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Buddhist Law in Burma
Buddhist Law in Burma
D. Christian Lammerts
Cover art: (front) Painted mural register depicting the legal judgment of
the bodhisatta Candakumāra in the Khaṇḍahāla jātaka. Zeditaw temple
complex, Aneint, late eighteenth century (photograph by Than Zaw).
Detail of manuscript folios of the Manusāradhammasattha and
Manu raṅḥ nissaya dhammasat (NL Taṅ 10 f. gū recto and UCL 8000 f. jau
verso, respectively). (back) Terracotta plaque depicting the bodhisatta
as the boar-king and judge Mahātuṇḍila in the Tuṇḍila jātaka.
East Hpetleik temple, Pagan, eleventh century (photograph by Than Zaw).
Acknowledgments ix
Note on Transliteration and Translation xi
Part I. Sources
2 Before the Law: Traces of Dhammasattha in Buddhist Legal
and Textual Culture, c. 1250–1600 21
3 Dhammavilāsa: Legal Text and Cosmology in the Early
Seventeenth Century 46
4 Manusāra: History, Jurisdiction, Authorship 89
ix
x Acknowledgments
Burmese, Pali, and Sanskrit texts written in the Burmese script are
transliterated according to the conventions outlined in the accompa-
nying table. For a discussion of the rationale behind this transliteration
schema, see my review of Anne Peters’s Birmanische Handschriften, Teil
8 (Lammerts 2015d).
Common personal and place names are generally transcribed
according to conventional Romanizations (thus Alaungmintaya not
Aloṅḥ Maṅḥ Tarāḥ). Important though less well-known names and
titles are transliterated upon their initial occurrence.
Transliterations are diplomatic and privilege forms attested in a
majority of manuscript witnesses, unless otherwise noted. In my trans-
lations of Pali texts I closely adhere to readings and interpretations
suggested by premodern vernacular nissaya glosses wherever such
resources are available for consultation.
In translations and transliterations, I enclose in square brackets
[ . . . ] editorial supplements to the text, whereas I use braces (curly
brackets) { . . . } to enclose either reconstructed forms or variants.
xi
CHAPTER 1
1
2 Chapter 1
began working with this material, my initial interest was to study how
dhammasattha laws could shed light upon Buddhist ideas and prac-
tices relating to slavery and gender in precolonial Burma. It quickly
became apparent that any attempt to utilize this archive for such a
project would be premature until basic questions about the history
and jurisprudence of the genre could be answered. Chronologies of
dhammasattha treatises and authors began to be compiled by Burmese
bibliographers and jurists in the late seventeenth century. However, as
chapter 5 shows, these projects did not aim to establish the empirical
textual history of the genre; instead, they were intended as jurispru-
dential arguments about the nature of Buddhist law. In the colonial
period these Burmese bibliographies were received by British judicial
officials as more or less trustworthy accounts of the genre’s genealogy,
and they provided the basis for subsequent scholarly presentations of
dhammasattha history that have remained largely unquestioned since.5
The second goal of this book serves to contribute to certain scholarly
debates under way in Southeast Asian and Buddhist studies. As elabo-
rated below, the history of the dhammasattha genre and its shifting
varieties of jurisprudence raises provocative questions for these fields.
The book is thematically divided into two parts: Part I, “Sources,”
and Part II, “Revisions and Reasons.” I argue that dhammasattha con-
stitutes a tradition of Buddhist law—or, minimally, a tradition of legal
discourse and jurisprudence so intermeshed with Buddhism that any
alternative characterization is impossible to analytically sustain. Part I
(chapters 2–4) explores the archive for our knowledge of the history of
dhammasattha in Burma between the thirteenth and mid-seventeenth
centuries, in part by focusing in detail on the two oldest witnesses
to the genre, the Dhammavilāsa dhammasat and Manusāra dhammasa
ttha. It attends to the sources of our sources, by discussing the various
Buddhist texts, narratives, and repertoires invoked to formulate and
authorize the law, and also examines how dhammasattha itself was
considered as a source for certain types of cultural production and
legal practice. Part II (chapters 5–6) addresses the reception of dha
mmasattha between the 1680s and mid-nineteenth century. In chap-
ter 5 I document and diagnose the development around the genre
of a legal-commentarial tradition of textual reform (“purification”),
innovation, and historiography, one arguably stimulated by changes
in the broader economy and in intellectual and ritual culture. Chapter
6 expands this inquiry to consider explicit rationales for the sponsor-
ship, study, or production of this legal literature. It shows how the
4 Chapter 1
veram Christi legem (“true law of Christ”) was opposed.12 Around the
same time in the Philippines, the missionary idiom of the Spanish fri-
ars invoked the acceptance of the “law” of Christ by indios as the sign
of their true conversion.13 For our purposes, noting whichever local or
vernacular terms were recognized as signifying law is less important
than recognizing the seemingly universal and unquestioned presuppo-
sition that the inhabitants of Asia possessed a prior, non-Christian law
and that their legal commitments were intimately connected (at least
in the Jesuit imagination) with their perceived religious identities.
