2541623

Special Topics in Architectural History and Theory

_______________________________________________________________________________

Rethinking Locality:
Critical Reflections on Colonial Architecture & Modern Architecture
in Kuala Lumpur, 1870-1969

Semester 1/2016
Master of Architecture
(International Program)
Chulalongkorn University

A report submitted to
Dr. Chomchon Fusinpaiboon

by
Khai Sin Lee

December 2016
Contents Page

Chapter 1.0 Introduction 1-2

Chapter 2.0 Critical reflections on the conventional history of Colonial
Architecture in Kuala Lumpur 3-5

2.1 Case study: The Secretariat Building, Kuala Lumpur. 6-9

Chapter 3.0 Critical reflections on the conventional history of Modern

Architecture in Kuala Lumpur 10-12

3.1 Case study 1: Wisma Angkasapuri, Kuala Lumpur. 13-14

3.2 Case study 2: Dewan Tunku Cancelor Hall,

University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur 15-17

Chapter 4.0 Conclusion 18

List of Figures 19-20
Bibliography 21
Chapter 1.0 Introduction

The history of modernism has been debated among the historians and theorists over the
past decades. The use of the terms “West” and “Non-West” are emphasized every time when the
arguments and discourses were made. Both are the terms not just to explain the territories
differentiation inside and outside of Europe and North America regions, but a name that always
associating itself with those communities and people that appear politically or economically
superior to other regions. Historian/ theorist Dipesh Chakrabarty has mentioned in his book
“Provincializing Europe” that European derived forms of capitalism, industrial progress and
political participation in the world at large as the descriptions of modernity. It is said that the
consignment of colonies by the imperial metropoles to the imaginary “waiting rooms of history”
which accidentally delayed their ability of self-rule. This is because the developing countries
were all heading to the same destination with Western influences from the European
colonizers.[1] However, the author argued that the idea of modernism is not just a linear way that
refers only to the West that leads to one direction, instead there consists of other non-linear ways
to seek for more possibilities.

The general idea of modernity was taken into account as the important conditions in
shaping human, nation, society and country development which very much related to political
and social aspects such as citizenships, human rights, social justice and democracy. As the
“modern” master leader, Europeans saw themselves as more advanced, more civilized, and more
"modern" than other societies and this led to their expansions of economic activities and
territorial control in Southeast Asia regions. It was obvious that the Western way of political and
social aspects like the ruling systems and social classifications have been promoted through the
process of colonization although the initial purposes of European’s approach in the colonial
territories were about revenue, religion and power. However, when we see through the current
situations in the previous colonized countries, those aspects somehow are still far from being
established. Back in colonial time, the initial aspects and qualities that the European intended to

[1]
Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, pp. 1
[2]
A.J. Christopher, Divide and Rule, pp. 233
1
promote in the colonized countries somehow contrast when in practice. One of the examples is
the “divide and rule” policy by the colonial administration as the strategy in classification and
division of population on the basis of linguistics, religion, cultural, tribal and ethnicity.[2]

Apart from those intangible political and social aspects, architecture is another important
aspect as the evidence or asset to present the qualities, spirits, and even time transitions of
modernity. Commonly, it is easy to describe modern architecture in the West but hardly to define
in non-West region. Apparently, time and place are the important factors that need to be
concerned. When something “different” or “new” applied in a “different” or “new” place,
different meanings formed. This is an argument related to “newness” where something exists can
be new in certain time and place without controlled in a fixed manner.

Malaysia, locating at the region of Southeast Asia, is a country that undergone

colonization since 15th century. As one of the colonized countries, every process of changing,
negotiating and developing from colonial period until the formation of new country from
independence indicated the formed of “new” in every aspects. While in architecture aspect, the
“newness” presented “modern” qualities in architecture which related very much about the new
building functions, building status, building material and building techniques. The “modern”
qualities can be noticed through the colonial architecture in the city and later post-independence
architecture where both served as the exemplary to present “newness” that contained in both
colonial period to post-independence period respectively. Therefore, this paper is the discussion
of seeing Malaysia’s modern architecture in another way by criticizing the conventional way of
both colonial and modern buildings.

