Name: Sukanya Grover

Issues in Social Democracy and Justice

Prof Narendra Jadhav
25th January, 2019

The Sub-Categorization movement of the Scheduled Castes:

An argument for broadening a myopic view of ‘Social Justice’

The contemporary struggles led by the Madigas (Karnataka), Mangs (Maharashtra), Bhangis and
Valmikis (North India), among others force us to delve deeper and understand the demand for
sub-classification of Scheduled Castes reservations. There has been a sequence of struggles led
within the Dalit caste that force us to look at two categories within, that of ‘visible’ and
‘invisible’1 Dalits. (Gopani, 2008). This essay highlights the urgent need for scholarly and
political attention to be devoted to comprehending and outlining the struggle for sub
categorisation of the Scheduled Castes in different states. It has been divided into three sections,
where the first part deals with the nomenclature of the term ‘Dalit’ and questions whether it can
be used as an all-encompassing term to cover a broader category of the Scheduled Castes in
India. The second section moves on to talk about the inequalities that exist among Dalits with a
focus on the ​Madiga ​situation in light of the Supreme Court judgement in EC Chinnaiah vs State
of AP verdict where the apex court was of the view that the State legislature did not have within
its ambit, the power to decide on apportioning reservations to sub-groups within the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The final section concludes the paper with some ending remarks
by looking at the pressing situation from an Ambedkarite’s perspective.

If we trace the back the idea of sub-categorising the scheduled castes for targeted affirmative
action, we would perhaps find the first instance in Punjab in 1975, where the Government fixed
50% of the reserved jobs for two sub-castes: the ​Balmikis ​and Mazhabi Sikhs. (​ Rao, 2009).
Haryana introduced a similar legislation in 1994 with preferential reservations in government
jobs by putting aside 50% of the total reservation for Chamars, Rahgars and similar castes, and
the other half for the rest of the sub-castes. A similar pattern was noticed in Bihar with the
introduction of the category, Mahadalits in 2007 which led to an uproar by Ram Vilas Paswan
who belonged to the ​‘Paswan’​ Caste, the only one that was left out of the Mahadalit category.

(I) Questioning the Categorisation of ​‘Dalits’

Can ‘Dalit’ describe a homogeneous caste?

1
Invisible Dalits​ refers to the most marginalised sub-castes and groups within Dalits
It is convenient to infer from academic or activist writings and speeches that the categorical term,
‘Dalit’ i​ s being utilized across the globe in divergent socio-cultural backdrops. The mid-1990’s
saw the emergence of democratic struggles by the most marginalised Dalits within the Dalit
community and have come to be known as the ​‘new Dalit assertions’.​ The official definition
ascribed to the Scheduled Castes by the nation-state lends to it a homogenous identity that masks
any scope for addressing differences or diversities that exist within the caste. Therefore, the
questioning of multiple identities within Dalits and their demand for equity has become a salient
intellectual discourse in contemporary Dalit movement and politics.

Etymologically, the term ‘Dalit’ has its roots in the Sanskrit word, ​‘Dal’ ​(translation: ​cut, broken,
scattered or crushed and destroyed) hence giving birth to the term, ​‘Dalit’ which means broken
or depressed people. 2 In Molesworth Marathi-English dictionary, the term ‘Dalit’ generally
translates to ‘ground’, ‘broken’ or ‘reduced to pieces’. 3 This English word is a broader term used
to describe a segment of the Indian population that has been at the brunt of exclusionary and
discriminatory practices (SC’s, ST’s and Shudras [Other Backward Castes or OBC’s]).

In fact, one of the first uses of the term ‘Dalit’ as a category was during the 1930’s as a
translation of ‘Depressed Classes’ in Hindi and Marathi languages. The same time frame also
saw the usage of the word in print, through a periodical newspaper titled, ‘Dalit Bandhu’ (Friend
of the Dalit). Moreover, the usage of the term in speeches delivered by B.R. Ambedkar added a
certain degree to the nomenclature. He explicated the term as experiences of life that are
characterized by the exploitation, suppression and marginalisation of Untouchables by the
domination of the caste-based Hindu Brahmanical order.

Intellectuals working in the domain cite the term differently. For instance, those who look
through the lens of class often describe them as peasants, agricultural labourers, factory workers
etc. These terms are found throughout propaganda prepared by the Dalit Panthers or in subaltern
works. According to Babu Rao Bagul, the term as a category, is revolutionary in itself since it
brings to light the potential of the emancipation of Dalit cultures and values of the past. Gopal
Guru, on the other hand, argues that the term borrows ideologically from man-centred
philosophies of Marx, Buddha, Phule and Ambedkar. In praxis, the term ‘Dalit-Bahujan’ is often
employed to denote Dalits as Scheduled Castes and Bahujan as OBC’s.

