Writing

Culture
T h e Poetics and Politics
of Ethnography

EDITED BY JAMES CLIFFORD

A N D G E O R G E E. M A R C U S

A School of American Research

Advanced Seminar

University o f California Press

BERKELEY LOS ANGELES LONDON

Stephen Tyler in the Field. Photography by Martha G, Tyler.

 Contents

Preface vii

JAMES CLIFFORD
Introduction: Partial Truths 1

MARY LOUISE PRATT

Field work in Common Places 27

VINCENT CRAPANZANO
Hermes' Dilemma: The Masking of
Subversion in Ethnographic Description 51
University of California Press
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California RENATO ROSALDO
University of California Press, Ltd. From the Door of His Tent:
L o n d o n , England The Fieldworker and the Inquisitor 77
© 1986 by
T h e Regents of the University o f California
JAMES CLIFFORD
Printed in the United States of America
4 5 6 7 8 9 On Ethnographic Allegory 98

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data S T E P H E N A. TYLER

Main entry u n d e r title: Post-Modern Ethnography:
Writing Culture.
Seminar held in Santa Fe, N.M., April 1984.
From Document of the Occult
Bibliography: p. to Occult Document 122
Includes index.
1. Ethnology—Authorship—Congresses. TALAL ASAD
2. Ethnology—Methodology—Congresses. I. Clifford, James, The Concept of Cultural Translation
1945- II. Marcus, George E. III. School o f American
Research (Santa Fe, N.M.)
in British Social Anthropology 141
G N 3 0 7 . 7 . W 7 5 1986 306'.01'8 85-14860
ISBN 0-520-05729-5 (alk. paper) G E O R G E E. M A R C U S
Contemporary Problems of Ethnography
in the Modern World System 165

MICHAEL M. J. FISCHER
Ethnicity and the Post-Modern Arts
of Memory
PAUL RABINOW
Representations Are Social Facts:
Modernity and Post-Modernity in
Anthropology
GEORGE E. M A R C U S
Afterword: Ethnographic Writing and
Anthropological Careers
Bibliography
Notes on Contributors
Index
Contents
194
Preface
234
T h e s e essays are the p r o d u c t o f intensive discussions h e l d at
t h e S c h o o l o f A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h in Santa Fe, N e w M e x i c o , d u r i n g
262 A p r i l 1 9 8 4 . F o l l o w i n g the school's f o r m a t for " a d v a n c e d s e m i n a r s , "
c o n v e r s a t i o n s c o n t i n u e d o v e r a w e e k , a n d the n u m b e r o f p a r t i c i p a n t s
267 was strictly l i m i t e d to ten. T h e g r o u p discussed p a p e r s c i r c u l a t e d in
a d v a n c e a n d e x p l o r e d a w i d e r a n g e o f topics r e l e v a n t to the seminar's
295 f o c u s o n "the m a k i n g o f e t h n o g r a p h i c texts." S o m e o f the p a r t i c i p a n t s
h a d b e e n r e c e n t i n n o v a t o r s in the w r i t i n g o f e t h n o g r a p h y (Paul
297 Rabinow, V i n c e n t Crapanzano, Renato Rosaldo, Michael Fischer);
o t h e r s h a d b e e n systematically d e v e l o p i n g critiques o f its history,
r h e t o r i c , a n d c u r r e n t p r o s p e c t s (Mary L o u i s e Pratt, R o b e r t T h o r n t o n ,
Stephen Tyler, Talal Asad, G e o r g e Marcus, James Clifford). All w e r e
