F14
Inca Forms
Figure 4. Distribution of Inka vessel forms comprising a composite, empire-wide assemblage (n = 4383). Note: Vesselcate-
gories representingless than one percent of the entire assemblageare omittedfromgraph (these include Forms 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, and
12).
60
@ 50
> 40
zV 30
2 20 E11leartland
Q 10
* Provinces
o
F1 F4 F6 F10 F11 F13 F14
Inca Forms
Figure 5. Relative proportion of Inka vessel forms in imperial heartland versus provinces.
Anommo
.
As ConkeyandGero(1991) note, thereis poten- 1965 [1573] La cibdadde SantFranciscodel Quito.In Rela-
ciones geograficasde indias, editedby MarcosJimenezde
tiallymuchto be gainedfrominquiringinto the cul- la Espada,pp. 205-232. EdicionesAtlas, Madrid.
tural and ideological meanings embedded in Antunezde Mayolo, Santiago
genderedactivitiessuchas cooking.Consideringthe 1985 La nutricionen el antiguoPeru.FondoEditorial,Banco
Centralde Reservadel Peru,Lima.
politicalsignificanceof cuisine bringsthe activities Atienza,Lope de
of food collection, preparation,processing,distrib- 1931 [1575?] Compendiohistoricaldel estadode los indios
ution, and consumptioninto the broaderarenasof del Peru.In La Religiondel Imperiode los Incas, editedby
Jacinto Jijon y Caamano.Escuela TipograficaSalesiana,
publicand politicallife. As the Inkacase suggests, Quito.
the domestic and politicalrealmsare not necessar- Bamps,Anatole
ily everywhereand always divided, distinguished, 1879 Las antiguedades ecuatorianas del Museo Real de
Antiguedades de Bruselas. Congreso lnternacional des
anddifferentiallyvalued.It may actuallybe thatthe Americanistas,3, Brussels,tomo II, p.47-ff.
principles,behaviors,andideologiesassociatedwith Bauer,Brian
thedomesticspherewereintegrallyandinextricably lsso StateDevelopmentin the CuscoRegion:Archaeologi-
cal Researchon the Incas in theprovinceof Paruro.Ph.D.
linkedwith the public and politicalrealmsof soci- dissertation,Universityof Chicago.UniversityMicrofilms,
ety throughoutmuch of humanhistory. Ann Arbor.
Bennett,Wendell,EverettBleiler,and FrankSommer
1948 NorthwestArgentineArchaeology. YalePublicationsin
AnthropologyNo. 39. Yale UniversityPress,New Haven.
Acknowledgments.I am indebtedto ConstanzaCeruti,Antonio Bertonio,Ludovico
1879[1612] VocabulariodelalenguaAymara.LaPaz.
Chavez, Gordon McEwan, and Johan Reinhard for granting
Betanzos,Juande
me permission to study firsthandthe Inka pottery recovered 1968 [1551] Suma y narracio'nde los Incas. Biblioteca de
from theirarchaeologicalinvestigationsin PeruandArgentina. AutoresEspanolesVol. 209. EdicionesAtlas, Madrid.
For facilitating access to the other museum collections Bingham,Hiram
included in the present study, I gratefully acknowledge the 1915 Typesof MachuPicchu Pottery.AmericanAnthropol-
help of AntoniaAyerbeand RoxanaAbril of the Museo Inkain ogist 17:257-271.
Cuzco; Ruddy Perea Chavez and Key Palacios of the Museo 1979 [1930] MachuPicchu: Citadelof the Incas. HackerArt
SantuariosAndinos in Arequipa;ErnestoSalazarof the Museo Books, New York.
de Jijon y Caamanoat the Catholic University in Quito; Chip Blitz, John
1993 Big Pots for Big Shots:Feastingand Storagein a Mis-
Stanish, then of the Field Museum in Chicago; and Bill
sissippianCommunity.AmericanAntiquity58:8S96.
Wierzbowski of the University Museum of Pennsylvania. I Boman,Eric
would also like to thankthe manyanonymousreviewerswhose 1908 Antiquite's de la Re'gionAndinede la Re'publiqueArgen-
general expertise and critical insights have shaped the final tine et du Desertd 'Atacama.Paris.Reprintedin Spanishby
form of this paper,though all errorsand omissions of course the UniversidadNacional de Jujuy,transl. Delia Gomez
remain my own, and Latin American Antiquity coeditor Rubio, 1991.
Suzanne Fish for seeing this work throughto publication. Braun,David
1980 ExperimentalInterpretation of CeramicVessel Use on