PUCE – FCLL – LEAI

POLITICAL SCIENCE
Andrés Novoa L.
31/07/2017

How some tendencies from different executive chiefs have taken part in shaping
significantly certain Ecuadorian attitudes towards the political sphere?

Since the independence in 1822, many political ideologies from the spectrum have
arose within the Ecuadorian territory, including a wide range that goes from radical
Marxism, Socialism, Christian democrats, Populism from center and right, Liberals and
Conservatives. At its first years as a Republic, this country had a strong influence of
conservatism, subsequently the status quo ceased due to the Liberal Revolution led by
Eloy Alfaro, who implemented with the 1906 constitution the laicism on the nation,
terminating the Religion’s influence in Political affairs. In the following years, series of
mandates with liberal tendencies took place and thus started the period of plutocracy in
Ecuador.

The predominance of conservatives and liberal tendencies from the

independence until late twentieth century, resulted in the conviction that upper-
classes members should assume patrón positions and the lower-classes members
should show condescendence to them. Demonstrating the elitism existence,
antiegalitarian and hierarchical assumptions in upper-classes and in lower-classes
the feeling that white people with European characteristics have both, economic and
knowledge power and that nothing worthy can come from people of indigenous
descendance, because of their historical repression.1

Ecuadorian political culture has been importantly influenced not only by this
repression but also by the vast number of “conflicting forces and pressures at all levels of
national life”2, However, in order to fully understand this balance between executive
chiefs and political culture shaping, the meaning of Political Culture must be perceived.
This term refers to the set of values, sensitive symbols and empirical beliefs that defines
the conditions by which the political action is driven, supplying the subjective (structure
and meaning) orientation to politics (Verba. 1965, p.513). The matters of personalism and
regionalism are numerous in Ecuadorian politics, thus the duty of integrating and merging
human and physical resources is hard to achieve.

1Hypothesis
2Martz. J, “ECUADOR: Conflicting Political Culture and the Quest for Progress”, University of North Carolina,
1972, p.3.
 PUCE – FCLL – LEAI
POLITICAL SCIENCE
Andrés Novoa L.
31/07/2017

Conservatives, on one side defended the rule of the church, centralized

government and a slight of administrative intervention, being the most prominent figure
Gabriel García Moreno that, on one hand, prevented the annexation from the
Governments of Crisis to Perú and therefore promoted national union, introduced
universal suffrage and achieved important development in education and economy thanks
to the boom cacaotero and on the other hand, was a dictator that exerted its policies with
mano dura, benefited from the chaos in which the country was immersed and imposed on
people religious fanaticism through the decree that was mandatory to be catholic to obtain
citizenship and denied civil rights to all others (Espinoza. Losada, 2015).

Whereas in the other side, Liberals not only criticized the Church’s political
influence and its material wealth but also promoted for laissez-faire economic policies
and a decentralized government. The liberalist pioneer was Eloy Alfaro, known as “El
Viejo Luchador” because of its long fight against the conservatism, he was mostly
responsible for shaping the liberal policies that prevailed in the country until 1944. In
other words, the historical struggle between both regions, on the coast the banker
bourgeoisie and in the highlands the landowning prevailed (Donoso. et al, 2010)

With the Liberal revolution in 1895 arose the two political parties that got the most
popular support, the Liberal Radical Party (PLRE) and the Conservative Party (PCE), one
from the coast and the other from the highlands. Generally, the conservative presidents
had tons of support in the highlands and were despised on the coast and similarly the
liberal executives won popular support on the coast and were neglected in the highlands.
This is a clear evidence of the historical divisiveness that has been present in the
Ecuadorian territory since its creation, the divisiveness that nobody never thought about
and that of course had its implications in the future development of the country

Meanwhile the Liberal-Conservative polarity remained, the resentments were

diminished somehow by the increasing intensity of intraparty fractures. A variety of
factions, movements and quasi-parties appeared on the scene to stabilize the ideology
balance on the country, going along the ideological spectrum from radical Marxism to
Falangist reaction. During these years several discussions of popular education, social
justice and of public work projects took place, however limited resources, administrative
disorganizations and political instability jeopardized these goals (Payne. 2002).
 PUCE – FCLL – LEAI
POLITICAL SCIENCE
Andrés Novoa L.
31/07/2017

The poor administration of Carlos Arroyo del Rio (1940-1944) resulted on events
which led to vast national humiliation, for instance his unpreparedness and his lack of
will to resist the Peruvian invasion provoked huge popular resentment. The military
showed its opposition to him due to the disaster he had triggered, moreover, national
morale collapsed and left the people loaded with emotions for the 1944 elections, but they
never thought the change was near until the autocratic José Maria Velasco Ibarra made
its triumphant entrance to Quito (Martz, J. 1972). Nearly thirteen years in the power
implied a constant influx of populism that contrasted with the instability. In the following
years a set of government with social christians, social democrats and christian democrat
tendencies finishing up with the socialism of the twenty-first century of Rafael Correa.

