Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206

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Journal of Transport Geography

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jtrangeo

Urban transport transitions: Copenhagen, City of Cyclists

Stefan Gössling ⇑
Dept. of Service Management, Box 882, 25108 Helsingborg, Sweden
School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University, 391 82 Kalmar, Sweden

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Keywords: Mobility growth poses considerable challenges to city planners around the world, as it entails problems
Command-and-control of congestion, air pollution, and accidents. Many cities have thus sought to increase the share of sustain-
Cycling able transport, and specifically travel by bicycle. However, it appears that measures to foster cycling are
Cycle culture often implemented on an ad hoc basis, lacking strategic focus and a more profound understanding of
Soft policy
bicycle cultures. New insights can be gained from Copenhagen, Denmark, a selfdeclared City of Cyclists
Urban transport transitions
that has made considerable progress towards increasing the share of travel by bicycle, with the political
goal to become the ‘‘world’s best city for bicycling’’. In this article, the success, reproducibility and lim-
itations of the Copenhagen bicycle strategy are discussed in an urban transport transitions framework,
based on a content- and discourse analysis of the city’s official documents to assess the respective role
of market-based, command-and-control, and soft policy measures in encouraging bicycling. Results sug-
gest that soft policies, integrated with command-and-control measures, and the consideration of bicyclist
expectations and concerns with regard to perceptions of safety, speed and comfort have been key in
achieving high bicycle trip shares. Integrating these in comprehensive planning frameworks appears to
be an approach that is more likely to foster bicycle cultures that can result in urban transport transitions.
Ó 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
Most urban agglomerations face problems of congestion and air
pollution due to high or increasing levels of individual motorised
transport, and in particular car use (Gilbert and Perl, 2008; Stanley
et al., 2011). To restructure transport systems is thus high on the
agenda of policy makers. In the European Union, the 2011 White
Paper Transport (EC, 2011a) suggests that sustainable urban trans-
port systems demand a phasing out of vehicles with internal com-
bustion engines (ICEs), smaller road passenger vehicles, higher
shares of collective transport, and urban mobility and infrastruc-
ture designs that facilitate walking and cycling (EC, 2011a). How-
ever, there is currently limited evidence of urban transport
systems becoming more sustainable in significant ways (e.g. Stan-
ley et al., 2011; for case study exceptions see Santos et al., 2010),
raising the question as to how transport transitions on a larger
scale can be initiated.
In this paper, three general mechanisms to achieve changes in
transport behaviour are distinguished, including (i) market-based
instruments, (ii) command-and-control approaches, and (iii) soft
policy measures. Market-based instruments include taxes,
subsidies or duties, which affect behaviour because of rising or
⇑ Address: School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University, 391 82
Kalmar, Sweden. Tel.: +46 70 4922634, 480 497194; fax: +46 42 356660.
E-mail address: stefan.gossling@lnu.se
declining costs for travel (e.g. OECD, 2009; OECD and UNEP,
2011). Control-and-command instruments, sometimes also re-
ferred to as hard policy (e.g. Friman et al., 2012), set standards
for products and services as well as behaviour, affecting transport
choices through urban design and land use planning, or invest-
ments in specific transport infrastructure. Soft policy measures
have the objective to support decisions that are more socially
desirable, generally relying on the distribution of information on
more sustainable transport choices.
All of these measures have in common that their success in sig-
nificantly changing urban transport behaviour has been limited, in
the sense of achieving overall reductions in personalised ICE trans-
port, even though individual measures may have been successful.
For example, market-based instruments have included taxes for
cars, which in the EU have significantly reduced growth rates in
car use (Sterner, 2007). Cities like Stockholm and London have
had considerable success with the introduction of congestion
charges (e.g. Börjesson et al., 2012; Tuerk et al., 2012), and in
France, a bonus/malus system for cars based on emission perfor-
mance has initiated shifts in consumer preferences (D’Haultfœuille
et al., 2011). While there are consequently various examples of
successful market-based strategies to achieve changes towards ur-
ban transport systems as envisioned in the EU 2011 White Paper,
there is little evidence that market-based instruments have been
used systematically to stimulate significant change in transport
behaviour (e.g. OECD and UNEP, 2011).

