CASTE SYSTEM

A PROJECT WORK ON THE TOPIC

CASTE SYSTEM:
SOCIAL & POLITICAL IMPACT

SUBMITTED TO : SUBMITTED BY :
DR.SANGEET KUMAR RAJEEV RANJAN
(FACULTY OF SOCIOLOGY ) ROLL NO. 1360
1ST YEAR,B.A,L.LB(HONS.)

CHANAKYA NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

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DECLARATION
The researcher hereby declares that this research paper is prepared by the
researcher with the help of only those sources which are mentioned in the
bibliography part of this paper ,foot notes on the last of each page. This research
paper is not a copy of any one’s research paper as per the knowledge of the
researcher.

This research paper is firstly

presented to Mr. Sangeet Sir, the faculty of Sociology in The Chanakya National
Law University, Patna. Before this, this paper has never been submitted to any
other teacher/professor or any other school/college/university.

Rajeev Ranjan

24-04-2016

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to thank my faculty SANGEET SIR whose guidance helped

me a lot with structuring my project.

I owe the present accomplishment of my project to my friends, who

helped me immensely with materials throughout the project and without
whom I couldn’t have completed it in the present way. I am also grateful
to those people who gave their precious time to me for the interviews
which i took during the preparation of this project.

I would also like to extend my gratitude to my parents and all those

unseen hands who helped me out at every stage of my project.

THANK YOU,
RAJEEV RANJAN
Roll No. 1360

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S.No PARTICULARS PAGE

1. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

2. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3. CHAPTER 1

4. CHAPTER 2

5. CHAPTER 3

6. CHAPTER 4

6. CHAPTER 5

8. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Aims and Objectives:

The aim of this research paper is to present a detailed study on caste system with
its social & political impact.

Scope and Limitations:

The researcher has used the doctrinal method as well as non doctrinal method and
has relied on the secondary sources as well as the primary sources for the content
of the research paper.

The researcher while doing the non-doctrinal research was bound to complete that
research in a very short period of time and that is why he could only meet 5
persons for their interview. Also, there was no pilot survey due to lack of time

Research Questions:

The three research questions are as follows:

1.What is Caste system ?

2.What are political & social impact of caste system ?
3.If there are some ill-effects, then how to remove them ?

Chapterisation:

The project has been divided into six chapters :

 The first chapter deals with the introduction part of the caste system in
India.
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 The second chapter is about social impact of caste system.
 The third chapter deals with the political impacts of caste system.
 The fourth chapter deals with the reforms towards the betterment of society
 The fifth chapter contains all the field work.
 The sixth & the last chapter deals about the conclusion & suggestions from
the researcher.

Sources of Data:

The researcher has relied on the following secondary sources of data:

 Books
 Websites
 Journals
 News papers

Method of Writing

The method of writing followed in this project is both analytical and descriptive.

Mode of Citation

The researcher has followed a uniform mode of citation in this project.

For non-doctrinal research

During the non- doctrinal research, researcher adopted the interview method

Tools used were- Interview schedule, Note-pad & pen. The research area was
confined to the city of Patna only.

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Hypothesis
The researcher before the preparation of this project was of believe that-

1. The purpose for which caste system was introduced, has not been
achieved till date.
2. Everyone irrespective of his own thinking, is bound to follow the
hierarchy which has been passed on to him/her by his/her family or
society, where he/she resides.
3. Reservation has made the situation worst and it needs to be checked.
4. Inter caste marriages should be encouraged.

Hypothesis-test

After preparing this project work, researcher came to know that his hypothesis was
almost true except of some points like that of inter-caste marriage where he
actually found that even after inter-caste marriage, either the boy or the girl still
continues to follow his/her caste so, it is not the complete solution.

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CHAPTER-1
INTRODUCTION
The caste system in India is a system of social stratification which has pre modern origins1, was
transformed by the British Raj,2 and is today the basis of reservation in India. It consists of two
different concepts, varna and jati, which may be regarded as different levels of analysis of this
system.3 Varna may be translated as "class," and refers to the four social classes which existed in
the Vedic society, namely Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras. Certain groups, now
known as Dalits, were historically excluded from the varna system altogether, and are still
ostracised as untouchables.4 Jati may be translated as caste, and refers to birth. The names of jatis
are usually derived from occupations, and considered to be hereditary and endogamous, but this
may not always have been the case. The jatis developed in post Vedic times, possibly from
crystallisation of guilds during its feudal era. The jatis are often thought of as belonging to one of
the four varnas.5

The varnas and jatis have pre modern origins, and social stratification may already have existed
in pre Vedic times. Between ca. 2,200 BCE and 100 CE admixture between northern and
southern populations in India took place, after which a shift to endogamy took place. This shift
may be explained by the "imposition of some social values and norms" which were "enforced
through the powerful state machinery of a developing political economy".6 The caste system as it
exists today is thought to be the result of developments during the collapse of the Mughal era and
the British colonial regime in India. The collapse of the Mughal era saw the rise of powerful men
who associated themselves with kings, priests and ascetics, affirming the regal and martial form
of the caste ideal, and it also reshaped many apparently casteless social groups into differentiated
caste communities. The British Raj furthered this development, making rigid caste organization a

1
*Berreman, Gerald D. (1972), "Race, Caste, and Other Invidious Distinctions in Social Stratification" (PDF), Race
(University of California, Berkeley) 13: 389, doi:10.1177/030639687201300401
2
de Zwart (2000)
3
Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001), pp. 25-27, 392
4
Smith, Varna and Jati (2005), pp. 9522-9524
5
Jaffrelot, Impact of Affirmative Action (2006)
6
Robb, Race in South Asia (1997), pp. 9199, 349-353
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central mechanism of administration. Between 1860 and 1920, the British segregated Indians by
caste, granting administrative jobs and senior appointments only to the upper castes. Social
unrest during the 1920s led to a change in this policy. From then on, the colonial administration
began a policy of positive discrimination by reserving a certain percentage of government jobs
for the lower castes. Caste based differences have also been practised in other regions and
religions in the Indian subcontinent like Nepalese Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, Judaism and
Sikhism.7 It has been challenged by many reformist Hindu movements, Islam, Sikhism,
Christianity and also by present day Indian Buddhism.8 New developments took place after India
achieved independence, when the policy of caste based reservation of jobs was formalised with
lists of Scheduled Castes (Dalit) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasi). Since 1950, the country has
enacted many laws and social initiatives to protect and improve the socioeconomic conditions of
its lower caste population. These caste classifications for college admission quotas, job
reservations and other affirmative action initiatives, according to the Supreme Court of India, are
based on heredity and are not changeable. Discrimination against lower castes is illegal in India
under Article 15 of its constitution, and India tracks violence against Dalits nationwide.9

Varna

Literally varna means colour, and was a framework for grouping people into classes, first used in
Vedic Indian society. It is referred to frequently in the ancient Indian texts. The four classes were
the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (also called Rajanyas, who were rulers,
administrators and warriors), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, tradesmen and farmers), and
Shudras (labouring classes). The varna categorisation implicitly had a fifth element, being those
people deemed to be entirely outside its scope, such as tribal people and the untouchables.10

Jati

Jati, meaning birth, is mentioned much less often in ancient texts, where it is clearly
distinguished from varna. There are four varnas but thousands of jatis. The jatis are complex

7
Dirks, Castes of Mind (2001)
8
Cohen, Stephen P. (2001). India: Emerging Power. Brookings Institution Press. p. 21. ISBN 9780815798392
9
CRIME AGAINST PERSONS BELONGING TO SCs / STs (http://ncrb.gov.in/CDCII2011/cii2011/
Chapter%207.pdf) Government of India (2011), page 108
10
Samuel, Origins of Yoga and Tantra (2008), p. 87
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social groups that lack universally applicable definition or characteristic, and have been more
flexible and diverse than was previously often assumed. Some scholars of caste have considered
jati to have its basis in religion, assuming that in India the sacred elements of life envelope the
secular aspects; for example, the anthropologist Louis Dumont described the ritual rankings that
exist within the jati system as being based on the concepts of religious purity and pollution.11
This view has been disputed by other scholars, who believe it to be a secular social phenomenon
driven by the necessities of economics, politics, and sometimes also geography. Jeaneane Fowler
says that although some people consider jati to be occupational segregation, in reality the jati
framework does not preclude or prevent a member of one caste from working in another
occupation. A feature of jatis has been endogamy, in Susan Bayly's words, that "both in the past
and for many though not all Indians in more modern times, those born into a given caste would
normally expect to find marriage partner" within his or her jati.12 In medieval India, the marriage
regulations were required to be followed. Jatis have existed in India among Hindus, Muslims,
Christians and tribal people, and there is no clear linear order among them.

Caste

The term caste is not an Indian word. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, it is derived
from the Portuguese casta, meaning "race, lineage, breed" and, originally, "‘pure or unmixed
(stock or breed)".13 There is no exact translation in Indian languages, but varna and jati are the
two most proximate terms.

Ghurye's synthesis in 1932

The sociologist G. S. Ghurye wrote in 1932 that, despite much study by many people, we do not
possess a real general definition of caste. It appears to me that any attempt at definition is bound
to fail because of the complexity of the phenomenon. On the other hand, much literature on the
subject is marred by lack of precision about the use of the term.14 Ghurye offered what he
thought was a definition that could be applied across British India, although he acknowledged

11
Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001), p. 10
12
Dirks, Castes of Mind (2001), pp. 57-60
13
Fowler, Hinduism (1997), p. 23
14
Ghurye, Caste and Race in India (1969), pp. 1–2
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that there were regional variations on the general theme. His model definition for caste included
the following six characteristics,

 Segmentation of society into groups whose membership was determined by birth.

 A hierarchical system wherein generally the Brahmins were at the head of the hierarchy,
but this hierarchy was disputed in some cases. In various linguistic areas, hundreds of
castes had a gradation generally acknowledged by everyone.
 Restrictions on feeding and social intercourse, with minute rules on the kind of food and
drink that upper castes could accept from lower castes. There was a great diversity in
these rules, and lower castes generally accepted food from upper castes.
 Segregation, where individual castes lived together, the dominant caste living in the
center and other castes living on the periphery. There were restrictions on the use of
water wells or streets by one caste on another: an upper caste Brahmin might not be
permitted to use the street of a lower caste group, while a caste considered impure might
not be permitted to draw water from a well used by members of other castes.
 Occupation, generally inherited. Lack of unrestricted choice of profession, caste members
restricted their own members from taking up certain profession they considered
degrading. This characteristic of caste was missing from large parts of India, stated
Ghurye, and in these regions all four castes (Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and
Shudras) did agriculture labour or became warrior in large numbers.
 Endogamy, restrictions on marrying a person outside caste, but in some situations
hypergamy allowed. Far less rigidity on intermarriage between different sub castes than
between members of different castes in some regions, while in some endogamy within a
sub caste was the principal feature of caste society.

The above Ghurye's model of caste thereafter attracted scholarly criticism for relying on the
British India census reports, the "superior, inferior" racist theories of Risley, and for fitting his
definition to then prevalent colonial orientalist perspectives on caste.

Ghurye added, in 1932, that the colonial construction of caste led to the livening up, divisions
and lobbying to the British officials for favourable caste classification in India for economic
opportunities, and this had added new complexities to the concept of caste. Graham Chapman

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and others have reiterated the complexity, and they note that there are differences between
theoretical constructs and the practical reality.

