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Harry Falk
The orbit of ancient India was not divided into 12 or 360 sections, reflecting months or
days, but into 27 or 28 nak$atras, reflecting the days of a sidereal month. The "or"
already shows that precision was not a major characteristic of that division. The
variance is partly due to those texts which sometimes enumerate 27 and sometimes 28
such nak$atras, the main difference being the last nak$atra called apabhara1Jf, and its
inclusion or not. 1
This variance in numbers has a natural basis. This nak$atra-orbit is meant to
describe the movements of the Moon seen against the background of the stars. Regard-
less of the stellar starting point, we know today that the Moon needs 27.321 solar days
on average to complete a full circuit. This means the 27-fold division of the nak$atras
is a good approximation for one revolution and 27 may be regarded as good for the
following one too, but by the third revolution one needs 28 days in order to return to
the same starting point.
We are used to regarding this nak$atra circle as a first scientific attempt at subdivi-
ding the lunar orbit, one which models the movements of the Sun and the Moon.
The last scholar to deal with this circle was A. Parpola. In his 1994 book, he
proposes that only 24 nak$atras were originally in use and were meant to locate the
position of the Sun during the 24 half-months of the year. Later, these 24 were supplem-
ented by three more, gained through subdividing three of them into purva- and apara-
forms, i.e. into an earlier and a posterior part. This change was necessary, allegedly, to
facilitate a shift from solar to lunar time measurement (Parpola 1994: 204a). Apart from
these three double-names, there is nothing that would point to such a prehistory. When
we see the names for the first time in the literature, all 27 appear together, certainly
reflecting the 27 stations of the Moon.
Faced with the discrepancy between 27 nak$atras and the 27.321 days needed to
make one orbit, we are tempted to think of the ancient Indian star gazer as a person not
primarily interested in precision. Not for a long time do we get fractional values aiming
at describing the real time needed.
There is no doubt that the early circle of nak$atras consisted of actually visible stars
or star groups, their distance from each other displaying a natural variation. Only a few
of these nak~atras can be identified with celestial bodies beyond doubt, indeed only the
1
The various names of the nak$atras as found in Vedic literature as well as their celestial positions are
suitably arranged in Deppert 1977: 378-381.
528 Harry Falk
really bright stars or star groups in the orbit. Among these are Krttika (Pleiades) and
the two Rohi:ryTs (Aldebaran, Antares). Most others are rather ill-defined and their
identification in earlier times seemingly a matter of personal opinion. To do away with
this uncertainty, post-Hellenistic Indian astronomy made attempts to define equal
distances between nak~atras, an attempt which led to starting points in the middle of
star-less fields, not necessarily a sign of progress.
This messy situation is in stark contrast to how ancient Mesopotamia used to
measure the sky, and therefore we are wont to say that the Mesopotamian scientist was
much more advanced than his Indian counterpart.
However, I have the feeling that we are completely on the wrong track when it
comes to looking for evidence of an objective early science. The nak~atra circle must
be seen against the background of Indian popular culture and what it means inside this
setting.
In ancient as well as in present India, the nak~atras define the auspiciousness of the
days during a lunar sidereal month. Each one is presided over by a different deity,
which may be benevolent or malicious. Their sequence is fixed, and therefore a day can
be regarded as auspicious or prone to danger. From the marriage ceremony described
in the Grhyasfitras we know that it should be performed only under positive nak~atras;
some texts mention these by name, as for instance fravar;,a/fr01;a, hasta, mrgasiras or
krttiktift.
Connected with the nak~atras is the story that they represent the daughters of Praja-
pati, the god of creation. The Moon is the bridegroom. Initially, the Moon was living
exclusively in the house of Rohi~I (Aldebaran). After some complaints, Prajapati
forced the Moon to visit all his daughters successively (Deppert 1977: 310; Parpola
1994: 206b). This story has two sides: firstly, it explains why the Moon is travelling,
and then it shows that the conjunction of Moon and nak~atra has a sexual element to it.
Why should that be? Marriage is one of the events most intimately connected with
the nak~atras. In the evening after the marriage ceremony, the couple has to sit outside
the domestic compound. When the stars become visible, someone proclaims the name
of nak~atra in which the Moon resides. When this is done, 2 the bride is supposed to
gaze at the "abiding star", dhruvam. Even if she does not see it, she has to say "I see
it". 3
Three days later the couple is expected to mate, and the child is expected to arrive
ten months later (da§amtisya). Only the number 10, never 9, is given in the Brahm~as4
or Grhyasfitras 5 as the number of lunations corresponding to the period of pregnancy.
All over the world the period of pregnancy lasts on average 267 days, counted from
conception. In the 19th century in Germany the idea abounded that the child is born
either after 9 synodic lunar months (9 x 29.5 = about 266 days) or after 10 sidereal
lunar months (10 x 27.321 =273). In antiquity, Aristotle6 speaks of periods of seven to
eleven months for gestation, with the extremes being exceptions. He may have had
s RV 1.62,4; 6.22,2.
9 RV 2.34,12.
10 RV 3.39,5.
11 RV 6.22,2; I 0.14,6.
12 "kommend, von gii, alterm *gvii", H. Grassmann, Worterbuch zum Rig-Veda. 1875; A. Debrunner & J.
