Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
2 w 2009
Introduction
The debate over the model of English most appropriate for teaching in
Kachru’s (1985: 12) Outer Circle countries is a longstanding one whose details
hardly need to be rehearsed here because they are well known from the writings
of the principal protagonists (Halliday, Macintosh, and Strevens 1964; Prator
1968; Quirk 1985; 1988; 1990; Kachru 1985; 1988; 1991; 1992) and because the
The spread of English in the 20th century has been linked with the
exacerbation of two main kinds of inequality (Ferguson 2006): (i) socioeconomic
inequality within societies and (ii) inequalities of communication in English
between native speakers and second language users, who incur the
considerable costs of formal study.
The first kind of inequality lies beyond the scope of this paper. The
second, however, is central to ELF research insofar as this seeks to reposition
ELF speakers as competent speakers of their own variety as opposed to
imperfect users of a British/American standard English.4 And an ELF norm,
if implemented, might hasten the de-anglicisation of English, a process
Ammon (2000; 2006) and de Swaan (2001) believe is necessary if ‘non-native’
academics are to communicate on more equal terms with their native
counterparts. It is not difficult, then, to see ELF as fundamentally animated
by a ‘politics of recognition’ (Taylor 1994), a struggle for the recognition of
the autonomous identities of bilingual ELF users.
Thus, on the ideological plane – as an endeavour of appropriation, of
normative liberalisation – ELF has much to commend it.
Over the past decade, descriptive work on English as a lingua franca has
made progress, with perhaps the most significant advances coming in
code. The outcome is a high level of variability. Certainly, this is the opinion
of commentators who might otherwise be regarded as favourable to the ELF
project, such as Meierkord (2004: 128–9), who observes that ELF is a
‘syntactically heterogeneous form of English’, and that ‘it may well be that
ELF never achieves a stable or even standardised form’, or House (2006: 88),
who remarks: ‘In ELF there is no consistency of form that goes beyond
participant level.’
Corpus-based research on the lexico-grammar of ELF spoken interaction
has identified a certain number of regularly occurring features, but again it
is unclear whether the evidence base is as yet sufficient to justify assertions
that ELF is a distinctive, linguistically delimited variety.9 Counting against
would be evidence from empirical studies reporting considerable variability
and idiosyncrasy, even in prototypical ELF features such as deletion of 3rd
person singular present tense -s morpheme (3sgØ) or levelling of the L1
standard distinction between countable and uncountable nouns.
Breiteneder (2005), for example, drawing on a small corpus of spoken ELF
interaction, found that 14 different speakers (out of a sample of 21) delete the
communicatively redundant 3rd person singular -s morpheme (3sgØ) in
contexts where British standard English would require it, but, crucially, they
do not do so invariably. Indeed, she finds that in no less than 80% of
instances the -s morpheme is supplied in conformity with L1 standard
English, and that there are also 15 instances, spread over 10 speakers, where
an -s morpheme is inserted superfluously.10 Mollin (2007), meanwhile,
drawing on a corpus of spoken and written ‘Euro-English’, finds only 30
instances (2.5% of the 1,180 instances in the corpus) where a British English
non-count noun (e.g. advice) is used as if countable (e.g. advices), with 8 of
these instances deriving from a single speaker.11
Also of interest in these studies, and indeed in Meierkord (2004), is the
relatively high frequency of occurrences that conform with L1 standard
English usage. For example, only 20.5% of 141 instances of potential 3rd
person present tense -s morpheme use in Breiteneder’s data diverge from L1
standard English, leading her to remark that ‘ELF usage in fact very largely
corresponds to standard English norms’ (Breiteneder 2005: 10). Meierkord
(2004: 118), finally, reports that 88% of turns in her data base of spoken ELF
interaction comply with ‘the grammatical rules of L1 varieties of English’.
What this suggests is that there appears, thus far, to be relatively little
identification with, or attraction toward, any ELF-indigenous set of forms,
and that Schneider’s (2003: 249) phases of ‘nativisation’ or ‘endormative
stabilisation’ have yet to occur. The implication is that it would be premature
at this stage to assert the existence of a systematic ELF variety with a
linguistic identity of its own. Because there is a label ‘ELF’, referring to an
important use of English, we do not necessarily have to suppose there is as
yet a corresponding delimited linguistic variety.
Qualifications are needed here on several fronts, however. To say that
there is at present no readily identifiable, delimited ELF variety, or varieties
Thus, argues Jenkins, the same linguistic feature (e.g. absence of 3rd person
singular present -s) might well be treated as an error in an EFL context but
as a legitimate variant in an ELF context.
There are, however, two difficulties with Jenkins’s (2006b) argument
worth briefly commenting on. The first is that, while Jenkins’s distinction is
cogently argued, it may also, from the perspective of a learner (and possibly
of a teacher also), seem highly idealised, in that the two (EFL and ELF)
may not be perceived as mutually exclusive. Indeed, a learner (perhaps
most learners) may wish – at one and the same time – to learn EFL for
communication with native speakers and ELF for communication with other
bilingual users – in which case the teacher has the complex but not
impossible task of communicating to learners that different norms apply in
different contexts depending on the interlocutor.
The second difficulty – temporary perhaps but potentially graver also –
is that if native speakers and L1 standard English cease to be the reference
point ‘against which correctness is judged’ (and I for one have no objection
to this in principle), there is a pedagogical need for some alternative
reference point. But at present, as we have seen, there is no such empirically
validated yardstick for correctness. True, research (e.g. the VOICE corpus) is
beginning to identify commonly occurring lexico-grammatical features of
ELF that deviate from L1 standard English yet pose no difficulties for
communication. But these findings are preliminary, and new norms have yet
to gain widespread acceptance in what is still a very heterogeneous and
inchoate ELF ‘speech community’. Again, one can assume the existence of
expert ELF speakers, but precise definition of these individuals remains
elusive, as we shall see presently.
