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ABC for AIDS prevention in Guinea: migrant gold mining communities

address their risks
Adam Daniel Kiša
a
Adventist Development and Relief Agency, São Tomé e Príncipe Country Office, ADRA-STP, São
Tomé, Sao Tome e Principe

First published on: 03 February 2010

To cite this Article Kiš, Adam Daniel(2010) 'ABC for AIDS prevention in Guinea: migrant gold mining communities
address their risks', AIDS Care, 22: 4, 520 — 525, First published on: 03 February 2010 (iFirst)
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 AIDS Care
Vol. 22, No. 4, April 2010, 520
525

ABC for AIDS prevention in Guinea: migrant gold mining communities address their risks
Adam Daniel Kiš*

Adventist Development and Relief Agency, São Tome´ e Prı´ncipe Country Office, ADRA-STP, Caixa Postal 161, São Tome´,
Sao Tome e Principe
(Received 8 March 2009; final version received 10 August 2009)

Contrary to expectation when compared with other migrant mining zones of sub-Saharan Africa, the nation of
Guinea has a comparatively low and stable HIV rate. In addition, the regions with the largest gold, diamond, and
bauxite mining operations report the lowest HIV rates within the country. This research set out to explain
practices and beliefs within gold mining communities near Siguiri, Guinea
the highest-producing gold mining
zone in the country
that may contribute to this phenomenon, particularly as they relate to the Abstinence, Be
faithful, use a Condom approach to AIDS prevention. Structured interviews on a randomly selected sample of
460 adults and regular visitation to 16 pharmacies and health clinics within the mining zone yielded data showing
that abstinence and condom use are minimally practiced for AIDS prevention. Instead, faithfulness to partners
was overwhelmingly reported as the method of choice for AIDS avoidance. In addition, this research explored
Downloaded By: [Swets Content Distribution] At: 05:34 9 June 2010

ways in which local conceptions of fidelity differed from those generally understood in other contexts, including
engagement in short-term marriages at the gold mining sites.
Keywords: Guinea; HIV/AIDS; labor migration; ABC; gold mining; Islam

Introduction
The Republic of Guinea, West Africa (Guinea-
Conakry, for short), has an adult national HIV
prevalence of 1.5% (Direction Nationale de la Statis-
tique, 2005a; Joint United Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS [UNAIDS], 2007). This is lower than all
neighboring countries for which there are data except
Senegal (0.9%); Guinea’s rate is also substantially
lower than that of Côte d’Ivoire (7.1%) (UNAIDS,
2007). Two surveys by UNAIDS taken six years apart
indicate that Guinea’s HIV rates are stable, neither
rising nor falling (UNAIDS, 2001, 2007).
Though HIV rates measured within country vary
significantly between surveys, there is consensus that
the highest rates are found in the capital, Conakry,
and the Forest Region. By contrast, some of the
lowest rates are found in the two regions containing
the largest mining operations in the country
Haute
Guinée (gold and diamonds) and Basse Côte (baux-
ite) (Direction Nationale de la Statistique & ORC
Macro, 2006; Lartigue, 2001). These mines attract
thousands of labor migrants both from other regions
within Guinea (all with higher HIV rates) and
neighboring countries (with comparable or higher
HIV rates). Mining accounted for over 70% of
Guinea’s exports in 2004 (Central Intelligence Agency
[CIA], 2006), indicating that it is a dominant industry
with significant influence over the nation. That the
lowest HIV rates in Guinea are found in the principal
mining regions is counterintuitive, as longstanding
theories about labor migration predict that migrant
workers will engage in unprotected multi-partner sex,
particularly with prostitutes (Hunt, 1989).
This study investigated the ways in which labor
migrants and their potential partners in Guinea’s
principal gold-mining region protect themselves from
HIV. The largest gold mine in the country is located
30 minutes down a dusty track from the city of
Siguiri. The industrial mine, Société Ashanti Gold-
fields (SAG), is 85% owned by the South African
company AngloGold Ashanti. Clustered around the
periphery of the fenced-in industrial mine are four
main villages: Fatoya, Boukariah, Balato, and Kinti-
nian. These villages are the locations of extensive
artisanal mining operations, which attract prospec-
tors from around the country and abroad to try
their hand at digging, sifting, and panning for gold.
SAG produces far more gold than the villages, but
this is as much due to the use of colossal extraction
equipment as it is to owning prime gold-producing
land. Some labor migrants work for SAG, but many
more are self-employed prospectors testing their luck
in the hardscrabble artisanal mining pits. Collec-
tively, the industrial mine and peripheral villages are
called the Boure´.