Wackemagel, Altindische Grammatik, III, Gottingen 1929/30: 422, navagva, iatagvfn, daiaghva und -gvfn-
"neun-, zehn-, hundertfach", "neun usw. zahlend", with reference to M. Bloomfield, "Contributions to the
interpretation of the Veda", American Journal of Philology 17.1896: 399-437 (422ff.), who showed that go,
"kine", lies behind gva and gvfn; similarly AiGr II,2 Gottingen 1954: 545; P. Thieme, Studien zur indo-
germanischen Wortkunde und Religionsgeschichte (Berichte i.iber die Verhandlungen der Sachsichen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, phil.-hist. Klasse 98, Heft 5). Berlin 1952: 67 "zehn Rinder
gewinnend"; accepted by M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindorarischen. Heidelberg 1992,
1:478. The notion of "kine" has long since given way to "counting'', at least in compounds including numbers.
13 RV 3.39,5.
14 RV 5.45,7 + 11.
15
I thank David Knipe for this important insight.
530 Harry Falk
Nak~atras are, therefore, intimately connected with birth, providing the most
personal name, as if the birth-nak~atra were responsible for the complete period of
gestation. There may have been a time when the computation in 10 sidereal months was
new and sensational. In the Grhyasiitras, however, the dasamasya-period is taken for
granted. At the time of these Siitras the use of savants called dasagvas and navagvas
had long come to an end, individuals who once were able to predict delivery through
their knowledge of the magic coincidence of two multiplications: 9 x 30 and 10 x 27
both yielding 270, the days of gestation. A third way to reach the sum of 270 days is to
add the three days of prescribed celibacy between the marriage ceremony proper and
the night of first passion to the natural gestation period of 267 days.
After the ~gveda, probably everyone knew how to count Moon-nak~atra-constel
lations from the day of a supposed conception onwards. Ten remained one of those
special numbers symbolizing completeness. This method of counting ten revolutions
against the circle of nak~atras is as good and (im)precise as any modem calculation
done by a Western gynaecologist. Since the question of the date of delivery remained
important to ordinary parents-to-be through the centuries, the nak~atras never became
useless.
Looking at the nak~atras this way explains why in early Vedic times nobody cared
to define the Moon-houses with regard to their exact beginning or length. A look at the
sky during the night of the marriage day three days before conception would show some
bright star near the Moon and it was necessary for the determination of the date of birth
only to keep this one star or constellation in mind, no matter what its name was. The
second thing relevant was whether this nak~atra was regarded as auspicious or inauspi-
cious, and this evaluation certainly made an impression on the minds of the parents.
The problem for astronomers came later, long after the ~gveda, when this simple
sequence of Moon-houses was used by a first group of early scientists to define the year
in the Yajurvedic literature and the Vedangajyoti~a. They took the circle of nak~atras
to describe the orbit, simply because it was already there as common knowledge. They
should have started from scratch, disposing of this popular circle; they would perhaps
have done better to invent something neutral, objective, mathematically sound, but they
didn't. They did that which all of us have done now and then: used one means or idea
simply because it is already there, instead of designing something new which would do
better service to the new project under construction.
Using a circle of 27 or 28 nak~atras as the basis of a description of the lunar orbit
produced nothing but imprecise results, and perhaps prevented Indian star-gazers from
coming close to reproducing the achievements of Mesopotamians in the centuries after
c. -700.
The idea in modem lndological circles that the Vedic Indians did not succeed in
creating an astronomical framework suitable for the reliable description and prediction
of the behaviour of the heavens is correct. However, modem Indology has made the
mistake of simply asking why is it that precise descriptions of the sky such as existed
in Mesopotamia did not exist in Vedic India, and did not start from scratch and ask:
why did the nak~atras not die as an idea when they are so apparently useless for a
scientific astronomer? The answer is that the nak~atras were not invented for or by an
astronomer, but rather reflect the demands of life at very early times, times likely
532 Harry Falk
anterior to our Vedic texts. Knowing the duration of pregnancy and being able to define
the date of delivery by observing the position of the Moon against the stars may be
regarded as a central achievement of early science. The f!.gveda is rather opaque when
speaking of the navagvas and the dasagvas, without explicitly hinting at their field of
knowledge, but we may speculate that it was their duty or a source of income to
supervise the day of delivery for others. Just as Brown has stressed in Ch.2 with regard
to cuneiform celestial divination and its ideal periods, the question to be answered is
not why ancient astral science failed to produce schemes that could predict astronom-
ical phenomena and configurations, but why it is that such systems that were plainly
inadequate when it came to producing accurate predictions of astral behaviour survived
so long. Science only survives if it pays. This branch of astral science was gynaecology,
and it obviously paid its way for some time.
To sum up: the circle of 27 or 28 nak~atras was used by an early group of savants
to define the day of delivery. On the day of the marriage, precisely three days before
the planned conception, the Moon's position needed to be made out and remembered.
When the Moon came close to that nak~atra for the tenth time, delivery was close at
hand. The threefold calculation works with whole numbers, namely 10 x 27, 9 x 30 and
267 + 3. In reality, 10 sidereal months last c. 273.21 days. We see again (cf. Falk 2008)
that the Vedic savants prefer to work with whole numbers instead of odd fractions.
References
Deppert, Joachim
1977 Rudras Geburt - Systematische Untersuchungen zum Inzest in der Mythology der Brtihmanas
(Beitrage zur Sudasienforschung 28). Wiesbaden.
Kane, Pandurang Vaman
1974 History of Dharmastistra. Vol. II, Part/, second edition (Government Oriental Series, Class B, no.
6). Poona.
Parpola, Asko
1994 Deciphering the Indus script. Cambridge.
The Interactions of
Ancient Astral Science
by
David Brown
with contributions by
Jonathon Ben-Dov
Harry Falk
Geoffrey Lloyd
Raymond Mercier
Antonio Panaino
Joachim Quack
Alexandra van Lieven
Michio Yano
HEMPEN VERLAG
BREMEN 2018
Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet iiber
http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
ISBN 978-3-944312-55-2
CHAPTERS