What is the Kula trade, and how did Malinowski interpret it anthropologically?

Bronislaw Malinowski was an anthropologist who revolutionised the subject by inventing

“the rigorous rite of passage called ethnographic fieldwork” (Young 2004). Malinowski
began conducting perhaps his most famous example of ethnographic fieldwork on the
Trobriand Islands in Papua New Guinea in 1914. From his research here he described the
Kula trade occurring on and between the islands as a “cultural [response] to various derived
and integrative needs” (Firth 1957). In this essay I will be discussing the Kula trade and
Malinowksi’s anthropological interpretation of it, as well as critiquing this interpretation and
his research behind it.

Malinowski was the pioneer of participant observation, which is now perceived as a key part
of ethnographic research: “The Ethnographer’s final goal…is to group the native’s point of
view, his relation to life, to realise his vision of his world” (Malinowski 1922). The breakout
of World War 1 during his visit to the Trobriand Islands meant that Malinowski was not
allowed to travel back to the U.K. and therefore had to remain in residence among Trobriand
islanders: it was here where he “discovered the advantages of intensive research” (Wax
1972). He recognised that in order to conduct successful fieldwork and understand the point
of view of the ‘natives’ it was important to ‘observe them by interacting with them intimately
over an extended period’ (J. Monaghan and P. Just 2000). He did this by living his time on
the islands in a “tent [pitched] among the natives” in order to immerse himself in the
everyday life of the locals living on the island. This hands on research and presence in the
field was revolutionary for anthropology as, prior to Malinowski’s approach, “fieldwork in
the 19th century was inhibited by the ideology and politics of the time…ideologically, the
doctrine of social evolutionism predominated” (Wax 1972).

During Malinowski’s ethnographic research on the islands he identified a key feature of

Trobriander life; the Kula ring is a form of exchange carried out by the inhabitants of the
communities living on the wide ring of islands of which the Trobriands exist. Although
complex in how it is carried out, merely two different types of article are exchanged. The first
is the soulava, a traditional necklace made up of disks of red spondylus shell. The shell can
vary in colour, anything from muddy brown to a bright red, and are stringed together to form
the necklaces in various manufacturing centres all over Papua New Guinea. The second type
of item traded are arm shells referred to as mwali. These are made by obtaining a large
conical shell and breaking the top end off, leaving a ring of shell behind. This remnant of
shell is then polished to produce the arm shell. The items are traded in opposite directions
around the island and travel along routes which are appropriate based on the item. The
necklaces are traded in a clockwise direction with the arm shells traded in an opposite and
anti-clockwise direction. Every detail of the transaction is dictated by a set of traditional rules
and certain activities must be carried out before and after the trade. The men partaking will
build their canoes specifically to travel to the island they are trading on and after the trade
occurs celebrations occur in the village. As well as this, tradition stipulates that only a limited
number of men are able to participate in the Kula trade. Those partaking are coupled up with
a man on a differing island and these two men are constantly trading the soulava and mwali
which they receive. Malinowski notes that one of the chief and principal rules of the Kula is
“Once in the Kula, always in the Kula”. This rule applies to the objects themselves, as they
are always changing hands and never stay in one place, and to the men involved also as the
relationships they form with one another are lifelong and key to the success of the Kula ring.
The interpretation of the Kula ring written by Malinowski in Argonauts of the Western
Pacific is done anthropologically: Malinowski suggests that the Kula trade is important for
islanders due to the “permanent and lifelong” partnerships formed between the men who take
part. The kula allows for relationships to form and flourish between people differing in
culture and who speak different languages from one another, something which exists only as
a result of taking part in the trade. These alliances, along with mutual obligations and
benefits, are able to form between people who would otherwise have no reason ever to even
meet, leading to the formation of an “inter-tribal institution” which is valued by the
Trobrianders. From a functionalist perspective, this “inter-tribal institution” formed as a
result of the Kula trade allows for lasting alliances to form, and these are beneficial to the
islanders and they can provide security in a scenario which could otherwise pose as a threat
to them and their way of life. The obligations shared by the tribes who participate within the
trade mean that should a tribe with which a lasting partnership has been formed come into
trouble or danger (e.g. shortage of food or war) then they are obliged to help and provide
assistance. Furthermore, from a structural functionalist perspective, the Kula can be observed
as being an organ which works and strives to achieve the best possible health for the body,
which can be interpreted as the communities inhabiting the islands which take part (Spencer
1898).