*Email: adamkis@gmail.com

ISSN 0954-0121 print/ISSN 1360-0451 online

# 2010 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/09540120903253965
http://www.informaworld.com

Methodology
Given intense scholarly attention to the controversial
‘‘ABC’’ approach to AIDS prevention (Abstinence,
Be faithful, use a Condom) (AIDS & Anthropology
Research Group, 2003; Feldman, 2003; Green, 2003;
Halperin et al., 2004; Kiš, 2007; Roehr, 2005; Tobias,
2005; Wilson, 2004), attempts were made to account
for the contributions of abstinence, faithfulness, and
condoms to the Bouré’s low AIDS rates before
exploring other possible explanations. Four hundred
sixty randomly selected respondents were interviewed
regarding their knowledge, attitudes, and practices of
HIV transmission and prevention. In addition, 16
health centers and pharmacies were visited to
understand their role in assisting people with HIV
protection.
Common random sampling methods (census list,
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telephone book) were unavailable in the Bouré due to
its remoteness, poor infrastructure, and respondents’
transiency. A variation of the space sampling method
(Bernard, 2000; Duranleau, 1999; Handwerker, 1993,
1999; Lang, Challenor, & Killworth, 2004;
Mukhopadhyay, 1999) proved most appropriate.
Four local research assistants (two male and two
female) were competitively selected and trained to
conduct surveys in the Malinke language. Each
assistant walked in randomly chosen lines toward
the edge of each village, interviewing every nth person
of the same gender 18 years or older (where n is a
randomly chosen integer between five and 20). Upon
reaching the edge of the village, assistants chose a
new trajectory and repeated the process.
All respondents were read an informed consent
statement, approved by the University of Florida
Institutional Review Board, which had been trans-
lated into Malinke. Respondents were informed of
the objectives of the study, assured their responses
would remain confidential and anonymous, and
requested to voluntarily participate. Consenting re-
spondents signed a statement of agreement, and were
subsequently read the questions directly from the
questionnaire exactly as previously translated and
pretested, taking care not to explain questions in
order to standardize results. The survey averaged
eight questions and took approximately half an hour
to complete. Certain questions were modified or
replaced according to changing field conditions and
ongoing data analysis, resulting in some questions
being asked of a smaller sub-sample than others.
The entire sample ranged in age from 18 to 62
years (mean32.8); 49.8% female, 50.2% male;
81.3% married, 16.5% single, 0.652% widowed,
0.217% divorced, with six respondents not reporting
marital status at all; education ranged from 0 to 16
AIDS Care 521
years of schooling (mean2.30); and respondents
hailed from the Bouré itself to as far away as Abidjan,
Côte d’Ivoire with professions as diverse as mining,
housekeeping, trucking, government, and farming.
Data and results
Respondents first listed all methods of HIV transmis-
sion and prevention they could think of to prevent
subsequent questions from skewing responses toward
a more thorough knowledge of HIV/AIDS than is
really the case. Out of 460 respondents surveyed, 413
could list at least one correct method of HIV
transmission (89.8%). Of those 413, all but one
mentioned sexual transmission. Out of 460 respon-
dents, 79 listed incorrect methods of HIV transmis-
sion (17.2%), such as mosquitoes, public toilets,
sharing food and drink, using an infected person’s
chair, exposure to cold, hugging/touching an AIDS
victim, touching garbage, and loitering in hospital
waiting rooms. Given that 46 respondents out of 460
claimed no knowledge of AIDS transmission or
declined to answer (10.0%), that accounts for nearly
the entire sample when combined with those giving
correct answers (89.8%). This means that virtually all
those giving incorrect answers also listed correct ones.
As for HIV prevention, 429 respondents knew at
least one correct method (93.3%), and 20 respondents
gave incorrect answers (4.35%), such as using mos-
quito nets, avoiding sharing clothes, good hygiene,
and prophylaxis. Thirty respondents claimed no
knowledge of AIDS prevention (6.52%), and when