i n v o l v e d w i t h a d v a n c e d , o n g o i n g w o r k in textual criticism a n d c u l ­
t u r a l t h e o r y . E i g h t o f the ten participants h a d b a c k g r o u n d s in a n t h r o ­
p o l o g y , o n e in history, o n e in literary studies. T h e g r o u p ' s c e n t e r o f
g r a v i t y in o n e h e l d , c u l t u r a l a n t h r o p o l o g y , e n s u r e d a c o m m o n lan­
g u a g e a n d r a n g e o f r e f e r e n c e , t h u s a l l o w i n g the e x c h a n g e s to t a k e
p l a c e at a n a d v a n c e d level. B u t the seminar's s c o p e was interdisciplin­
ary. A l l t h e p a r t i c i p a n t s h a d q u e s t i o n e d disciplines a n d g e n r e s in t h e i r
r e c e n t w o r k , d r a w i n g as n e e d e d f r o m historical, literary, a n t h r o p o l o g ­
ical, political, a n d p h i l o s o p h i c a l s o u r c e s . M o r e i n f o r m a t i o n is c o n ­
t a i n e d in t h e " N o t e s o n C o n t r i b u t o r s " ( p p . 295—96 b e l o w ) , a n d the
v o l u m e ' s c o m m o n B i b l i o g r a p h y gives full citations o f r e l e v a n t w o r k s
by e a c h i n d i v i d u a l . O f the ten essays p r e s e n t e d at the s e m i n a r , n i n e
a r e i n c l u d e d h e r e . (For c o n t i n g e n t r e a s o n s , R o b e r t T h o r n t o n c o u l d
n o t r e v i s e his i n t i m e to m e e t t h e d e a d l i n e . )
B y l o o k i n g critically at o n e o f the p r i n c i p a l things e t h n o g r a p h e r s
do—that is, w r i t e — t h e s e m i n a r s o u g h t b o t h to r e i n t e r p r e t c u l t u r a l
a n t h r o p o l o g y ' s r e c e n t past a n d to o p e n u p its f u t u r e possibilities. B u t
w h i l e p u r s u i n g t e x t u a l a n d literary analyses, the s e m i n a r also c o n s i d ­
e r e d t h e limitations o f s u c h a p p r o a c h e s . S e v e r a l p a p e r s stressed, a n d
the d i s c u s s i o n s r e p e a t e d l y r e t u r n e d to, l a r g e r c o n t e x t s o f systematic
 STEPHEN A. TYLER
140
" l i s t e n i n g t o " a n d i n t h e m u t u a l i t y o f "talking w i t h . " It t a k e s its TALAL ASAD
m e t a p h o r f r o m a n o t h e r part of the sensorium a n d replaces the
m o n o l o g u e o f the bullhorn with dialogue.
1 4 . I call e t h n o g r a p h y a m e d i t a t i v e v e h i c l e b e c a u s e w e c o m e
t o it n e i t h e r as t o a m a p o f k n o w l e d g e n o r as a g u i d e t o a c t i o n , n o r T h e Concept of Cultural
e v e n f o r e n t e r t a i n m e n t . W e c o m e t o it as t h e start o f a d i f f e r e n t
kind of journey.
Translation in British Social
Anthropology
T h e paper given at the Santa Fe seminar on the Making of Ethnographic Texts has
been revised and "sandwiched" between the "Context" and "Supplement" appearing
here. Both "Context" and "Supplement" were written after the seminar and are as
much dialogical responses to seminar papers and discussion as they are the working out
of themes and conflicts in these parerga to The Said and the Unsaid (Tyler 1978).