Conversion, therefore, marked the dramatic transition of the infidel
subject from one regime of religious law to another.
Nineteenth-century scholars responsible for laying the founda-
tions of the modern field of Buddhist studies carried forward a closely
similar discourse of law. To offer only one among hundreds of possible
examples, Eugène Burnouf, an extremely important and influential
pioneer in the nascent field, followed earlier commentators and trans-
lators in understanding dhamma (Pali) and dharma (Sanskrit) as “law”
(loi)14 or “la loi de Çâkyamuni,”15 and even glossed Buddhism itself as
a species of “loi religieuse.”16 Burnouf did not stop there, and among
many other things he names the abhidharma as law,17 the āgamas as
“collections of the law” (recueils de la loi),18 and the concept of karma
as the “loi de la transmigration.”19 In his pathbreaking Introduction à
l’histoire du Bouddhisme indien published in 1844, Gautama Buddha’s
teaching is rendered as his “law” and “religious law.”20 Such choices of
translation continue to the present day, where rhetorics of law (or loi,
Gesetz, and so forth) remain prevalent in studies of Buddhist literature
and culture.
My aim in drawing attention to these issues is not to disparage
the continued usage of legal metaphor to gloss Buddhist terminology.
Rather, I find it necessary to register the hitherto unremarked irony
that despite the seemingly universal consensus that law, as dhamma or
otherwise, is to be regarded as constitutive of and operative through-
out the phenomena scholars today call Buddhism, there have been
virtually no studies until fairly recently (and still not terribly many)
of what can be regarded as the more conventional aspects of Bud-
dhist legalism: for example, how Buddhists in various historical con-
texts have negotiated crime, marriage, inheritance, slavery, contract,
the authority of legal institutions, the function of courts and judges,
or indeed the theorization of such domains as what we might call
jurisprudence. What is to account for this fact? Is it that, although
6 Chapter 1
doubt rooted in the way that the contours and boundaries of Bud-
dhist identity and practice have been, and continue to be, demarcated
by scholarly discourse. This is not the place to offer a genealogy of
how Buddhism, or even Buddhism in Southeast Asia, has come to be
represented by scholarship, nor to discuss the degree to which Bud-
dhism has been understood as referencing either a broad civilizational
or cultural predicament (as a sort of fait social total), a religious (as
opposed to a “secular”) habitus, or even, in a still narrower formula-
tion, merely a species of ritual praxis. Nonetheless, it is obvious that
unquestioned assumptions concerning the nature of Buddhism as an
object of inquiry still shape the directions taken by scholarly research,
which continues to lay great emphasis on topics—such as monks, rel-
ics, meditation, ethics, pilgrimage, hagiography, magic, devotion,
ritual—conventionally associated with the inverse of the secular in
modern Euro-American thought. Law and lawmaking, however, are
frequently located outside of such properly Buddhist domains, as the
comments of Weber, Rhys Davids, and Derrett suggest. I propose here
that the evidence of the dhammasattha histories considered in the
following chapters offers an abundance of resources that can enable
scholarship on Buddhism and law to begin to engage with Buddhist
law as something other than a mere metaphor of the dhamma or the
simple interaction between law, on the one hand, and Buddhism, on
the other. That is, part of my concern in this book is demonstrating
how the histories of writing, revising, and commenting upon dhamma
sattha texts reveal the development of a dynamic, historically situated,
and changing discourse of law by and for lay and monastic Buddhists,
one that in every sense deserves consideration as a modality of reli-
gious law, just like Islamic or Hindu law.
This is not to forestall necessary projects to destabilize “reli-
gious law” discourse and its imperial heritage, and I am the first to
acknowledge criticisms of my approach, for in seeking to explore a
particular case of Buddhist law, I am maneuvering to represent a cat-
egory that did not exactly exist in precolonial Burma. There is no term
neatly equivalent to the English word “law” as such in thirteenth- or
seventeenth-century Burmese, Arakanese, Pali (or any other Asian lan-
guage I am familiar with),25 nor is there a precise term for “Buddhism,”
and an objection can be raised that there is slippage, if not anach-
ronism, in employing such language in any description of dhamma
sattha texts and the histories and imaginaries associated with them.