Origins

Perspectives

There are at least two perspectives for the origins of the caste system in ancient and medieval
India, which focus on either ideological factors or on socio economic factors. The first school
focuses on the ideological factors which are claimed to drive the caste system and holds that
caste rooted in the four varnas. This perspective was particularly common among scholars of the
British colonial era and was articulated by Dumont, who concluded that the system was
ideologically perfected several thousand years ago and has remained the primary social reality
ever since. This school justifies its theory primarily by citing Manusmriti and disregards
economic, political or historical evidence.

The second school of thought focuses on socioeconomic factors and claims that those factors
drive the caste system. It believes caste to be rooted in the economic, political and material
history of India. This school, which is common among scholars of the postcolonial era such as
Berreman, Marriott, and Dirks, describes the caste system as an ever-evolving social reality that
can only be properly understood by the study of historical evidence of actual practice and the
examination of circumstances verifiable in the economic, political and material history of India.
This school has focussed on the historical evidence from ancient and medieval society in India,
during the Muslim rule between the 12th and 18th centuries, and the policies of colonial British
rule from 18th century to the mid20th century.15 The first school has focused on religious
ethnology and disregarded empirical evidence in history. The second school has focused on
empirical evidence and sought to understand the historical circumstances. The latter has
criticised the former for its caste origin theory, claiming that it has dehistoricised and
decontextualised Indian society.16

15
Ghurye, Caste and Race in India (1969), pp. 2–22
16
Ganguly, Debjani (2005). Caste, colonialism and countermodernity: notes on a postcolonial hermeneutics of
caste. Routledge. pp. 5–10. ISBN 978-0-41-554435-1.
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Ritual kingship model

According to Samuel, referencing George L. Hart, central aspects of the later Indian caste system
may be provided by ritual kingship system prior to the arrival of Brahmanism (Vedic period),
Buddhism and Jainism in India. This hypothesis is controversial, and the system is derived from
South Indian Tamil literature from the Sangam period, dated to the third to sixth centuries CE.
This theory discards Indo Aryan varna model,17 and is centered on the ritual power of the king,
who was "supported by a group of ritual and magical specialists of low social status," with their
ritual occupations being considered 'polluted'.

According to Hart, it may be this model that provided the concerns with "pollution" of the
members of low status groups. The Hart model for caste origin, writes Samuel, envisions "the
ancient Indian society consisting of a majority without internal caste divisions and a minority
consisting of a number of small occupationally polluted groups".18

Vedic varnas

The varnas originated in Vedic society (ca.1500-500 BCE). The first three groups, Brahmins,
Kshatriyas and Vaishya have parallels with other Indo European societies, while the addition of
the Shudras is probably a Brahmanical invention from northern India. The varna system is
propounded in revered Hindu religious texts, and understood as idealised human callings. The
Purusha Sukta of the Rigveda and Manusmriti's comment on it, being the oftcited texts.19
Counter to these textual classifications, many revered Hindu texts and doctrines question and
disagree with this system of social classification. Scholars have questioned the varna verse in
Rigveda, noting that the varna therein is mentioned only once. The Purusha Sukta varna verse is
now generally considered to have been inserted at a later date into the Vedic text, probably as a
charter myth. Stephanie Jamison and Joel Brereton, a professor of Sanskrit and Religious studies,
state, "there is no evidence in the Rigveda for an elaborate, much subdivided and overarching
caste system", and "the varna system seems to be embryonic in the Rigveda and, both then and
later, a social ideal rather than a social reality". In contrast to the lack of details about varna

17
18
19

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system in the Rigveda, the Manusmriti includes an extensive and highly schematic commentary
on the varna system, but it too provides "models rather than descriptions". Susan Bayly
summarises that Manusmriti and other scriptures helped elevate Brahmins in the social hierarchy
and these were a factor in the making of the varna system, but the ancient texts did not in some
way "create the phenomenon of caste" in India.

Jatis

Jeaneane Fowler, a professor of philosophy and religious studies, states it is impossible to

determine how and why the jatis came in existence. Susan Bayly, on the other hand, states that
jati system emerged because it offered a source of advantage in an era of pre Independence
poverty, lack of institutional human rights, volatile political environment, and economic
insecurity.

According to Gupta, during the Mauryan period guilds developed, which crystallised into jatis in
post Mauryan times with the emergence of feudalism in India, which finally crystallised from the
7th to the 12th century. However, other scholars dispute when and how jatis developed in Indian
history. Barbara Metcalf and Thomas Metcalf, both professors of History, write, "One of the
surprising arguments of fresh scholarship, based on inscriptional and other contemporaneous
evidence, is that until relatively recent centuries, social organisation in much of the subcontinent
was little touched by the four varnas. Nor were jati the building blocks of society."20

According to Basham, ancient Indian literature refers often to varnas, but hardly if ever to jatis as
a system of groups within the varnas. He concludes that "If caste is defined as a system of group
within the class, which are normally endogamous, commensal and craft exclusive, we have no
real evidence of its existence until comparatively late times."

Onset of endogamy
A recent series of research papers, by Reich et al. (2009), Metspalu et al. (2011), and Moorjani et
al. (2013), make clear that India was peopled by two distinct groups who split genetically ca.
50,000 years ago, and form the basis for the present population of India. Reich et al. (2009)

20
Pradip Bose (Editor A. R. Momin) (1996). The legacy of G.S. Ghurye : a centennial festschrift. Popular. pp. 65–
68. ISBN 978-81-7154-831-6.
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discern two genetic groups in the majority of populations in India, which they called "Ancestral
North Indians" (ANI) and "Ancestral South Indians" (ASI).They found that the ANI genes are
close to those of Middle Easterners, Central Asians and Europeans whereas the ASI genes are
dissimilar to all other known populations outside India. These two distinct groups, which had
split ca. 50,000 years ago, formed the basis for the present population of India.21

According to Moorjani et al. (2013) these two groups mixed between 4,200 to 1,900 years ago
(2200 BCE100 CE), where-after a shift to endogamy took place. Speaking to Fountain Ink,
David Reich stated, "Prior to 4,200 years ago, there were unmixed groups in India. Sometime
between 1,900 to 4,200 years ago, profound, pervasive convulsive mixture occurred, affecting
every Indo-European and Dravidian group in India without exception.".22 According to Reich et
al., Strong endogamy must have applied since then (average gene flow less than 1 in 30 per
generation) to prevent the genetic signatures of founder events from being erased by gene flow.
Some historians have argued that “caste” in modern India is an “invention” of colonialism in the
sense that it became more rigid under colonial rule. However, our results suggest that many
current distinctions among groups are ancient and that strong endogamy must have shaped
marriage patterns in India for thousands of years.

Moorjani et al. (2013) discerned two waves of admixture in this period, with northern India
showing later dates of ad mxiture.23 Ganesh Prasad et al. (2013) studied "12 tribal and 19
nontribal (caste) endogamous populations from the predominantly Dravidian speaking Tamil
Nadu state in the southernmost part of India."24 According to Ganesh Prasad et al., southern
India was socially stratified already 4,000 to 6,000 years ago, which is best explained by "the
emergence of agricultural technology in South Asia." GaneshPrasad et al. conclude from their
genetic study:

The social stratification (in Tamilnadu) was established 4,000 to 6,000 years ago and there was
little admixture during the last 3,000 years, implying a minimal genetic impact of the Varna
(caste) system from the historically documented Brahmin migrations into the area.

21
Gerald Berreman (1967). "Caste as social process". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 23 (4): 351–370.
JSTOR 3629451.
22
Midgley, James (2011). Colonialism and welfare : social policy and the British imperial legacy. United Kingdom:
Edward Elgar. pp. 89–90. ISBN 978-0-85793-243-3.
23
Chapman, Religious vs. Regional Determinism (1993), pp. 10–14
24
Arvind Sharma, Classical Hindu Thought (2000), p. 132
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The reliability of genome studies in discerning endogamy and caste practices in South Asia have
recently been challenged. Nicole Boivin, an archaeologist and South Asia scholar at Oxford
University, writes, "the findings of the genome studies [on caste] need to be treated with
substantial caution, if not outright scepticism based on problems concerning both the genetic
patterns and their interpretation."25

Untouchable outcastes and the varna system

The Vedic texts neither mention the concept of untouchable people nor any practice of
untouchability. The rituals in the Vedas ask the noble or king to eat with the commoner from the
same vessel. Later Vedic texts ridicule some professions, but the concept of untouchability is not
found in them. The post Vedic texts, particularly Manusmriti mentions outcastes and suggests
that they be ostracised. Recent scholarship states that the discussion of outcastes in post Vedic
texts is different from the system widely discussed in colonial era Indian literature, and in
Dumont's structural theory on caste system in India.

Patrick Olivelle, a professor of Sanskrit and Indian Religions and credited with modern
translations of Vedic literature, Dharmasutras and Dharmasastras, states that ancient and
medieval Indian texts do not support the ritual pollution, purity/impurity premise implicit in the
Dumont theory. According to Olivelle, purity/impurity is discussed in the Dharmasastra texts,
but only in the context of the individual's moral, ritual and biological pollution (eating certain
kinds of food such as meat, going to bathroom).26

25
M. N. Srinivas, Coorgs of South India (1952), p. 32
26
Olivelle, Patrick (2008). Chapter 9. Caste and Purity in Collected essays. Firenze, Italy: Firenze University Press.
pp. 240–241. ISBN 978-88-8453-729-4.
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Olivelle writes in his review of post Vedic Sutras and Shastras texts, "we see no instance when a
term of pure/impure is used with reference to a group of individuals or a varna or caste". The
only mention of impurity in the Shastra texts from the 1st millennium is about people who
commit grievous sins and thereby fall out of their varna. These, writes Olivelle, are called "fallen
people" and considered impure in the medieval Indian texts. The texts declare that these sinful,
fallen people be ostracized. Olivelle adds that the overwhelming focus in matters relating to
purity/impurity in the Dharmasastra texts concerns "individuals irrespective of their varna
affiliation" and all four varnas could attain purity or impurity by the content of their character,
ethical intent, actions, innocence or ignorance (acts by children), stipulations, and ritualistic
behaviors.27 Dumont, in his later publications, acknowledged that ancient varna hierarchy was
not based on purity/impurity ranking principle, and that the Vedic literature is devoid of
untouchability concept.

Economic inequality

Economic inequality seems to be related to the influence of inherited social-economic

stratification. A 1995 study notes that the caste system in India is a system of exploitation of
poor low ranking groups by more prosperous high ranking groups. In India, 36.3% of people
own no land at all, 60.6% own about 15% of the land, with a very wealthy 3.1% owning 15% of
the land.28 A study by Haque reports that India contains both the largest number of rural poor,
and the largest number of landless households on the planet.