2
Chapter 2.0: Critical reflections on the conventional history of Colonial Architecture in
Kuala Lumpur

Although being modern increasingly linked to Europe, Southeast Asia never rejected
their own past. The progressive formation of nations and states in Southeast Asia occurred when
independence achieved from the Western colonizers during the period around 1960s. British
commercial interests were established first on the islands of Penang and Singapore in 1786 and
1819 respectively, then in Kuala Lumpur. Being independent in 1957, the Federation of Malaya
finally absorbed former British colonies to form an enlarged state called Malaysia in 1963.

Figure 1: Kuala Lumpur in 1884s.

From the British colonial period onwards,

Kuala Lumpur turned from a tin-mining center to the
metropolis it is today. Back in early 19th century,
Klang Valley was originally the spot of minor tin
mining activities where the settlements of Malay and
Chinese as tin miners had been found in 1850s. The

Figure 2: A Malay village, 1880s ease of boat ride from Klang Valley to Gombak
River then caused larger expansion of tin mining
sectors near to the river with the establishment of
trading spot by the tin miners. This account was
important as how the name “Kuala Lumpur”
originated from, as Gombak River was known as
Lumpur or muddy river whereas “Kuala” refers to
the place where a smaller river joins to bigger
Figure 3: Houses of Chinese community, 1884s.

[3]
Ken, Yeang, The Architecture of Malaysia, pp. 60
3
stream.[3] Thus, the tip of the landmass between the two rivers was the settlements of Malay and
Chinese especially on the east bank of Klang river where a small town grew and gradually spread
upstream in the direction of the other mining fields.

British involvement in Kuala Lumpur took a more official turn in 1871 when British
Resident was appointed to provide protection and support to solve the conflicts between the local
rulers. The presence of British did not bring much negative impacts to the town as Kuala Lumpur
continued to grow in size and population due to the rise of tin price during 1879. It was also in
1880 when British decided the replacement of Klang to Kuala Lumpur as the seat of British state
administration. Later, this led the actions of British in the division of territories as the state of
social classifications. Using Gombak River as the natural barrier, the west bank was selected as
the residency and colonial quarters while the settlements of Malay and Chinese were sectioned
on the east bank. (Figure 4)

Due to the economic development from tin

mining sectors, efforts on town planning and
infrastructure improvements had been carried
out by British Resident, Frank Swettenham in
the efforts on building the public roads, railway
systems, teleport system, and even water
sanitary system to fulfill the economic
expansion and social requirements.

Later, the Federated Malay States

(FMS) formed and this marked the beginning of
the centralized federal system of government
and the rise of Kuala Lumpur as the capital. In
1890s, the old tin town slowly transformed with
a building spree of many new government
Figure 4 : Kuala Lumpur's historical map. buildings and administration quarters designed
in new architecture designs, styles and

4
functions. History stated that it was the aspiration of British together with the local authorities
especially the Public Works Department (PWD) to create the nation’s identity and country’s
symbol as the image of politically and economically growth.

Figure 5: Prominent residents of Kuala Lumpur, 1884.

Figure 6: The annual affair in Kuala Lumpur, 1928. Figure 7: Outdoor scene at the Kuala Lumpur market, 1900.

5
Chapter 2.1 Case Study: The Secretariat Building, Kuala Lumpur

Locating along the Gombak River, a cluster of

government and public buildings stretching from the
High Court Building to Kuala Lumpur Railway Station
was recognized as the memorable combination of
colonial architecture left in the capital. The Secretariat
Figure 8: Kuala Lumpur in 1894, The Building, also known as Bangunan Sultan Abdul Samad
Secretariat Building was later built between
the river and the road in the foreground.
was British’s first government building project in Kuala
Lumpur, supervised by the regenerated Public Works
Department (PWD). In 1893, the increasing demand of
administrative spaces has led to the decision for more

Figure 9: The Secretariat BUilding in 1906.
Figure 10: The plan of The Secretariat high copper domes are covered on the clock tower and
Building, Kuala Lumpur with a shape of letter
“F”.
government offices in Kuala Lumpur. With an area of
43,500 square feet land, the Secretariat Building was
designed with an “F” letter of floor plan to
accommodate several government offices. (Figure 5). It
was featured by a central clock positioned with 135 feet
height with two slightly shorter circular towers
positioned on the other sides. Furthermore, three 18 feet
two circular stairs towers along the symmetrical front
facade.