The normative situation would thus seem to be ambiguous: on the one
hand, the norms of a native standard English do not seem especially relevant
or applicable, on the other, alternative ELF norms have yet to emerge, never
mind be codified.
Relevant here also is the problematic character of the ideologically
charged notion of linguistic correctness, and, thence, the inadvisability of
rushing to label as erroneous perfectly intelligible ELF spoken forms. The
first point one might make is that linguistic (in)correctness in the case of L1
users, and error in the case of L2 learners, is usually determined by reference
to the standard language. But the standard language, usually a prestige
variety held up for the less educated to emulate, is itself in part an ideological
construction. Indeed, the very notion of correctness, the idea that there is
only one correct form of the spoken language, is one element in what Milroy
and Milroy (1998) and Milroy (2001) refer to as a ‘standard language
ideology’.15
A further complication with the standard language as yardstick of
correctness is that it remains unclear just what the standard encompasses.
Most commentators would accept the notion of a written standard, with
standard forms of spelling and written morphosyntax, and would also accept
As we have seen, both ELF researchers and scholars such as Cook (1999)
argue that the successful bilingual L2 user should replace native-like
proficiency in a L1 standard English as the yardstick, or target, of successful
L2 acquisition. Jenkins (2006b: 141) adds that ELF has its own sui generis
proficiency cline, a cline independent of the trajectory followed in EFL
learning.
ELF speakers just like EFL speakers (and for that matter, native English)
speakers come in a range of proficiency levels. Some are expert users . . .
Others are still learners, and yet others have ceased learning some way
short of expert (ELF) level.
Problems of codification
Conclusion
This paper has reviewed a number of conceptual issues in ELF research: the
status of ELF as a variety or set of varieties, the treatment of ELF features as
errors or legitimate variants, the definition of the ELF expert speaker, and
finally the question of codification. Clearly, these are interrelated: a good
description, for example, is a fundamental requisite for codification, and this,
in turn, is necessary for consistent teaching and assessment. The fact the
issues are discussed in sequential order should be regarded as an
expositional device, and an indication that they are distinguishable, rather
than as an assertion of their independence.
Turning now to the first issue discussed, we concluded that ELF has not
yet developed into a variety of comparable status to Outer Circle nativised
varieties. On the question of error or variation, we argued that there was no
compelling reason to regard recurrent, documented features of ELF, as they
occur in spoken interaction, to be anything other than communicatively
effective variants. Writing may be a different matter, however – in pedagogy
at least. This is because the standard is most clearly realised in the grammar
of the written language, and because there already exists a widely used
de facto World Standard Print English (WSPE), a form admitting only minor
regional variants. Even here, however, divergent ELF features could be
conceptualised not as errors but as non-standard variants, with the
pedagogic goal not one of error eradication but of repertoire expansion
We then turned to an issue recognised to be problematic for ELF testing
and teaching (see Jenkins 2006b: 175) – the continuing absence of any clear
definition of the expert ELF speaker, one that does not covertly invoke a L1
standard or native-like proficiency criterion; and the absence of a clearly
delineated proficiency cline along which ELF users move as they progress
from lower to higher levels of ELF proficiency. Further empirical research is
likely to cast light on these matters, but until it does, ELF teaching and testing
will be hampered.
Finally, we considered the possible codification of ELF norms, arguing
that, while codification may seem to hold out the promise of legitimation, it
also has a number of drawbacks, not least of which is the possibility of the
newly codified variety becoming a new mechanism of exclusion. It is not
obvious, then, that the most effective form of resistance to standard language
ideology lies in the construction of an alternative standard.
It appears, then, that there is considerable work to be done before ELF can
be taught in its own right – and not necessarily work originating with ELF
researchers alone. Descriptive ELF research cannot be expected to provide
answers to all the outstanding questions. In the meantime, it is important to
acknowledge the contribution ELF research continues to make to our
knowledge of variation within English, to our understanding of intelligibility
in communication, and to our understanding of how linguistic norms
operate. It has also helped to bring English language teaching closer to the
‘real world’ (Gupta 2006: 96) by breaking down monolithic, outdated
conceptions of what is correct, by forcing acknowledgement that lingua
franca users form an important, distinctive constituency of learners, and by
suggesting alternative pedagogic goals.
It is unclear at present, however, whether ELF will make a lasting mark
on how English is taught internationally. The greatest obstacle probably is
attitudes, and in particular the historically ingrained assumption that native-
like proficiency and conformity to L1 standard norms is the most secure
benchmark of achievement in second language learning.
Notes
1. I would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and
suggestions on this paper.
2. There are, however, differences in the emphasis of Jenkins and Seidlhofer’s ELF-
related work: Jenkins focusing more on phonology and pedagogy; Seidlhofer
more on theoretical and descriptive issues, and lexico-grammar.
3. The reason for inserting the phrase ‘or so it appears’ is that Seidlhofer (2006) and
Jenkins (2007) have frequently claimed that ELF is misunderstood. Whether this
is the result of misreadings, lacunae in their exposition, or, possibly, shifts in their
conceptualizations of ELF and in the aims of ELF research remains unclear.
4. There are various reasons why native speaker L1 varieties of English should,
indeed, cease to be the ultimate source of authoritative norms; but it strikes me
that the argument from demography (the sheer number of lingua franca users) is
not as compelling as it is sometimes presented as being. What matters, surely, is
the frequency and the range of functions for which ELF users employ English,
rather than a head count of all those individuals who claim to use English to
whatever degree for lingua franca purposes. Here, I would argue, adopting a
somewhat different emphasis to Jenkins (2007: 8), that ELF researchers would
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