Haque also reports that over 90 percent of both scheduled castes (low ranking groups) and all
other castes (high ranking groups) either do not own land or own land area capable of producing
less than $1000 per year of food and income per household. However, over 99 percent of India's
farms are less than 10 hectares, and 99.9 percent of the farms are less than 20 hectares, regardless
of the farmer or landowner's caste. Indian government has, in addition, vigorously pursued
agricultural land ceiling laws which prohibit anyone from owning land greater than mandated
limits. India has used this law to forcibly acquire land from some, then redistribute tens of

27
Olivelle, Patrick (2008). Chapter 9. Caste and Purity in Collected essays. Firenze, Italy: Firenze University Press.
pp. 240–245. ISBN 978-88-8453-729-4.
28
Rural Poverty Report 2001 The Challenge of Ending Rural Poverty (http://www.ifad.org/poverty/chapter3.pdf),
Chapter 3, p. 77. IFAD, 2001.
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millions of acres to the landless and poor of the low caste. Haque suggests that Indian lawmakers
need to reform and modernise the nation's land laws and rely less on blind adherence to land
ceilings and tenancy reform.29

In a 2011 study, Aiyar too notes that such qualitative theories of economic exploitation and
consequent land redistribution within India between 1950 and 1990 had no effect on the quality
of life and poverty reduction. Instead, economic reforms since the 1990s and resultant
opportunities for nonagricultural jobs have reduced poverty and increased per capita income for
all segments of Indian society. For specific evidence, Aiyar mentions the following

Critics believe that the economic liberalisation has benefited just a small elite and left behind the
poor, especially the lowest Hindu caste of dalits. But a recent authoritative survey revealed
striking improvements in living standards of dalits in the last two decades. Television ownership
was up from zero to 45 percent; cell phone ownership up from zero to 36 percent; two wheeler
ownership (of motorcycles, scooters, mopeds) up from zero to 12.3 percent; children eating
yesterday's leftovers down from 95.9 percent to 16.2 percent ... Dalits running their own
businesses up from 6 percent to 37 percent; and proportion working as agricultural labourers
down from 46.1 percent to 20.5 percent. Cassan has studied the differential effect within two
segments of India's Dalit community. He finds India's overall economic growth has produced the
fastest and more significant socioeconomic changes. Cassan further concludes that legal and
social program initiatives are no longer India's primary constraint in further advancement of
India's historically discriminated castes; further advancement are likely to come from
improvements in the supply of quality schools in rural and urban India, along with India's
economic growth.30

29
Gosal, R. P. S. (September 1987). "Distribution of scheduled caste population in India". Social Science
Information 26 (3): 493–511. doi:10.1177/053901887026003002.
30
Leonard, Karen; Weller, Susan (August 1980). "Declining subcaste endogamy in India: the Hyderabad Kayasths,
1900–75" (PDF). American Ethnologist 7 (3): 504–517. doi:10.1525/ae.1980.7.3.02a00080.
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Mahatma Gandhi & Bhim Rao Ambedkar : Strictly against caste system

Apartheid and discrimination:

The maltreatment of Dalits in India has been described by some authors as "India's hidden
apartheid".31 Critics of the accusations point to substantial improvements in the position of
Dalits in post independenc India, consequent to the strict implementation of the rights and
privileges enshrined in the Constitution of India, as implemented by the Protection of Civil rights
Act, 1955. They also argue that the practise had disappeared in urban public life.32 Sociologists
Kevin Reilly, Stephen Kaufman and Angela Bodino, while critical of caste system, conclude that
modern India does not practice apartheid since there is no state sanctioned discrimination. They
write that casteism in India is presently "not apartheid. In fact, untouchables, as well as tribal
people and members of the lowest castes in India benefit from broad affirmative action
programmes and are enjoying greater political power."33

A hypothesis that caste amounts to race has been rejected by some scholars. Ambedkar, for
example, wrote that "The Brahmin of Punjab is racially of the same stock as the Chamar of
Punjab. The Caste system does not demarcate racial division. The Caste system is a social
division of people of the same race." Various sociologists, anthropologists and historians have

31
"Caste, Ethnicity and Exclusion in South Asia: The Role of Affirmative Action Policies in Building Inclusive
Societies" (PDF).
32
India's caste system discriminates (http://aad.english.ucsb.edu/docs/georgesept62001.html).
33
Excerpts from The Constitution of India (http://www.leftjustified.com/leftjust/lib/sc/ht/wtp/india.html).
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rejected the racial origins and racial emphasis of caste and consider the idea to be one that has
purely political and economic undertones. Beteille writes that "the Scheduled Castes of India
taken together are no more a race than are the Brahmins taken together. Every social group
cannot be regarded as a race simply because we want to protect it against prejudice and
discrimination", and that the 2001 Durban conference on racism hosted by the U.N. is "turning
its back on established scientific opinion".34

34
Beteille (2001)
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CHAPTER-2

SOCIAL IMPACT OF CASTE SYSTEM

Though the caste system initially performed its positive functions well, in course of time it
became degenerated and instead of doing social good it caused a great harm to the society. Some
of the ill effects of caste system in India are as follows:

1. It hindered national unity:

The caste system developed a parochial feeling and made the people unduly conscious of their
own castes. Many a time caste interests were given priority over national interest. Thus the
whole system stood against the very concept of national unity.

2. It stood against democracy:

The caste system ran contrary to the democratic spirit. Democracy presupposes human equality,
but the caste system believed in inequality and there was a hierarchical arrangement wherein the
Brahmins were at the top, whereas the Sudras were at the lowest rung of the ladder.

3. It resulted in suppression:

In the caste system the lower castes were suppressed and repressed by the higher castes. The
Sudras were very ill-treated and they were not allowed to come to the public places. Even their
shadows were considered profane by the higher caste people. Inter-dining and inter-mixing with
the lower castes was not allowed. Thus the system was solely based on exploitation of the lower
castes.

4. It hampered national development:

Under the caste system only a few got the scope to control the national life and the others were
engaged in serving the higher castes, like the Brahmins and the Kshatriyas. In the national

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interest it is essential that all the sections of the society should contribute to the social welfare,
but the downtrodden sections did not have any voice in national development and advancement.

5. It resulted in treachery and the ultimate fall of the Hindus:

In a traditional caste-ridden society, the Sudras were fully aware that they could not prosper in
the Hindu society. As a result, at the time of invasion by outsiders, some of them leaked out the
strategic secrets to them. They also cooperated with the invaders instead of their own people.
Their treachery ultimately became responsible for the fall of the Hindus.

6. It resulted in religious conversion:

The dominance of Brahminism became intolerable on the part of the Sudras, who were the most
neglected people in the Hindu society. They were easily allured by the ideology and philosophy
of Islam as well as Christianity. Many of them embraced the new faiths. In this way the caste
system contributed to the expansion of Christianity and Islam in India.

7. It undermined the ability and aspirations of the people:

Since in the caste system one’s status and role are fixed up from the time of one’s birth, one’s
ability, personal endeavor or diligence became meaningless in order to bring about any
transformation. Acceptance of one’s own hereditary status became mandatory and
unquestionable. Thus the aspirations and ability of people were relegated to the background in
the caste system.

8. It created a false sense of prestige among higher castes:

The higher castes believed that they had the monopoly of wisdom. They felt that all other castes
should consult them and work for them. This created a wide gulf between the higher and the
lower castes.

9. It resulted in the creation of a class of idlers:

The Brahmins, being at the top of the caste hierarchy, were supposed to teach and preach
religion. But in course of time they became apathetic to their avowed profession and did not

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devote themselves to this task. They knew it very well that they would not be thrown out of their
castes, despite their insincerity. As a result, they began to live on the labour of other castes
without any useful contribution to the society. Thus a class of idlers came into existence in the
Hindu social system.

10. It resulted in the introduction of untouchability:

The worst aspect of the caste system was untouchability. The untouchable suffered from various
social, economic, political and religious disabilities. In the name of religion, they were
thoroughly exploited in the most inhuman manner. The lower castes were placed in the category
of untouchables. Their children were never allowed to be educated and they were compelled to
take unclean occupation. The Sudra women were prohibited from wearing presses in the manner
the Brahmin women dressed themselves. They were not allowed to use public well, ponds,
places of worship etc. The fear of the wrath of God and religious conventions made the lower
castes follow all the religious prescriptions and proscriptions.

11. It gave a lower status to women:

In the caste system, the women were utterly neglected. They enjoyed a very conservative and
traditional type of status. They were denied the privilege of higher education. They could not
voice their opinion in public affairs.

The women belonging to the higher castes led a still more precarious life due to the practice of
child marriage and prohibition of widow remarriage. The desire for a male made women produce
more and more children which affected their physical and mental condition. Sometimes the
lower caste women were sexually harassed by the higher caste males but they could not protest
against them due to the prevailing social pattern. In a nutshell, women enjoyed a very low status
in the caste system.

UNTOUCHABILITY

Untouchability is the low status of certain social groups confined to menial and despised jobs. It
is usually associated with the Hindu caste system, but similar groups exist outside Hinduism, for
example the Burakumin in Japan, Blacks in South Africa, and Hutu and Twa of Rwanda. At the

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beginning of the twenty first century there were over 160 million untouchables on the Indian
subcontinent.35

Origin

The earliest of the Hindu scriptures, the Rig Veda (10.90.11-12), describes a society divided into
four varnas ("colors" or castes): Brahman (poetpriest), Kshatriya (warriorchief), Vaishya
(traders), and Shudras (menials, servants). The four basic divisions of society had their roots in
the Vedic era (1500-800 BCE) and assumed definitive form by the sixth century BCE. The idea
is further developed in the Laws of Manu (200 BCE-200 CE). The first three varnas are known
as the twice born, all of whom undergo a ceremony in their youth admitting them into high
status. The varna caste division excluded the Untouchables, who were and are below the Shudras
in any ranking, despised because they engaged in occupations that were considered unclean and
polluting. Untouchable castes became a category as avarnas, without varna, probably sometime
after the fourth century CE. The untouchables (caṇḍalas) are mentioned in the Upanishads and
early Buddhist literature, as a "fifth caste" resulting from the polluting contact of Shudra males
and Brahmana females. Parallel to the varnas and outside scripture were jatis, meaning "by birth"
and also translated as castes. A jati is an endogamy group, sharing many customs and often an
occupation, usually based in one language area. There were hundreds of jatis within each varna,
and while untouchables were avarna, they were members of specific jatis. Jatis preceded Aryan
social division of society and by being grafted on to the Aryan concept of social order (varna),
have acquired Brahma caste sanction.36

The varna model of social ranking persisted throughout the Hindu subcontinent for over
millennia. Beliefs about pollution generally regulated all relations between castes. Members
were not allowed to marry outside their caste; there were strict rules about the kind of food and
drink one could accept and from what castes; and there were restrictions on approaching and
visiting members of another caste. Violations of these rules entailed purification rites and
sometimes expulsion from the caste. This hierarchical society was justified with traditional
Hindu religious beliefs about samsara (reincarnation) and karma (quality of actions). A person's

35
Rita Jalali (2000), "CASTE AND INHERITED STATUS", in Edgar F. Borgatta; Rhonda J. V. Montgomery,
Encyclopedia of Sociology 1 (2nd ed.), Macmillan, pp. 249–255, ISBN 0-02-864849-8
36
Eleanor Zelliot (2005), "UNTOUCHABILITY", in Maryanne Cline Horowitz, New Dictionary of the History of
Ideas 6, Thomson Gale, pp. 2394–2397, ISBN 0-684-31383-9
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position in this life was determined by his or her actions in previous lives. Persons who were
born in a Brahman family must have performed good deeds in their earlier lives. Being born a
Shudra or an Untouchable was punishment for the sinful acts committed in previous lives.