Introduction

A l l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s a r e f a m i l i a r w i t h E. B . Tylor's f a m o u s d e f i ­
n i t i o n o f c u l t u r e : " C u l t u r e o r C i v i l i z a t i o n , t a k e n i n its w i d e e t h n o ­
g r a p h i c s e n s e , is t h a t c o m p l e x w h o l e w h i c h i n c l u d e s k n o w l e d g e , belief,
art, m o r a l s , law, c u s t o m , a n d a n y o t h e r capabilities a n d h a b i t s a c ­
q u i r e d b y m a n as a m e m b e r o f society." It w o u l d b e i n t e r e s t i n g t o t r a c e
h o w a n d w h e n this n o t i o n o f c u l t u r e , w i t h its e n u m e r a t i o n o f "capabil­
ities a n d h a b i t s " a n d its e m p h a s i s o n w h a t L i n t o n c a l l e d social heredity
(focusing o n the process of learning), was transformed into the n o t i o n
o f a text—that is, i n t o s o m e t h i n g r e s e m b l i n g a n i n s c r i b e d d i s c o u r s e .
O n e o b v i o u s c l u e t o this c h a n g e is t o b e f o u n d in t h e w a y t h a t a n o t i o n
o f language as t h e p r e c o n d i t i o n o f h i s t o r i c a l c o n t i n u i t y a n d s o c i a l
l e a r n i n g ("cultivation") c a m e t o d o m i n a t e t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f s o c i a l a n ­
t h r o p o l o g i s t s . I n a g e n e r a l way, o f course, s u c h an interest in l a n g u a g e
p r e d a t e s T y l o r , b u t i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h a n d early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s it
t e n d e d t o b e c e n t r a l t o v a r i e t i e s o f n a t i o n a l i s t literary t h e o r y a n d e d u ­
c a t i o n (cf. E a g l e t o n 1 9 8 3 : c h . 2) r a t h e r t h a n to t h e o t h e r h u m a n sci­
e n c e s . W h e n a n d i n w h a t w a y s d i d it b e c o m e c r u c i a l f o r B r i t i s h social
a n t h r o p o l o g y ? I d o n o t i n t e n d to attempt such a history here, but
m e r e l y to r e m i n d o u r s e l v e s that the phrase "the translation o f cul­
t u r e s , " w h i c h i n c r e a s i n g l y s i n c e t h e 1950s h a s b e c o m e a n a l m o s t b a n a l
d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e d i s t i n c t i v e task o f social a n t h r o p o l o g y , w a s n o t al­
w a y s s o m u c h i n e v i d e n c e . I w a n t t o stress t h a t this a p p a r e n t s h i f t is
not identical with the old pre-Functionalism/Functionalism periodiza-
t i o n . N o r is it s i m p l y a m a t t e r o f a d i r e c t i n t e r e s t i n l a n g u a g e a n d
m e a n i n g t h a t w a s p r e v i o u s l y l a c k i n g (Crick 1 9 7 6 ) . B r o n i s l a w M a l i ­
nowski, o n e o f the f o u n d e r s o f the so-called Functionalist school,
wrote m u c h o n "primitive language" and collected e n o r m o u s q u a n -
142 TALAL ASAD
tities o f l i n g u i s t i c m a t e r i a l ( p r o v e r b s , k i n s h i p t e r m i n o l o g y , m a g i c a l
s p e l l s , a n d s o o n ) f o r a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l analysis. B u t h e n e v e r t h o u g h t
o f his w o r k in t e r m s o f the translation o f cultures.
G o d f r e y L i e n h a r d t ' s p a p e r " M o d e s o f T h o u g h t " ( 1 9 5 4 ) is p o s s i b l y
o n e o f the earliest—certainly o n e of the most s u b t l e — e x a m p l e s o f the
u s e o f this n o t i o n o f t r a n s l a t i o n e x p l i c i t l y to d e s c r i b e a c e n t r a l task o f
s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g y . " T h e p r o b l e m o f d e s c r i b i n g to o t h e r s h o w m e m ­
b e r s o f a r e m o t e tribe t h i n k t h e n b e g i n s to a p p e a r l a r g e l y as o n e o f
translation, o f m a k i n g the c o h e r e n c e primitive t h o u g h t has in the lan­
g u a g e s it r e a l l y lives i n , as c l e a r as p o s s i b l e i n o u r o w n " (97). T h i s s t a t e ­
m e n t is q u o t e d a n d c r i t i c i z e d i n t h e article b y E r n e s t G e l l n e r t h a t I
a n a l y z e i n t h e n e x t s e c t i o n , a n d I shall r e t u r n t o it in t h e c o n t e x t o f
G e l l n e r ' s a r g u m e n t . H e r e I d r a w a t t e n t i o n briefly t o L i e n h a r d t ' s u s e o f
t h e w o r d " t r a n s l a t i o n " to r e f e r n o t t o l i n g u i s t i c m a t t e r p e r se, b u t t o
" m o d e s o f t h o u g h t " t h a t a r e e m b o d i e d in s u c h m a t t e r . It m a y n o t b e
w i t h o u t significance, incidentally, that L i e n h a r d t has a b a c k g r o u n d in