These categories are paradoxical in the sense that they were branded to work towards unity and a
common political goal but the great deal of heterogeneity and disparities between people force
limitations on the realisation of this identity. It is vital to observe that the meaning and

2
S Monier Williams, ​‘Oxford Sanskrit English Dictionary’ ​(Oxford, 1964), p. 471
3
The Molesworth Marathi English Dictionary, ​James Thomas Molesworth,
implications of the Dalit identity arise from the objectivity of the situation that the community
operates within. Academia and political discourse have used the term Dalit to refer to a broader
category of Scheduled Castes and in both, the identification and issues of the most marginalised
groups within the Dalit caste are ignored and not written about. In fact, many have objected to
demands for subcategories within the Dalit caste as ‘Anti Ambedkarite’ or against the conception
of ‘Dalit Unity’. There is a surge in articulation of the demand to assert multiple identities, both
of individuals and the collective as a response to the pre-existing identities and categories.

(II) ​Inequalities among Dalits

While the practice of untouchability by upper castes is frowned upon in academic and public
discourse, the existence of the abolished practised among the Dalit community is either ‘​ignored
or normalised​.​’ In fact, to add weight to this argument, we can look at a plethora of government,
non-governmental and individual reports on the remnants of the practice borrowed from an
age-old Brahmanical caste order that only mention its prevalence among the upper castes.
However, the lack of documentation and analysis about the existence of untouchability among
Dalits has become a contentious issue in contemporary Dalit academia and activism and can be
traced to the various struggles by the most marginalised Dalits in different parts of the country.
In this section, we will look at the example of the states of Andhra Pradesh to understand the
composition of different sub-castes within Dalits and how each group fares in comparison to the
others.
If we look at the list of Scheduled Castes in the state of Andhra Pradesh, we can see that there
are a total of 62 sub-castes of which two are numerically dominant, the ​Madigas and the ​Malas. 4
In an anthropological study conducted by T.R Singh and P Muthaiah, ​an attempt is done to
understand the hierarchy among these two castes in the region. These two castes have been in the
news for an ongoing rivalry between them that has stretched for decades. In the previous decade,
many had a realisation that the benefits of affirmative action had not trickled down equally to all
the groups in the state and to evaluate this thesis further, the State Government appointed a
Commission of Inquiry headed by Justice Sri P. Ramachandra Raju to look into the matter. The
two-fold aim of the inquiry was to analyse if:

a) Whether a disproportionately large number of benefits went to any particular sub-caste of

scheduled castes;
b) If so, to indicate all such steps as are necessary and required to be taken to ensure that
these benefits are equitably distributed among the various sub-castes of scheduled castes.
(Yagati, 2009)

4
​Malas constitute around 42 lakh population while Madigas 39 lakh and together they constitute more
than 90% of the SC population in Andhra Pradesh
The Commission then went on to collect statistics about the level of education attained by
different groups within the Sub-Castes as well as data on SC employees in the state. The
statistics upto 15th May, 1997 were then analyzed by the Commission and the following
observations were made:

“...there is disproportionate distribution of reservation benefits in favour of the'Mala' group and

'Adi-Andhra' group of scheduled caste communities compared to their respective populations,
and both the 'Madiga' group and 'Relli' group of communities are not adequately represented
either in public appointments orin educational institutions compared to their respective
populations categorising these S.C. communities into four groups 'A', 'B', 'C' and 'D' on a
rational basis.​” 5

The Committee recommended the benefits of reservations, and other policies, to be availed by
each sub-caste in proportion to their population. To further put to examination these
recommendations, a Cabinet Sub-Committee was set up by the Government which accepted
most of them.

Apart from the examples mentioned above, there are certain patterns are paralleled among the
most marginalised Dalits in different parts of the country. For instance, many caste-groups have
failed to acquire even one proof of identification, seven decades after Independence. (Gopani,
2018). Since many of these groups lead a nomadic life and an identity proof requires a residential
address, they have to overcome many obstructions to receive the same. In fact, if we look at the
situation in the above-mentioned example of Andhra Pradesh, most Malas and Madigas find it
easy to receive their identification documents from the mandal officer and other smaller
sub-castes such as Chindus and Netakanis are forcefully given Madiga/Mala certificates. This
has other far-reaching consequences on the group as well, such as under-representation in
Government Records where their number is restricted to thousands contrasted to the actual
number of lakhs. This pushes them further into invisibility and also reduces their political force,
giving rise to serious questions around the concept of social justice and equitable distribution.