More important, we must also remain critically aware of the colonial
8 Chapter 1
essential role of law in the service of the sāsana (see chapter 6) by the
very same gesture with which they began to construct dhammasattha
as a new form of Buddhist law. This secondary, colonial formation
of Buddhist law engaged narrowly with only fragments of the prior
textual tradition. It was constituted exclusively of domestic laws relat-
ing to marriage and inheritance, reflecting the colonial state’s keen
interest in regulating family matters. It presupposed, and worked to
conjure into a messy reality, a difficult separation between “religious”
and “secular” legalism operative throughout the juridical armature of
empire. The purportedly secular state30 was the self-anointed arbiter
of this boundary, and up to independence in 1947 the British courts,
in part by drawing on dhammasattha, continued to play a major role
in defining and adjudicating Buddhist norms, identities, and jurisdic-
tions. Largely because it was the only example available to them in
English translation, early colonial officials selected the Manu kyay
dhammasat published by Richardson in 1847—a never very popular,
late eighteenth-century compendium discussed in chapter 5—as rep-
resentative of what they took to be a unified religio-customary written
law tradition with little internal substantive or jurisprudential diver-
sity. As a rule they did not engage with and work through the manu-
script corpus, scattered across monastic libraries throughout the coun-
try, in which particular texts might have dozens of variant versions
requiring careful comparison, and when they were forced to deal with
manuscripts to access a text, they were content to ask their Burmese
assistants to edit or translate only a single witness.
“Buddhist law”—like “Hindu law” or “Islamic law”—is, then, a
phrase for which there is no neatly corresponding emic expression
anywhere in precolonial Asia, for the conceptual stakes that enable
and are at play in varied discourses of law in English—distinctions
between law and morality, religious and secular legal regimes, posi-
tive and natural law, primary and secondary rules—are mostly alien
to the historical context under consideration.31 However, the value of
preserving the collocation lies precisely in such difficulties and the
questions they raise for local and comparative scholarship. How does
the changing jurisprudence represented by the precolonial Burmese
dhammasattha tradition argue its normative or regulatory claims in
terms of Buddhist idiom and on the basis of intimate engagement with
Buddhist texts and concepts? To what extent are such arguments of
Buddhist law different from those found in other Buddhist contexts
(including that of colonial Burma), or indeed in other cultures of “reli-
10 Chapter 1
to the king’s capacities with respect to what are presumably legal trea-
tises are couched in a eulogy that describes him as possessing “knowl-
edge of the Mahāyāna” (mahāyānajñāna). Part of the purpose of the
inscription, moreover, was to record his installation of images of two
Buddhist deities, Buddha Lokeśvara and Jaya Indralokeśvara, as well
as those of two probably Śaiva goddesses.66
In nearby Angkor as well, the Vat Sithor Inscription (K. 111) from
the reign of Jayavarman (c. 968–1000/1) is one of the few documents
from the period to speak in an exclusively Buddhist tenor, which may
reflect the contemporary ascendancy of Buddhist ritual among royal
patrons at this time and place. It begins by praising the three bod-
ies of a buddha and, after eulogizing the king, celebrates the activ-
ity of a certain Kīrtipaṇḍita, a royal teacher and practitioner of the
mantranaya who may have sent abroad for or been sent on a journey
to collect certain Buddhist tantra texts.67 The inscription is concerned
primarily with articulating the king’s ordinances for the conduct of
the saṅgha and lay Buddhists within his domain. Therefore, it is not
insignificant when Jayavarman himself is characterized as a king who,
with respect to law (vyavahāra), “illuminated the unequalled path of
the virtuous taught by Manu and the other [sages].”68 Another inscrip-
tion from Cambodia (K. 161) begins with homage to both the Buddha
and Śiva, and goes on to eulogize the patron-king Sūryavarman (c.
1002–1050), describing his thought as “having the dharmaśāstras, etc.,
as its head.”69
Although it is not possible to ascertain the specific nature and
content of the dharmaśāstra materials that were in circulation in Cam-
bodia and Campā during this period of Southeast Asian history, the
foregoing examples are sufficient to illustrate that the Buddhist appro-
priation of dharmaśāstra, at least as an idiom of political authority if not
as an instrument of legal administration, was a salient phenomenon in
the region. We may conjecture, moreover, that to the extent that such
milieux were Buddhist—and this is by no means easily decided on
the basis of epigraphy and archaeology alone—the genre may there-
fore have represented something other than simply Brāhmaṇical law.
In this sense it may be useful to think of dharmaśāstra, if only when
scholars approach the subject from the eastern reaches of the Bay
of Bengal, not as the exclusive preserve and bastion of Brāhmaṇical
legalism—as that which necessarily “defines the orthodox stream of
Hindu religion”70—but rather as a somewhat flexible normative dis-
course, textual form, or learned discipline whose relation to religious
Buddhist Law in Burma 17
Bibliographical entries for editions of Pali texts are in many cases listed
alphabetically according to the standardized abbreviations of their titles as
employed by the Critical Pali Dictionary and described in Bechert 1990
and von Hinüber 1996b.