Along the perimeter of the building, a series of ornaments such as the arched colonnades;
ogee/ horseshoe arches were exteriorly elaborated
throughout the building especially in the wide verandah
perimeter. Historically, more than an attachment to the
building to provide shade and coldness in the hot
climate, verandah came to represent a model nature of
Figure 11: The verandah that built along the
perimeter of second floor.

6
both physical and conceptual boundaries. In colonial period, it was defined as the “contact zone”
where inhabitants and strangers may meet with ease. They are the space where “inside” and
“outside” interact, and not only do they reveal the provisionally of such apparently unnegotiable
boundaries but they represented that space in which the inner and outer may change and affect
one another.[4] The used of verandah in Secretariat Building showed the desire of British in social
classification where the outer walkways were normally the activity place for the lower class
group whereas the inner place acted as the protective zone that housed the important characters
like British Residents and Governors. (Figure 6)

The Secretariat Building

deserves special attention most
probably because of the uniqueness
of “Indo-Islamic” architecture styles
that newly appeared in Malaya.
Originally from India, Indo-Islamic
style was surprisingly been applied in
capital Kuala Lumpur which
composed mostly with Malay and
Chinese societies. While the Figure 12. The pointed arches in Figure 13. The Ogee arches on
Secretariat Building, Kuala above and Horseshoe arches
adaptation of Indo-Saracenic style by Lumpur. below in Secretariat Building,
Kuala Lumpur.
British in India were often been
discussed, in fact the public sector architects serving at the Public Works Department (PWD) in
India sometimes resorted to the used of Indo-Islamic style because this style was said mainly
deployed by “civilian architects”, who had arrived to India to work. The various ways of
adaptations was said had been developed into a battle between “aesthetic imperialists” who
practiced pattern-book imperial neoclassical and Gothic forms, versus the “native revivalist”. [5]

Similar condition in India, the used of Indo-Islamic architecture style in the Secretariat
Building was the attempts of British architects and engineers, Regent A.J Bidwell, Arthur B.
Hubback and Charles Edwin Spooner in Kuala Lumpur. In 1893, British Resident, W.E Maxwell
[4]
Bill Ashcroft, Post-Colonial Transformation, pp. 25-26
[5]
Chee Kien Lai, Concrete/Concentric Nationalism., pp. 109
[6]
Chee Kien Lai, Concrete/Concentric Nationalism., pp. 117
7
brought Charles Edwin Spooner who previously worked in India and Ceylon to overtake the
Selangor PWD, filling the new post of State Engineer. When the building program started,
Spooner’s attempt was to clear an “eyesore” of “a row of untidy Chinese shop-house”.[6]
Preoccupied with the possibility of attack from the native groups, Swettenham shaped the
western banks of the Klang and Gombak Rivers into three cascading terraces on the natural
terrain, topmost would be sited the British Residency form where the administration could afford
a nicer view and be safely distant from the business areas on the river’s eastern and northern
banks. Buildings constructed on the middle tier below comprised army barracks and various
government quarters.[7] Positioning as the metropole, British controlled the territories by
dispositioned the local ethnics and partitioned the communities through the manipulation of
spatial planning in the capital. This action showed the segregation of local communities through
the “divide and rule” system as the stage of differentiation between the colonial power and the
subjugated colony. In fact for Secretariat Building, it was built not just to fulfill the
administration demand, but an action to enhance British’s status of existence and their colonial
power in the capital.

The state of self-sufficiency of British once

again showed when Charles Edwin Spooner
claimed that the government building that firstly
built in the capital should be designed in a “new”
way and such Indo-Saracenic style that imported

Figure 14: Istana Negara, Kuala Kangsar, 1897

abroad was said appropriate to represent a Malay
States of government and invent an impressive
urban Islamic architecture for the native elite.
Although the reactions towards the Indo-Saracenic
style in the Secretariat Building from the local elite
especially the local Sultans were not much been
discussed, some Sultans’ palaces in other states
during that particular time can be examined as the
Figure 15: The palace of Sultan Idris of Perak, 1906
exemplary to show their acceptances of Western
architectural style. For example, Istana (palace) Negara, the new residence of Sultan Idris in

[7]
Ken, Yeang, The Architecture of Malaysia, pp. 75 8
Kuala Kangsar Perak, built in 1897, was the first venue for the Durbar, a meeting between the
British and State rulers after the Federated Malay States (FMS) established. It was important
because of the great esteem the British had for the Sultan of Perak as the overall building was
built with strong Western influence. (Figure. 9) Later in 1892, Sultan Idris requested British to
build a palace for himself with European style where the furnishings were European-made in
London. (Figure 10) While in Selangor, a palace with eclectic blend of Moorish and European
style was built in 1906 by British to Sultan Alaeddin Sulieman Shah with strong similarities with
the Secretariat Building in Kuala Lumpur. However, the palace was demolished in 1958.[8]
(Figure 11) As a result, those palaces with European
style evidenced the local Sultans did not reject wholly about the use of Western style in
architecture while at the same time gradual acceptance shown when they requested European
style in their own residences and slowly in many Mosques.