E n g l i s h l i t e r a t u r e , t h a t h e w a s a p u p i l o f F. R. Leavis's at C a m b r i d g e
b e f o r e h e b e c a m e a p u p i l a n d c o l l a b o r a t o r o f E. E. E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s
at O x f o r d .
O x f o r d is, o f c o u r s e , f a m o u s as t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c e n t e r i n B r i t ­
a i n m o s t s e l f - c o n s c i o u s a b o u t its c o n c e r n w i t h " t h e t r a n s l a t i o n o f c u l ­
t u r e s . " T h e b e s t - k n o w n i n t r o d u c t o r y t e x t b o o k to e m e r g e f r o m t h a t
c e n t e r , J o h n Beattie's Other Cultures ( 1 9 6 4 ) , e m p h a s i z e d t h e c e n t r a l i t y
o f t h e " p r o b l e m o f t r a n s l a t i o n " f o r social a n t h r o p o l o g y a n d d i s t i n ­
g u i s h e d ( b u t d i d n o t s e p a r a t e ) " c u l t u r e " f r o m " l a n g u a g e " in a w a y t h a t
w a s b e c o m i n g f a m i l i a r to a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s — t h o u g h n o t n e c e s s a r i l y
t h e r e f o r e e n t i r e l y c l e a r ( s e e p p . 89—90).
It is i n t e r e s t i n g t o f i n d E d m u n d L e a c h , w h o h a s n e v e r b e e n a s s o c i ­
a t e d with O x f o r d , e m p l o y i n g the s a m e n o t i o n in his c o n c l u s i o n to a
h i s t o r i c a l s k e t c h o f social a n t h r o p o l o g y a d e c a d e later:
Let m e recapitulate. We started by emphasizing how different are "the
others"—and m a d e them not only different but remote and inferior. Senti­
mentally we then took the opposite track and argued that all h u m a n beings
are alike; we can understand Trobrianders or the Barotse because their moti­
vations are just the same as our own; but that didn't work either, "the others"
r e m a i n e d obstinately other. But now we have come to see that the essential
problem is o n e of translation. T h e linguists have shown us that all translation |j|
is difficult, a n d that perfect translation is usually impossible. A n d yet w e know
that for practical purposes a tolerably satisfactory translation is always pos­
sible e v e n w h e n the original "text" is highly abstruse. Languages are different
but not so different as all that. Looked at in this way social anthropologists are
e n g a g e d in establishing a methodology for the translation of cultural lan­
g u a g e . (Leach 1 9 7 3 : 7 7 2 )
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 143
E v e n M a x G l u c k m a n (1973:905), r e s p o n d i n g shortly afterward
t o L e a c h , a c c e p t s t h e c e n t r a l i t y o f "cultural t r a n s l a t i o n , " w h i l e p r o p o s ­
i n g a very different g e n e a l o g y for that anthropological practice.
Yet d e s p i t e t h e g e n e r a l a g r e e m e n t w i t h w h i c h this n o t i o n h a s b e e n
a c c e p t e d as p a r t o f t h e s e l f - d e f i n i t i o n o f B r i t i s h social a n t h r o p o l o g y , it
h a s r e c e i v e d little s y s t e m a t i c e x a m i n a t i o n f r o m w i t h i n t h e p r o f e s s i o n .
O n e partial e x c e p t i o n is R o d n e y N e e d h a m ' s Belief, Language, and Expe­
rience ( 1 9 7 2 ) . T h i s is a c o m p l e x , s c h o l a r l y w o r k t h a t d e s e r v e s e x t e n d e d
t r e a t m e n t . H e r e , h o w e v e r , I w i s h to c o n c e n t r a t e o n a s h o r t e r t e x t ,
E r n e s t G e l l n e r ' s " C o n c e p t s a n d Society," w h i c h a p p e a r s t o b e fairly
w i d e l y u s e d i n u n d e r g r a d u a t e c o u r s e s at B r i t i s h u n i v e r s i t i e s a n d is still
available in several p o p u l a r collections. I p r o p o s e , therefore, to d e v o t e
t h e n e x t section to a detailed e x a m i n a t i o n o f that essay a n d t h e n to
take u p s o m e points that e m e r g e f r o m m y discussion in the sections
that follow.
A Theoretical Text
G e l l n e r ' s " C o n c e p t s a n d S o c i e t y " is c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e w a y i n
w h i c h F u n c t i o n a l i s t a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s d e a l w i t h p r o b l e m s of i n t e r p r e t ­
i n g a n d t r a n s l a t i n g t h e d i s c o u r s e o f a l i e n s o c i e t i e s . H i s basic a r g u m e n t
is t h a t (a) c o n t e m p o r a r y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s insist o n i n t e r p r e t i n g e x o t i c
c o n c e p t s a n d b e l i e f s w i t h i n a social c o n t e x t , b u t t h a t (b) i n d o i n g s o
t h e y e n s u r e t h a t a p p a r e n t l y a b s u r d o r i n c o h e r e n t a s s e r t i o n s a r e al­