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http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtrangeo.2013.10.013
 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
Command-and-control measures have included fuel efficiency
standards, speed limits, High Occupancy Vehicles (HOV) and bicy-
cle lanes/tracks, as well as infrastructure developments to support
specific transport mode choices (e.g. Pucher et al., 2010). Corporate
Average Fuel Economy (CAFE) standards have existed in the US
since 1975 (Leiby and Rubin, 2004), and EU policy implemented
in 2009 has sought to reduce per km CO2 emissions from newly
registered automobiles through efficiency standards (Frondel
et al., 2011). Fuel standards are essentially considered a success,
though energy-efficient car ownership has also been found to lead
to fuel economy rebound effects (Greene et al., 1999), i.e. owners of
new efficient cars tend to drive more. Such rebound-effects are
substantial, and have recently achieved greater attention even in
more general contexts (Santarius, 2012). In the context of this arti-
cle, all infrastructure developments for cyclists, as well as urban
designs and layouts that would seek to make cycling more attrac-
tive are considered command-and-control measures, even though
it may be argued that land use planning can be aimed at incentivis-
ing changes in transport behaviour through seductive or suggestive
means, and thus be considered soft policy (Allen, 2006; Jensen,
2011).
Soft-policy measures focus on facilitating more sustainable
transport behaviour through education and information, and may
include instruments as diverse as travel policies, personalised tra-
vel planning based on software or smartphone apps, information
and marketing campaigns, campaigns for alternative transport
modes, car sharing initiatives, car co-operatives, tele-/video-con-
ferencing, or shopping from home (e.g. Cairns et al., 2008). Various
soft policy campaigns appear to have had success in affecting
transport behaviour, though available meta-studies (e.g. Bamberg
et al., 2012; Friman et al., 2012) have raised concerns regarding
the validity of evaluation results, and it remains unclear whether
more fundamental, significant changes in transport behaviour have
been achieved through such policies.
Though not representing a complete overview, examples as
presented above indicate that most market-based, command-
and-control, and soft policy measures have had some success in
affecting transport behaviour. In absolute terms, however, individ-
ual motorised transport volumes continue to grow. For instance, in
the EU27, growth in passenger growth (measured in passenger
kilometres, pkm) has averaged 1.3% per year between 1995 and
2010, notably including a slight decline in transport volumes in
2009 and 2010 due to the financial crisis in 2008, affecting mostly
air travel (EC, 2012). Further growth in transport volumes is how-
ever anticipated (e.g. Dubois et al., 2011; OECD and UNEP, 2011).
As an example, the International Energy Agency (IEA, 2012)
expects a doubling of the global number of passenger cars in the
period 2011–2035, and ICAO expects growth in global aviation
emissions in the order of 290–670% by 2050 (compared to 2006;
EC, 2011b). These developments are in conflict with global green-
house gas mitigation objectives, as well as sustainable urban trans-
port futures as for instance outlined in the EU 2011 White Paper
Transport, calling for more fundamental changes in transport
behaviour (Anable et al., 2012; Dubois et al., 2011; Stanley et al.,
2011). Specifically, bicycles are increasingly advocated as ideal
mobility choices in urban contexts, as they require less area, cause
less congestion, contribute to better health, are pollution free, and
cause fewer accidents (Heinen et al., 2010; Horton et al., 2007; Pu-
cher et al., 2010).
2. Bicycling in cities
The use of bicycles as a transport mode has constantly declined
in industrialised countries since 1950, when bicycles were still the
most important transport modes (e.g. Agervig Carstensen and
197
Ebert, 2012). Since then, bicycling has fallen from more than
1400 km per person per year to less than 1000 km on global aver-
age (Gilbert and Perl, 2008). Car use, on the other hand, increased
since the early 20th century, from virtually car-free environments
before 1910 to a global average of 2000 km/person/year driven in
the 1990s (Gilbert and Perl, 2008: 66), and an EU27 average of
9490 km/person/year in 2010 (EC, 2012). Table 1 shows the share
of trips made by bike in a wide range of cities, indicating that there
is huge variation from 1% (London, UK) to 40% (Groningen, The
Netherlands). Notably, in virtually all cities listed in Table 1, con-
siderable growth in bicycle use has been reported over the last dec-
ades, though in some cases from very low starting points. Shares of
bicycle use <1% have been reported for cities including Hong Kong,
Warsaw, Sao Paulo, Valencia, Stockholm, Lisboa, Geneva, Rome,
and Dubai (in 2001; Gilbert and Perl, 2008). In comparison, car
use shares range from 16% (Hong Kong) to 88% (Chicago). While
Table 1 thus indicates a renaissance in bicycling in European cities,
transitions in other parts of the world continue to favour the car, as
shown by Wang (2012), who reports that, referring to the Beijing
Transportation Research Centre, bicycle use in the Chinese capital
had declined from 63% of all trips in the mid 1980s to 39% of all
trips in 2000 and 17% in 2010.
Programs and policies to promote bicycling in urban environ-
ments have included a wide range of market-based, command-
and-control and soft policy measures. Market-based measures
mostly seek to reduce ICE-transport – through congestion charges
or taxation –, creating better conditions for cyclists as a side effect.
Vice versa, command-and-control measures have focused on
safety, preferential treatment, and infrastructure development for
bicyclists, and have thus been more successful in creating interest
in this transport mode. A meta-review of 139 studies (Pucher et al.,
2010) suggests that interventions such as on-road bicycle lanes,
two-way travel on one-way streets, shared bus/bike lanes, off-
street paths, signed bicycle routes, bicycle boulevards, cycletracks
(separated by kerb from other traffic infrastructure), coloured
lanes, shared lane markings, bike boxes (also called ‘advanced stop
lines’), bicycle phases/traffic signals, maintenance of infrastructure,
wayfinding signage, techniques to shorten cyclists’ routes, traffic
controls/traffic calming, home zones, car-free zones, complete
streets, bike parking, bicycle stations, parking at rail stations, park-
ing at bus stops, bike racks on buses, bikes on rail cars, short-term
rental bikes, and showers at workplaces all have had positive im-
pacts on bicycling levels (for an alternative approach to a discus-
sion of bicycle determinants see Heinen et al., 2010). Moreover,
while Pucher et al. (2010) suggest that though any individual inter-
vention is likely to increase bicycling levels, these are more effec-
tive when introduced in integrated packages, and possibly in
combination with measures to restrict car use. Results conse-
