Religious Research Association, Inc.

A Field Perspective of Religious Conversion: The Levites of Utah

Author(s): Hans A. Baer
Source: Review of Religious Research, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Spring, 1978), pp. 279-294
Published by: Religious Research Association, Inc.
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3510128
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 279

A FIELD PERSPECTIVE OF RELIGIOUS CONVERSION:

THE LEVITES OF UTAH
HANS A. BAER
Faculty of Social Science
George Peabody College for Teachers

Review of Religious Research, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Spring, 1978): 279-2

This article presents an inductive study of the Levite co

version experience, based on the analysis of the conversio
thirty-five individuals. Their conversion experience is comp
with the empirical findings and the generalizations of other so
scientists regarding religious conversion. While this study dem
strates that relative deprivation is an essential factor in all
of conversion, a multivariate approach is proposed to expl
conversion to small religious sects.

Much of the literature on the topic of religious conver

written with a theological bias, frequently only defining and des
various types of conversion. Although social scientists ha
interested in religious conversion since its early discussion b
(see Beck 1965: 47-69), Starbuck (1897, 1899), and James
the number of empirical studies on the conversion process s
mains relatively limited. More current empirical studies on r
conversion include those of Lofland (1966) on converts
Divine Precepts cult (now better known as the Unification C
founded by Sun Myung Moon), Stanley (1964) on Australian
logical students, Kildahl (1965) on students at a "middle-o
road" theological seminary, and Seggar and Kunz (1972) o
verts to the Mormon Church in an urban area of Kentuc
have combined some of the approaches used in these studies
framework for understanding the converson experienced by
viduals belonging to a small millenarian sect called the A
Order (or more commonly referred to as the Levites).
Much of the following analysis of religious conversion is dep
upon the concept of relative deprivation. A number of socia
tists, including Aberle (1962), Glock (1964), Talmon (1965
Wood (1965), have noted the role of deprivation in the emer
of religious organizations and recruitment to them. The me
tence of relative deprivation, however, does not insure conver
a religious group. The question which is extremely difficult to
is why certain individuals join a particular religious group and
who were experiencing similar forms of deprivation do not. D
mainly upon the work of Lofland and Stark (1965) and L
(1966), we will attempt to delineate other factors which pred
and led certain individuals to join the Aaronic Order.. It is h

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280

that a discussion of the Levite conversion experience will contribute

to a better understanding of religious conversion, particularly to
small sects and cults.

THE AARONIC ORDER

The Aaronic Order is a Mormon schismatic group w

founded by Maurice L. Glendenning in the early 193
members of the Aaronic Order (who refer to themselves
and Aaronites) believe that they are patrilineal descendant
and/or Levi of Old Testament times, and that they are t
special religious functions prior to the second coming
Christ, which it is claimed will occur before 2000 A.D. T
Order consists of the following branches:
1. a congregation located in a suburb of Salt Lake City an
the Salt Lake Valley;
2. a congregation located in Springville and serving
Valley (Provo-Orem) area;
3. the Eskdale commune located in western Millard Cou
a few miles from the Utah-Nevada border; and
4. a cooperative community called Partoun located in
Juab County and also, a few miles from the Utah-Nevada

Shortly after he joined the Morman Church in 1929, Gle

a religious eclectic and a chiropractor, began to claim pu
he was receiving revelations from the Angel Elias. He als
that he was a literal descendant of Aaron and that the revelations
directed the Levites to restore the House of Israel and prepare the
tribes of Israel for the second coming of Christ. Despite the strong
opposition of the Mormon hierarchy to Glendenning's claims, he
gained a small but devoted following of Mormons during the 1930s
and 1940s which formed the nucleus of the Aaronic Order. Based
on a census conducted by the author in the spring of 1975, the
Aaronic Order had about four hundred members, including inactive
members and young children. From a community with a handful of
residents when it was established in 1955, Eskdale commune had

grown to, one with a population close to, one hundred. After Glen-
denning died in 1969, the leadership of the group passed on to
Dr. Robert Conrad, who is called the Chief High Priest and, it is
believed, is guided by "inspiration" rather than direct revelation.