Untouchables were confined to menial, despised jobs, working as sweepers, gutter and latrine
cleaners, scavengers, watchmen, farm laborers, rearers of unclean animals such as pigs, and
curers of hides. They were denied access to Hindu temples, were not allowed to read religious
Sanskrit books and remained illiterate, could not use village wells and tanks, were forced to live
in settlements outside the village, and were forbidden to enter the residential areas of the upper
castes. Burning ghat workers and executioners are two of the occupations still considered most
polluting. The seventh century Chinese traveler Xuanzang listed butchers, fishermen, public
performers, executioners, and scavengers as marked castes living outside the city. Anything to do
with a dead cow or its hide is the work only of untouchables. A caste of drummers in the south
known as the Parayan contributed the word pariah (outcaste) to English. In this case, the
drumhead made of hide is polluting. For most Indians, especially those who live in rural areas
(73% of the Indian population is still rural), caste factors are an integral part of their daily lives.
In many parts of the country Untouchables are not allowed inside temples and cannot use village
water wells. Marriages are generally arranged between persons of the same caste. Deferential
bodily movements and speech patterns in the presence of members of the upper castes have
governed the appropriate conduct of untouchables in public, and have frequently forbidden them
the use of various markers of honor and status, from modes of transport such as elephants,
horses, and palanquins to apparel and accessories such as upper body garments, turbans, and
shoes.

Modern developments

Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the British began recording and codifying caste, and
more untouchable castes based usually on occupation emerged: Bhangis or removers of human
waste in the north; Doms, the caretakers of the extensive burning grounds in the holy city of
Benaras (Varanasi); Dhobis, laundrymen who handle polluted clothing; Mahar and Chamar.
However, occupation is not always a reliable guide. Laundrymen (Dhobis) and barbers may be
untouchables in certain areas of the north but not in the state of Maharashtra. In 1935, the new
term "scheduled castes", those on a list or schedule, was applied to 429 castes. By 1993 the
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number had grown to 4,635, including sub castes and small castes. Harijan ("children of God", a
term coined by Gandhi) became the most popular word for the general public, replacing the
terms "depressed classes", "exterior castes", "outcastes", and "untouchables".

The British granted special political representation to the Untouchables, who had become
politically mobilized under the leadership of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. Ambedkar, a convert
from Hinduism to Buddhism, held that the Untouchables had been Buddhists isolated and
despised when Brahmanism became dominant about the fourth century. While Ambedkar
pursued legal and political means of securing Untouchable's rights, Gandhi opposed those
measures as too divisive, condemning "untouchable" without renouncing the varna concept of
caste.

After India became independent from British rule in 1947, a new Constitution was adopted,
which abolished "untouchable" and prohibited discrimination in public places. In addition,
special places were reserved for Untouchables in higher educational institutions, government
services, and in the lower houses of the central and state legislatures. A small proportion of
Untouchables have managed to gain entry into the middle class as school teachers, clerks, bank
tellers, typists, and government officials. However, most politicians belonging to the
Untouchable community have little say in party matters and government policy making. The
majority of Untouchables remain landless agricultural laborers, powerless, desperately poor, and
illiterate. Since the 1970s, the name Dalit ("ground down", "broken up", as in the title "Broken
People") has replaced the words "untouchable" and "harijan" in most public pronouncements and
the press. Young men who called themselves Dalit Panthers in imitation of the Black Panthers in
the United States are no longer active. Other oppressed castes, who belong mainly to the Shudra
caste and form about 50% of the country's population, have demanded from the government
benefits similar to those available to Dalits in government service and educational institutions,
leading to discontent among the upper castes. A Dalit political party, the Bahujan Samaj Party
("party of the majority"), founded in 1984 by Kanshi Ram, an untouchable Sikh, is particularly
strong in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh where they received 20.61% of the votes in
the 1996 general elections. Mayawati, a Chamar woman, served three terms as chief minister of
Uttar Pradesh. However, at the national level, the party has captured only 11 seats (3.64% of the
votes) in the 1996 general elections.

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CHAPTER-3
POLITICAL IMPACT OF CASTE SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION

The activist and reflective roles of politics in society can also lead to a conflict between politics
and society. While keeping in mind the complexity of the relationship between politics and
society, it may be stated that the politics of transitional societies reveals more complexities than
the politics of polarized ones. In all transitional societies the social structure, institutions,
relationships, roles and identities are in a state of flux and the new and emerging social
categories and linkage are involved in a continuous struggle with established social norms and
relations. The relationship between politics and society can' be neatly observed if the society has
reached a stage of polarization rather than in a society where numerous levels of relationship are
involved in a struggle between the old and the new. The framework of analysis applicable to
Indian society has to grapple with the stage of transition and the specificities and complexities of
the relationship between society and politics in the context of change. India is attempting a
reconciliation between a modern democratic political systems with a social system which has its
firm foundations in ancient culture. Many ancient social structures are persisting. In one sense,
the modern democratic political system has been superimposed on people who are greatly
attached to their past and the dynamics of contemporary Indian society derives from a struggle or
conflict between an emerging democratic politics on the one hand and the loyalties of people
rooted in the Indian past on the other.

Another important dimension of contemporary Indian society is that its material foundations are
changing: India is building a capitalist society. The logic of growth of capitalism In India is that
the rural economy is becoming commercialized, commodities are produced for the market,
surpluses are generated in the rural economy on capitalist lines, and in many regions capitalist
framing has emerged. To be sure, this economic transformation in the feudal and semi-feudal

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rural economy has many regional variations and diversities and the levels of development are
uneven, but the direction of development is clearly towards the building of a rural capitalist
economy linked with the overall capitalist development of India. Since the capitalist
development in India has been slow, many remnants of the past persist, and these make Indian
society multi-structural. Pre-capitalist formations are found co-existing with capitalist social
formations.
A specific feature of the development of contemporary Indian society is that all basic changes
have been initiated by the Indian state. The Indian State is the agency of change in society, and
for performing such a Central role the State seeks its legitimacy through the democratic verdict
of the people. Politics in India is a Pre-eminent factor in societal changes, and this is what is
responsible for the complexity of the interactions between politics and society. Further, large
masses of the people suffer from social and economic discriminations, and they look to the State
functionaries for protection and they look to the State functionaries for protection and survival
while those who belong to the vulnerable strata of society seek protection from the state, the
privileged and powerful seek to control state institutions and resources for protection and
promotion of their material interests. The essence of the struggle in India: who can control State
power through the democratic verdict of the people? Thus political parties and elections have
assumed great importance in India because State power can be controlled only through
democratically legitimized methods.

The social structure in India is to a large extent based on the caste-system. Due to western
education, Caste bonds began to weaken India. Rapid means of transport and communication
introduced by the British in India brought the people of different parts of the country into contact
with each other. Later on, the British Government discovered that one caste could be played
against another. Therefore, they followed the policy of divided and rule and set one caste against
the other. Though Indian Constitution abolishes Caste system but every political party tries to
use caste for country, therefore the Indian National Congress decided to do away with the caste-
system in India, when the Constitution was being framed. The untouchability was abolished in
all shapes and forms. Separate Electorate were also abolished and the Indian Constitution was
based on justice, equality, liberty and fraternity. The Constitution, however, made special
reservations and safeguards for certain Castes and Classes. Though these safeguards were made
for a certain period only in order to enable them to rise to a higher standard but they continued to
28 | P a g e
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be extended as no political party wanted to lose their support, whose numerical strength is very
large. Therefore, the caste has penetrated deep into the Indian society. In India, democracy was
introduced according to the new Constitution. Soon every party began to view with one another
to get maximum votes in the election and capture power. Therefore, the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled tribes whose status in the society hierarchy was very low became conscious of their
tremendous strength. Every Party wanted to ride to power by getting their votes. Even while
distributing the tickets and formation of ministries, Caste considerations were given the
uppermost consideration. Generally, the party ticket was given to that candidates belong to the
same caste, then only the voters do not succumb to this temptation. They then vote on the basis
of the party or the nearness to the candidates. This clearly shows that caste in modern India is
still playing a dominant role. Therefore, Prof. Srinivas has correctly said that the caste “is so
tacitly and so completely accepted by all, including most vocal elements in condemning it, that it
is everywhere the unit of social action ”.

The influence of caste permeates every area and level of political and administrative life of the
nation. It begins with the electoral politics. All parties including the so-called secular parties like
the CPI and CPM selects their candidates for elections with an eye on the Caste composition of
the constituencies concerned. Every party tries to select candidates from the numerically
dominant caste in the electoral area. In electoral campaigns party leaders make open or disguised
appeal to caste sentiments. It is not uncommon that the voters of a particular caste or Caste group
vote en block for the candidate of their own caste. In some caste casting one's vote is thought
to be like giving away one's daughter in marriage.

There is an electoral maxim in Haryana : Jat ki beti Jat Ko, Jat ki vote Jat ko (a Jat gives his
daughter away in marriages to a Jat, so he gives his vote to a Jat.) Prof. Srinivas rightly
observes that the caste “is so tacitly and so completely accepted by all, including the most vocal
in condemning it, that it is everywhere the unit of social action”. It is not in the electoral politics
alone that the influence of caste is visible. When a ministry is formed in a State or at the Centre,
caste considerations are always kept in mind. Every chief minister tries to ensure that all
dominant castes in the State are adequately represented in his council of ministers. It is
considered to be obligatory that every Union or State cabinet has one or more Harijan ministries.
In many States reservation in government jobs for backward classes has been provided. The

29 | P a g e
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various forms of assistance available under the community development schemes are distributed
on caste basis. The factors responsible for the dominance of caste in politics are many. First no
party has a clear cut ideology or a definite socio-economic programme. Every Party swears by
Gandhism, democracy , socialism and secularism. But none of them is sincere to any of these
ideals.

In practical politics every party is guided only by one consideration, how to capture power. Even
the communist parties which profess secularism are no exception to it. If the parties were to be
organized on ideological or programmatic basis, caste and communal factors would naturally be
weakened. Secondly, the Indian political system is highly competitive. In their pursuit of power
parties and politicians leave no stone unturned to mobilize social groups to build up for
themselves as wide a support as possible.

“The process of politics,” writes Rajani Kothari, “is one of identifying and manipulating
existing structure in order to mobilize support and consolidate positions when the caste structure
provides one of the most important organizational clusters in which population is found to live,
politics must strive to organize through such a structure. The alleged casteism in politics is thus
no less than politicization of caste.” In simple words it means that the political leaders belonging
to different castes seek to secure political and other advantages for themselves” at the expense of
others and to this end they utilize the caste sentiment. Caste consciousness and caste prejudices
which exist among the masses are thus turned by politicians into caste passions.

It may be noted that the impact of caste is not uniform at all levels of politics. It is most widely
spread at local levels. In the panchayat raj institutions politics is exclusively dominated by the
caste factor. In villages and small towns illiteracy is widespread, caste prejudices are deep-seated
and the general outlook of the people is very narrow. Besides, constituencies are small.
Naturally, it becomes easy for local politicians to mobilize voters on caste basis. But the role of
caste at the levels of state and national politics is not so prominent. Constituencies being very
large, it is not possible for candidates to win election with the exclusive support of a single caste
or a single group of castes. They have to win the support of other castes also. However, it would;
'be wrong to state that at the higher levels of politics the caste factor disappears. Another
important fact about the role of state is that it is not uniform in all States. Although no State of

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the Indian Union is immune to the impact of caste politics, it is more intense and widespread in
Bihar, Utter Pradesh, Kerala, Tamila Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.

It is difficult to evaluate the role of caste in politics. Some students of the Indian Political system
hold the view that casteism is playing a progressive role in modernizing Indian society. The
primary function of caste politics has been to transfer authority from the higher to the lower and
middle castes. Casteism has become a means of leveling the old order of inequality and uplifting
the downtrodden sections of society. It has created in them a sense of self—respect and
generated the consciousness that if they unite on caste basis they can challenge the dominance of
the higher castes and better their economic lot and social standing. However, this view is highly
untenable. In reality, casteism is inimical to the interest of the masses belonging to all castes.