In this case, the most marginalised caste, at the end of the homo hierarchicus, is the untouchable
of the untouchables and we con conclusively say that the Brahmanic notions of superiority,
inferiority and purity are tricked down to the lowest rung of the ladder among the Dalits. If we
extend this argument and think of any step taken in the name of affirmative action (say, 1000
jobs for Dalit construction workers along with land distribution), the pivotal question still stays.
With the introduction of a scheme par excellence for the socially marginalised, is there a
guarantee that the benefits of these will reach the bottom of the ​homo-hierarchy?​

5
​See Official Directive, Government of Andhra Pradesh, G.O.Ms.No.68, dated: 6-6-1997
It is this question that has translated into the demand for sub-categorisation of Scheduled Caste
reservations as is evident from the Madiga Dandora Movement in Andhra Pradesh or the
democratic struggle led by the Bhangis in North India. The underlying belief is that in the
absence of separate allocations for the invisible groups among Dalits, there will be no equitable
justice.

(III) Conclusion

In order to gain some insights to understand this critical juncture in Indian Society, it would be
valuable to look at Ambedkar’s views on caste, untouchability and religion. This proposition
becomes more relevant owing to the fact that he had himself witnessed intra-caste conflicts
within the Dalit community, as we are experiencing today. (Dreze, 2008). Many opposers of the
sub-categorisation of the castestoday lend legitimacy to their arguments by invoking the spirit of
Ambedkar, and arguing that such legislative measures would be against his spirit and Dalit unity,
that he devoted his life for. However, we should be cognizant of the fact that he was a
synthesizer of all castes and tried to craft a platform for all Dalits by including non-Mahar Dalits
in his political party, although his strongest support was from the Mahars of Maharashtra. He
responded to criticism in one of his speeches by saying:

“The critics also say that all the benefits of the Government schemes are being grabbed by the
Mahars. Mr Nikalje of Mahar caste was nominated by the Mumbai Corporation. But, when I
found out that he is unable to perform to my satisfaction, I did not hesitate to nominate Mr. Balu,
belonging to the Chamar community. If some individual Mahars turn out to be narrow-minded,
please do not blame it on all the Mahars. I am also ready to make blood relations with people
from the Mang caste. In fact, I had a boy from the Mang Caste in my own home. There is no
difference between what I practice and what I preach”. (​ Jadhav, 2013)

These struggles that are being led by the Dalits at the lowest rung of the caste order, hold within
them the power to truly democratise politics and social justice in India. Affirmative Action,
especially reservation in educational and professional spaces continues to be one of the biggest
forces working towards the upliftment of the marginalised. However, if the benefits of these are
not trickling down equally to those at the bottom of the ladder, efforts should be made to ensure
that they receive equal opportunities as any other individual, or caste. Hence, sub-categorization
of Dalits is imperative and while it might not solve for the structural fallacies of the caste order,
it will ensure an enabling environment for these groups.
 References and Works Cited:

1. Chandraiah Gopani, ​‘New Dalit Movements: An Ambedkarite Perspective’​ in ‘The

Radical in Ambedkar’, Ed. Suraj Yengde and Anand Teltumbde, 2018
2. Jean Dreze, ​‘Dr Ambedkar and the Future of Indian Democracy’​ in ‘The Radical in
Ambedkar’, Ed. Suraj yengde and Anand Teltumbde, 2018
3. Avinash Kumar, ‘​Sub-classification of SC Reservation: A Critical Evaluation of the Apex
Court’s View’ i​ n ‘Dividing Dalits’​, p​ g 177-194
4. K Bala Gopal, ​‘A Tangled Web: Subdivision of SC Reservations in AP’ i​ n ‘Dividing
Dalits’​, p​ g 113-129
5. Rao, Yagati Chinna, ed. (2009). ​‘Dividing Dalits: writings on the sub-categorization of
Scheduled Castes​.’ Jaipur, Rajasthan: Rawat Publications
6. Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003). ​‘India’s silent revolution: The rise of the low castes in North
Indian politics’​. Delhi: Permanent Black.
7. K Balagopal, ​‘Justice for Dalits Among Dalits’,​ ​Economic and Political Weekly, July, 16,
2005
8. Narendra Jadhav, ​‘Ambedkar Speaks: 300 Seminal Speeches’, 2​ 013
9. John C.B. Webster, ‘Who is a Dalit’ in ​‘Dalits in Modern India’. E ​ d. S.M. Michal (New
Delhi: Sage, 2007), p. 76
10. Official Directive, Government of Andhra Pradesh, G.O.Ms.No.68, dated: 6-June-1997
11. E. V. Chinnaiah vs. State of Andhra Pradesh and others, AIR 2005, SC162 (2005(1)
S.C.C. 394)