METHODOLOGY

The data presented in this paper are part of a larger

the Levites which was conducted between October 1973 and October

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 281

1975 (Baer 1976). Since most of the Levites were born into their
group or became members during childhood or adolescence, largely
as a result of their parents' decision to convert, there is only a small
number of active Levites who made a voluntary decision to join the
Aaronic Order, but several of these individuals did not wish to
discuss their conversion experience (some inactive Levites also were
interviewed about their conversion experience). Some converts were
not readily accessible because of the great distance that would have
been involved in traveling to interview them. Other individuals
provided only fragmentary and vague evidence that was insufficient
for analytical purpose. Several converts were not interviewed be-
cause old age and physical ailments would have made communication
extremely difficult. Individuals who became members of the Aaronic
Order during childhood or because of their parents' conversion were
not included in the sample. Individuals whose parents joined the
Order prior to their own conversion during adulthood (over twenty
years of age) were included in the sample. The sample upon which
this study is based consists of only thirty-five converts. In light of
the small sample size, the findings of this study must be viewed as
tentative in nature.

Individuals who, were formally interviewed about their conversion

were asked questions about certain factors which may have contrib-
uted to their decision to join the Aaronic Order. Potential factors
involved in the Levite conversion experience were selected from a
review of the social scientific literature on conversion; casual con-
versations with some Levites about their conversion experience; and
an analysis of the sociocultural milieu in which the Aaronic Order
developed.
Loosely-constructed questions to determine whether these factors
were actually involved in the conversion experience of specific Levites
were asked during formal interviews. Converts were asked questions
about the following items:

1. vital statistics about themselves such as age, education, occupa-

tion, and previous religious affiliations;
2. the background of their parents;
3. the degree and source of early religious socialization they
underwent;
4. the manner in which they became acquainted with the Aaronic
Order;
5. the length of time they spent investigating the Aaronic Order
and the date when they formally became members;
6. the influence of significant others in the decision to join;
7. feelings of deprivation prior to conversion;

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282

8. the presence of life crisis experiences; and

9. aspects of the Aaronic Order they perceived to be attractive.

Although all converts were asked specific questions, these were

not asked in the same order or wording in every case. Instead the
interviewees were encouraged to discuss their conversion in an open-
ended manner, asking specific questions at the appropriate moment.
As Salzmann (1953) points out, the conversion experience is difficult
to analyze. Individuals often overlay their decision to convert with
many ideological rationalizations and may consciously or unconscious-
ly repress various details essential to complete analysis. Since many
of the conversions of individuals in the sample occurred ten or more
years ago, responses may have sometimes reflected a need for self-
justification of an action carried out many years ago. Despite these
methodological difficulties, it was hoped that the open-ended interview
would put subjects at ease and provide them with an opportunity
to free associate. Based on the data gathered in the manner described,
an attempt is made to define the nature of the Levite conversion.

FINDINGS

Background of the Converts

Sex. Twenty-two of the thirty-five converts were females.

of the converts whom the author was unable to, interview also
females. It is likely that the overall ratio of male-to-female con
to the Aaronic Order is more balanced than the above figure
cates. Three of the females in the sample are widows whose h
bands were also converts to, the Order. The Levite husbands of
other elderly converts could not be interviewed. Nevertheless,
appears to be a somewhat greater tendency for females than
to join the Order. Some females joined the Aaronic Order
they were divorced or after the death of a husband. In most
these females did not remarry a member of the Aaronic O
The Order provides widows with opportunities for social inter
which are not often provided in the larger society. Wome
are inclined to, attend religious activities and study classes at
various branches more often and in greater numbers than
Socioeconomic status. Of the thirty-five converts only two
earned a college degree; eight had attended college; fourtee
only graduated from high school (and perhaps attended techn
or business school); six had attended but not graduated from
school; and four had only graduated from or attended grade
at the time they joined the Order. Most of the individuals in
sample were members of the working class or homemakers a