quently suggest that both pull and push measures are important,
Table 1
Share of trips made by bicycle and growth rates, various cities.
City Trips made by bike (%) Growth by period
London, UK 1.2% (2006) 2000–2008: +99%
Bogota, Columbia 3.2% (2003) 1995–2003: +300%
Berlin, Germany 10.0% (2007) 1975–2011: +275%
Paris, France 2.5% (2007) 2001–2007: +150%
Barcelona, Spain 1.8% (2007) 2005–2007: +100%
Amsterdam, Netherlands 37.0% (2005) 1970–2005: +48%
Portland, OR 6.0% (2008) 1990–2008: +445%
Copenhagen, Denmark 38.0% (2005) 1998–2005: +52%
Münster, Germany 35.0% (2001) 1982–2001: +21%
Freiburg, Germany 27.0% (2007) 1982–2007: +80%
Odense, Denmark 25.0% (2002) 1994–2002: +9%
Groningen, Netherlands 40.0% (since 1990s) 1990–2005: +0%
Source: Pucher et al. (2010).
198 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
the latter also including reductions in parking spaces, high costs of
car ownership, or speed limits for cars. Notably, some command-
and-control policies such as helmet laws have had negative im-
pacts on bicycle use.
Soft policy programs, on the other hand, including trip reduc-
tion programs, individualised marketing, travel awareness pro-
grams, safe routes to school, and bike-to-work days appear to
have had more limited effects on bicycling, and Pucher et al.
(2010) conclude that where such programs actually had significant
impact, growth in transit use and walking were greater than
growth in cycling. Overall, these findings raise the question as to
whether soft policy measures have a role in bicycle transitions,
or if urban planners should focus on market-based or command-
and-control measures. Developments in the Denmark’s capital
Copenhagen are studied to gain further insight with regard to these
aspects.
3. Methodology
Copenhagen is currently in a dynamic urban transition process
with a broadly communicated goal to become the ‘‘world’s best
bicycle city’’. To gain insight into the Danish capital’s transition
process, the following sections present a history of cycling in
Copenhagen, and a description of the political goals and indicators
used by the City of Copenhagen to measure progress in cycling lev-
els in the period mid-1990s to 2010. As shown in Fig. 1, this over-
view is followed by an analysis of the measures and instruments
implemented to support and foster bicycling in Copenhagen, on
the basis of a qualitative research approach based on a thematic
content analysis (which measures have been implemented?) and
a discourse analysis (how is the implementation of these measures
communicated)? To differentiate, the analysis distinguishes (i)
market-based, (ii) command-and-control, and (iii) soft policies. In
a last step, content and discourse analyses are complemented with
two interviews with city planners, and all findings analysed in a
transition theory framework.
More specifically with regard to the methods chosen, the the-
matic content analysis identifies all measures that have been
implemented to foster bicycling, on the basis of categories (Lacity
and Janson, 1994; Bernard and Ryan, 1998). For this purpose, the
entire documentation made available on the Internet by the City
of Copenhagen – including a total of 10 documents (see reference
Fig. 1. Methodology.
list under ‘‘City of Copenhagen’’) –, is evaluated to identify instru-
ments, measures and policies that represent either command-and-
control, market based or soft policies. Data collected on this basis is
structured to assess the relative importance of the three categories,
measured in terms of the number of policies existing in each cate-
gory. In a parallel discourse analysis of the documents, linguistic
strategies are investigated (Gee, 1999; Burman and Parker, 1993),
i.e. the language and interpretations used by the City of Copenha-
gen to support pro-bicycle perspectives. For the purpose of discus-
sion, the analysis uses quotations as examples of the themes that
have been identified.
As official documents reveal specific discursive strategies i.e.
potentially omitting conflicts or attempting to mediate an under-
standing of a single, unifying discourse on bicycling, the analysis
was complemented with two comparative, semi-structured expert
interviews involving leading traffic planners at Copenhagen’s ‘Bicy-
cle secretariat’. Two telephone interviews were made to provide
background information on developments in Copenhagen from
‘‘within’’, involving a set of broad questions (‘‘In your opinion,
which measures to foster cycling have been the most successful?’’,
‘‘Is there resistance to restructuring the city?’’). Interviews were re-
corded and lasted 40–60 min. Anonymity was offered, but traffic
planners suggested to reveal their identities (Annex I). Interviews
provide more critical perspectives on the transition process not
necessarily in line with official views. The interviews thus serve
the purpose to add analytical depth, and to understand potential
conflicts and complexities. Analysis was carried out with the pur-
pose to identify confirming/complementary/contradictory
viewpoints.
All results are discussed in the analysis within a transition man-
agement framework, outlining key elements in the Copenhagen
model for an urban bicycle transition and critically assessing their
broader transferability to culturally and geographically different
urban environments.
4. Bicycle use in Copenhagen
As virtually everywhere in Europe, the bicycle was the major
transport mode in Copenhagen at the turn of the 20th century.
During its ‘‘Golden Age’’ (Agervig Carstensen and Ebert, 2012),
the bicycle subsequently turned into a means of mass transporta-
tion that remained important throughout WWII to the 1950s: only
then became cars more widely available in Denmark and their use
was no longer restricted due to the rationing of oil, fuel, and rubber
(Agervig Carstensen and Ebert, 2012; Gade Jeppesen, 2012). In the
1960s, car use expanded and rapidly surpassed the use of bicycles.
However, a renaissance of the bicycle was noticeable already in the
1970s as a result of the oil crisis and economic recession, forcing
the city to give up several large urban renewal projects focused
on automobility, which ‘‘would have transformed the city radi-
cally’’ (Agervig Carstensen and Ebert, 2012, p. 45). Socially impor-
tant was the fact that many Copenhageners had continued to cycle
during the car boom of the 1960s (Gade Jeppesen, 2012). This trend
continued throughout the 1980s and 1990s, fostered by new bicy-
cle technology developments, and, in 1995, Copenhagen’s free
bike-sharing programme, the first in the world (Gade Jeppesen,
2012).
Copenhagen municipality published its first bicycle strategy in
2002 (Cycle Policy 2002–2012), which provided a first comprehen-
sive vision for the development of cycling in the city (City of
Copenhagen, 2002). This was followed by various strategy
documents, such as the Bicycle Track Priority Plan 2006–2016 (City
of Copenhagen, 2009a), and monitored in bi-annually published
Bicycle Accounts assessing key performance indicators such as
accident risk (e.g. City of Copenhagen, 2006, 2011a). In 2007,
 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206 199