“ The existence of caste consciousness, caste prejudices, discontent on the basis of caste
inequalities—all these are impediments in the way of the development of the country as a whole,
and therefore, of the development of 'lower' and 'backward' castes themselves. Caste separatism,
therefore, hinders, rather than helps, the advancement of the 'lower' castes themselves.”

Reservation system in India

Reservation in India is the process of facilitating a person in education, scholarship, jobs, and in
promotion who has category certificates. Reservation is a form of quota based affirmative action.
Reservation is governed by constitutional laws, statutory laws, and local rules and regulations.
Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC), and in some
states Backward Classes among Muslims under a category called BC(M), are the primary
beneficiaries of the reservation policies under the Constitution – with the object of ensuring a
level playing field.

Background of caste based reservation

A common form of caste discrimination in India was the practice of untouchability. Scheduled
Castes (SCs) were the primary targets of the practice, which is outlawed by the Constitution of

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India.37 In 1982, the Constitution specified 15% and 7.5% of vacancies in public sector and
government aided educational institutes as a quota reserved for the SC and ST candidates
respectively for a period of five years, after which the quota system would be reviewed. This
period was routinely extended by the succeeding governments. The Supreme Court of India ruled
that reservations could not exceed 50% (which it judged would violate equal access guaranteed
by the Constitution) and put a cap on reservations. The primary stated objective of the Indian
reservation system is to increase the opportunities for enhanced social and educational status of
the underprivileged communities and thus uplift their lifestyle to have their place in the
mainstream of Indian society.38 The reservation system exists to provide opportunities for the
members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to increase their political representation
in the State Legislatures, the Executive Organ of the Union (Centre) and States, the labour force,
schools, colleges, and other public institutions. The Constitution of India states in article 16(4):
"Nothing in [article 16] or in clause (2) of article 29 shall prevent the State from making any
special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes." Article 46 of the Constitution
states that "The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of
the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation." Today, out of
543 seats in India's parliament, 84 (15.47%) are reserved for SC/Dalits and 47 (8.66%)for
ST/Tribes. Allocation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the Lok Sabha are made on the
basis of proportion of Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the State concerned to that of the total
population, vide provision contained in Article 330 of the Constitution of India read with Section
3 of the R. P. Act, 1950. However, there are state laws that exceed this 50% limit and these are
under litigation in the Supreme Court. For example, the caste based reservation stands at 69%
and the same is applicable to about 87% of the population in the State of Tamil Nadu. In 1990,
Prime Minister V. P. Singh announced that 27% of government positions would be set aside for
OBCs in addition to the 22.5% already set aside for the SCs and STs.39

37
Basu, Durga Das (2008). Introduction to the Constitution of India. Nagpur: LexisNexis Butterworths Wadhwa.
p. 98. ISBN 978-81-8038-559-9
38
Sheth, D. L. (14 November 1987). "Reservations Policy Revisited". Economic and Political Weekly 22 (46):
1957–1962. JSTOR 4377730
39
"The Struggle for Equality in India". Retrieved 23 April,2016.
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Beneficiary groups of the reservation system

Enrolment in educational institutions and job placements are reserved based on a variety of
criteria. The quota system sets aside a proportion of all possible positions for members of a
specific group. Those not belonging to the designated communities can compete only for the
remaining positions, while members of the designated communities can compete for either
reserved or open position. For example, when 1 out of 10 clerical positions in railways are
reserved for ex servicemen, those who have served in the Army can compete both in the
"General Category" as well as in the specific quota. Seats are reserved for people under the
following criteria:
Caste :
In central government funded higher education institutions, 22.5% of available seats are
reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) students (7.5% for STs, 15% for
SCs).40 This reservation percentage has been raised to 49.5% by including an additional 27%

40
"Affirmative Action and Peer Effects: Evidence from Caste Based Reservation in General Education Colleges in
33 | P a g e
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reservation for OBCs. This ratio is followed even in Parliament and all elections where a few
constituencies are earmarked for those from certain communities (which will next rotate in 2026
per the Delimitation Commission The exact percentages vary from state to state:
 In Tamil Nadu, the reservation is 18% for SCs and 1% for STs, based on local
demographics.
 In Northeast India, especially in Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Mizoram,
reservation for ST in State Govt. jobs is 80% with only 20% unreserved. In the Central
Universities of NEHU(shillong) and Rajiv Gandhi University, 60% of seats are reserved
for ST students.
 In Andhra Pradesh, 25% of educational institutes and government jobs are reserved for
OBCs, 15% for SCs, 6% for STs and 4% for Muslims.
 In West Bengal, 35% of educational institute seats and government jobs are reserved for
SC, ST, and OBC (22% SC, 6%ST, 7% for OBC A &B)in West Bengal there is no
reservation on religious basis but some economically and educationally backward
Muslim castes(basis surnames pertaining to different profession e.g. cobbler, weaver
etc.) have been included along with their Hindu counterparts in OBC list namely OBC A
and OBC B, in both lists caste from both communities are there. But in higher
educational institute, till now there is no reservation for the OBC community but there is
reservation in regard to admission in primary, secondary and higher secondary studies.

Gender

In 1993, a constitutional amendment in India called for a random one third of village council
leader, or pradhan, positions in gram panchayat to be reserved for women.41 The village council
is responsible for the provision of village infrastructure – such as public buildings, water, and
roads – and for identifying government program beneficiaries. Although all decisions in the
village council are made by majority, the pradhan is the only fulltime member and exercises
significant control over the final council decisions. Recent research on the quota system has

India" (PDF). Virginia University,Virginia. Retrieved 23 April 2016.

41
Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra, and Esther Duflo. 2004. "Women as Policy Makers: Evidence from a Randomized
Policy Experiment in India." Econometrica 72(5): 1409–43.
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revealed that it has changed perceptions of women’s abilities, improved women’s electoral
chances, and raised aspirations and educational attainment for adolescent girls. There is a long
term plan to extend this reservation to parliament and legislative assemblies. For instance, some
law schools in India have a 30% reservation for females. Progressive political opinion in India is
strongly not in favour of providing preferential treatment to women to create a level playing field
for all of its citizens. Critics say gender cannot be held as a basis for reservation alone other
factors should also be considered e.g. economic, social conditions of woman candidate especially
when applying reservation for educated women. There also is a growing demand for women
reservation in preexisting reservations like OBC, SC/ST, Physically handicapped etc. Some
groups still demand that reservation for women should be at least 50% as they comprise 50% of
the population.
In Gujarat, 33% of posts are reserved for females in all government departments and services,
such as police, health, education and general administration.42

Mandal Comission

The Mandal Commission was established in India in 1979 by the Janata Party government under
Prime Minister Morarji Desai with a mandate to "identify the socially or educationally

42
"Gujarat increases women reservation to 33% in government jobs".dna.14 October 2014 Retrieved 23 April,2016
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backward." It was headed by Indian parliamentarian B.P. Mandal to consider the question of
seat reservations and quotas for people to redress caste discrimination, and used eleven social,
economic, and educational indicators to determine backwardness. In 1980, the commission's
report affirmed the affirmative action practice under Indian law whereby members of lower
castes (known as Other Backward Classes (OBC), Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes
(ST)) were given exclusive access to a certain portion of government Jobs and slots in public
universities, and recommended changes to these quotas, increasing them by 27% to 50%.
Mobilization on caste lines had followed the political empowerment of ordinary citizens by the
constitution of free India that allowed common people to politically assert themselves through
the right to vote.

Observations and findings

The commission estimated that 54% of the total population (excluding SCs and STs), belonging
to 3,743 different castes and communities, were ‘backward’.43 The number of backward castes in
Central list of OBCs has now increased to 5,013 (without the figures for most of the Union
Territories) in 2006 as per National Commission for Backward Classes. Figures of castewise
population are not available beyond. So the commission used 1931 census data to calculate the
number of OBCs. The population of Hindu OBCs was derived by subtracting from the total
population of Hindus, the population of SC and ST and that of forward Hindu castes and
communities, and it worked out to be 52 per cent. Assuming that roughly the proportion of OBCs
amongst non Hindus was of the same order as amongst the Hindus, the population of non Hindu

OBCs was considered as 52 per cent. Assuming that a child from an advanced class family and
that of a backward class family had the same intelligence at the time of their birth, it is obvious
that owing to vast differences in social, cultural and environmental factors, the former will beat
the latter by lengths in any competitive field. Even if an advanced class child's intelligence
quotient was much lower compared to the child of backward class, chances are that the former
will still beat the latter in any competition where selection is made on the basis of 'merit'. In fact,
what we call 'merit' in an elitist society is an amalgam of native endowments and environmental
privileges. A child from an advanced class family and that of a backward class family are not

43
"Redesigning reservations: Why removing caste based quotas is not the answer".
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'equals' in any fair sense of the term and it will be unfair to judge them by the same yardstick.
The conscience of a civilised society and the dictates of social justice demand that 'merit' and
'equality' are not turned into a fetish and the element of privilege is duly recognised and
discounted for when 'unequal' are made to run the same race. To place the amalgams of open
caste conflicts in proper historical context, the study done by Tata institute of Social Sciences
Bombay observes. “The British rulers produced many structural disturbances in the Hindu caste
structure, and these were contradictory in nature and impact …. Thus, the various impacts of the
British rule on the Hindu caste system, viz., near monopolisation of jobs, education and
professions by the literati castes, the Western concepts of equality and justice undermining the
Hindu hierarchical dispensation, the phenomenon of Sanskritization, genteel reform movement
from above and militant reform movements from below, emergence of the caste associations
with a new role set the stage for the caste conflicts in modern India. Two more ingredients which
were very weak in the British period, viz., politicisation of the masses and universal adult
franchise, became powerful moving forces after the Independence

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Recommendations

The report of the commission was submitted in December 1980. The following are the
recommendations as stated in the report:

It may appear the upliftment of Other Backward Classes is part of the larger national problem of
the removal of mass poverty. This is only partially correct. The deprivation of OBCs is a very
special case of the larger national issue: here the basic question is that of social and educational
backwardness and poverty is only a direct consequence of these two crippling caste based
handicaps. As these handicaps are embedded in our social structure, their removal will require
far reaching structural changes. No less important will be changes in the perception of the
problems of OBCs by the ruling classes of the country.

Protest

A decade after the commission gave its report, V.P. Singh, the Prime Minister at the time, tried
to implement its recommendations in 1989. The criticism was sharp and colleges across the
country held massive protests against it. Soon after, Rajiv Goswami, student of Delhi
University, committed self immolation in protest of the government's actions. His act further
sparked a series of self immolations by other college students and led to a formidable movement
against job reservations for Backward Castes in India. First student to die due to self immolation
was Surinder Singh Chauhan on 24 Sep 1990.

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Arguments against reservations

The opponents of reservation argue:

 Allocating quotas on the basis of caste is a form of racial discrimination, and contrary to
the right to equality. If at all, quotas should be based on economic hardships, which can
be changed, not on race. Basing them on an unchangeable factor makes them unfair and
useless. Despite the improvement in lower caste socioeconomic status, the presence of
caste will still be felt and administered officially.
 As a consequence of legislating to provide reservations for Christians and Muslim,
religious minorities in all government education institutions will be introduced which is
contrary to the ideas of secularism, and is a form of anti-discrimination on the basis of
religion.
 Most often, only economically sound people (and rather rich) from the so called lower
castes will make use of most of the reserved seats, thus counteracting the spirit of
reservations. Political parties know reservations are no way to improve the lot of the poor
and the backward. They support them because of self interest of the "creamy layer", who
use the reservations to further their own family interests, and as a political flag of
'achievement' during election campaigns. Several studies show that the OBC class is
comparable with the general caste in terms of annual per capita consumption expenditure,
and the top strata of OBC is ahead in a host of consumption areas.44
 The quality of these elite institutes may go down, because merit is severely being
compromised by reserving seats for certain caste based communities.
 There are no efforts made to give proper primary education to truly deprived classes, so
there is no need to reserve seats for higher studies. The government schools in India have
absolutely no comparison to the public schools in the developed countries, and only about
65% of the Indian population is literate,. The critics argue that "reservation" only in
higher institutions and jobs, without improving primary and secondary education, cannot
solve this problem.
 The government is dividing people on the basis of castes for political advantages.