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 283

time of their conversion. Those who did not fit into these two,
categories included one accountant, one teacher, and one salesman.
Conversion to, the Aaronic Order was followed by upward social
mobility on the part of some individuals. One individual, who, held
a master's degree when he joined the Order, earned a doctorate and
taught in a large state university for awhile. Two women earned
high school diplomas which they had not obtained during adolescence.
Two, other women obtained bachelor's degrees in education, but
only one of them became an employed teacher. The other woman
was unsuccessful in obtaining employment as a teacher because she
insisted on wearing her Levite uniform while teaching. A man
who joined the Order during his early twenties earned a bachelor's
degree in psychology, undertook some graduate school study, and
has worked at several social service positions, including one as the
director of a community agency. A middle-aged man who formerly
worked with his father in an auto glass repair shop has, since his
conversion, taken over his father's proprietorship. Another middle-
aged man became a cement work contractor years after he joined
the Aaronic Order. The greatest degree of social mobility has oc-
curred among Levites who were raised in the Aaronic Order or
became members during adolescence.

Types of Conversion

Except for one man who joined the Aaronic Order during his
early sixties, all others in the sample underwent conversion between
late adolescence and the mid-forties. Individuals who joined the
Aaronic Order during adolescence generally joined as a result of
their parents' affiliation with it. Although it appears that in some
cases parents gave adolescent children the choice to accept or reject
membership in the Order, it does not appear that most of these
young people made a strong commitment to it until later in their life.
It appears that in many cases, children who followed the lead of
their parents into the Aaronic Order during childhood or adolescence
became inactive members after leaving their families of orientation.
Most converts investigated the Aaronic Order from a few months
to several years. A prominent Levite, whose wife joined the Aaronic
Order before him, investigated it for over ten years and lived at
Eskdale for about a year before he converted. During the period of
investigation, many pre-converts studied the Mormon and Levite
scriptures and the Bible and often continued to attend Mormon
religious meetings. In a few cases a pre-convert's parent or parents
joined the Aaronic Order years before he or she seriously initiated
an investigation of it.
Only eight of the thirty-five conversions can be classified as

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284

"sudden." As a group, the sudden converts appear to have experi-

enced more forms of deprivation than the other converts. Six of the
eight individuals who underwent sudden conversion were extremely
active Mormons (although this was the case for most converts) who
felt that the Mormon Church was in need of a restoration.

The Role of Relative Deprivation

The most consistent factors contributing to individuals joining the

Aaronic Order were feelings of deprivation, many of which arose
within the context of Mormon culture. In other cases, feelings of
deprivation arose within the larger context of American culture and
from idiosyncratic factors, such as poor health, marital or family con-
flicts, and feelings of insecurity. Thus, the concept of relative
deprivation is an extremely useful one to analyze recruitment to
the Aaronic Order. Glock (1964: 27) defines deprivation as "any
and all the ways that an individual or group may be, or feel, dis-
advantaged in comparison either to other individuals or groups or
to an internalized set of standards." He delineates five kinds of
deprivation-economic, social, organismic, ethical, and psychic-a
contributing to the emergence of all religious organizations.
Economic deprivation occurs when there is a differential distribu-
tion of income and limited access of some individuals or groups to
the necessities and luxuries of life. Social deprivation results from
a differential distribution of highly valued traits such as prestige
power, status, and opportunities for social involvement and mobility
Organismic deprivation results from situations in which individuals
experience physiological or mental disabilities. In cases where thes
individuals are stigmatized because of their deformities or illnesses,
deprivation may be especially great. Ethical deprivation occurs
when individuals perceive a discrepancy between the actual and idea
values and behavioral patterns of their culture. When an individua
finds his culture or his life to be meaningless, he experiences psychi
deprivation. This form of deprivation may result from widespread
social disorganization or from idiosyncratic experiences, such as the
death of a loved one or an inability to adjust to one's peers. Glock
points out that these forms of deprivation are not "pure" and may
be interrelated. The existence of organismic deprivation may, for
example, result in psychic and social deprivations. Also, an individua
may experience several forms of deprivation with each form having
a different cause.
Much of the evidence on the forms of deprivation that contributed
to the formation and maintenance of the Aaronic Order is based
upon statements by its converts. Since individuals often justify their
conversion with ideological rationalizations, it is necessary to search