Copenhagen announced to aim at becoming the ‘‘world’s best city

for cyclists’’ in the document ‘‘Eco-Metropolis – Our Vision for
Copenhagen 2015’’ (City of Copenhagen, 2007). Specifically, this in-
cluded the goal to have achieved, by 2015, (i) a minimum of 50% of
Copenhageners to commute by bike to their place of work or edu-
cation, (ii) a reduction of at least 50% in the number of cyclists seri-
ously injured in traffic, (iii) at least 80% of cyclists feeling safe in
traffic, and (iv) a new bike-share system, the latter launched as
an international design competition. The policy document also in-
cluded a goal to increase bicycle travel speed by 10% to improve
the competitiveness of cycling. In 2011, the city presented its
‘‘Good, Better, Best – The City of Copenhagen’s Bicycle Strategy
2011–2025’’, once more confirming the goal to become the world’s
best bicycle city before the end of 2015 (City of Copenhagen,
2011b). This was followed, in 2012, by the document Environmen-
tal Balance Sheet for Copenhagen, detailing progress on the various
goals (City of Copenhagen, 2012a).
According to the Bicycle Account 2010 (City of Copenhagen,
2011a), the city currently has 350 km of cycle tracks, 23 km of cy-
cle lanes, and 43 km of green cycle routes. Cycling as a mode of
transport now accounts for 33% of all trips starting and/or termi-
nating in Copenhagen, 35% of all trips to work/education, and
50% of commuting to work/education, including all commuters in
the greater Copenhagen area (Fig. 2). The latest Bicycle Account
establishes that 84% of all Copenhageners have access to a bike,
and 68% cycle at least once a week, which amounts to 1.2 million
kilometres travelled by bike each working day.
As shown in Table 2, there has been progress on the goals pos-
tulated: the number of seriously injured cyclists declined from 252
in 1996 to 92 in 2010, and is set to fall to 59 by 2015. The percent-
age of cyclists that feel safe has increased from 60% in 1996 to 67%
in 2010, with a goal to increase to 80% by 2015. While the percent-
age of people cycling to work has declined between 2008 and 2010,
the number of kilometres cycled on weekdays has increased (City
of Copenhagen, 2011a). All other key performance indicators im-
proved as well, with the exception of speed, which declined from
an average 16.2 km/h to 15.8 km/h (door to door).
The Bicycle Accounts also report bicyclist opinions and percep-
tions. Motivations for bicycling include convenience, health, cost
and lifestyle aspects, the most important being ‘‘it is faster’’
(55%), followed by ‘‘more convenient’’ (33%), ‘‘healthy’’ (32%),
‘‘cheap’’ (29%), ‘‘makes me feel good’’ (26%) and ‘‘a good way to
start the day’’ (21%) (City of Copenhagen, 2011a). Notably, environ-
mental concerns have virtually no importance. With regard to the
most important motivation, speed, it deserves to be mentioned
that even though bicycling is slower at an average 16 km/h than
car driving at 27 km/h, downtown values may be different, as there
are more red lights and greater congestion. The bike may also be
faster even though average speeds are lower, as it takes less time Fig. 2. (a–c) Distribution of trips by mode of transport, 2010. Source: City of
to find parking space. In comparison to public transport, bicycling Copenhagen, 2011a.
may also be faster if including waiting times.
Furthermore, the Bicycle Account measures bicyclist satisfac-
tion (Fig. 3). Satisfaction with Copenhagen as a bicycle city has in- road manners (35%), better motorist road manners (34%), more
creased constantly since 1996, and now has a 94% approval rate. bicycle tracks (rather than lanes, 31%) and a better segregation be-
With the exception of the ‘‘condition of cycle tracks’’, ‘‘bicycle tween cyclists and motorised traffic (29%) (City of Copenhagen,
parking’’ and ‘‘cycle track width’’, polled aspects have generally 2011a).
seen growing approval rates. Where satisfaction has declined, this Considerable growth in bicycling levels is expected in the fu-
is mostly a result of growing bicyclist numbers (City of Copenha- ture. Fig. 4, which depicts growth in bicycle trips from/to the inner
gen, 2011a). city between 6.00 AM and 6.00 PM on weekdays, shows a steep up-
The city also polls bicyclists with regard to improvements. ward trend in bicycling levels since the 1990s, with a decline in the
Safety is a general issue, with two thirds of cyclists (67%) feeling period 2008–2010 as a result of two harsh winters. An additional
safe in traffic. Of those cyclists reporting to feel unsafe, 58% cite 60,000 bicycle trips are expected by 2025.
cars as the major cause. The high share is reflected in accident sta- All changes are monitored in Bicycle Accounts, and can be com-
tistics: in 78% of accidents involving cyclists, cars are the counter- pared to specific goals formulated with regard to (a) the share of
parts (City of Copenhagen, 2011a). To improve the situation, trips made by bicycle to work and education, (b) the share of the
cyclists demand more space on bicycle tracks (37%), better cyclist network that has three lanes, (c) cyclists’ travel time reduction,
200 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206

Table 2
Key performance indicators (KPIs) for bicycling.

96 98 00 02 04 06 08 10 15
Percentage that cycle to work or education (%) 30 30 34 32 36 36 37 35 50
Seriously injured cyclists (number per year) 252 173 146 152 125 97 121 92 59
Percentage of cyclists that feel safe (%) 60 58 57 56 58 53 51 67 80
Cycled kilometres (million km per weekday) 0.93 0.92 1.05 1.11 1.13 1.15 1.17 1.21
Cycled km between serious casualties (million km) 1.2 1.8 2.4 2.4 3.0 4.0 3.2 4.4
Cycle speed (km/h) 15.3 16.0 16.2 15.8
Cycle tracks (km) 294 302 307 323 329 332 338 346
Cycle lanes (km) 6 10 12 14 17 18 23
Green cycle routes (km) 29 30 31 32 37 39 41 42
Cycle parking spaces on roads and pavements (1000 spaces)a 42 47 48

Source: City of Copenhagen, 2011a.

a
New method of calculation, which is why the figures have been adjusted in relation to the Bicycle Accounts of 2006 and 2008.

5.1. Market-based measures

No market-based measures were identified in information

materials, with the exception of cycles that may be carried free
of charge on urban trains, representing a subsidy to cyclists. Vice
versa, comparably high parking fees in the city centre have existed
for decades, representing a disincentive to travel by car.

5.2. Command-and-control measures

Command-and-control measures have mostly focused on infra-

Fig. 3. Cyclist satisfaction. Source: City of Copenhagen, 2011a.
structure and technical developments to create comfortable bicy-
cling conditions. Due to the wide range of measures identified,
these have been further divided in the sub-categories ‘‘physical
infrastructure’’, ‘‘comfort and service’’, ‘‘technology development’’
and ‘‘regulation’’. Notably, infrastructure developments appear to
have consistently had a starting point in cyclist concerns, i.e. in
particular speed and perceived safety.

5.2.1. Physical infrastructure

– 40 km of ‘‘green cycle routes’’ (now implemented), with

another 60–70 km in planning.
– 300 km of ‘‘cycle super highways’’, allowing for high
speeds, in collaboration between 18 municipalities (so far
about 8 km have been implemented).
– New bicycle tracks and curb ramps connecting elevated
cycle tracks with roads.
– Widening cycle tracks to adjust to greater bicycle flows.
– Layout of tracks based on perceptions of safety (pedestrian
walk – bicycle track – parked cars – road).
– Skewed rubbish bins for cyclists along tracks.
– Experimental covers for cargo bikes, replacing parking
spaces.
– Footrests, so that cyclists do not have to dismount while
Fig. 4. Trips numbers on weekdays*. * Number of bicycle trips to/from the inner city
from 6:00 AM to 6:00 PM on weekdays. Source: City of Copenhagen, 2011b: 4. waiting for green light.