w a y s g i v e n a n a c c e p t a b l e m e a n i n g , a n d t h a t (c) w h i l e t h e c o n t e x t u a l
m e t h o d o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is in p r i n c i p l e valid, t h e " e x c e s s i v e c h a r i t y "
t h a t u s u a l l y g o e s w i t h it is n o t . T h e p a p e r c o n t a i n s s e v e r a l d i a g r a m s
i n t e n d e d t o fix a n d clarify t h e r e l e v a n t c u l t u r a l p r o c e s s e s visually.
G e l l n e r i n t r o d u c e s t h e p r o b l e m o f interpretation by r e f e r e n c e to
K u r t S a m u e l s s o n ' s Religion and Economic Action ( 1 9 6 1 ) , w h i c h is a n
e c o n o m i c historian's a t t a c k o n t h e W e b e r i a n P r o t e s t a n t - e t h i c t h e s i s .
S a m u e l s s o n t a k e s i s s u e w i t h t h e fact t h a t W e b e r a n d h i s s u p p o r t e r s
h a v e r e i n t e r p r e t e d r e l i g i o u s t e x t s i n a w a y that e n a b l e s t h e m t o e x t r a c t
m e a n i n g s t h a t c o n f i r m t h e t h e s i s . G e l l n e r p r e s e n t s this e x a m p l e m e r e l y
to bring o u t m o r e sharply the contrasting position of the Functionalist
anthropologist:
I a m not c o n c e r n e d , nor competent, to argue whether Samuelsson's employ­
ment, in this particular case, o f his tacit principle that o n e must not re­
interpret the assertions o n e actually finds, is valid. What is relevant here is
that if such a principle is made explicit and generalized, it would make n o n ­
sense of most sociological studies of the relationship of belief and conduct. We
144 TALAL ASAD
shall find anthropologists driven to employ the very opposite principle, the
insistence rather than refusal o f contextual re-interpretation. (20)
B u t this m o d e s t disclaimer o f c o m p e t e n c e allows t o o m a n y inter­
e s t i n g q u e s t i o n s t o d r i f t b y . T o b e g i n w i t h , it calls f o r n o g r e a t c o m p e ­
tence to n o t e that Samuelsson does n o t hold to the principle that o n e
m u s t never r e i n t e r p r e t . N o r d o e s h e insist t h a t t h e r e is never a signifi­
c a n t c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n a r e l i g i o u s t e x t a n d its s o c i a l c o n t e x t , b u t
o n l y t h a t t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h e W e b e r thesis s e e k s t o m a k e c a n n o t b e e s ­
t a b l i s h e d . ( S e e , e . g . , S a m u e l s s o n 1 9 6 1 : 6 g . ) T h e r e is, f u r t h e r m o r e , a
real contrast that Gellner might have picked u p b e t w e e n t h e S a m u e l s ­
s o n e x a m p l e a n d t h e typical a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s p r e d i c a m e n t . F o r e c o ­
n o m i c historians a n d sociologists involved in t h e W e b e r d e b a t e , his­
t o r i c a l t e x t s a r e a p r i m a r y d a t u m i n r e l a t i o n t o w h i c h t h e social
c o n t e x t s m u s t b e r e c o n s t r u c t e d . T h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l fieldworker b e ­
g i n s w i t h a s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n w i t h i n w h i c h s o m e t h i n g is s a i d , a n d it is t h e
cultural significance o f these e n u n c i a t i o n s that m u s t b e r e c o n s t r u c t e d .
T h i s is n o t t o say, o f c o u r s e , t h a t t h e h i s t o r i a n c a n e v e r a p p r o a c h h i s
a r c h i v a l m a t e r i a l w i t h o u t s o m e c o n c e p t i o n o f its h i s t o r i c a l c o n t e x t , o r
t h a t t h e fieldworker c a n d e f i n e t h e social s i t u a t i o n i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f
w h a t w a s s a i d w i t h i n it. T h e c o n t r a s t , s u c h as it is, is o n e o f o r i e n t a ­
t i o n , w h i c h f o l l o w s f r o m t h e fact t h a t t h e h i s t o r i a n is given a text a n d
t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r h a s to construct one.
I n s t e a d o f i n v e s t i g a t i n g this i m p o r t a n t c o n t r a s t , G e l l n e r r u s h e s
a l o n g t o d e f i n e a n d c o m m e n d w h a t h e calls " m o d e r a t e F u n c t i o n a l -
i s m " as a m e t h o d , w h i c h
consists o f the insistence o n the fact that concepts and beliefs d o not exist in
isolation, in texts o r in individual minds, but in the life o f m e n a n d societies.
T h e activities and institutions, in the context of which a word or phrase o r set
of phrases is used, must be known before that word or those phrases can be
u n d e r s t o o d , before we can really speak o f a concept or a belief. (22)