Abbreviations
BL British Library, London
-cs Chaṭṭhasaṅgītipiṭaka Edition
FPL Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation, Nonthaburi
HRD Historical Research Department Library, Ministry of Culture, Yangon
MIK Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin
MORA Ministry of Religious Affairs, Research Library, Yangon
-nis nissaya
NL National Library of Myanmar, Yangon and Nay Pyi Taw
RCAMM Resource Center for Ancient Myanmar Manuscripts, Yangon
Shwe Shwedagon Pagoda Manuscript Library, Yangon
UBhS U Bho Thi Manuscript Library, Thaton
UCL Universities’ Central Library, Yangon
Manuscripts
Ādikappa kambhā ūḥ kyamḥ: UCL 13045; UCL 10540
Ākāsashyattara: UCL 167191; UCL 8663; UCL 6438
253
254 Bibliography
Dhammasat atui kok, Dhammasat kvaṇ khyā akhyup, or Dhammasat khyup: NL Toṅ
2131; NL Bhāḥ 2074; NL Bhāḥ 853; UCL 9121-pu; UCL 167702; UCL 11843;
UCL 149165; UCL 6228; MORA 4888
Dhammavilāsa dhammasat (Central Burmese; cf. Manu dhammasat below for Ara-
kanese variants): BL Or Add 12248; BL Or Add 12249; BL Or 11775; NL Kaṅḥ
18; UCL 7490; UCL 9926; UBhS 163–582
Gaṇṭhi dhammasat nissaya: NL Kaṅḥ 68
Gaṇṭhi dhammasattha pāṭha: NL Kaṅḥ 67
Jālī maṅḥ dhammasat laṅkā: UCL 8148-pu
Lokasāra pyui.: UCL 38862; UCL 63455
Mahābuddhāṅkura dhammasat: UCL 14879
Mahārājasat: UCL 4645; UCL 7121; UCL 8720; UCL 13143; UCL 105690; Shwe
976; UBhS 88–610; NL Bhāḥ 2016
Mahāsammata vinicchaya: UCL 137007
Manu dhammasat (Arakanese; attributed to Dhammavilāsa): BL Add 12254; NL
Kaṅḥ 143 (entitled Kyamḥ nak dhammasat)
Manu dhammasat nisya sac (Naymyo Min Htin Sithu): NL Kaṅḥ 125
Manudhammasatthapāṭha (Ketujā): NL Kaṅḥ 2
Manu kyay dhammasat: NL 6; BL Man Bur 3429
Manu raṅḥ dhammasat nissarañḥ (1864, by a disciple of Paññāsāmi): UCL 5517;
NL Kaṅḥ 151
Manu raṅḥ dhammasat nissaya (Nandamālā): UCL 8000; NL Kaṅḥ 39
Manusāra dhammasat nissaya (Tipiṭakālaṅkāra and Kaingza): BL Add 12241;
MORA 9421; NL Taṅ 10; UCL 105682; MORA 95; UCL 17761; UCL 5440; NL
Toṅ 1540 (books 3 and 5); NL Toṅ 1495 (book 1); NL Bhāḥ 874 (book 10);
UCL 11941 (book 9); NL Bhāḥ 11 (books 1–5); UCL 7373 (books 6–10); Than
Tun Collection, Ludu Library, Mandalay, 008 (book 5); UCL 9781 (books
2–10); UCL 11460 (book 1); UCL 11841 (book 3); UCL 136906 (book 2); NL
Kaṅḥ 73 (books 4–10)
Manusāra dhammasat nissaya: UCL 9183
Manusāradhammasatthapāṭha (Tipiṭakālaṅkāra and Kaingza): BL Add 12241;
MORA 9421; NL Taṅ 10; UCL 105682
Manusāradhammasatthapāṭha nissaya (attributed to Ghosa-isi and called Dhamma
vilāsa dhammasat in colophon): UCL 14782
Manusāra rhve myañḥ (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 8398 ( pāṭha text only); UCL 158021;
FPL 2630; FPL 3740; FPL 5425; MORA 4746; MORA 7057
Manusāra rhve myañḥ laṅkā (Laṅkāsāra): Collection of the Jetavaṅ Monastery,
Monywe (books 4–6); UCL 7481 (book 4); UCL 5220 (books 3 and 4); Collec-
tion of the U Pu Gyi Library, Mingun (books 1, 3–5)
Manusāra rhve myañḥ nisya (Tejosāra): NL Kaṅḥ 127
Manuvaṇṇanā dhammasat (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 8294; UCL 11227
Manuvaṇṇanā pyui. (Ñāṇasaddhamma): UCL 6726