Additional bicycle parking facilities.

(d) the percentage of bicyclists feeling secure in traffic, (e) the max-
imum number of seriously injured cyclists, (f) the share cyclists
5.2.2. Comfort and service
who find cycle tracks well maintained and (g) the share of Copen-
hageners who think that bicycle culture positively affects the city’s
– Green wave for cyclists on designated routes (at 20 km/h).
atmosphere (Table 3).
– Bike butlers at five metro stations that lubricate chains,
pump up tires (for a limited period of time, no longer
5. Content analysis maintained).
– Options to take bikes on board s-trains (free of charge),
The following section analyses materials provided by the City of local and regional trains, InterCity trains, and harbour bus-
Copenhagen in terms of the measures/instruments presented in ses. The Metro system allows bicycles to be taken on board
each policy category. outside rush hours.
 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
Table 3
Bicycling-related goals in Copenhagen.
Modal split for bicycles
Share of all trips by bicycle to work and education in Copenhagen (2010: 35%)
Share of the network that has three lanes (2010: 25%)
Relative to 2010, cyclistś travel time is reduced by
Percentage of Copenhageners that feel safe cycling in traffic (2010: 67%)
Relative to 2005, the number of seriously injured cyclists will fall by
Percentage of Copenhagen cyclists who find the cycle tracks well maintained (2010: 50%)
Share of Copenhageners who think that bicycle culture positively affects the citýs atmosphere (2010: 67%)
Source: City of Copenhagen, 2011b.
5.2.3. Technology development
– LED sensors that warn lorry drivers of approaching cyclists at
high-risk intersections (experimental).
5.2.4. Regulation
– One way streets and limitation of parking spaces.
– Norms for bicycle parking: commercial developments: 0.5 bicy-
cle parking spaces per employee, residential: 2.5 bicycle parking
spaces per 100 m2.
5.3. Soft-policy measures
Soft policy measures were found to include a wide range of
campaigns to create a positive vision of Copenhagen as an Eco
Metropolis, specifically addressing bicyclist concerns, individual
and societal benefits, and offering participation. As the way in
which the municipality communicates its policies is also the focus
of the discourse analysis, soft policy measures are presented in
more detail in the following sections.
6. Discourse analysis
The analysis revealed three major discursive lines, along which
the City of Copenhagen develops its arguments for cycling, includ-
ing (i) a more desirable urban future, (ii) individual and societal
benefits, and (iii) opportunities for participation.
6.1. ‘Desirable urban futures’
One predominant aspect of the documents studied is that these
strongly associate bicycling with a positive urban vision. Negative
depictions, for instance with regard to car driving, or morally
underlined claims are nowhere to be found. The choice of photo-
graphs includes healthy looking bicyclists – mothers with young
children, elderly, people belonging to different religious groups,
overweight cyclists, as well as men in business suits –, all moving
leisurely or at brisk speeds in different weather situations, convey-
ing the message that bicycling is a cultural norm and pleasurable
for everyone. Many photographs also show large numbers of bicy-
clists, suggesting that bicycling is a mass phenomenon. The bro-
chure ‘‘Good, better, best’’ (City of Copenhagen, 2011b) is
introduced with a historical photograph from the 1930s showing
vast cyclist numbers on a road free of motorised traffic, reminding
readers that Copenhagen has been a bicycle city in the past, while
simultaneously offering a vision of what the city might look like
again in the future. To support an understanding that there is an
equivalent infrastructure development to back up this vision,
‘‘PLUSnet 2025’’ presents a vision that uses wording including
‘Green Routes’ or ‘bicycle superhighways’, also promising improve-
ments along major roads with regard to space, maintenance and
safety (City of Copenhagen, 2011b).
201
2015 (%) 2020 (%) 2025 (%)
50 50 50
40 60 80
5 10 15
80 85 90
50 60 70
70 75 80
70 75 80
The municipality’s materials also use a combination of rational
and affective arguments to underline personal and societal benefits
of bicycling. Headlines include, for instance, ‘‘Cycling is good busi-
ness for Copenhagen’’ or ‘‘The cargo bike is the SUV of the Copen-
hageners’’. One campaign uses the slogan ‘‘I Bicycle Copenhagen’’,
written in the renowned ‘‘I love New York’’ design, with a large
black I, a bicycle symbol in red, and the black letters CPH – for
‘‘Copenhagen’’ – on a white background. There is also a route-find-
ing website and app with the same name (www.ibikecph.dk). Even
messages that seek to remind bicyclists of adequate traffic behav-
iour are packaged positively, such as rule #1 for bicyclists: ‘‘Spread
good karma’’. Two ‘‘karma campaigns’’ by the municipality encour-
aged bicyclists to show adequate behaviour in traffic, rewarding
bicyclists with chocolates.
Another notable aspect of discursive strategies is to pro-actively
address ‘‘problematic’’ aspects of bicycling, such as adverse weath-
er conditions or safety perceptions. With regard to rain, the major
deterrent to bicycling (see also Bergström and Magnusson, 2003),
the Bicycle Account (2006: 12) states that:
Although 33% of cyclists say that rain is their main reason for
not cycling, information from the Danish Meteorological Insti-
tute [DMI] may convince sceptics that this is not a major issue.
. . . DMI’s fictive character, Cassandra, cycled 498 trips between
September 2002 through August 2003 and had to cycle in rain
only 17 times. This is the equivalent of 3.5% of the trips cycled
or an average of 1 1/2 times per month.
Traffic safety is addressed in a similar way, and evidence is pre-
sented that risk of injury has declined considerably (City of Copen-
hagen, 2011a: 2):
The present Bicycle Account shows that Copenhagen cyclists
feel more secure in traffic than formerly, and with good reason:
For every major cyclist casualty, cyclists have biked 4.4 million
kilometres, the equivalent of 110 times around the world. Par-
ents feel comfortable sending their children to school by bike
and cyclists generally feel secure. Copenhagen is one of the
most bike friendly cities in the world.
6.2. Individual and societal benefits
Positive outcomes of cycling are also underlined in information
materials, focusing on individual (‘‘physically active people live
approximately 5 years longer. . .’’) and societal benefits. For in-
stance, ‘‘If the number of kilometres cycled increased by 10%’’,
health consequences would be:
 The healthcare system would save DKK 59 million
annually.
 There would be annual savings of DKK 155 million due to
reduced production loss.
 The labour market would have 57,000 fewer annual days of