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 285

for other signs that indicate the existence: of deprivation prior to

their shift in religious affiliation. This was done by considering cer-
tain experiences in their lives prior to joining the Order or the needs
which conversion appears to have fulfilled. In most cases these
forms of deprivation were experienced within one or two years of
investigating the Order. In other cases a lifetime of deprivations
appear to have predisposed certain individuals to undergo religious
conversion.

Ethical deprivation. Thirty-two out of thirty-five converts stated

that they experienced ethical deprivation before they joined the
Aaronic Order. Frequent reference was made to the various aspects
of twentieth century Mormonism that are "out of order." Informants
often claimed that the Mormon Church was failing to live com-
munally in United Order and to carry out the "work of Levi and
Aaron" which is discussed in the Mormon scriptures. One middle-
aged man said he left the Mormon Church because it was not prac-
ticing "early Mormonism." Several of the older converts stated that
they were looking for the One Mighty and Strong who would set
the Mormon Church "in order." Some informants felt that the
Mormon prophet-presidents have not received a revelation since
the nineteenth century and were disturbed by this."
Several individuals complained that Mormon activities had a
strong secular and social tone rather than a sacred and religious one.
Objections were raised to the great emphasis placed on dances,
sports, and various forms of competition in the Mormon Church.
Others, particularly those who joined the Order in the last decade,
maintained that the Mormon Church placed a greater emphasis
on respect for the church leaders, past and present, than on a rela-
tionship with Jesus Christ.
A few converts, particularly men, questioned the business orien-
tation of the Mormon Church's hierarchy. It was felt that one's
advancement within the Mormon Church's hierarchy was based
more upon success in business than spirituality. Several individuals
were attracted to the Aaronic Order partly because of their objection
to the competitive aspects of American society and the Levite em-
phasis on cooperation and de-emphasis of materialism. A prominent
Levite male, who held a prestigious and well-paying corporate posi-
tion, stated that he became tired of dealing with the "profit motive"
and wanted to more fully put into action the religious ideals which
had been instilled into him since early childhood.
Informants expressed the existence of ethical deprivation in their
lives prior to conversion more than any other form of deprivation.
In six of the thirty-five cases this was the only form of deprivation
the author was able to detect. To a large degree, the expression of

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2-86

ethical deprivation serves as an ideological rationale for an individ-

ual's conversion. Whereas the occurrence of other feelings of depri-
vation may be consciously or unconsciously repressed, the admission
of ethical deprivation increases the individual's self-esteem both in
his eyes and those of the group. Members of the Order frequently
admit publicly the ethical deprivation that they experienced before
they joined the Order.

Economic deprivation. Undoubtedly, economic deprivation played a

more significant role in attracting people to the Aaronic Order during
the 1930s and 1940s than it did in the period after these two
decades. Of the thirty-five converts only fifteen joined the Aaronic
Order prior to, 1950. The low socioeconomic status of individuals
who showed an interest in the Levitical writings (the revelations
received by Glendenning) and the Aaronic Order during the 1930s
and 1940s suggests that a feeling of economic deprivation was preva-
lent in this group. The strong emphasis that this group placed on
egalitarianism and communalism also, is indicative of this. It is
probably not a mere coincidence that what later became the Aaronic
Order began to emerge shortly after the onset of the Great De-
pression. Boisen (1939) notes that there was a great proliferation
of new sects in American society during the 1930s.
Several Levites noted that they had been adversely affected by
the Depression. A woman claimed that in the early 1930s, many
Mormons began to ask why their church was not practicing consecra-
tion and United Order and providing for the basic needs of its mem-
bers. She noted that although the Mormon Church eventually estab-
lished the Church Welfare Plan in 1936, this program was a far
cry from the practice of "full consecration." One of the initial
members of the Order stated that many of the people who showed
an interest in the early 1930s were unemployed. He had been
unemployed when he was told by another man, while doing temple
work in Salt Lake City, that there was a "Firstborn of Aaron" in
Provo.