T h i s is w e l l p u t , a n d , e v e n if it h a s b e e n said b e f o r e , it is w o r t h
r e s t a t i n g . A t this p o i n t t h e r e a d e r m i g h t e x p e c t a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e dif­
f e r e n t w a y s i n w h i c h l a n g u a g e is e n c o u n t e r e d b y t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r i n
t h e field, h o w u t t e r a n c e s a r e p r o d u c e d , v e r b a l m e a n i n g s o r g a n i z e d ,
r h e t o r i c a l e f f e c t s a t t a i n e d , a n d c u l t u r a l l y a p p r o p r i a t e r e s p o n s e s elic­
i t e d . A f t e r all, W i t t g e n s t e i n h a d a l r e a d y s e n s i t i z e d B r i t i s h p h i l o s o ­
p h e r s t o t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f l a n g u a g e - i n - u s e , a n d J. L . A u s t i n h a d s e t
u p distinctions b e t w e e n t h e different levels o f s p e e c h p r o d u c t i o n a n d
r e c e p t i o n i n a way that f o r e s h a d o w e d what a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s w o u l d
l a t e r call t h e e t h n o g r a p h y o f s p e a k i n g . B u t G e l l n e r h a d p r e v i o u s l y r e ­
j e c t e d t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t this p h i l o s o p h i c a l m o v e m e n t h a d a n y t h i n g
o f v a l u e t o t e a c h ( s e e h i s p o l e m i c i n Words and Things 1 9 5 9 ) , a n d l i k e
o t h e r critics, h e a l w a y s i n s i s t e d t h a t its c o n c e r n w i t h u n d e r s t a n d i n g
T h e C o n c e p t of Cultural Translation 145
everyday language was merely a disguise for d e f e n d i n g established
w a y s o f s p e a k i n g a b o u t t h e w o r l d , f o r d e n y i n g t h a t it w a s p o s s i b l e f o r
s u c h s p e e c h - w a y s t o b e illogical o r a b s u r d . G e l l n e r h a s a l w a y s b e e n d e ­
t e r m i n e d to maintain t h e distinction b e t w e e n d e f e n d i n g a n d explain­
i n g "concepts a n d beliefs" a n d t o w a r n against t h e kind o f a n t h r o p o ­
l o g i c a l t r a n s l a t i o n t h a t r u l e s o u t a p r i o r i t h e critical d i s t a n c e n e c e s s a r y
f o r e x p l a i n i n g h o w c o n c e p t s a c t u a l l y f u n c t i o n , f o r "to u n d e r s t a n d t h e
working o f t h e c o n c e p t s o f a society," h e w r i t e s , "is t o u n d e r s t a n d its
i n s t i t u t i o n s " ( p . 1 8 ; s e e also n o t e 1 o n t h e s a m e p a g e ) .
T h i s is w h y G e l l n e r ' s b r i e f s t a t e m e n t a b o u t m o d e r a t e F u n c t i o n a l -
i s m q u o t e d a b o v e l e a d s h i m i m m e d i a t e l y t o a d i s c u s s i o n o f D u r k h e i m 's
Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, w h i c h , b e s i d e s b e i n g " o n e o f t h e
f o u n t a i n h e a d s o f F u n c t i o n a l i s m i n g e n e r a l " (22), is c o n c e r n e d t o e x ­
plain rather than to d e f e n d c o n c e p t s — t o explain, m o r e precisely, "the
c o m p u l s i v e n a t u r e o f o u r c a t e g o r i a l c o n c e p t s " (22) i n t e r m s o f c e r t a i n
collective processes. T h u s :
Our contemporary invocations o f the functional, social-context approach to
the study a n d interpretation o f concepts is in various ways very different from
Durkheim's. Durkheim was not so much concerned to d e f e n d the concepts o f
primitive societies: in their setting, they did not need a defence, and in the
setting o f m o d e r n a n d changing societies he was not anxious to d e f e n d what
was archaic, n o r loath to suggest that some intellectual luggage might well be
archaic. H e was really concerned to explain the compulsiveness o f what in
practice did not seem to n e e d any defence (and in so doing, h e claimed h e was
solving the problem o f knowledge whose solution had in his view evaded Kant
a n d others, a n d t o b e solving it without falling into either empiricism o r apri-
orism). W h e t h e r h e was successful I d o not propose to discuss: for a variety o f
reasons it seems to m e that h e was not. (23)
It is c l e a r t h a t G e l l n e r h a s r e c o g n i z e d t h e basic p r o j e c t o f Elemen­
tary Forms—namely, its a t t e m p t t o e x p l a i n t h e c o m p u l s i v e n a t u r e o f
s o c i a l l y d e f i n e d c o n c e p t s — b u t h e m o v e s t o o hastily f r o m a c o n s i d e r a ­
tion o f what m i g h t b e involved in such a p r o b l e m to a dismissal o f
D u r k h e i m ' s a t t e m p t at e x p l a n a t i o n . T h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t a p r i o r i de­