absence.
202 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
 61,000 extra years of life.
 46,000 fewer years of prolonged, severe illness.
 25 fewer early retirement pensions annually.
(Bicycle Account 2006: 14).
Such messages are combined with notions of success: ‘‘Every
time the city creates a new cycle track, it results in 20% more cy-
clists (and 10% less cars) using that stretch’’ (City of Copenhagen,
2011b). To further support change, Bicycle Accounts communicate
improvements that have actually been made, creating an image of
honesty and transparency, and an interest in the individual’s and
society’s economic and health-related well-being.
Politically, change is justified in economic terms. For this, a
methodology was developed in 2008 to assess costs and benefits
of cycling infrastructure construction projects, including factors
such as transport costs, security, comfort, branding/tourism, trans-
port times and health (City of Copenhagen, 2009c). The analysis re-
vealed that the net social gain for each cycled kilometre is €0.16,
compared to the net social cost of €0.09 per km driven by car. On
this basis, cycling infrastructure costs are assessed, showing that
these usually give a high rate of socio-economic return, justifying
further investments. Societal benefits of cycling are calculated to
be in the order of €228 million per year (City of Copenhagen,
2011b).
6.3. Opportunities for participation
To involve bicyclists actively in the transition process, various
efforts to enhance participation are made. For instance, suggestions
Fig. 5. Map showing received tips and improvements in progress. Symbols read from left to right: ‘‘tip received’’; ‘‘improvement in progress’’; ‘‘fixed’’; ‘‘cannot be fixed’’;
‘‘your tip’’; (second row to the left) ‘‘data collection’’. Source: http://givetpraj.kk.dk/.
for change can be submitted through the Internet or by mobile
phone. For the latter, an app can be downloaded, which identifies
the bicyclist’s specific geographical location through triangulation,
with an option to make suggestions for improvement. Fig. 5 shows
a screen shot of a section of the city map with pictograms such as
‘‘Henvendelse modtaget’’ (‘‘Suggestion received’’) and on-going
work by the city to address these (‘‘Udbedring i gang’’ – ‘‘repair
in progress’’).
Since May 2010 to December 2012, the corresponding website
‘‘Giv et praj’’ (‘‘Tip us off’’) received 1016 suggestions for improve-
ments, 393 of which had been addressed, another 52 being in pro-
gress, and 82 in planning. As the city notes, the remaining 489
suggestions cannot be addressed under the ‘‘Tip us off’’ scheme,
but are seen to provide input for new cycle tracks or intersection
reconstruction (City of Copenhagen, 2011a). The overall goal of this
measure is to build a participative platform, and to visualise the
power of the individual to influence developments in ‘‘his/her’’
city, ultimately creating Copenhagen bicyclist identities.
Participation also means that tourists are involved in the vision of
the bicycle city. Visitors are informed that bicycling is a way of life
aspired to by all Copenhageners, underlined by the frequent use of
‘‘we’’, ‘‘us’’ and ‘‘our’’ (City of Copenhagen, 2009b: 2), and presented
in a way to make Copenhageners proud of their achievements:
This never-ending flow of Copenhageners on bicycles is like a
symphony of human power, and it’s been forty years in the
making. In the 1960’s, this city was just as car-clogged as any-
where else. Visionary decisions were made and the result can
be seen all around you. There are few places in the world where
the morning rush hour is graced with such poetic motion. [...]
 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
The vast network of safe, segregated bike lanes criss-crossing
the city has encouraged us to choose the bicycle. [. . .] The bicy-
cle is not exclusively the domain of small sub-cultural groups. It
has become the spiritual property of every citizen and it contin-
ues to fulfil the liberating role for which it was intended.
Cycling in Copenhagen brings us closer to the life of the city
and the people who inhabit it. Your fellow citizens are right
there next to you, propelling themselves effortlessly through
the urban landscape. We are one with our town on our bicycles.
Visitors are also informed that the city was the first in the world
to launch a free bike sharing programme, and that cycle taxis have
existed for a long time to transport tourists through the city. There
is information on bike rentals, and guided tours by bike. Copenha-
gen is appraised as the City of Bicycles, and its role models are pre-
sented humourously: Pictures show, for instance, a ‘‘Copenhagen
Soccer Mom’’ (a women transporting her kids in a cargo bike),
and a ‘‘Copenhagen SUV’’ (a bike with a cargo area).
7. Transition processes in Copenhagen
Transitions are processes in which society changes significantly
over comparably short periods of time (Rotmans et al., 2001),
reaching new dynamic equilibrium (Smith et al., 2005). Copenha-
gen is an example of a city that has gone through two bicycle-re-
lated transport transitions, reflecting broader changes in
Northern European cycling cultures. Agervig Carstensen and Ebert
(2012) refer to these as the ‘Golden Age’, i.e. the development of
cycling in Denmark and the Netherlands from the 1880s to the
1950s, and, after a period of car dominance, the ‘Renaissance’ of
bicycle cultures in the 1970s due to the oil crisis and economic
recession. This second transition subsequently saw Copenhagen
re-defining itself as a bicycle city.
Smith et al. (2005) have suggested that substantive change to a
development trajectory is unlikely without some form of internal
or external pressure. In the case of Copenhagen, internal pressure
to build more cycle tracks grew during the bicycle renaissance per-
iod in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the voice of cyclists be-
came increasingly heard in public debates (Interview Niels Jensen,
14.12.2012). This met, in the 1990s, a political ambition to re-de-
sign urban transportation systems, advocated by leading figures
such as Klaus Bondam, Copenhagen’s Mayor of Technology and
Environment in the period 2006–2010, who was nicknamed ‘‘the
Bicycle Mayor’’. According to Niels Jensen (Interview 14.12.2012),
Bondam formulated many of the policies and strategies for the
bicycle city Copenhagen, and he was recognised for his strong will
to implement infrastructural change even in the face of resistance.
Bondam also had far-reaching ambitions, such as the goal to
achieve a 50% share of commuting trips made by bike.
Two important preconditions for the re-design of urban space
may have existed. First of all an estimated half of today’s bicycle
infrastructure already existed since the 1970s, showing that it
was possible for cyclists to ‘‘co-exist’’ in large urban agglomera-