Although fourteen out of thirty-five converts (40 percent of the

sample) indicated experiencing economic deprivation prior to, joining
the Aaronic Order, it is possible that some converts unconsciously
repressed feelings of this type. Since Mormon culture greatly empha-
sizes economic self-sufficiency and the notion that economic pros-
perity is a sign of divine, favor, admission of economic deprivation
may be interpreted as personal weakness. On the other hand, it
appears that a fair percentage of the individuals who joined the
Order in the last two decades experienced little or no economic
deprivation because they held relatively well-paying jobs or were
married to men with substantial incomes.

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 287

Social deprivation. Individuals openly expressed feelings of social

deprivation (present in fifteen out of thirty-five converts) more
readily and more frequently than those of psychic and economic
deprivation. Several informants felt that the status of an individual
in the Mormon politico-religious organization was determined by his
socioeconomic status in the larger society. A middle-aged man re-
ferred to the Mormon Church as a "rich man's church." Other con-
verts felt that they were discriminated against because they were
not as affluent or educated as the prominent members of their respec-
tive wards, or Mormon congregations. One man in his sixties stated
that in one of the wards he resided in, only members of certain
prominent families were allowed to bless the sacrament at Mormon
meetings. He felt that the Mormon Church does not care about the
plight of poor people. An elderly woman, whose formal education
consisted of several years of grade school, stated that members of
one of the wards she lived in included doctors, lawyers, and other
affluent people who? made her feel like a "crumb." In contrast to this,
Glendenning appointed her to be the secretary of one of the Aaronic
Order's branches.

Several individuals complained that they found people in some

Mormon wards to, be extremely "clannish." Generally, it was Levites
who had moved from one ward to another who, experienced this.
Although many converts claimed that they were attracted to, the Order
primarily for ideological reasons and that they did not find the
Levites much more open or gregarious than Mormons, others felt
more warmth and hospitality among the Levites. An elderly woman
felt that when the Levites were involved in canning and other proj-
ects, they were "just one." She found the canning sessions "so
delightful" that she would even hire a babysitter so she could
attend them. Another elderly Levite woman complained that the
Aaronic Order does not exhibit as much communitas as it once did.
She noted that the Levites often picked vegetables at a particular
man's garden and had a "great time."
Converts generally did not state that they were denied mobility
within the Mormon politico-religious hierarchy. Although some men
achieved a relatively high position in the Mormon Church at the
local, or ward level, most Levites held a minor position, if one at all.
Except for the present Chief High Priest, who was a member of a
ward bishopric and of a stake mission presidency in California, it
appears that no other members of the Order have held a position
in a ward bishopric or one of any higher status.
Some features of the Levite politico-religious organization suggest
that it has served as a compensation for the low social status expe-
rienced within the contexts of American culture and, more specific-

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288

ally, Mormonism. Pope's (1942: 137) observation that "sects

substitute religious status for social status" appears to hold true
for the Aaronic Order. Whereas the Mormon Church may offer
the "common man" only a minor position within its hierarchy, the
Aaronic Order may make him a high-ranking member in the priest-
hood and the councils of the House of Israel. His position can
be comparable to that of the cardinals and archbishops of the
Catholic Church or the general authorities of the Mormon Church.
Whereas a Mormon views himself as a member of a "chosen people,"
a Levite priest or disciple is part of the "chosen of the chosen."
Psychic deprivation. Twenty-two informants appear to have ex-
perienced psychic deprivation prior to their conversion. Psychic
deprivation often appears to have been partly the by-product of other
forms of deprivation. Five females in the sample had serious marital
problems which resulted in one or more divorces each. One of these
women joined the Mormon Church after her second divorce. Her
third husband was a Mormon whom she met in her ward and was
married to until he died. About two or three years after the death
of her third husband, she began seriously to investigate the Aaronic
Order. She said that the marital problems in her first two, marriages
predisposed her to join the Mormon Church and later the Aaronic
Order.