Malinowski interprets the importance and symbolism of the use of soulava and mwali articles
separately from that of the Kula ring as a whole. He suggests that the significance of the
vaygu’a (valuables) comes from the “historic sentimentalism” behind them. The value of the
articles comes not from the superficial worth of the items, but rather the number of hands
through which it has passed. As the objects have been being passed around for such a long
period of time they have come into contact with countless people, some of which may pose
significant historic importance for the members of the island communities. It is this “mental
attitude” which makes the people of the Trobriand Islands value these vaygu’a.

A strength of Malinowski’s interpretation of the Kula trade is that it was done

anthropologically: he describes the importance of the Kula ring with reference to
anthropological and sociological theory. This is significant as it places emphasis on the
importance of the people involved and their relationships with one another: “Goods are not
only economic commodities, but vehicles and instruments for realities of another order, such
as power, influence, sympathy, status and emotion” (Levi-Strauss 1969). If Malinowski had
decided to take an economical approach to the interpretation of the trade then it would have
overlooked the functionalist and sociological elements, and would thus have resulted is a
“superficial” explanation which places focus on the monetary value of the articles and the
economic benefits of the trade. As the Kula trade does not occur due to any economic stress
or need, this type of interpretation would be inappropriate in describing its importance.

However, Malinowski’s fieldwork can also be critiqued is various ways. One example of this
is his derogatory attitude towards the inhabitants of the Trobriand Islands. Throughout his
writing in Argonauts of the Western Pacific he continuously separates European and North-
American societies from those involved in the Kula trade. His use of ‘us’ and ‘them’
pronouns results in the Trobrianders sounding like something which is alien to readers of his
work. Along with the use of words such as ‘savage’, the islanders are degraded to appear as
lesser beings. As well as this, Malinowski makes the suggestion that the complex and
extensive institution formed by the Trobriand islanders cannot be understood fully by the
islanders themselves: “Not even the most intelligent native has any idea of the Kula as a big,
organised social construction”. He implies that the “savage” inhabitants of the islands do not
understand themselves and are there to be discovered and observed by a white, male
ethnographer.

A further strength of his ethnographic fieldwork and interpretation of his findings is that
examples of gift exchange similar to the Kula trade can be found elsewhere. Carol Stack
conducted ethnographic research into a lower-class afro-Caribbean community living in what
she refers to as “The Flats”. Stack suggests that the black families living here need support
from the community in order to fulfil daily needs, such as eating and clothing their families.
These families form alliances with one another through exchange, giving and the
reciprocation of this; they refer to this as “swapping”. They need the support of kin and
friends as the family’s ability to survive can be faltered by fluctuations in the flow of
available goods (Lombardi 1973). As a result of the swapping, the limited supplies and
resources held in The Flats are constantly being traded and redistributed between kin. This is
encouraged by the fact that failing to repay a kinsman or kinswoman will carry community
sanctions, such as the degradation of one’s reputation. This bears resemblance to the Kula
trade in that the goods involved are being constantly passed from one person to another in
order to fulfil functionalist requirements.

In conclusion, Malinowski’s ethnographic fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands revealed much

about the Kula ring: his anthropological interpretation of the trade has been important and is
of great significance to the field of anthropology as it has provided evidence from a real life
society to support functionalist theory.

Bibliography

Firth, R. (1957) Man and Culture: An Evaluation of the Work of Bronislaw Malinowski.
Oceania, Volume 29 (3), pp. 218-226.

Levi-Strauss, C. (1969) The Elementary Structures of Kinship. Boston: Beacon Press.

Lombardi, J. (1973) Exchange and Survival. Boston: Boston University.

Malinowski, B. (1920) Kula; the Circulating Exchange of Valuables in the Archipelagoes of

Eastern New Guinea. Man, Volume 20, pp. 97-105

Malinowski, B. (1922) Argonauts of The Western Pacific. London: G Routledge & Sons.

Monoghan, J. and Just, P. (2000) Social and Cultural Anthropology: A Very Short
Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Spencer, H. (1876) The Principles of Sociology. New York: D. Appleton & Company.

Stack, C. (1974) All Our Kin. London: Harper & Roe.

Wax, M. (1972) Tenting with Malinowski. American Sociological Review, Volume 31 (1),
pp. 1-13.
Young, M. (2004). Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist. New Haven: Yale University
Press.