combined with those giving correct answers (93.3%),
these two groups account for nearly the entire
sample, again indicating that nearly all giving in-
correct answers also listed correct ones.
Abstinence
Of the 429 respondents listing correct answers for
AIDS prevention, 244 mentioned abstinence (56.9%)
(see Figure 1). Respondents were also asked which
methods listed were the ones they actually practiced
(some practice more than one). Out of 359 respon-
dents, 38 reported practicing abstinence (10.6%) (see
Figure 2).
The abstinent include singles, such as the 26-year-
old man who said, ‘‘I have chosen abstinence,
especially because I’m afraid of that disease. I prefer
to wait until my marriage.’’ But some reporting
abstinence are married, such as the miner declaring,
‘‘I am faithful to my wife when I come to the mines; if
it’s six to eight months, I abstain. When I return, I
make love to my wife.’’
 522 A.D. Kisˇ
Figure 1. Breakdown of correct responses.
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Be faithful
Of the 429 respondents listing correct answers for
AIDS prevention, 342 listed fidelity to sexual partners
(79.7%) (see Figure 1). Of the 359 respondents
identifying methods they practice, 232 reported being
faithful (64.6%) (see Figure 2).
As with abstinence, faithfulness has varied mean-
ings. A 35-year-old miner from Côte d’Ivoire ex-
plained, ‘‘Whenever I travel for more than a month, I
bring my wife with me.’’ Another man exclaimed,
‘‘I’m married to four wives. I can’t even keep them
satisfied!’’ Still others practice foudoukoudouni (short-
term marriage), a cultural practice wherein miners
‘‘marry’’ someone informally for sexual outlet (for
men) and economic gain (for women, who can
maximize their mining profits by marriage/work
partnership with a successful miner). When the
Figure 2. Self-reported AIDS avoidance methods.
mining season ends, short-term marriage partners
simply part ways without a formal divorce (Kiš,
2007).
Condoms
Of the 429 respondents listing correct answers for
AIDS prevention, 309 listed condoms (72.0%) (see
Figure 1). Of the 359 respondents identifying meth-
ods they practice, 94 reported condoms (26.2%) (see
Figure 2). However, when a subset (n 54) of those
reporting condom use as the strategy they actually
practice was asked about condom use during the last
time they had sex, 28 respondents (51.9%) reported
that they had not used a condom.
The contribution of condoms to low and stable
HIV rates depends partly upon availability, knowl-
edge of proper use, and women’s ability to enforce
condom use by their partners. Availability of con-
doms in the Bouré was assessed by periodic unan-
nounced visits to 16 main condom outlets (an average
of four per village). At each visit, the number of
condoms in stock was recorded and compared to
previous figures to note any supply fluctuations.
Overall numbers of condoms appeared stable, how-
ever, supply varied greatly between villages, with
certain villages consistently recording far fewer con-
doms than others. It is not likely that those villages
had distribution sources not monitored by this
project; primary condom outlets were identified by
village chiefs, and those outlets identified additional
sources.
Within individual villages, numbers of condoms
at each outlet also varied drastically, and these
variances were not fixed. For example, if outlets A
and B had many condoms at Observation 1 while C
and D had few, A and D were out of stock at
Observation 2 while B and C had few. Furthermore,
an additional source of condoms was SAG, which
everyone agreed distributed free condoms to employ-
ees, though none agreed upon the quantity and
frequency of distributions. It was beyond the scope
of this project to monitor condoms further. Avail-
ability of condoms in the Bouré is inconclusive.
Next, women’s agency to enforce condom use was
tested. As direct observation of sexual intercourse
would be unethical, women’s agency was measured
by asking the 460-member sample whether or not
women can enforce condom use by their partners; 178
(38.7%) said no, 210 (45.7%) said yes, and 72
(15.7%) said ‘‘I don’t know.’’ The 95% confidence
intervals for no (34.2%, 43.2%) and yes (41.1%,
50.3%) overlap, however, so not only is a majority
lacking but we also cannot extrapolate the most
frequently cited answer to the population. Sorting by