According to some Ecuadorian people, who have been through a wide set of
mandates agreed that the folk was only notified by the government when there was an
aspect of critical importance on the political panorama. This followed the main reason
that caused the current disinterest of people in politic affairs and their instinct of acting
only in emergency situations, their poor political involvement, or even the unawareness
of the political procedures to achieve what the welfare dictates.

Because of the constant feeling of conformism that people have and has been
reflected with the elections of populists or dictatorial governments without proposals of
change to State’s structures. People think the country will not make a significant progress
and will never be a potency, this apathy to political sphere that resulted from the altruism
habits not only coming from the upper-classes in charge, but also from the church, this
altruism turned into something that worked throughout the years in every level of this
country. Not only this, but also the constant deceptions that the folk went through with
Bucaram and Gutierrez, the Revolución de los Forajidos was the period of time in which
basically the country (opposition, media and citizens) united to overthrow Gutierrez,
because of his dictócrata self-designation.

However, with the Revolución Ciudadana a popular involvement with the State
appeared and it synced with the informational age. Furthermore, there must exist an
awareness of the reasons why Ecuador is not probably going to grow to its maximal
capacity and these are not only due to internal influences but also that the under-
development is the result of colonialist relations with the developed countries in the world
 PUCE – FCLL – LEAI
POLITICAL SCIENCE
Andrés Novoa L.
31/07/2017

(Bodenheimer, 1971:331-332). Nonetheless, Ecuadorian people must comprehend that

we are a country with the most pronounced diversity and complexity and that this can
happen even within a small geographic space.

The informational age triggered a participative and informational society, although not
through the conventional means, but in social media. At least, the social network is the
previous step for people to realize of their true influence in the political issues. individuals
just must transfer their inconformity to the active sphere and meditate in this time with
polarization of ideas and physical and symbolical violence, be flexible to changes and
ways of thinking in order to move to the liquid modernity where they only depend on
themselves and that the imminent change should start in an individual level to
successfully relocate it in the society (Bauman. Z, 2000).
 PUCE – FCLL – LEAI
POLITICAL SCIENCE
Andrés Novoa L.
31/07/2017

BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES:

Martz. John, “ECUADOR: Conflicting Political Culture and the Quest for Progress”,
University of North Carolina, 1972, p.3.

Pye. Lucian, “Introduction to Political Culture and Political Development” Princeton,

Princeton University Press, 1965, p.8.
Verba. Sidney, “Comparative Political Culture” Princeton University Press, 1965 p. 315.
Donoso. et al, “Political Culture of Democracy in Ecuador: Democratic consolidation in
the Americas in Hard Times”, Vanderbilt University, 2010.
Bauman. Zygmunt, “Liquid Modernity”, Polity Press, 2000.
Payne. Mark, “Democracies in Development: Politics and Reform in Latin America”,
Inter-American Development Bank, 2002.
Adoum. Jorge. “Ecuador: Señas Particulares”, Editorial Eskeletra. 1998.
Saunders. John, “The people of Ecuador: a demographic analysis”, 1930.
Blanksten. George, “Ecuador: Constitutions and Caudillos”, 1951.
Seligson. et al, “Cultura Política de la Democracia en Ecuador: El impacto de la
gobernabilidad” Vanderbilt University, 2008.
Joyce. Peter, “Politics”, London, Hodder Education, 1996.
Linke, Lilo. “Ecuador: Country of Contrasts”, London: Royal Institute of International
Affairs, 1955.
Plaza. Galo, “Problems of Democracy in Latin America”, University of North Carolina,
1955
Zook, David. “Zarumilla-Marañón: The Ecuador-Perú Dispute”. New York, Bookman
Associates, 1964.
Bodenheimer. Susanne. “Dependency and Imperialism: The roots of Latin American
Underdevelopment”, Politics and Society, Vol. 1, 1971, p.331-332.