44
Dobhal, Shailesh (2 June 2006). "In consumption, OBCs are no longer backwards". The Economic Times, Times
Internet Limited. Retrieved 23-April-2016.
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 The caste system is kept alive through these measures. Instead of coming up with
alternative innovative ideas which make sure equal representation at the same time
making the caste system irrelevant, the decision is only fortifying the caste system.
 The autonomy of the educational institutes are lost.
 Not everyone from the so called upper classes are rich, and not all from so called lower
classes are poor.
 The reservation policy will create a huge unrest in the Indian society. Providing quotas on
the basis of caste and not on the basis of merit will deter the determination of many
educated and deserving students of India.
 Multinational companies will be deterred by this action of the government, and foreign
investment in India may dry down, hurting the growth of the Indian economy. Doubtless,
urgent actions to improve the lot of the majority, which has not benefited from
development—not achieved after 55 years of reservations for scheduled castes—are
essential. But this must not hazard improving the economy's competitiveness in a very
competitive world.
 There are already talks of reservations in the private sector. If even after providing so
many facilities to reserved categories during education, if there is no adequate
representation of those people in the work force, there must be some problems with the
education system.

Critics of the Mandal Commission argue that it is unfair to accord people special privileges on
the basis of caste, even in order to redress traditional caste discrimination. They argue that those
that deserve the seat through merit will be at a disadvantage. They reflect on the repercussions of
unqualified candidates assuming critical positions in society (doctors, engineers, etc.). As the
debate on OBC reservations spreads, a few interesting facts which raise pertinent question are
already apparent. To begin with, is there any clear idea what proportion of our population is
OBC? According to the Mandal Commission (1980) it is 52 percent. According to 2001 Indian
Census, out of India's population of 1,028,737,436 the Scheduled Castes comprise 166,635,700
and Scheduled Tribes 84,326,240, that is 16.2% and 8.2% respectively. There is no data on
OBCs in the census.45 However, according to National Sample Survey's 1999–2000 round

45
"Population". Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. Retrieved 23-April-2016
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around 36 per cent of the country's population is defined as belonging to the Other Backward
Classes (OBC). The proportion falls to 32 per cent on excluding Muslim OBCs. A survey
conducted in 1998 by National Family Health Statistics (NFHS) puts the proportion of non
Muslim OBCs as 29.8 per cent. The NSSO data also shows that already 23.5 per cent of college
seats are occupied by OBCs. That's just 8.6 per cent short of their share of population according
to the same survey. Other arguments include that entrenching the separate legal status of OBCs
and SC/STs will perpetuate caste differentiation and encourage competition among communities
at the expense of national unity. They believe that only a small new elite of educated Dalits,
Adivasis, and OBCs benefit from reservations, and that such measures don't do enough to lift the
mass of people out of poverty.

In the meanwhile, along with the protests against reservation, protests in favour of caste based
reservations are also going on, some of which are given below -

Jat reservation agitation :

The Jat Reservation Agitation was a series of protests in February 2016 by Jat people of North
India, especially those in the state of Haryana. The protesters sought inclusion of their caste in
the Other Backward Class (OBC) category, which would make them eligible for affirmative
action benefits. Besides Haryana, the protests also spread to the neighbouring states, such as
Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and also the National Capital Region.46 Police and onlookers describes
the initial phase of the protests as "peaceful". Starting on 12 February, the Jats organized
nonviolent protests for reservation by blocking railway lines and roads, while non Jats opposed
to their demands organized counter protests. On 18 February, a group of non Jats protesters
clashed violently with a group of lawyers protesting against 2016 JNU sedition controversy,
mistaking the lawyers for Jats. Later on, they also came into conflict with the Jat students. On the
same day, the police allegedly beat up some Jat students in Rohtak, while trying to open a
blockade. Police also raided a Boys' hostel, and reportedly assaulted the Jat students, an
occurrence which was "captured on camera and circulated over social media." Following these
incidents, several incidents of inter caste violence took place across Haryana.

46
Jat samiti halts traffic in Faridabad
(http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/haryana/community/jatsamitihaltstrafficinfaridabad/ 112071.html) (Faridabad).
The Tribune. Retrieved 23 April 2016.
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By 22 February, the protests were estimated to have caused a loss of 340 billion (US$5.1 billion)
in northern India.47 Railway Minister told in Lok Sabha "The total loss suffered by Railways on
account of damage to property and cancellation of tickets during the agitation is about Rs 55.92
crore. By 26 February, 30 people had been killed in the violence. The government of Haryana
has approved the Haryana Backward Classes (Reservation in Services and Admission in
Educational Institutions) Bill, which is about to come into effect after a "formal notification"
from the law secretary. The enacted bill enlists the Jats of Hindu, Sikhism and Islam faiths,
Bishnois, Tyagis, and Rors in the recently sculpted Backward Classes (C) category, making them
eligible for 10% reservation in class 3 and 4, and 6 % reservation in class 1 and 2 jobs.

Patidar reservation agitation :

Starting of July 2015, the people of India's Patidar community, seeking Other Backward Class
(OBC) status, held public demonstrations across the Indian state of Gujarat. The largest
demonstration was held in Ahmedabad on 25 August and was attended by thousands. Later, there
were incidents of violence and arson across the state resulting in curfew in several cities and
towns. The properties and vehicles worth crores of Rupees were damaged and destroyed. The
state returned to normalcy by 28 August. The agitation renewed in September despite the talks
with the government and again turned violent on 19 September. The government announced a
scheme which offered scholarships and subsidies to general category students on 24 September.

Hardik Patel , the face of the Patidar reservation agitation

47
" 'Jat Quota Protests Cost Rs. 34,000 Crore Loss To Northern States' ". NDTV. 22 February 2016.
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After Jat reservation agitation, the government of Haryana accepted the demand of Jat
community for reservation. It prompted the another round of agitation. The seven member
committee headed by Nitin Patel failed to find compromise and the second round of negatiation
was held by Vitthal Radadiya, a BJP MP. A new outfit Patidar Sangh was also formed which
was based in Surat and consists of people from diamond industry. They announced Rs. 3 lakh to
kins of all twelve Patidars died in the agitation. They also organized symbolic fasts in support of
release of Patidar leaders from the jails. PAAS and SPG presented their demands. Hardik Patel
and another Patidar leaders continue to face legal charges and are in jail. Patidars started "Jail
Bharo Andolan" (Fill The Jails Agitation) for their release on 17 April 2016. The permission to
hold protest was not granted. The district administration issued prohibitory orders under section
144 but the protestors defied the order. The agitation turned violent as protestors clashed with
police in Mehsana. Around 25 protestors, five policemen and two officials were injured in the
clashes. Curfew was imposed in Mehsana. The mobile internet service was suspended in
Ahmedabad, Mehsana, Surat and Rajkot. The four companies of Rapid Action Force was
deployed in the affected cities and ten companies of CRPF was requested from the central
government. Some people were arrested also. There was also incidents of clashes in Varachha
area of Surat. Patidar leaders called for statewide Bandh (strike). One Patidar leader committed
suicide in Surat.

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CHAPTER-4
REFORMS TOWARDS A BETTER SOCIETY
Before Independence

Many social reformers recognized the evils of the caste system and efforts were made to put an
end to this evil at various times in our history. Gautam Buddha founded a religion that did away
with the caste system. Saints like Shankaracharya began the Bhakti Movement as an attempt to
end this social evil. Other great men like Ramanand, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Chaitanya Mahaprbhu
all tried to remove the barriers of caste and reform the society.

During the British rule social reformers like Ishwarchandra Vidyasagar, Raja Ram Mohan Roy,
Swami Dayanand Saraswati and Jotiba Phule all began movements to awaken the people against
casteism. Mahatma Gandhi himself was one of the greatest opponents of discrimination on the
basis of caste, and worked extensively towards assimilating those who were called Harijans into
society.

Since Independence

With the growth of education, people have acquired greater awareness and caste system is not
followed so rigidly today, particularly in the urban areas. The development of science and
technology and progress in industry along with the impact of various movements for social
reforms has made changes in the outlook of the people. The pressures of modern life along with
progress in methods of transport and communication do not allow those ancient prejudices to
continue. For example, students belonging to many different castes study together in schools,
colleges, and universities. Travelling in trains, buses, and planes, and eating in restaurants with a
vast cross section of people has made it difficult for such outdated practices to continue.

The Constitution of India also declares the practice of untouchability and caste discrimination of
any kind illegal. The State is suppose to provide equal opportunities for all the citizens of India
in matters of education or employment. No one can be prevented from using public facilities like
wells, water tanks, or denied entry into temples, hotels, cinema halls, and restaurants on the

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ground of caste or religion. However, unfortunately, this practice has not been totally rooted out.
Caste discrimination still exists in many small towns and villages. As often riots break out and
people indulge in killings of the ones belonging to other castes and destroy their property. We
can only put an end to this evil by spreading education and creating awareness among people
throughout the country. Education broadens the mind the people begin to look at things from a
different perspective.

They begin to realize that there are many issues that are more important than the narrow
divisions of caste. Thus, we must help to spread education and modern scientific attitudes to
ensure the progress of our country.

The Religious and Social Reform of India – The Indian Renaissance!

The urgent need for social and religious reform that began to manifest itself from the early
decades of the 19th century arose in response to the contact with Western culture and education.
The weakness and decay of Indian society was evident to educated Indians who started to work
systematically for their removal. They were no longer willing to accept the traditions, beliefs and
practices of Hindu society simply because they had been observed for centuries.

The impact of Western ideas gave birth to new awakening. The change that took place in the
Indian social scenario is popularly known as the Renaissance.

Raja Rammohan Roy:

The central figure of this cultural awakening was Raja Rammohan Roy. Known as the “father of
the Indian Renaissance”, Rammohan Roy was a great patriot, scholar and humanist. He was
moved by deep love for the country and worked throughout his life for the social, religious,
intellectual and political regeneration of the Indians.

Rammohan Roy was born in 1772 in Radha nagar, a small village in Bengal. As a young man he
had studied Sanskrit literature and Hindu philosophy in Varanasi and Persian, Arabic and Koran
in Patna. He was a great scholar Roy who mastered several languages including English, Latin,
Greek and Hebrew.

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Social Reforms:

In 1814, Rammohan Roy settled in Calcutta and dedicated his life to the cause of social and
religious reform. As a social reformer, Rammohan Roy fought relentlessly against social evils
like sati, polygamy, child marriage, female infanticide and caste discrimination. He organised a
movement against the inhuman custom of sati and helped William Bentinck to pass a law
banning the practice (1829). It was the first successful social movement against an age old social
evil. Rammohan Roy was one of the earliest propagators of modern Western education. He
looked upon it as a major instrument for the spread of modern ideas in the country. He was
associated with the foundation the Hindu College in Calcutta (which later came to be known as
the Presidency College). He also maintained at his own cost an English school in Calcutta. In
addition, he established a Vedanta College where both Indian learning and Western social and
physical science courses were offered.