nunciation m a y n o t f u r t h e r t h e p u r p o s e s o f e x p l a n a t i o n a n y b e t t e r
t h a n defense d o e s n o t s e e m t o b e e n v i s a g e d i n " C o n c e p t s a n d Society."
I n s t e a d , t h e r e a d e r is r e m i n d e d , b y w a y o f q u o t a t i o n f r o m L i e n h a r d t ,
t h a t t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y a n t h r o p o l o g i s t typically " a p p e a r s t o m a k e it a
c o n d i t i o n o f a g o o d t r a n s l a t i o n t h a t it c o n v e y s t h e c o h e r e n c e w h i c h h e
a s s u m e s is t h e r e t o b e f o u n d i n p r i m i t i v e t h o u g h t " (26). S o w e h a v e
h e r e w h a t I t h i n k is a m i s l e a d i n g c o n t r a s t — D u r k h e i m ' s a t t e m p t t o e x ­
plain versus t h e contemporary anthropologist's attempt to d e f e n d . I
shall r e t u r n t o this p o i n t later, b u t h e r e I w a n t t o insist t h a t t o a r g u e
f o r a f o r m o f c o h e r e n c e b y w h i c h a d i s c o u r s e is h e l d t o g e t h e r is n o t
i p s o f a c t o t o j u s t i f y o r d e f e n d t h a t d i s c o u r s e ; it is m e r e l y t o t a k e a n
 TALAL ASAD
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e s s e n t i a l s t e p i n t h e p r o b l e m o f e x p l a i n i n g its compulsiveness. A n y o n e
f a m i l i a r w i t h p s y c h o a n a l y s i s w o u l d take this p o i n t q u i t e easily. W e
m i g h t p u t it a n o t h e r w a y : t h e c r i t e r i o n o f abstract " c o h e r e n c e " o r
"logicality" ( G e l l n e r t e n d s t o u s e t h e s e a n d o t h e r t e r m s i n t e r c h a n g e ­
a b l y ) is n o t a l w a y s , a n d i n e v e r y c a s e , d e c i s i v e f o r a c c e p t i n g o r r e j e c t ­
i n g d i s c o u r s e . T h i s is b e c a u s e , as G e l l n e r h i m s e l f c o r r e c t l y o b s e r v e s ,
" L a n g u a g e f u n c t i o n s i n a variety o f ways o t h e r t h a n 'referring to o b ­
j e c t s ' " (25). N o t e v e r y u t t e r a n c e is a n assertion. T h e r e a r e m a n y t h i n g s
t h a t l a n g u a g e - i n - u s e d o e s , and is intended to do, w h i c h e x p l a i n s w h y w e
m a y r e s p o n d positively to discourse that m a y s e e m i n a d e q u a t e f r o m a
n a r r o w "logical" p o i n t o f v i e w . T h e f u n c t i o n s o f a p a r t i c u l a r l a n g u a g e ,
t h e intentions o f a particular discourse, are of course part o f what
e v e r y c o m p e t e n t e t h n o g r a p h e r tries t o g r a s p b e f o r e h e c a n a t t e m p t
an a d e q u a t e translation into his o w n language.
G e l l n e r d o e s s e e m h a l f - a w a r e o f this p o i n t , b u t q u i c k l y b r u s h e s it
aside in his e a g e r n e s s to display to Functionalist a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s their
"excessive charity" in cultural translation.
T h e situation, facing a social anthropologist w h o wishes to interpret a con­
cept, assertion or doctrine in an alien culture, is basically simple. H e is, say,
faced with an assertion S in the local language. H e has at his disposal the large
or infinite set o f possible sentences in his own language. . . .
H e may not be wholly happy about this situation, but he cannot avoid it.
T h e r e is n o third language which could mediate between the native language
and his o w n , in which equivalences could be stated and which would avoid the
pitfalls arising from the fact that his own language has its own way of han­
dling the world, which may not be those of the native language studied, and
which consequently are liable to distort that which is being translated.
Naively, people sometimes think that reality itself could be this kind of
mediator a n d "third language." . . . For a variety of powerful reasons, this is
o f course n o g o o d . (24—25)
A g a i n , this sensible statement m i g h t s e e m to s o m e r e a d e r s t o s u p ­
p o r t t h e d e m a n d t h a t t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r m u s t try t o r e c o n s t r u c t t h e
v a r i o u s w a y s in w h i c h t h e "native l a n g u a g e " h a n d l e s t h e w o r l d , c o n ­
veys information, a n d constitutes experience, before translating a n
alien d i s c o u r s e into t h e l a n g u a g e o f his e t h n o g r a p h i c text. B u t Gell­
ner's a c c o u n t p r o c e e d s i n a d i f f e r e n t , a n d v e r y d u b i o u s , d i r e c t i o n .
H a v i n g located an equivalent English sentence, h e continues, t h e