tions and that there was an actual demand for this infrastructure
(Niels Jensen, 14.12.2012). Secondly, there always existed a ‘‘silent
majority’’ of citizens approving of cycling (Marie Kåstrup, Inter-
view 8.10.2013). This allowed the city to subsequently ‘‘treat cy-
cling as any other mode of transport’’ (Kåstrup), and to justify a
continuous expansion of the cycling infrastructure, ultimately
turning cycles into self-evident transport modes, and cycling into
‘‘normal’’ behaviour. As Jensen (2013) argues, it is exactly this
‘‘normalization’’ of urban cycle mobility that fosters cycle cultures,
as it acknowledges cyclists as traffic participants: more often than
not, cyclists are unwanted, excluded or made invisible in urban
space (Jones and Novo de Azevedo, 2013; Aldred, 2013).
203
Furthermore, the normalisation of cycling indirectly considers the
experience of urban space as ‘‘mobile sense-scapes’’, i.e. respond-
ing to emotional encounters and desires of ‘‘speed, flexibility,
zero-friction and overcoming of distance’’ (Jensen, 2013: 224),
thereby creating ‘‘an alternative culture of automobility’’ (Vannini,
2009). This shift may now represent ‘‘Copenhagen identity’’ (Jen-
sen, 2013), as also expressed by Marie Kåstrup: ‘‘. . .we talk about
Copenhageners, not cyclists’’. These views confirm findings of the
text analyses, with documents referring to the identity of ‘‘The
Copenhagener’’, who is also, and often primarily, a cyclist..
Transition management also involves integrative and multi-
level governance to shape and foster development processes,
and the choice of policy instruments based on consensus-guiding
visions (Rotmans et al., 2001). In Copenhagen, the vision to be-
come the ‘‘world’s best bicycle city’’ has been communicated
strategically as a ‘desirable future’ (cf. Brubaker, 1978), with tan-
gible benefits for the individual and society, i.e. including fast,
safe and comfortable transport (individual) and a healthy and
prosperous society. As environmental concerns are never men-
tioned as a motivation for chance, communication is in stark
contrast to the dystopic futures often presented in the context
of climate change, associating demands to change behaviour
with notions of fear and restrictions. ‘‘People don’t feel like sav-
ing the world when cycling to work in the morning, they just
want to get to work. That is why cycling should be convenient
and easy. . . . We try not to make cycling over-complicated’’
(interview Marie Kåstrup, 8.10.2013). As outlined in the dis-
course analysis, positive, playful and humourous messages are
underlying this strategy. In contrast to other studies suggesting
that soft policy measures have a limited role in affecting trans-
port behaviour (Pucher et al., 2010), the situation found in
Copenhagen would thus suggest otherwise.
Notably, all change in transport behaviour in Copenhagen is
voluntary, facilitated by infrastructural change. Resistance to
restructuring exists, though it is limited:
No significant resistance to the reconstruction of the city
appears to exist from the Danish car owner organisation. How-
ever, sometimes shopowner organisations and citizens are
against changes as well as political parties when it comes to a
reduction in car parking to make room for cycle tracks on major
streets (Niels Jensen. 14.12.2012).
The media is perceived to often present critical viewpoints,
however. Marie Kåstrup (interview 8.10.2013) points out that
‘‘when you change a city’s layout, someone will always feel to miss
out on something’’, and that the debates in the media overlook that
69% of all car owners are positive or very positive to municipalities
reducing car traffic. Much of the critical media discourse is thus not
founded in public disapproval:
There is a discourse all over the world that bicyclists drive like
crazy and don’t respect rules. It is a discourse in the media [also
in Copenhagen], but when we ask the public, 73% of the people
say that bicyclists contribute to better vibes in the city (Marie
Kåstrup, 8.10.2013).
As noted by Pucher et al. (2010), the attractiveness of bicycling
will always be interlinked with the perceived unattractiveness of
car driving. In Copenhagen, a few, though far from all possible
measures to reduce the convenience and attractiveness of the
car (cf. Pucher and Buehler, 2008) have been implemented. Mea-
sures included the reduction of the number of lanes for cars,
parking spaces, and high parking fees, though road pricing, as
well as a toll ring around the inner city – measures that were
ready to be implemented –, were ultimately abandoned (Inter-
view Niels Jensen, 14.12.2012). Yet, in cities where the share of
204 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
bicycling increases, anti-car measures can represent a ‘‘demo-
cratic’’ process:
There are some who think that we are discriminating car own-
ers, but the distribution of road surface is always in favour of
someone, so when we give more space to bicyclists, we are
actually favouring the majority of transport users (Marie Kåst-
rup, 8.10.2013).
It is currently unclear whether the share of trips made by bike
will continue to increase. The City of Copenhagen (2012b: 54)
anticipates that it will demand a considerably greater effort to
reach the goal of a 50% overall share in bicycle trip numbers by
2015. In the opinion of Niels Jensen (interview 14.12.2012), this
goal is unrealistic because moving beyond current bicycle levels
demands ‘sticks’, added to the current system of ‘carrots’. Specifi-
cally, scrapped plans for a toll ring around Copenhagen are seen
as a lost opportunity. Jensen also points out that to change trans-
port infrastructures has become more difficult in recent years, as
car ownership in the city is growing. As an example, families are
cited, who used to move to the suburbs, but who now have become
more attracted by the more liveable conditions in the city. Most
families do use bicycles for their daily commuting, but many also
have cars, which are mostly employed to visit friends in the week-
end or to go shopping. Paradoxically, this creates a situation where
demand for parking space increases, even though the share of trips
made by car declines. This development is also in conflict with
plans to build more cycle tracks (Interview Niels Jensen,
14.12.2012).
Yet, coherent bicycle infrastructures are important, as the
worst part of a trip affects the perception of the whole trip
(Interview Marie Kåstrup, 8.10.2013). This again, has relevance
for other aspects, such as safety, as for instance van Duppen
and Spierings (2013) emphasise that cyclists develop tactics of
manoeuvring and handling chaotic traffic situations, which can
include disregarding traffic rules, increasing the risk of accidents.
On the other hand, where there is ‘‘flow’’, experiences of cycling
will be more positive, reducing barriers to cycling: creating bicy-