He sent petitions to the government to adopt a wider system of public education in English. He
also recognised the importance of vernaculars for spreading new ideas. He compiled a Bengali
grammar and developed an easy and modern style of Bengali prose.

Journalism:

Rammohan Roy was a pioneer of Indian journalism. He himself published journals in Bengali,
Persian, Hindi and English to educate the public on various current issues. Samvad Kaumudi was
the most important journal brought out by him. Rammohan Roy and Internationalism:
Rammohan Roy was a firm believer in internationalism. He held that the suffering and happiness
of one nation should affect the rest of the world. He took a keen interest in international events
and always supported the cause of liberty and nationalism. He celebrated the success of the
revolution in Spain in 1823 by hosting a public dinner.

Henry Vivian Derozio and the young Bengal movement :

The establishment of the Hindu College in 1817 was a major event in the history of Bengal. It
played an important role in carrying forward the reformist movement that had already emerged
in the province. A radical movement for the reform of Hindu Society, known as the Young
Bengal Movement, started in the college.

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Its leader was Henry Vivian Derozio, a teacher of the Hindu College. Derozio was born in 1809.
He was of mixed parentage his father was Portuguese and his mother was Indian. In 1826, at the
age of 17, he joined the Hindu College as a teacher and taught there till 1831.

Derozio was deeply influenced by the revolutionary ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity. He
was a brilliant teacher and within a short period of time, he drew around him a group of
intelligent boys in the college. He inspired his students to think rationally and freely, to question
authority, to love liberty, equality and freedom and to worship truth. By organising an
association for debates and discussions on literature, philosophy, history and science, he spread
radical ideas. The movement started by Derozio was called the Young Bengal Movement and his
followers were known as the Derozians. They condemned religious rites and the rituals, and
pleaded for eradication of social evils, female education and improvement in the condition of
women.

Derozio was a poet, teacher, reformer and a fiery journalist. He was perhaps the first nationalist
poet of modern India. He was removed from the Hindu College because of his radicalism and
died soon after at the age of 22. The Derozians could not lead a very successful movement
because social conditions were not yet ripe for their ideas to flourish. Yet they carried forward
Rammohan’s tradition of educating the people on social, economic and political questions.

Debendranath Tagore:

Debendranath Tagore, the father of Rabindra Nath Tagore, was responsible for revitalising the
Brahmo Samaj. Under him the first step was taken to convert the Brahmo Samaj into a separate
religious and social community. He represented the best in traditional Indian learning and the
new thought of the West. In 1839, he founded the Tatvabodhini Sabha to propagate Rammohan
Roy’s ideas. He promoted a magazine to do a systematic study of India’s past in Bengali
language. The Samaj actively Debendranath Tagore supported the movements for widow
remarriage, the abolition of polygamy, women’s education and the improvement in the condition
of the peasantry.

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Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar:

Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar, a towering personality of the mid nineteenth century, was born in a
poor Brahmin family of Bengal in 1820. He was a renowned Sanskrit scholar and became the
Principal of the Sanskrit College in 1851. The Sanskrit College conferred on him the title of
‘Vidyasagar’ because of his profound knowledge of Sanskrit. Pandit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar
was both a scholar and a reformer. He was a great humanist and had deep sympathy for the poor
and the oppressed. He dedicated his entire life to the cause of social reform which he thought
was necessary for modernising India. By admitting non Brahmin students to the Sanskrit
College, he dealt a severe blow to the prevalent caste system.

Vidyasagar was a staunch supporter of women’s education and helped Drinkwater Bethune to
establish the Bethune School, the first Indian school for girls, in 1849. As Inspector of Schools,
Vidyasagar opened a number of schools for girls in the districts under his charge. Vidyasagar’s
greatest contribution lies in the improvement of the condition of widows. Despite opposition,
Vidyasagar openly advocated widow remarriage. Soon a powerful movement in favour of widow
remarriage was started. At last, after prolonged struggle the Widow Remarriage Act was passed
in 1856.

Through his efforts, twenty five widow remarriages took place. He also spoke vehemently
against child marriage and polygamy. Vidyasagar contributed enormously to the growth of the
Bengali language and contributed to the evolution of the modern prose style in Bengali. He wrote
a Bengali primer, ‘Varna Parichay’, which is used even today. Through his writings, Vidyasagar
made the people aware of the social problems and thus helped the growth of nationalism in India.

Sri Ramakrishna Paramhamsa:

Sri Ramakrishna Paramhamsa was one of the greatest saints of modern India. Ramakrishna was
born in a poor Brahmin family of Bengal. He showed a religious bent of mind from his
childhood. He had no formal education but his discourses were full of wisdom. He was the chief
priest of the Kali temple at Dakshineswar near Calcutta. People from all walks of life visited
Dakshineswar to listen to his discourses.Ramakrishna Paramhamsa was a man with a liberal
outlook. He firmly believed that there was an underlying unity among all religions and that only

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the methods of worship were different. God could be approached by any form of worship as long
as it was done with single minded devotion. Different religions were all different roads to reach
the same God. He believed that service to man was service to God, for man was the embodiment
of God on earth. As man was the creation of God, manmade divisions made no sense to him.

Ramakrishna Paramhamsa was a great teacher who could express complicated philosophical
ideas in a simple language for everyone to understand. He believed that religious salvation could
be attained through renunciation, meditation and devotion.

Swami Vivekananda:

Narendra Nath Dutta, better known as Swami Vivekananda, was the most illustrious disciple of
Sri Ramakrishna. He was born in Calcutta in January, 1863. He graduated from the Scottish
Church College and was well versed in Western philosophy. Vivekananda was a man of great
intellect and possessed a critical and analytical mind. At the age of eighteen, Vivekananda met
Sri Ramakrishna. This meeting transformed his life completely. After the death of Sri
Ramakrishna, he became a ‘sanyasi’ and devoted his life to preaching and spreading
Ramakrishna’s message to the people. His religious message was put in a form that would suit
the needs of contemporary Indian society. Vivekananda proclaimed the essential oneness of all
religions. He condemned the caste system, religious rituals, ceremonies and superstitions. He
had a deep understanding of Hindu philosophy and travelled far and wide to spread its message.
At the Parliament of World Religions in Chicago (1893), Vivekananda spoke about Hindu
religion at length. His brilliant speech on Hindu philosophy was well received. American
newspapers described him as an ‘Orator by Divine Right’. He delivered a series of lectures in the
U.S.A., England and in several other countries of Europe. Through his speeches,

Vivekananda explained Hindu philosophy and clarified the wrong notions that prevailed in
Western countries about the Hindu religion and Indian culture. In India, however, Vivekananda’s
main role was that of a social reformer rather than a religious leader. He propagated
Ramakrishna’s message of peace and brotherhood and emphasized the need for religious
tolerance which would lead to the establishment of peace and harmony in the country. He
believed that it was the social responsibility of the better placed people to take care of the
downtrodden, or the ‘daridra narayan’. With his clarity of thought, deep understanding of the

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social problems of India, Vivekananda undoubtedly left a deep mark on the Indian intelligentsia
as well as on the masses. At a time when the nation was in despair, he preached the gospel of
strength and selfreliance. Vivekananda died at the age of 39.

The Ramakrishna Mission:

In 1896, Vivekananda founded the Ramakrishna Mission to propagate social welfare. It laid
emphasis not on personal salvation but on social good and social service. The Ramakrishna
Mission stood for religious and social reform based on the ancient culture of India. Emphasis
was put on the essential spirit of Hinduism and not on rituals. Rendering social service was the
primary aim of the Ramakrishna Mission. It believed that serving a human being was the same as
worshipping God. The Mission opened a chain of schools, hospitals, orphanages and libraries
throughout the country. It provided relief during famines, earthquakes and epidemics. A math or
monastery was established in Belur near Calcutta. The Belur Math took care of the religious
developments of the people.

Dayanand Saraswati and the Arya Samaj:

Another organisation in northern India which aimed to strengthen Hinduism through reform was
the Arya Samaj. Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj in Rajkot, was born into a
Brahmin family in Kathiawar, Gujarat, in 1824. At the early age of 14, he rebelled against the
practice of idol worship. He ran away from home at the age of twenty. For the next fifteen years,
he wandered all over India meditating and studying the ancient Hindu scriptures.

In 1863 Swami Dayanand started preaching his doctrine of one God. He questioned the
meaningless rituals, decried polytheism and image worship and denounced the caste system. He
wanted to purify Hinduism and attacked the evils that had crept into Hindu society. Dayanand
Saraswati believed that the Vedas contained the knowledge imparted to men by God, and hence
its study alone could solve all social problems. So he propagated the motto “Back to the Vedas.”
Asserting that the Vedas made no mention of untouchability, child marriage and the subjugation
of women, Swami Dayanand attacked these practices vehemently. Dayanand began the suddhi
movement which enabled the Hindus who had accepted Islam or Christianity to return to
Hinduism, their original faith. Dayanand published his religious commentaries in Hindi so as to

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make the common people understand his preachings. The Satyarth Prakash was his most
important work. The Swami worked actively for the regeneration of India. In 1875, Swami
Dayanand founded the Arya Samaj in Bombay. The Arya Samaj made significant contributions
to the fields of education and social and religious reforms. After his death, his followers had
established the Dayanand Anglo Vedic Schools first in Lahore and then in other parts of India.
Gurukuls were also established to propagate traditional ideals of education. A network of schools
and colleges both for boys and girls were also established by the Arya Samaj. The Arya Samaj
influenced mostly the people of northern India, specially Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Gujarat and
Punjab. Although it was not a political organisation, the Arya Samaj played a positive role in
creating a nationalist pride in Indian tradition and culture.

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CHAPTER-5

FIELD- WORK
Following are the details of the field-work which the researcher has done-

PLACE- Agamkuan,Patna DATE-20/04/2016 TIME- 7.30 PM

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE NO.-1

A. PERSONAL INFORMATION

NAME - Prithvi Raj Singh

AGE - 40 years

SEX- Male

OCCUPATION- Private Job

1.What do you understand by the term ‘caste’ ?

Caste is a type of social stratification which is prevalent in India and is based on birth. This is
different from “class” in the sense that “class” is a social division which is primarily based on
economy.

2.What are your feelings regarding people of another caste?

I am not much affected by the same. Even my partner, she happens to be from a different caste
(but it needs to be kept in mind that she isn’t from the presumed lower caste).

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3.Would you like to have meal on a table on which people from every section of society use to
eat. Please support your answer with reasoning.

No, I have no such problem

4.Do you think that reservation on the basis of caste is justified. Please support your answer with
reasoning.

No I don’t support the same. Because you will see people who have come from reservation (the
deserved candidate who need this system) living an extravagant lifestyle which most of the
general students follow.

5.What do you think about untouchability ?

Since I haven’t seen this concept in practice (though I am by no means suggesting that the same
isn’t practiced) I will refrain myself from going into the detail of the same. But still if it is in
practice then I think that it is a curse for a society which needs to be removed as earlier as
possible.

6.According to you, what is the role of society in caste system ?

Since the same is accorded (caste is) by the society that is why it plays the most important role.

7.What do you think about the role of caste in politics ?

Sadly, it is the cornerstone on which the propaganda of every Political Party is based on before
the election. Sadder is the part that even the policies are based on caste. This is epitomized in the
state of Bihar.

8.How much, are you guided by the feeling of casteism while electing your representatives in the
elections?