Ññoṅ ramḥ maṅḥ tarāḥ amin. tau tamḥ krīḥ: NL Kaṅḥ 234
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ: RCAMM 1297
Bibliography 255
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ (Saddhammaghosa): NL 556; MIK Hs-Birm 8; FPL 5967; FPL 3656;
UBhS 246–475
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ (Uttamasikkhā): UCL 9171
Piṭakat samuiṅḥ mau kvanḥ mhaṃ (Ñāṇavara): UCL 5325
Prū maṅḥ dhammasat: NL Bhāḥ 2
Samantacakkhudīpanī (Sirimālā lhyok thuṃḥ): FPL 618
Saṃkhepatthajotikā-ṭīkā: NL Kaṅḥ 2
Sirīsaṅghapāla viniccahaya: UCL 10716; UCL 4893
Tisāsanadhaja achak anvay cā tamḥ: NL Kaṅḥ 85
Toṅ bhī lā aphre: NL 1315
Vārū maṅḥ dhammasat: NL Bhāḥ 36
Vinicchayabhedaka dhammasat: NL Kaṅḥ 1; UBhS 78–617
Vinicchayapakāsanī dhammasat laṅkā (Letwe Sundara): UCL 38914; UCL119457;
UCL 5500; UCL 9338; FPL 2771
Vinicchayapakāsanī (Vaṇṇadhamma): UCL 6526; UCL 9381; NL Kaṅḥ 37 ( pāṭha
only)
Vinicchayarāsī dhammasat (Khemācāra): UCL 119441; UCL 153938; UCL 15114;
FPL 2435; BL Or 6456b; Sāsanā. roṅ khraññ Monastery, Salay
Yuvadhāraṇa kyamḥ: UCL 147111
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Index
abhidhamma, 29, 98, 122, 128–129, 138, Anaukphetlun, King, 120, 122–124, 128
145, 149, 160, 184 Angkor, 16
Abhidhānappadīpikā-ṭīkā (Abh-ṭ), 27, 42, Aniruddha, King, 26, 27, 212n32
69 ānisaṃsa, 191
abhiññā, 63, 108, 109, 191 apāya, 58, 62, 80, 82, 139, 183, 189–190
Abhisaṅketasāra, 120 Arakan, 24, 139, 178, 181, 210n7
Account of the Monastic Lineage of Arakanese, 1, 7, 50, 57, 183, 187
Tisāsanadhaja, 120–121 Arimaddana. See Pagan
Ādāsamukha, King, 156, 160, 169, 189, Arindamālaṅkāra, 51–52
196, 197, 202 Ariyālaṅkāra, 121, 122–124, 126
Aḍḍasaṃkhepavaṇṇanā dhammasat, 178, Ariyāvaṃsa Ādiccaraṃsī, 8, 52–56, 86,
245n143 106, 119, 149, 150, 154–158, 159, 160,
Ādikappa kambhā ūḥ kyamḥ, 220n56 170–173
agati, 35–36, 44, 58, 83–86, 100, 187, Arthaśāstra, 69, 208n54, 223n117
189–192, 214n66 asaññ, 121, 131
Aggañña sutta, 66–68 Asātamanta jātaka, 153
Aggasamādhi, 35 Assam, 178
Aggavaṃsa. See Saddanīti astrology, 26, 33, 44, 52, 116, 129, 152,
Ākāsa-shyattara, 30 155. See also bedaṅ
akkhadassa. See judges Atityā (Ādityā) dhammasat, 139, 151, 169,
Alaungmintaya, King, 143, 146–149, 203, 195, 197, 198, 200, 238n14
204, 246n155 aṭṭa, 229n33
alchemy, 116, 141. See also bedaṅ Aṭṭhasālinī (As), 160, 241n79
Amarakośa, 27, 30, 213n48, 241n76 Atula Sayadaw, 177, 203, 204, 239n36,
Amarapura, 152, 154 246n155
Ambaṭṭha sutta, 153, 155; subcommentary authorship, 50, 53–56, 92, 115–118, 129,
on, 70, 156, 157, 167 153, 159, 173, 178; divine, 65
Amve kvai puṃ krīḥ, 53, 202, 232n86 Ava, 37, 42, 120, 121, 122–128, 130–131,
Amyint, 37, 176 143, 145–146, 148, 176, 201, 202,
Anantadhaja, 126 204
281
282 Index
Badon, King, 149, 152–154, 168, 172, 176, citation, 23, 39, 59, 61, 96, 155, 160, 161;
202, 213n48 in Dhammavilāsa, 78–86
Bago. See Haṃsāvatī Cittasambhūta jātaka, 157
Bārāṇasī (Vārāṇasī), 81, 82, 153, 156, 202 Collins, Steven, 66–67, 69–70
Bayinnaung, King, 102, 104, 106, 122, 139, colonialism, 2, 3, 7–9, 14, 17, 47, 49, 87,