cle cultures is thus about the availability of infrastructure, as
well as about the perceived quality of this infrastructure (Jung-
nickel and Aldred, 2013). Where such infrastructure is perceived
positively, it represents an important ‘‘trigger’’ (Chatterjee et al.,
2013) to take up cycling. This has been confirmed by other stud-
ies. For instance, a methodology for the identification of negative
spots has been suggested by Snizek et al. (2013), indicating the
existence of both positive and negative experiences of cyclists
in Copenhagen. Where negative experiences such as interrup-
tions in travel flow, conflict spots or dangers associated with
specific locations can be reduced, cyclist identities will be posi-
tively influenced.
Transport transitions are more likely when they have gained
momentum, i.e. when cyclists become more visible in traffic,
reaching a critical mass and ‘‘safety in numbers’’ (Jacobsen,
2003). In such a situation, motorists become more sensitive to
the needs and rights of cyclists, and where many people cycle, pub-
lic and political support for more investment in bicycling infra-
structure generally increases (Pucher et al., 2010). Transitions
also demand cycling to be ‘normal’ and ‘being a cyclist’ to be stig-
ma-free (Aldred, 2013). While for instance Aldred (2013: 252) sug-
gests that ‘‘after 20 years of pro-cycling policy discourse cycling is
still not ‘normal’ in the UK’’, the point may have been reached in
Copenhagen in the 1990s, when a steep growth period in cycle trip
numbers more than doubled trip numbers in 2000–2010, com-
pared to the lowest points in the 1980s.
Insights from Copenhagen confirm Pucher et al. (2010), who
conclude that bicycle levels are high in countries and cities
where infrastructure is extensive, where safety is good, and where
pro-bicycle policies and programs exist (e.g. Pucher and Buehler,
2008; Pucher and Dijkstra, 2003). In the case of Copenhagen,
demand for bicycling existed, and has been made more attractive
though command-and-control measures in combination with
soft policy instruments. This would confirm that transitions
involving high bicycle shares are more likely where these can be
embedded in prevailing transport cultures (Aldred, 2013), while
regime change is more difficult where car cultures dominate. In
the case of Copenhagen, positively framed soft policy campaigns
have focused on the fostering of social identities approving of
bicycle cultures, facilitating a co-evolution of behavioural and
infrastructural change.
8. Conclusions
Urban transport systems will need to change dramatically over
the next 30–40 years to be in line with perspectives as envisioned
in the EU’s Transport White Paper (EC, 2011a). The White Paper
foresees to ban combustion engines from cities, to introduce
smaller vehicles, higher shares of collective transport, and greater
shares of walking and cycling. Currently, only very limited
changes in this direction are visible. Copenhagen with its vision
to become the ‘‘world’s best city for bicycling’’ and its consider-
able progress in this direction were consequently studied to
derive new insights as to how urban transport choices can be
influenced and changed.
Results indicate that Copenhagen’s situation is different from
other urban contexts, as the city has a long-standing cycling tradi-
tion dating back to the late 19th century, and because half of the
city’s current cycling infrastructure already existed in the 1970s.
Results are thus not necessary transferable, as the transport transi-
tion has had roots in an existing bicycle culture, and because infra-
structure development could be based on an existing network of
bicycle tracks and lanes. This made it easier for the city to establish
a common vision of Copenhagen as a bicycle capital, and to treat
the bicycle as a transport mode equal to the car, in turn justifying
investment in bicycle infrastructure and the re-distribution of ur-
ban space in favour of the bicycle.
Content and discourse analyses of the city’s bicycle documenta-
tion show that policies introduced since the 2000s combine a wide
range of command-and-control measures – in particular infra-
structure development –, and soft policies, the latter focusing on
the creation of positive bicycle visions. Infrastructure development
includes new cycle lanes, ‘‘cycle super highways’’, widened cycle
tracks to accommodate growing cyclist numbers, and additional
parking space for bicycles. Soft policy campaigns seek to mediate
an understanding that bicycling is fun, faster, comfortable and safe,
and associated with tangible personal and societal benefits. Mar-
ket-based measures have had a less significant role in the urban
restructuring process, and are essentially restricted to high parking
fees and the free transport of bicycles on trains, i.e. representing an
internalisation of environmental costs through charges and subsi-
dies. Progress on widely communicated goals including trip shares,
cycle speed, accident numbers and perceptions of safety is mea-
sured and communicated in bi-annual Bicycle Accounts. Politically,
costs of infrastructure construction are justified on the basis of the
calculation of the socio-economic costs of bicycling in comparison
to automobility, i.e. also representing a process of internalizing the
costs of different transport modes.
As a result of these measures and policies, bicycling has seen
considerable growth in Copenhagen, with trip numbers more
than doubling between the 1980s and 2010s. This may be seen
as a genuine urban transport transition, achieved through a com-
bination of policies and measures. First of all, the communication
of a clear political vision framed as a desirable urban future
 S. Gössling / Journal of Transport Geography 33 (2013) 196–206
appears to be a precondition for the emergence of social identi-
ties favouring bicycling. This vision has co-evolved with physical
infrastructure change considering the concerns and expectations
of bicyclists with regard to speed, safety and comfort, while
using information technology to actively involve bicyclists in
the transition process. By reducing ‘‘hostile elements’’ (Jungnick-
el and Aldred, 2013) in the cycle environment and the depiction
of bicycling as ‘‘normal’’ the historical bicycle culture has been
revived, and led to the emergence of a common bicyclist iden-
tity, framed as ‘‘The Copenhagener’’. This new identity may be
seen as the ultimate outcome of the transition process, repre-
senting a goal other cities seeking to change their urban trans-
port systems may aspire to, on the basis of their specific
mobile cultures.
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Annex I: Telephone interviews
Jensen, N. Personal Communication. Senior Traffic Planner, Bicycle Secretariat, City
of Copenhagen, 14.12.2012.
Kåstrup, M. Personal Communication. Project Leader Communications & Strategy,
Bicycle Secretariat, City of Copenhagen, 08.10.2013.