It doesn’t affect me too much but I can’t say for sure that I remain unaffected by this feeling.

9.Do you think that society can function even without caste system ?

Indeed, it can. This question is bordering on the realms of absurdness.

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10.Would you ever like to be a part of any such movement which is against the distribution of
society on the basis of caste ? Do you think that reservation should be given, only to the needy
ones, and it should not be confined to some specific caste or tribes only ?

Indeed, I will. For the 2nd part, I would like to pose a counter-question rather than answering the
same in a straightforward manner. Should reservation be given to that person who is commuting
in a Mercedes or another ‘general’ candidate who doesn’t even have a bicycle.

Sign of Interviewer Sign of Interviewee

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PLACE- Naya Tola,Kumhrar,Patna DATE-21/04/2016 TIME-7.30 AM

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE NO.-2

A. PERSONAL INFORMATION

NAME – Bipin Kumar Ray

AGE - 32 Years

SEX - Male

OCCUPATION- Business

1.What do you understand by the term ‘caste’ ?

It is a differentiation between four types of varnas.

2.What are your feelings regarding people of another caste ?

Feeling of unity as we are Indians and constitution and laws of our land do not permit it.

3.Would you like to have meal on a table on which people from every section of society use to
eat. Please support your answer with reasoning.

Yes, because I don’t differentiate between castes.

4.Do you think that reservation on the basis of caste is justified. Please support your answer with
reasoning.

Its alright but reservation should be given to those who actually need it. For example person who
are below poverty line.

5.What do you think about untouchability ?

It is forbidden by the law so do I.

6.According to you, what is the role of society in caste system ?

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Sometimes society differentiate between castes which is not healthy for the national
development.

7.What do you think about the role of caste in politics ?

Politicians use them. When they comes to power they forget about them.

8.How much, are you guided by the feeling of casteism while electing your representatives in the
elections ?

While casting my vote, I make sure that the person for whom I am voting is not illiterate and
criminal irrespective of any caste.

9.Do you think that society can function even without caste system ?

Yes, very efficiently.

10.Would you ever like to be a part of any such movement which is against the distribution of
society on the basis of caste ? Do you think that reservation should be given, only to the needy
ones, and it should not be confined to some specific caste or tribes only ?

Yes. Reservation should be given to those who really needs it.

Sign of Interviewer Sign of Interviewee

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PLACE- Kidwaipuri,Patna DATE-21/04/2016 TIME-6.30 PM

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE NO.-3

A. PERSONAL INFORMATION

NAME- ER. Satyendra Singh

AGE - 55 Years

SEX - Male

OCCUPATION – Retd. Engineer

1.What do you understand by the term ‘caste’ ?

Caste is division of people in society according to their status or work

2.What are your feelings regarding people of another caste ?

I do not discriminate people on caste basis. I consider everyone equal, for me determining factor
is caliber of people ,not their cast.

3.Would you like to have meal on a table on which people from every section of society use to
eat. Please support your answer with reasoning.

Yes I do eat at such places as mentioned earlier I do not discriminate between people and as far
as eating is considered i can eat with anyone

4.Do you think that reservation on the basis of caste is justified. Please support your answer with
reasoning.

To some extent it is justified as people from lower casts in our society are not considered equal
they are discriminated. So government can provide a helping hand to them in order to increase
their representation in society. But politicization of reservation to divide society on cast basis
pains me.

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5.What do you think about untouchability ?

Untouchability is a evil in our society. It is not good for any society

6.According to you, what is the role of society in caste system ?

Society plays a major role In promoting caste system in society. It is society only which
discriminates between individuals. It can be observed people who are at dominant positions in
society follow the cast system more than lower caste people.

7.What do you think about the role of caste in politics ?

Unfortunately caste has become back bone of our political system. All other issues come after it.
There are even deliberate attempts by politicians to promote caste.

8.How much, are you guided by the feeling of casteism while electing your representatives in the
elections ?

I tend to vote by seeing the credential of political party to which I am voting. Candidates do not
matter much. In doing so caste does not come in my list.

9.Do you think that society can function even without caste system ?

Yes society can easily and even more efficiently work without caste system.

10.Would you ever like to be a part of any such movement which is against the distribution of
society on the basis of caste ? Do you think that reservation should be given, only to the needy
ones, and it should not be confined to some specific caste or tribes only ?

Yes, Yes.( due to lack of time this question was not being answered properly )

Sign of Interviewer Sign of Interviewee

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PLACE- Rajapul,Patna DATE- 22/04/2016 TIME- 6.30 PM

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE NO.-4

A. PERSONAL INFORMATION
NAME – Kamlesh Shah

AGE - 35 years

SEX - Male

OCCUPATION- Job in Govt. hospital

1. What do you understand by the term ‘caste’ ?
It is social category to which a person belongs involuntarily and a division or class of
society based on wealth, rank, or occupation.
2. What are your feelings regarding people of another caste ?

Caste doesn’t matter for me. I don’t judge, evaluate other people on the basis of caste.

3. Would you like to have meal on a table on which people from every section of society
use to eat. Please support your answer with reasoning.

Of course, why not. Merely person belonging to other section doesn’t insist me not to eat
with them. We all are human being and we should live together.

4. Do you think that reservation on the basis of caste is justified. Please support your answer
with reasoning.

Yes. I just want reservation on the basis of economic situation not on caste.

5. What do you think about untouchability ?

Untouchability is an evil thing which should be completely removed from society.
Despite abolishment of untouchability under Article 17 of constitution of India, it is still
performed in rural areas
6. According to you, what is the role of society in caste system ?
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Society plays an important role in caste system. It is the society who made it.

7. What do you think about the role of caste in politics ?

The caste nowadays plays an important role in politics as it become vote bank for
politician.
8. How much, are you guided by the feeling of casteism while electing your representatives
in the elections ?

I do want to vote my own caste person but if he is criminal of more than reasonable
nature, then I will think twice .

9. Do you think that society can function even without caste system ?

Yes

10. Would you ever like to be a part of any such movement which is against the distribution
of society on the basis of caste ? Do you think that reservation should be given, only to
the needy ones, and it should not be confined to some specific caste or tribesonly ?

Yes. Yes, reservation should be given to needy one on the basis of economic and
educational backwardness.

Sign of Interviewer Sign of Interviewee

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CHAPTER-6

CONCLUSION & SUGGESTION

It is very disappointing and heart breaking but the researcher will like to start with the
comparison between a Doha of Kabir and present scenario-

There was a very famous Doha from Kabir in which he said that –

“Jaat na puchho sadhu ki, puchh ligiye gyan,

Mol karo talwar ka, para rahan do myan”

The above lines mean that it is irrelevant which caste or class a person is belonging to but the
only thing which matters is his/her knowledge and conduct.

But, what the present situation prevailing is, it is just like-

‘Bas, jat puchh lo chhatr ki, bhar me jaye gyan’

The researcher thinks that the comparison made above is adequate enough to describe the present
scenario. Caste system is now so deeply rooted into our society that it is very-very difficult to get
rid of this curse. Everyone talks about it, everyone is conscious regarding this issue but when it
comes to take action against this, no one is there to initiate the proceedings. It is a very big
question that for whom the society is waiting for, that he/she will come and suddenly change the
things. It is very important to believe & understand that it is the society and every individual of
society which has to take the initiatives because no body is going to come from heaven and
going to solve this issue. What the researcher has found is that the society had given birth to this
very problem, society had nurtured this problem very much so if some power is there which can
eliminate this problem, then this power is society itself not any politician or judiciary. It is very
easy to blame that politicians are playing caste card but the question arises here that how they are
playing this game? The answer is very simple- they are playing this game with the support of
society because it is the society which elects them and by electing such leaders who are regularly

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doing caste politics, society is justifying their ideologies. So, the researcher after due research
has reached to a conclusion that politicians are not very much liable for the pathetic condition of
society because they are up to some extent, a reflection of society which they represents. We
have the example of Laloo Prasad Yadav, who despite being convicted in the Fodder scam,
enjoys a huge vote base in Bihar even in present scenario. It is not like this that in his past,
except the fodder scam, he has done such a tremendous job for which he is still enjoying the vote
base, but it is his caste politics which helps him in maintaining his vote bank.

Generally, people are so devoted to their

caste that they don’t apply any rationale behind choosing their representatives other than the
caste factor. It is very irrelevant that whether the person is being convicted for a heinous crime or
he has committed any fraud, the most important thing to look after is the caste of the person, who
is contesting in the elections.

Caste system hampering education

At the first instance it appears that caste system and education has no connecting link at all but
then comes the term ‘reservation’ which has up to certain extent changed the whole concept of
education. Firstly, the researcher would like to appreciate the rationale behind reservation
because it was very necessary to uplift the depressed class of the society and for that reserving
certain seats was justified. It is very important to mention here that this system of reservation
was proposed for a fixed period of time, not for ever. But, till now the reservation has not been
removed and instead of removal, there are several new agitations in favour of it like the Jat
agitation, the Patidar agitation, the Gurjar agitation and so on. It is not proposed by the
researcher that the reservation should not be given but it should be given to those who really
needs it and confining it to particular caste or tribe will not help in the development of a society
or a nation. The researcher has come to a conclusion that it is not the political parties who are
responsible for this situation because again, it is the society which is guiding them.

Merely due to misrepresentation of an statement regarding reservation by the RSS chief Mohan
Bhagwat, what were the consequences in the Bihar assembly elections in Nov. 2015 faced by the
Bharatiya Janta Party, is just an example that what the society thinks about reservation.

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Suggestions :

The researcher after all the research work is in a position to suggest the following –

1. Confinement of an specific occupation to an specific caste should be abolished as it

would lead to an open society where every one irrespective of his /her caste is allowed to
profess the occupation of his/her own desire.
2. Inter caste marriages should be encouraged at a large level.
3. In the syllabus of the schools, a separate chapter should be added regarding this issue
4. Instead of giving reservations, Govt. should work for basic education for the deprived
classes so that they are in position to compet with any one at any level.
5. If the policy makers still feel that giving reservation is very necessary then reservation
should be given according to the economic status not on the basis of caste.
6. During elections, there should be a provision that in a particular constituency, any person
who is from a caste which is in majority in that constituency, should not be allowed
tickets to contest elections from that very particular constituency. I think this will help in
reducing the ill-effects of caste system.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books

1. Basu, Durga Das (2008). Introduction to the Constitution of India. Nagpur: LexisNexis
Butterworths Wadhwa. ISBN 978-81-8038-559-9

2. Pradip Bose (Editor A. R. Momin) (1996). The legacy of G.S. Ghurye : a centennial
festschrift. Popular. ISBN 978-81-7154-831-6.
3. Olivelle, Patrick (2008). Chapter 9. Caste and Purity in Collected essays. Firenze, Italy:
Firenze University Press. ISBN 978-88-8453-729-4
4. Gosal, R. P. S. (September 1987). "Distribution of scheduled caste population in India".
Social Science Information 26 (3): 493–511. doi:10.1177/053901887026003002
5. Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001),
6. Chattopadhyay, Raghabendra, and Esther Duflo. 2004. "Women as Policy Makers:
Evidence from a Randomized Policy Experiment in India." Econometrica 72(5): 1409–
43.

Websites
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Caste_system_in_India&oldid=714
047487
2. http://asianhistory.about.com/od/india/p/indiancastesystem.html
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandal_Commission
4. https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Patidar_reservation_agitation&oldid
=715916639
5. http://www.historydiscussion.net/historyofindia/religiousandsocialreformofindiathei
ndianrenaissance/1637

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