149, 169, 198, 201, 203 119, 146–147, 178, 180–181, 192–193
bedaṅ (vedāṅga), 65–66, 109–111, 124, colophons. See manuscripts
130, 132, 139–140, 142, 150–152, 155, conversion (religious), 4–5
157, 175, 182, 220n62 cosmological texts, 108, 115, 155, 240n47
Bengal, 8, 50, 152, 154, 187, 188
bibliography, 31, 44, 47, 53, 105, 137–143, Dabbhapuppha jātaka, 161
170, 172. See also piṭakat samuiṅḥ Dala, 53–55, 200
biography, 119–120 dāna. See merit-making
Bodawhpaya, King. See Badon, King dasarājadhamma, 189
Bode, Mabel, 27 Dasaratha jātaka, 243n104
bodhisatta, 33, 66, 153; as model lawgiver, Davis, Donald R., 71
156–160, 173, 189, 198, 250n45; Dāyajjadhammasattha, 94, 117
Tipiṭakālaṅkāra as future, 127, 129 de Nobili, Roberto, 4–5
body-price, 228n23 Decisions of Sirīsaṅghapāla (Sirīsaṅghapāla
boundary wall of the universe. See vinicchaya), 11, 37–43, 45, 75, 114,
cakkavāḷa-pākāra 203
Brahmā Sahampati, 184 Derrett, J. D. M., 6, 7, 71
Brahmadeva, 107–110 dhamma, 33, 34, 55, 184, 188; as law, 4–7;
brāhmaṇas (puṇṇāḥ), 34, 65, 67, 70, 73, conformity with, 38, 67, 71, 84–85,
81–83, 151–155, 157, 182, 187 110, 153–154, 157–159, 161, 177,
Brāhmī script, 23, 211n15 191–192; embodiments of, 23, 40; prac-
brahmins. See brāhmaṇas tices of, 111, 124, 125
Buddhaghosa (dhammasattha compiler), Dhammacetī, King. See Rāmādhipati
102, 104–107, 170, 190–191, 198, 201 Dhammadāyāda sutta, 243n121
buddha-prize, 127 Dhammadhaja jātaka, 156
Buddhist law, 1, 88, 181; and colonialism, Dhammanīti, 188
7–9; definitions of, 3, 4–11, 158; variet- Dhammapada (Dhp), 23, 79–80, 84–85
ies of, 11–13, 158. See also dhammasa Dhammapada-aṭṭhakathā (Dhp-a), 35, 84–86
ttha; vinaya Dhammarājaguru, 120, 121
Burnouf, Eugène, 5 Dhammasat atui kok (Letwe Sundara), 55,
106, 169–170, 198–199, 218nn25–26
cakkavāḷa-pākāra (boundary wall of the uni- Dhammasat kvaṃ khyā akhyup. See Dham
verse), 51, 99, 107, 141, 167, 170, 191; masat atui kok
texts inscribed on, 63–64, 109, 115, Dhammasat kyau, 55, 94, 139, 140, 143,
144, 155–158, 168, 173, 198. See also 144, 196, 197, 201
legal cosmology dhammasattha: bibliographies of, 3,
cakkavatti, 184–186 47, 168–172; cosmic derivation of,
cakravartin, 15 61–66; definitions of, 1–2, 12; earliest
Campā, 15, 24 epigraphic references to, 21–22, 29;
Candakumāra, King, 156 earliest surviving witnesses of, 46; his-
Candapaññā, 149, 164 toriography of, 47, 49, 102–107, 162,
Caturaṅgabala, 27, 111 168–172, 173; monastic authorship of,
Cetiyakathā, 56 115–116, 119; motivations for writing,
Charā tau tui. achak anvay. See Lineage of 11, 181–193; perceived conflicts among,
Teachers 144–145, 151–152, 155, 157–158,
Chiang Mai, 123, 156, 199, 203 173; references in early Burmese
Chin, 126 poetry, 32–36; and royal legislation, 8,
Chittagong, 50, 187 141–143, 156–158, 160–161, 177–178;
Index 283
Fifth Council, 175. See also saṅgāyana Jāli, King, 170, 198, 200
Finot, Louis, 15 Jāli maṅḥ dhammasat, 139, 141, 151, 195,
footprints of the Buddha. See Shwesettaw 197, 200
Forchhammer, Emmanuel, 8, 14, 90, 104, Jāli maṅḥ dhammasat laṅkā, 238n18
106, 146, 148 Jambudhaja, 12, 121, 127, 128