The following is a brief account about a woman, referred to as

Jane, who experienced psychic conflict due to the death of her
husband prior to her conversion.

Jane said that the period after her husband's death was an unsettling one
during which she saw "signs in the sky." She had other supernatural
experiences prior to her husband's death, including a vision of Jesus
Christ. Shortly after her husband's death, Jane moved to a nearby com-
munity and began to attend Aaronic Order meetings which a relative had
told her about. Her involvement in the Order kept her so occupied that
she no longer had time to become lonely. After a short time, she began
to attend meetings at the Salt Lake branch where she met the man whom
she married about a year after her husband's death.

Five of the converts in the sample joined the Order in their late
teens or early twenties-a period during which they were feeling
intense confusion about the meaning of life and the direction that
their lives should take. For example, one young man was greatly
disturbed by the structure and misuse of power in American society
and various aspects of Mormonism. For awhile, he turned to ag-
nosticism and "dope smoking" but found little value in his new life
style. While attending college he met a member of the Aaronic
Order who told him about the Eskdale commune. He had been
reading about communal ventures and was favorably impressed wit
Eskdale when he visited it. Like two of the other four individuals

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 289

mentioned above, he married a Levite shortly after his conversion.

The other two converts were married to each other and had several
children already but were experiencing serious marital problems and
a general dissatisfaction with their life style.
Some of the converts appear to have experienced severe psychic
conflict during much of their lives (e.g., unhappy childhoods and
unstable home environments). A few apparently sought to resolve
their conflicts by joining or at least investigating several religious
groups. Generally, their new religious affiliations did not solve their
problems, so they moved on to other religious groups. The Aaronic
Order seems to attract many such individuals, but most tend to
move on.

Organismic deprivation. Only two of the thirty-five c

perienced some kind of organismic deprivation within
prior to joining the Order. Both persons were cared for b
of the Aaronic Order during the period of their illn
convert stated that an illness she had experienced se
before investigating the Order brought her closer to J
which in turn eventually led her to join the Aaronic Order.
In no case was organismic deprivation the only reason
three converts joined the Order. In two cases, organism
tion occurred while the individuals involved were invest
Order. The attention they received from members of t
Order appears to have influenced their decision to m
commitment to it.
A phenomenon closely related to feelings of deprivati
occurrence of some life crisis prior to conversion. Twen
the thirty-five converts experienced some sort of life c
a year or twol before they started to investigate the Aa
or during their investigation. Life crises included marita
loss of one's job, financial problems, health problems, t
a spouse or child, and the birth of a deformed child.

Other Factors

It appears that the various forms of deprivation discussed above

have much to do with the emergence and continued recruitment to
religious sects, such as the Aaronic Order. This does not mean
that similar feelings of deprivation do not exist among individuals
who do not join religious sects. In the case of the Mormon socio-
cultural milieu, it is possible that people with similar forms of depri-
vation seek out other Mormon sects, become inactive Mormons, or
remain active but alienated Mormons. At this point, other factors
which predisposed and led certain individuals to join the Aaronic
Order will be considered.

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290

Previous Religious Affiliation. Thirty-two of the thirty-five con-

verts were Mormons before they joined the Aaronic Order. Seven
individuals in this group had converted to Mormonism while the
remainder were raised in it. One couple who had not been Mormons
had studied the teachings of Herbert W. Armstrong. Several aspects
of Armstrong's Church of Tomorrow resemble those of the Aaronic
Order, including the belief that some of the descendants of the lost
tribes of Israel migrated to the British Isles, the observance of the
pork taboo and Saturday as the Sabbath, and a strong sense of
millenarianism (Petersen 1973). Because of this resemblance, the
couple found the Aaronic Order's ideology quite compatible with
concepts they had previously accepted.
A few converts had a long history of investigating and/or joining
several religious groups before they joined the Aaronic Order. For
example, a middle-aged Levite man who was raised as a Mormon
investigated Seventh-Day Adventism, Catholicism, the Jehovah's
Witnesses, and an Assembly of God congregation before he joined
the Order. Another man, who was raised as a Greek Orthodox,
became a "Billy Graham type of Christian" in his teens and later
was baptized into a fundamentalist Protestant church and the Mor-
mon Church. His wife, who had been raised as a nominal Catholic,
followed him in converting to Protestantism, Mormonism, and the
Order.