Figure 16: Palace of Sultan Alaeddin Shah at Istana Jugra, Figure 27: Ubudiah Mosque, 1914s.
1898

[8]
Wendy Khadijah Moore, Malaysia A Pictorial History 1400-2004, pp.95, 99, 100
9
Chapter 3.0 Critical reflections on the conventional history of Modern Architecture in
Kuala Lumpur

During World War II in Asia, Malaya was officially invaded by Japanese on December
1941. Japanese armies captured most of Southeast Asia for the creation of a “Greater East Asian
Co-Prosperity Sphere”. Processes leading to decolonization, independence and self-rule
commenced in the region from 1945. After Japanese surrendered, British returned to set up a
military administration and later proposed Malayan Union. Later, the Federation of Malaya was
formed with sovereign rights for the respective former Sultans but with the different citizenship
rights for the constitutive ethnic groups. Then in 1948, a twelve-years Emergency to combat
Communist insurgency ensured before Independence was proclaimed in 1957. Malaysia was
then officially isolated as an area responsive to the “Free World”.[9]

Figure 18: Aerial view of Kuala Lumpur in 1964

As a newly formed country right after Independent, Malaysia soon created and activated
political and social institutions through which modernization; industrialization and urbanization
were committed. The commitment to such processes can be notice through the construction and
improvement in public infrastructures and amenities like road system, ports, satellite towns and
capital city, leading the country’s development into a post-war nation. The improvements were
then led to the expansion of spatial configuration in the capital where other places, villages and
towns were radiated out from the center, causing the emergence of new buildings in the capital.

[9]
Chee Kien, Lai, Building Merdeka, pp. 4
[10]
Chee Kien, Lai, Building Merdeka, pp. 10

10
For example, several national buildings had been built by the architectural profession especially
architects and engineers in both public and private sectors. Besides, in 1950s also witnessed the

first architectural course at Kuala Lumpur Technical College which successfully trained in
relevant professions and graduates were employed mainly in Public Works Department (PWD)
during that time.[10]

Figure 19, 20, 21 & 22: The expansion of spatial configuration in the capital where other places, villages and towns
were radiated out from the center, causing the emergence of new buildings in the capital.

It was a fact that the emergence of national buildings was mainly the efforts by the Public
Works Department (PWD) during the post-independence period. PWD which rich of
construction experiences since colonial period gradually grew by rationalized work procedures,
identified private sectors consultants, contractors and suppliers as well as ensured the
construction materials for every project’s schedules. It marked an important stage to ensure that

best architects and engineers in handling building projects. The developments of PWD was seen
effective in maintained the professionalization of architectural and engineering disciplines where

many local practitioners from overseas studies later returned to the country with more advanced
knowledge. This led to the advent of building techniques like standardization of materials and
designs which affected the shaping of new building products and systems especially reinforced
concrete technology was explored and tested to achieve greater span that suited for bigger scale
public buildings.

The realization of different national buildings as the embodiment of nation’s symbol

happened when the King, Yang Dipertuan Agong named a list of seven different national
buildings with upon as the foundation of the newly formed country when Malaysia was officially
[11]
formed on September 17, 1963. The local authorities (especially PWD), local architects,
engineers and other relevant professions turned up to play an important role in the formation of
[9]
Chee Kien, Lai, Building Merdeka, pp. 4
[10]
Chee Kien, Lai, Building Merdeka, pp. 10

11
the listed national buildings through their abilities in the advancement of new building systems

Figure 23: Aerial view of the

University of Malaya, 1960s.

and materials.

Figure 24: Minister of the Interior Figure 25: Site inspection by the Deputy Figure 26: Minister of Public
laying the foundation stone of the Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Razak, Works Department at the building
Sungai Pari Towers Scheme, Ipoh, 1963s. site of the Engineering Faculty in
1963s. University of Malaya, 1958.