284 Index
Minye Kyaw Htin, King, 137, 175 Pakhangyi (Pakhan), 121, 127, 128, 176,
Minye Kyawswa, Prince, 121, 125, 128, 244n127
234n112 Pali: Buddhist culture of Pagan, 27–29;
Mon, 14, 89, 90–91, 104, 124, 149, 198, “cultural package,” 10–11, 77; epigra-
231n63. See also Rāmañña phy in early Burma, 23–24; perceived
Mon language texts, 23, 24, 25, 26, 50, 55, characteristics of, 93–94, 144, 227n17;
57, 104, 105, 106, 107, 139, 190, 198 transregional literary corpus in, 10–11,
Monywa, 155 44, 48, 49, 72, 77–78, 81, 87, 96, 109,
Monywe, 51–54, 57, 148, 154, 202 179
Mottama (Martaban), 104, 105, 156, 170, Paññāsa jātaka, 77, 235n124
190, 198, 202 Paññāsāmi, 128, 158–159, 245n146
Myaing, 176 parabaik, 32, 98, 181; definition of, 214n55
Myat Aung. See Vaṇṇadhamma Kyaw Htin Parakammabāhu I, King, 114
Myat San. See Letwe Sundara paritta, 23, 64, 123, 126
Pāsā(da) dhammasat, 162, 196, 197, 202
Nadaungmya, King, 21, 203 patronage, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16, 37, 89, 90,
Nāgarī script, 26, 27, 211n15 107, 115, 118, 120, 121, 125, 128,
Namakkāra, 127 129–130, 132, 133, 143, 145, 152, 154,
Nammadā River, 125–126 174, 175–178, 180
Ñāṇābhivaṃsa, 152–154, 155, 172, 173, Petavatthu (Pv), 232n85; commentary on
192 (Pv-a), 225n134
Ñāṇālaṅkāra, 148–152, 154, 167, 172, 174, phrat thuṃḥ, 53, 170, 196, 203–204.
227n15 See also legal cases and proceedings;
Ñāṇasaddhamma, 150 vinicchaya
Ñāṇavara, 145–146, 160, 175 Pindale, King, 118, 128
Ñ(ñ)āṇavilāsa, 196, 201 Pinya, 37
Nandabayin, King, 102, 198, 201, 203 piṭakat, 25, 26, 28, 48, 66, 72, 124–125,
Nandamālā, 92–93, 119, 127, 128, 146, 126, 130, 166, 177, 182, 189; copying
148, 167, 168, 189–190 projects, 175; exclusion of dhammasa
Nārada dharmaśāstra, 14, 15, 70, 101 ttha from, 133, 139–143, 145–146, 150,
Narapati, King (r. c. 1442–1468), 29, 123 172, 180; inclusion of dhammasattha
Narapati (Shwenanshin), King (r. c. in, 29–32, 45, 74; shifting boundaries
1501–1526/7), 36, 121 of, 30, 138, 175, 192; as a source of
Narapatisithu, King, 53, 54, 56, 171, 200 dhammasattha law, 73–74, 87, 159–164,
Naungdaw, King, 149 167–168, 173, 174. See also piṭakat
Navadīpa (Navadvīpa), 153, 154, 202 samuiṅḥ; tipiṭaka
nibbāna, 34, 140, 183–184, 190 piṭakat samuiṅḥ, 31–32, 47, 125, 137–142,
nissaya, 12, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39, 56, 59–61, 145, 160, 175. See also bibliography
78, 104, 125, 127, 128, 132, 147, 160, positive law and legislation, 8, 9, 47,
168; definitions of, 93, 207n39; struc- 65, 86, 89, 118, 143, 169, 171, 173,
ture in Manusāra, 94–97; of vernacular 177–178, 180, 192
source-texts, 92–93. See also translation Prome, 120, 123, 128
Nyaungyan, King, 37, 123 prosperity, 4, 29, 69, 72, 85, 102–103, 104,
105, 107, 111, 118, 132, 147, 151, 153,
Olivelle, Patrick, 65 160, 162, 174, 187–192
omens, 30–31, 127 pucchā-vissajjanā. See responsa
orality, 12, 64, 88, 93 puṇṇāḥ. See brāhmaṇas
orthopraxy, 176 Puṇṇovāda sutta: commentary on, 235n122
purification (of texts). See reform
Pagan, 17, 21–22, 24–32, 44, 48, 53–56, Pyu Min Hti, King, 102–107, 139, 149,