It appears that in all cases, except that of a young man with a

Protestant background, membership in the Mormon Church or, in
the case of one couple, acquaintance with the doctrines of the Church
of Tomorrow predisposed individuals to join the Order. Mormonism
and the doctrines of the Church of Tomorrow provided smooth
ideological transitions for converts to the Aaronic Order in which
no abrupt change in one's world view was required. Individuals
generally did not view their conversion to the Aaronic Order as a
process whereby one set of religious beliefs was substituted for a
new set. Rather, they saw it as one where a new set was added
to a theologically valid old set. Conversion was not regarded as a
drastic change in religious affiliation; it was believed to constitute
a significant addition to one's earlier religious belief system. Most
converts did not completely reject their Mormon upbringing; they
merely viewed it as a lower stage in their spiritual development.
Background of Parents and Degree of Early Religious Socialization.
Most converts were raised in families where at least one of the
parents was Mormon. In almost all cases the converts' fathers w
members of the working class, being either laborers, farmers,
post office employees. Only one convert had a father who w
professional, namely an electrical engineer. The primary occupati

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 291

of all mothers was homemaking, except for one woman who com-
bined this with clerical work.
Of the thirty-five converts, seven received a moderate degree of
early religious socialization, twenty-seven a strong amount, and only
one a weak amount. In most of these cases parents were generally
very religious Mormons or Protestants, making religion an integral
part of their children's lives. In a few cases in which the parents
did not provide a strong religious socialization, it was acquired else-
where. For example, one woman whose parents were not religious
people, lived next door to a very active Mormon family and learned
much about Mormonism from them. It was through their influence
that she started attending Mormon activities at seven years of age
and became interested "in things that pertain to the Lord."
Religious Problem-Solving Perspective. All individuals in the
sample, except perhaps for one, possessed a religious problem-solving
perspective. As we have indicated, most had undergone a strong
religious socialization of one form or another-usually in a Mormon
or fundamentalist Protestant setting. The others, except for one
individual, had undergone a moderate religious socialization but,
nevertheless, turned to, religious solutions in adolescence or early
adulthood to deal with their problems.
The Levites do not seek political solutions in dealing with social
structural and economic problems. They, as many Mormons, tend
to frown upon secular personal problem-solving methods, such as
psycho~analysis and counseling. It is believed that in order to. solve
personal problems, one has to merely "get straight with the Lord."
Only one individual in the sample attempted to resolve some of his
psychic conflicts after conversion by seeking professional guidance
and therapy.
Levite converts attempted to, answer philosophical and existential
questions by means of a religious ideology. In the few cases where
individuals attempted to, utilize a secular philosophy to deal with
these issues, they found it unsatisfactory. The Levite convert is an
individual who. feels that world events are directed to a large extent
by the actions of benevolent and malevolent supernatural beings.
The individual can rely on the help of the former in his daily struggles
but must fight off the incessant temptations of the latter.

Significant Others Influential in Conversion. In thirty-two out of

thirty-five cases, significant others-specifically parents, spouses, other
relatives, and friends-introduced the potential adherents to the
Levitical Writings or the Aaronic Order and exerted an important
influence in determining their decision to convert. These factors were
not present in only three cases. A man who was raised in the Utah
Valley was vaguely familiar with the Aaronic Order but learned

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292

more about it when three Levites came into, his store for business
purposes. A beautician learned about the Aaronic Order from a
Levite customer. Another man learned about the Aaronic Order from
his wife who had attended a revival meeting at which Jerry Owens
and a prominent Levite spoke. Although his wife was not especially
interested at first in joining the Aaronic Order, he immediately
investigated it.