12
Chapter 3.2 Case Study: Wisma Angkasapuri, Kuala Lumpur

The 1957 independence has

marked a moment of transition to form
governance that based on democratic
system and a country with multi-races.
Completed in 1969, Wisma Angkasapuri,
another government building functioned
as Malaysia Ministry of Information and
the headquarters for the Radio Television
Malaysia (RTM) was built in the capital, Figure 27. Wisma Angkasapuri, Kuala Lumpur.
Kuala Lumpur. (Figure 22) Similar with
Dewan Tunku Cancelor, Wisma Angkasapuri is another government project completed by Booty
Edwards & Partners (BEP Architect). Sited on a land with approximately 33 acres, the spatial
arrangement of the building was classified in two main sections, the 10 storeys high
administrative building as the hierarchy and a 3 storeys high television house that connected by
the entrance hall. The most overwhelming element that influences any design in the tropics
would be the climate. Wisma Angkasapuri is not excluded. The building with International style
not just attractive with its purest form, one of the dominant characteristic is the repetitive of the
shield-like shading device and the curved shell roof with that functioned to suit the local climatic
factor. In addition, the alternative used of Islamic geometry patterns and ornamentations such as
the Malay carving ornaments, sun shading device and arches with Islamic motifs are the Islamic
characteristics that can be noticed throughout the interior of the building.

Looking at the architecture of early Kuala Lumpur, most buildings in the post-
independence period used strong symbolism and boldness to create a nationalistic image. It is the
mean of depicting new phase of development by using strong symbolism and boldness to create
a nationalistic image and new identity. International style had become a new form and

13
representative applied in post-independence architecture. Unlike other buildings, Wisma
Angkasapuri is unique with the additional application of Islamic elements as the symbol of
country’s religion and a way of appreciation towards locality. This can be seen when new
building elements like shading devices had been designed in horseshoe shape, window grilles
designed in various Islamic motifs while the roof design with curvy shape created as another
stage of creation and innovation. (Figure 23 & 24) Such examples once again show the
movements towards new era but at the same time local cultural and climatic context never been
neglected. This considered as a heterogeneous way of adaptation in which contextual
responsiveness is very much be emphasized without following the architecture style so literally.
Just like Kenneth Frampton’s argument on critical regionalism where architecture interpretations
can be done in more alternate ways.

Figure 28. The repetitive of shield-like shading Figure 29. The curvature shape of roof helps to shade
device on the main building’s façade. the direct sunlight.

14
Chapter 3.1 Case Study: Dewan Tunku Canselor, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur

Built in 1965, Dewan Tunku Canselor (DTC) is the landmark of University of Malaya,
Figure 30: Dewan Tunku Canselor
University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
the first university in the capital of Malaysia. (Figure
15) With the application of strong Brutalist
architecture style, this building was recognized as one
of the architecture piece that showed the modernist
architectural expression after independence. Dato
Kington Loo, from Booty Edwards & Partners (BEP
Architect), was the architect of Dewan Tunku
in
Cancelor. By looking at the physical appearance of the
building, one may not deny that this building shares
many similarities with the Brutalist master pieces of
Le Corbusier in Chandigarh. Constructed mainly with
bare concrete structure using egg-crate reinforced
concrete has created Beton Brut image that recognized
as the reminiscent of Chandigarh High Court in India.
(Figure 18) The building is not just recognized as

Figure 31: The High Court of Chandigarh in modern line with the country’s new spirit, but an
India.
architecture that truthfully respond to the tropical
climate with the irregular system of opening placement that ease the cross ventilation, sunlight
penetration and rain protection. (Figure 19 & 20)

By examining this building in alternate

way, in fact, it is not just wholly based on its
modernist architectural expression, but what we
can examine is that the “newness” that unsoundly
presented throughout this building which was
probably the efforts by the architect based on the
trend and condition during the post-independence Figure 32: The openings in Figure 33: The openings
Dewan Tunku Canselor, in Chandigarh High
moment which related much to the political and University of Malaya. Court, India.

15
economy issue. The used of concrete represented the utilization of new building material in the
creating of new form, new quality and new image in architecture. Besides, the application of new
building material is compatible with the new construction method where precast concrete system
considered as a new building technique that is fast, durable, economic and hygienic.