86, 103, 104, 105, 123–124, 138, 156, 151, 156, 200
171, 196, 198, 200, 201
Pakhan Nge, 92 Questions of Letwe Nauratha, 148–152
Index 287
Thado Kyawswa, 121 vernacular, 2, 23, 24, 26, 46, 91, 92–94,
Thado Minhpya, 126 144
Thado Minsaw, 122, 126 Vessantara, 170, 198
Thai legal texts, 10, 78, 102, 199, 247n163 Vessantara jātaka, 120, 156
Thalun, King, 121, 124–126, 128–131, 149, Vessantara pyui., 128
199, 201 Vicittārāma, 52
Thein Swe Oo, 183 Vidagdhamukhamaṇḍana, 31, 140, 238n19
Thibaw, King, 12, 248n20 vijjādharas, 83, 108
Three Seals Code (Kotmai tra sam duang), vijjāṭṭhāna, 110–112
247n163 Vimānavatthu commentary (Vv-a), 69, 156
Tibedakatittira jātaka, 153 vinaya, 1, 2, 14, 29, 30, 61, 65, 68, 70,
Tilokālaṅkāra, 124, 126 79, 98; citations of, 10, 38, 39, 72–73,
tipiṭaka, 10, 12, 26, 28, 29, 30, 38, 55, 66, 87, 160, 163; commentaries on, 11–12;
69, 74, 77, 80, 111, 125, 137, 138, 142, courts, 11, 22, 37–43, 55; and monastic
149, 175. See also piṭakat competition, 176–177; in relation to
Tipiṭakālaṅkāra, 68, 89–90, 94, 99, 103, dhammasattha, 6, 10, 12, 32, 43, 45,
105, 107, 109, 112, 114, 115, 117, 74–77, 90, 96, 112–115, 132, 145,
131–133, 139, 145, 147, 148, 149, 165, 160–161, 164–168, 180
179, 199, 201; biography of, 118–130 Vinayālaṅkara-ṭīkā (Pālim-nṭ), 12, 39, 68,
Tisāsanadhaja, 120, 121 114, 121, 124, 125, 128, 129, 131, 133
Tisāsanadhaja achak anvay cā tamḥ. See Vinaya-mahāvagga, 23, 38–39, 114. See also
Account of the Monastic Lineage of Matasantakakathā
Tisāsanadhaja Vinaya-pārājika, 41, 80
Tisāsanālaṅkāra, 124 Vinaya-parivāra, 42, 84
titles of law, 13, 58–60, 77, 87, 98–102, Vinayasaṅgaha-aṭṭhakathā (Pālim), 32, 39,
199. See also legal roots and branches; 42, 68, 114, 121
vyavahārapada vinicchaya, 11, 12, 37, 160. See also Deci
translation, 5, 92–94, 107, 145, 207n39. sions of Sirīsaṅghapāla; legal cases and
See also nissaya proceedings
tulyapakkhā, 162, 229n36 Vinicchayabhedaka dhammasat, 53–54, 55,
Tuṇḍila jātaka, 156 106, 155, 160, 170, 171, 200–204
Vinicchayapakāsanī, 106, 164–167, 169,
U Pu Gyi Library, Mingun, 239n35 197, 227n16
upadesa (upade) legislation, 12, 178, 180 Vinicchayarāsī dhammasat, 53, 55, 159–164,
Upali, 120 172, 178, 182, 195–196
Uttamasikkhā, 55, 104, 105–106, 117, Vīsativaṇṇanā, 128
120–121, 122, 125, 128, 129, 137–143, Vissakamma, 33, 126
145, 146, 158, 168, 169, 171, 172, 173, vyavahārapada, 13–14, 15, 59, 87, 99, 101.
175 See also legal roots and branches; titles
of law
Vaiṣṇava dharmaśāstra, 13
Vajirapabbata, 108 Wagaru. See Vārū
Vaṃsadīpanī, 128 Weber, Max, 6, 44
Vaṇṇadhamma Kyaw Htin, 50, 105, 106, wife-theft, 97, 99
115, 133, 146, 149, 164–168, 169, 170, writing, 23, 24, 64, 157
171, 174, 186, 197, 201, 227n16
Vārū (Vārayū, Vārīrū), King, 104–106, 156, Xavier, Francis, 4
170, 190, 198, 202
Vārū (Vārayū, Vārīrū) maṅḥ dhammasat, 78, Yājñavalkya dharmaśāstra, 106
104–107, 170, 202; colophons of, 190; Yasavaḍḍhanavatthu, 121, 125, 128
manuscript of, 104 Yuvadhāraṇa kyamḥ, 242n96
Vāsudeva, 200
vedāṅga. See bedaṅ Zidaw Sayadaw, 121–122
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