Intensive Interaction with Other Group Members. In their step-

like model of religious conversion, Lofland and Stark (1965) propose
that prospective converts must eliminate or at least neutralize "extra-
cult attachments" and must be exposed to intensive interaction with
the members of the group. In essence, the religious group acts as a
primary group for the individual in that his greatest source of satis-
faction and fulfillment derives from it. Despite the fact that most
active Levites interact primarily with others in the Aaronic Order,
extra-cult attachments are not totally eliminated or neutralized for
many of them. Some active Levites are married to Mormons, a
relationship which has a tendency to create tensions. Some very
ardent members of the Aaronic Order still retain an emotional and
ideological attachment to the Mormon Church. In the early years
of the Order some members attended both Levite and Mormon
activities-a practice which now appears to have completely died out.
On the other hand, almost all the converts in the sample experi-
enced intensive interaction with the members of the Aaronic Order
before they joined. An exception was a woman who was initially
exposed to the Order by her uncle and learned many things about it
from him. She experienced relatively little interaction with the other
members of the group, except for her aunt, because she and her
husband resided outside Utah for about ten years following her
conversion. During her investigation of the Aaronic Order she
interacted a great deal with her uncle and aunt but little with other
members of the Order. It was only after she moved with her husband
and children to Eskdale that she experienced intensive interaction
with other Levites.

CONCLUSIONS

The Levite conversion experience must be viewed as resu

from a complex interaction of several variables at various leve
analysis. Yinger (1965) argues that human behavior must be ex
ined at four levels-biological, psychological, cultural, and s
The field perspective recognizes the existence of factors at va
levels and attleips to explain various forms of behavior, su
religious conversion, as the result of the interaction of these fa

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 293

For example, deprivation, which is one factor leading to conversion,

exists at several levels-the ethical (cultural), the social and eco-
nomic (social structural), the psychic (psychological), and the or-
ganismic (biological). In addition to the necessary condition of
relative deprivation, factors which predispose and lead certain indi-
viduals to join the Aaronic Order include:

1. experiencing some type of life crisis a relatively short time

before or during one's investigation of the new religious group;
2. being raised in a working-class family;
3. being a member of the working class during adulthood;
4. receiving a strong or at least a moderate degree of exposure
to a fundamentalist Christian ideology (such as Mormonism
or fundamentalist Protestantism) during childhood;
5. having a religious problem-solving perspective;
6. having contact with significant others, such as parents, spouse,
other relatives and friends who, are affiliated with the religious
group; and
7. interacting intensively with other members of the religious group.

All these conditions existed in many of the thirty-five Levite con-

verts in the sample. In certain cases one or more of these conditions
was missing. Levite conversion is a result of the interaction of rela-
tive deprivation and all or some of the conditions listed above, each
of the latter being significant but not absolutely necessary factors.
This paper is based on data collected in interviews with converts
to a specific type of religious organization, namely a small millenarian
sect called the Aaronic Order. Considering the small sample size
and the lack of knowledge about feelings of deprivation in a more
typical sample of Mormons, the conclusions of this paper must be
regarded as somewhat tentative. However, the factors discussed in
this paper might be useful in explaining conversion to other small
religious sects and cults in Western society. It seems less likely that
these factors would explain conversion to other types of religious
groups, such as large churches, denominations, and certain middle-
class cults. There is a need to study conversion to various types of
religious organizations. Only when this has been done both vertically
(within a particular culture) and horizontally (cross-culturally) will
the social scientist be able to make valid generalizations about the
religious conversion process.

FOOTNOTES

1. Although Mormons generally still claim that their prophet-pr

receives revelations, it appears that the mechanism for divine commu
has changed since the nineteenth century. According to O'Dea (1957
". .. organizational procedures under the direction of a strong auth

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294

leader largely replaced visions and revelations, a process that has already
started in the last days of Joseph's rule in Nauvoo."

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