Dato Kington Loo, (Figure 21) who worked entirely of his

architectural practice in Booty Edwards & Partners (BEP Architect),
had enthralled in designing several number of concrete shell roofs
like the Century Battery Factory in Petaling Jaya and a Roman
Catholic Church in Setapak before 1960s. The predominance use of
concrete in his projects served as an ideal way not only to create large
open space, but complementing inexpensive skilled labour and
materials required. This can be evidenced by one of Dato’s work
Figure 34: Dato Kington Loo
before Dewan Tunku Cancelor which is Subang International Airport
that designed priority to fulfill the government’s economy conscious policy under the
consultation of the Department of Civil Aviation where public buildings built during the post-
independence period were tightened much with budget. Working with the modest budget of 9
million, the used of concrete modular system had applied aided to reduce the time and formwork
of construction. As Dato noted, “everything was designed to the module including glazing,
framework and even 77 modules for floor tiling - everything was fitted in with minimum
waste.”[12] The dimensioning of materials was challenging in a way to fulfill larger space that
able to accommodate larger number of people as well as to accommodate technical and specialist
equipment such as carousels and equipment for baggage handling, and other services
requirements.

After the completion of Subang International Airport, the experimentation of using

concrete in his previous projects mainly based on economic purpose has led Dato in continuing
the same material, same design strategy and construction method in Dewan Tunku Canselor.
The economy aspect after post-war period was crucial for a country in post-war period because it
was a stage of realignment of political and economy roles between Malaya’s old and new actors.
Of larger concern is that British policies left deep consequences with regard to political and

[12]
Chee Kien, Lai, Concrete/Concentric Nationalism, pg 254-257
16
 economic expectations of old and new actors. This was the period where the old actors
began to assert more control over the political and economic outcome. Therefore, this led to the
situation when limited budget where provided especially in building sector. As part of the nation-
wide building, there happened when most of the faculties in the national university (including
Dewan Tunku Canselor), were built based on the same team of architect and consultant teams
with the Public Work Department as the main advisor. This can be noticed where most of the
buildings built were with the similar used of material, building style and building system.
Furthermore, the collaboration between the
local architects and engineers has successfully led to the experimentation of the standardization
and modularization of materials, designs, and building processes took place with the introduction
of new building products and systems. Concrete was advanced in modular form and used widely
in mostly of the the national buildings because it was said as easy to be formed and installed
which suited well to the economic condition in the country during that time. As projects for the
nation, they were indicators of the ability and commitment of the ruling post-colonial
government to demonstrate their engagement with issues of democracy and development in
physical form, and consumed as such by the targeted citizenry.

[12]
Chee Kien, Lai, Concrete/Concentric Nationalism, pg 254-257
17
Chapter 4.0 Conclusion

In sum, it is a study of Malaysia’s modern architecture on how the expansion on both

spatial and temporal aspects influenced by mostly probably by the historical past. Throughout the
paper, the social and political conditions were very much be discussed as the crucial aspects in
the production of “modern” architecture especially from the colonial period until the country
formed after independence. The “modern” qualities influenced from the colonizers were
discussed as “newness”, in the way of examining the modernist’s characters and possibilities in a
particular time. Apart from the conventional way of examining modern architecture, the study of
“newness” in fact is an alternate study to raise the awareness of public in rethinking about the
“modern” qualities that exerted in architecture which based on the aspects of people, local, ethnic
and ways of living. The case studies shown in each chapters appeared to speak different
adaptation of modernism as discourse and practices. For example, the reinterpretation of
architecture style form India by the colony, British in the Secretariat Building, Kuala Lumpur
created new architecture style as an new image for a developing city symbolized a new stage of
development. However, their intentions had been argued much because the intentions of them
somehow reflected the ugly truths behind that was about the dispositions of local communities
and ethnic groups. Furthermore, economy condition after post-war period had resulted the major
changed in society, another way of “newness” presented when new building material, new
building techniques, and building system invented to fulfill the economy purposes. This also led
to the colloboration in architecture and engineering practices in the experimentation of the
advancement of building material and technology. These once again shows political, social and
economy aspects are crucial in reflecting “modern” qualities in architecture. Just like the core
idea of the book, “Non West Modernist Past: Rethinking Modernist and Modernity’s Beyond the
West” where the authors Lim and Chang’s notion of “hetero-modernism” is certainly to allow
the rethinking on what possible directions can be reached both socially and politically in the
understanding of modernism. As Lim said that the reexamination of the “Non-West modernism”
should lead the building to more humane, just and ecologically sustainable modernity. And yet,
there remains much works to reflect the critical historical perspectives raised by contributors and
the ongoing processes of advancing the desire “social modernity”. [13]

[13]
Jiat-Hwee, Chang & William Lim. Non West Modernist Past, pp.8-21

18
List of Figures

Figure 1 Kuala Lumpur in 1884s.