gender clarifies things, however; 128 of 178 respon-
dents who answered no were women (71.9%), and 145
of 210 respondents who answered yes were men
(69.0%). As neither 95% confidence interval includes
50% (the interval for no is [65.3%, 78.5%], and the
interval for yes is [62.7%, 75.3%]) these differences
are statistically significant. A Chi-square test of
independence yields a p-value of B0.001. This means
that women perceive inability to enforce condom use
whether or not it is actually so, and thus may be
reluctant to try. Many women indicated fear of
retribution if they required condom use of their
partners. Thus, women’s agency to enforce condom
use is also inconclusive.
Knowledge of proper condom use was measured
by asking respondents, ‘‘How should one use a
condom? What are the steps to use a condom
properly?’’ The benchmark used to evaluate re-
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sponses was based on Legrain and Delvoye’s (1994)
condom education curriculum that is widely used for
public health training by various agencies in the
Bouré. The list enumerates the following steps:
1. use a condom for each sexual encounter;
2. unroll the condom onto the erect penis before
beginning intercourse;
3. don’t put the condom directly onto the tip of
the penis: leave a little space (one to two
centimeters) to gather the semen (certain con-
doms have a nipple that serves to gather
semen);
4. unroll the condom all the way to the base of the
penis;
5. after ejaculation, withdraw the still-erect penis
while firmly holding the base of the condom, to
avoid any leakage of semen;
6. use a new condom for every encounter;
7. throw condoms away after use (out of reach of
children);
8. if one wishes to use a lubricant, choose one that
is water-based, such as contraceptive jelly.
Lubricants that are petroleum or Vaseline-
based can damage condoms;
9. store condoms in a dry, cool place; and
10. don’t use sticky, broken, or damaged condoms.
Each respondent listed all steps for proper condom
use they could remember, and answers were categor-
ized as: correct answers from the Legrain and
Delvoye (1994) list, correct answers not on the
Legrain and Delvoye (1994) list, incorrect answers,
and null. Null comprised 54.6% of the sample (251 of
460), and as the 95% confidence interval (50.1%,
59.1%) does not include 50%, a small majority of the
population is unable or unwilling to describe proper
AIDS Care 523
condom use: 164 respondents (35.7%) listed at least
one correct step from the list; 163 (35.4%) listed at
least one correct step not from the list; and nine
(1.96%) listed at least one incorrect step. Of the 164
listing at least one correct step, 98 (59.8%) knew only
one step, 51 (31.1%) knew only two steps, 11 (6.71%)
knew three steps, and four (2.44%) knew four steps.
No respondent knew more than four out of 10 steps
for proper condom use.
Abstinence, Be faithful, use a Condom (ABC)
The components of ABC were the most frequently
mentioned AIDS prevention methods. Only 12 of 359
respondents reporting methods personally used listed
something other than an ABC component (3.34%)
(see Figure 2). In addition, 127 of 429 respondents
listing correct answers for prevention mentioned all
three components (29.6%) (see Figure 1).
To find out who is using which components, self-
reported prevention methods were broken down by
three binary categories. A Chi-square test at the 0.05
level flagged all differences between married and
single respondents as statistically significant: singles
reported abstinence and condom use significantly
more often than married respondents, and married
respondents reported faithfulness significantly more
often than singles (see Table 1). Sorting by sex, there
is no statistically significant difference for abstinence.
However, 22.5% more women than men report
faithfulness, while 21.6% more men than women
report condom use; both are statistically significant at
the 0.05 level. Further research could establish
whether the unfaithful husbands of faithful wives
are the ones using condoms, given that their percen-
tages so closely match (see Table 2). Sorting by place
of origin (local or out of town) yields no statistically
significant differences on any components of ABC
(see Table 3).
Discussion and conclusions
Despite the use of Legrain and Delvoye’s (1994)
condom education curriculum in the Bouré, knowl-
edge of proper condom use was low in the interview
setting. Unless steps for proper condom use are
internalized in calmer moments, it’s unlikely they
Table 1. Marital status and practice of ABC behaviors.
A (%) B (%) C (%) Total (%)
Unmarried 30.5* 6.8* 62.7* 100.0
Married 6.5* 76.7* 18.8* 102.0
*Statistically significant differences.
 524 A.D. Kisˇ
Table 2. Gender and practice of ABC behaviors.
