Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
SESSION – 2018/19
BY
ANAND YADAV
1140992006
B.A.LL.B[5TH YEAR]
SUBMITTED TO:
ASST. PROFESSOR
BBDU
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
PLACE:
DATE: SIGNATURE OF CANDIDATE:
DEDICATION
reservation in promotion
It began with the Supreme Court judgement in the Indra Sawhney case,
which upheld the VP Singh government’s decision to grant 27%
reservation to the Socially and Educationally Backward Classes.
However, Indra Sawhney took up reservation in promotion, though it
was not an issue in that case. The government order was for reservation
in direct recruitment only. It was only for the Socially and Educationally
Backward Classes. Then again, reservation in promotion was in
existence only for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
The norm in jurisprudence is that courts only deal with matters that arise
from the petition filed. It should be pointed out that Justice AM Ahmadi,
who later became the chief justice of India, dissociated himself, for that
reason, from the part of the Indra Sawhney judgement that dealt with
reservation in promotion.
reservation in promotion
The judges said that Article 16 (4) did not permit the state to have
reservation in promotion. Since only the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes had reservation in promotion, they were affected. In
my opinion, Article 16 (4) does not debar reservation in promotion
either.
Yes, the [PV] Narasimha Rao government inserted it through the 77th
amendment. It was almost unanimously passed, with only one
abstention. So you could say there was national consensus cutting across
all parties. Three other amendments, pertaining to reservation one way
or another, were introduced into the Constitution by the [Atal Bihari]
Vajpayee government. All these four amendments were then challenged
in the Nagaraj case, and the Supreme Court delivered its judgement in
2006.
Conditions.
These conditions were that the state must furnish data to show that
backwardness is continuing; that the principle of creamy layer [a
reference to the relatively wealthy and better educated members of
marginalised communities] should be followed; that there must be
compelling reasons to have reservation in promotion, but efficiency in
administration must not be impaired. The state must establish
inadequacy of representation and cannot continue reservation
indefinitely; and the 50% limit should be followed.
Since social equality and social justice are mandates of the Constitution,
all measures of social justice, including reservation and reservation in
promotion for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, automatically
become mandatory. Therefore, in my opinion, with due respect to the
Supreme Court, to treat reservation as a matter of discretion is a basic
error.
Take Jagjivan Ram, who unveiled a statue of former Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister Sampurnanand in the 1970s. Quite notoriously, the statue was
washed with sanctified water. Even a person who had been a Union
minister for the longest time was not exempted from untouchability.
If you are to say that untouchability ceases to exist for a person as soon
as he becomes an IAS officer and he should hence not get reservation in
promotion, you are likely to have a situation in which there will not be a
Scheduled Caste person who can become secretary.
Why?
Ask any Scheduled Caste officer whether he or she has been a victim of
untouchability-based discrimination, and he or she will very likely say
yes.
The United States Supreme Court also said that in case you are
introducing any policy of affirmative action in which race is a factor,
then that legislation is suspect, compelling reasons should be shown,
affirmative action should be “narrow tailored” and the policy and
legislation should be subjected to “strict scrutiny”. In our jurisprudence,
no legislation is suspect. All legislation is prima facie valid unless, on
challenge, it fails the Supreme Court’s test of constitutional validity.
That said, data can still be provided to show that the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes are inadequately represented. In Group A [under
secretary upwards], Scheduled Castes are between 10% and 11%. If
lumping all ranks in Group A still equals 10%-11%, then as you go
higher, their representation will become lower. As of now, there are
three additional secretaries and one secretary from the Scheduled Castes
at the Centre. The Scheduled Tribes are in a similar position. They
constitute 25.2% of India’s population. Obviously, 10%-11% in Group
A services does not constitute adequate representation.
Article 335 states, “The claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes
and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently
with the maintenance of efficiency of administration, in the making of
appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the
Union or of a State.”
Article 335 states that the claims of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes “shall” be taken into consideration. It makes it binding on the
state to grant reservation.
the state did take into consideration the claims of Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes but not; with the efficiency of administration.
This was also pointed out by the National Commission for the Review of
the Working of the Constitution, which was headed by former Chief
Justice MN Venkatachaliah, in its 2002 report. So when it is said give
them consideration, it means give them appointments subject to their
possessing the requisite qualification. Not just the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, everyone is supposed to have the requisite
qualification for promotion.
But the 50% cap does not arise in promotion. Even if the percentage of
reservation in promotion for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is
raised to the level of their population proportion, it will add up to only
22.5%. There is consequently no possibility of reservation in promotion
exceeding 50%. Mention of the 50% cap in matters of reservation in
promotion for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is another
indication of confusion between them, on the one hand, and the Socially
and Educationally Backward Classes, on the other.
Can reservation remove untouchability?
"We reiterate that the ceiling limit of 50 per cent reservation, the concept of
creamy layer and the compelling reasons, namely, backwardness, inadequacy
of representation and overall administrative efficiency are all constitutional
requirements without which the structure of equality of opportunity under
Article 16 would collapse."
The judges said: "The equality of opportunity under Article 16 (1) is for each
individual citizen, while the special provision under Article 16 (4) is for
socially disadvantaged classes. Both should be balanced and neither should be
allowed to eclipse the other."