Figure 2 A Malay village, 1880s
Figure 3 Houses of Chinese community, 1884s.
Figure 4 Kuala Lumpur's historical map.
Figure 5 Prominent residents of Kuala Lumpur, 1884.
Figure 6 The annual affair in Kuala Lumpur, 1928.
Figure 7 Outdoor scene at the Kuala Lumpur market, 1900.
Figure 8 Kuala Lumpur in 1894, The Secretariat Building was later built between the river
and the road in the foreground.
Figure 9 The Secretariat BUilding in 1906.
Figure 10 The plan of The Secretariat Building, Kuala Lumpur with a shape of letter “F”.
Figure 11 The verandah that built along the perimeter of second floor.
Figure 12 The pointed arches in Secretariat Building, Kuala Lumpur.
Figure 13 The Ogee arches on above and Horseshoe arches below in Secretariat Building,
Kuala Lumpur.
Figure 14 Istana Negara, Kuala Kangsar, 1897

Figure 15 The palace of Sultan Idris of Perak, 1906

Figure 16 Palace of Sultan Alaeddin Shah at Istana Jugra, 1898
Figure 17 Ubudiah Mosque, 1914s.
Figure 18 Aerial view of Kuala Lumpur in 1964

Figure 19, 20, 21, 22 The expansion of spatial configuration in the capital where other
places, villages and towns were radiated out from the center,
causing the emergence of new buildings in the capital.
Figure 23 Aerial view of the University of Malaya, 1960s.
Figure 24 Minister of the Interior laying the foundation stone of the Sungai Pari Towers
Scheme, Ipoh, 1963s.

19
Figure 25 Site inspection by the Deputy Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Razak, 1963s.

Figure 26 Minister of Public Works Department at the building site of the Engineering
Faculty in University of Malaya, 1958.
Figure 27 Wisma Angkasapuri, Kuala Lumpur.
Figure 28 The repetitive of shield-like shading device on the main building’s façade.
Figure 29 The curvature shape of roof helps to shade the direct sunlight.
Figure 30 Dewan Tunku Canselor in University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.
Figure 31 The High Court of Chandigarh in India.
Figure 32 The openings in Dewan Tunku Canselor, University of Malaya.
Figure 33 The openings in Chandigarh High Court, India.
Figure 34 Dato Kington Loo

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Bibliography

Books:

Wendy Khadijah Moore. 2004. Malaysia A Pictorial History 1400-2004. Kuala Lumpur:
Archipelago Press.

Ken, Yeang. 1992. The Architecture of Malaysia. 1st edition. Kuala Lumpur: The Pepin Press.

Chee Kien, Lai. 2007. Building Merdeka: Independence Architecture in Kuala Lumpur 1957-
1966. Kuala Lumpur: Petronas

Dipesh Chakrabarty. 2000. Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical

Difference: Princeton University Press

Jiat-Hwee, Chang & William Lim. 2012. Non West Modernist Past: Rethinking Modernisms and
Modernities Beyond the West: World Scientific Pub

Bill Ashcroft. 2013. Post-Colonial Transformation : Routledge

Thesis:

Chee Kien, Lai. 2005. Concrete/Concentric Nationalism. Concrete/Concentric Nationalism: The

Architecture of Independence in Malaysia, 1945-1969, Chapter 3, 380.

Journals:

Mark Crinson. 2008. Singapore’s moment: critical regionalism, its colonial roots and profound
aftermath, Journal of Architecture, Vol 13, No.5,2008, pp585-602

Barbara Watson Andaya. 1997. Historicising “Modernity” in Southeast Asia, Journal of the
Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 40, No.4., 1997, pp.391-409

A.J. Christopher. 1988. ‘Divide and Rule’: The Impress of British Separation Policies. Vol. 20,
No. 3 (Sep., 1988), pp. 233-240

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