A (%) B (%) C (%) Total (%)
Female 8.3 76.2* 15.5* 100.0
Male 12.6 53.7* 37.1* 103.4
*Statistically significant differences.
will be recalled in a sexual frenzy. More thorough
instruction in the use of condoms is needed to
maximize their contribution to AIDS prevention.
Low knowledge of proper condom use may also
reflect reluctance to discuss them, specifically for
women. Just as women’s hesitancy to insist upon
condom use is tied to issues of power, fear, and social
norms discouraging active sexual negotiation, this
likely affected other interview responses, as well.
These issues must be addressed to avoid compromis-
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ing the safety of women while pursuing data.
Condoms are a commodity competing with other
items for sale, and are subject to supply and demand.
When asked about fluctuations in supply, one vendor
explained that condoms are cheapest when bought in
bulk in the capital; restocking in nearby cities
significantly lowers profit. Many vendors forgo
carrying condoms between restocking trips to Con-
akry. This could explain why condom availability
rotates among outlets. The effect of demand upon
supply fluctuations was beyond the scope of the
current study.
Despite polarizing focus on the bookends of ABC
in contemporary debate, this study shows that in the
Bouré, ‘‘Be faithful’’ is the most commonly listed and
self-reported prevention strategy. Though it was
beyond the scope of this study to correlate actual
practice with self-reported practice (which may differ,
given the normative pressures of a religious environ-
ment), similar results have been found in other
contemporary studies (Cohen, 2004; Hearst & Chen,
2004; Stoneburner & Low-Beer, 2004), indicating that
many are shunning polarization and choosing a
middle road.
However, a B-only approach is no more war-
ranted than an A-only or C-only approach. Signifi-
cant minorities of respondents in this survey reported
practicing abstinence and condom use. Seeking one
solution for AIDS prevention is not realistic, given
differing sexual practices, social mores, and religious
Table 3. Place of origin and practice of ABC behaviors.
A (%) B (%) C (%) Total (%)
Out of town 10.2 66.4 25.2 101.8
Local 9.7 64.5 27.4 101.6
beliefs. This study shows that other methods beyond
polarized approaches are valid, and can provide
significant explanations for low HIV rates in certain
contexts.
Explaining why B is more popular than A or C in
the Bouré requires further study. However, some
possible explanations can be suggested. The Direction
Nationale de la Statistique (2005b) reported a na-
tional survey in which 99.5% of urban men and
99.0% of rural men say that married men should have
sex only with spouses. In addition, 75.4% of urban
women and 91.9% of rural women agree. Societal
norms can be a powerful deterrent for ‘‘abnormal’’
behavior, especially if normal behavior is a condition
for advancement and social participation (Bandura,
1977).
Religious prohibition can also influence sexual
behavior; Islam promotes strict rules governing sex
(Gray, 2004), and Guinea is a majority Muslim
country. Some use foudoukoudouni to attempt to
legitimize extramarital relationships within a society
which allows up to four wives. Short-term marriage is
also known particularly in Iran, where mutah has
been reported since at least 1900 (Haeri, 1989;
Williams, 1900); however, the Shiite Islam of Iran is
not predominant in Guinea, and the practice of
foudoukoudouni does not enjoy official religious
support. Faithfulness varies widely in short-term
marriages, and this impacts opportunities for expo-
sure to HIV/AIDS. Insofar as short-term marriage
replaces multi-partner sex, foudoukoudouni is a re-
duction in size of one’s potential sexual network and
risk for HIV infection. However, it is also an increase
in one’s actual sexual network, so foudoukoudouni is
more risky than monogamy for HIV transmission.
Further studies should focus on explanations for
why fidelity is so widespread in the Bouré. Subse-
quent research might also correlate actual practice
with self-reported practice of AIDS prevention meth-
ods, and whether those reporting condom use corre-
late with those being unfaithful. Finally, a study on
demand for condoms would contribute greatly to our
understanding of the dynamics of supply in the
Bouré.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the Adventist Development and Relief
Agency
Guinea (ADRA Guinea) for their logistical
support throughout the data collection phase of this
research project. I also wish to thank my dissertation
adviser, Dr. H. Russell Bernard, for his invaluable support
and feedback in writing up this data both for defense and
subsequent publication.

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