a n t h r o p o l o g i s t n o t i c e s t h a t it i n e v i t a b l y c a r r i e s a v a l u e c o n n o t a t i o n —
t h a t it i s , i n o t h e r w o r d s , e i t h e r G o o d o r B a d . "I d o n o t s a y ' t r u e ' o r
'false', f o r t h i s o n l y a r i s e s w i t h r e g a r d t o s o m e t y p e s o f a s s e r t i o n . W i t h
r e g a r d to others, o t h e r dichotomies,, s u c h as 'meaningful' a n d 'absurd'
o r ' s e n s i b l e ' o r 'silly' m i g h t a p p l y . I d e l i b e r a t e l y u s e t h e ' G o o d ' a n d
' B a d ' s o a s t o c o v e r all s u c h p o s s i b l e p o l a r a l t e r n a t i v e s , w h i c h e v e r
m i g h t b e s t a p p l y t o t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f S" (27).
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 147
H a v e w e n o t g o t here s o m e very curious assumptions, which n o
p r a c t i c e d t r a n s l a t o r w o u l d e v e r m a k e ? T h e first is t h a t e v a l u a t i v e d i s ­
c r i m i n a t i o n is a l w a y s a m a t t e r o f c h o o s i n g b e t w e e n p o l a r a l t e r n a t i v e s ,
a n d s e c o n d , t h a t e v a l u a t i v e d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e finally r e d u c i b l e t o " G o o d "
a n d " B a d . " C l e a r l y n e i t h e r o f t h e s e a s s u m p t i o n s is a c c e p t a b l e w h e n
s t a t e d as a g e n e r a l r u l e . A n d t h e n t h e r e is t h e s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e
t r a n s l a t o r ' s task n e c e s s a r i l y i n v o l v e s m a t c h i n g s e n t e n c e f o r s e n t e n c e .
B u t i f t h e s k i l l e d t r a n s l a t o r l o o k s first f o r a n y p r i n c i p l e o f c o h e r e n c e
in t h e d i s c o u r s e t o b e t r a n s l a t e d , a n d t h e n tries t o r e p r o d u c e t h a t c o ­
h e r e n c e a s n e a r l y as h e c a n in h i s o w n l a n g u a g e , t h e r e c a n n o t b e a
g e n e r a l r u l e as t o w h a t u n i t s t h e t r a n s l a t o r will e m p l o y — s e n t e n c e s ,
paragraphs, o r e v e n larger units o f discourse. T o turn m y point
a r o u n d : t h e a p p r o p r i a t e n e s s o f t h e unit e m p l o y e d itself d e p e n d s o n
the principle of coherence.
B u t Gellner's parable o f t h e anthropologist-translator requires t h e
a s s u m p t i o n t h a t it is s e n t e n c e s t h a t t h e latter m a t c h e s , b e c a u s e t h a t
m a k e s it e a s i e r t o d i s p l a y h o w t h e sin o f e x c e s s i v e c h a r i t y o c c u r s . H a v ­
i n g m a d e a n initial e q u i v a l e n c e b e t w e e n a s e n t e n c e in t h e local l a n ­
g u a g e a n d o n e in his o w n , the anthropologist notices that the English
s e n t e n c e carries a "Bad" impression. T h i s worries the anthropologist
b e c a u s e , s o r u n s Gellner's parable, an e t h n o g r a p h i c a c c o u n t g i v i n g
such a n impression m i g h t b e t h o u g h t to be disparaging t h e natives h e
h a s s t u d i e d , a n d t o d i s p a r a g e o t h e r c u l t u r e s is a s i g n o f e t h n o c e n -
t r i s m , a n d e t h n o c e n t r i s m in t u r n is a s y m p t o m o f p o o r a n t h r o p o l o g y
according to the doctrines o f Functionalist anthropology. Functional­
ist m e t h o d r e q u i r e s t h a t s e n t e n c e s a l w a y s b e e v a l u a t e d i n t e r m s o f
their o w n social context. S o the worried anthropologist reinterprets
t h e original s e n t e n c e , with a m o r e flexible a n d careful u s e o f t h e c o n ­
textual m e t h o d , in o r d e r to p r o d u c e a "Good" translation.
T h e s i n o f e x c e s s i v e charity, a n d t h e c o n t e x t u a l m e t h o d itself, a r e
t o g e t h e r linked, Gellner writes, to t h e relativistic-functionalist view o f
t h o u g h t that g o e s back to t h e E n l i g h t e n m e n t :
T h e (unresolved) dilemma, which the thought of the Enlightenment faced,
was between a relativistic-functionalist view o f thought, a n d the absolutist
claims o f enlightened Reason. Viewing man as part of nature, as enlightened
Reason requires, it wished to see his cognitive and evaluative activities as parts
of nature too, and h e n c e as varying, legitimately, from organism to organism
and c o n t e x t to context. (This is the relativistic-functionalist view.) B u t at t h e
same time in r e c o m m e n d i n g life according to Reason and Nature, it wished at
the very least to e x e m p t this view itself (and, in practice, some others) from
such a relativism. (31)
Typically, G e l l n e r ' s p h i l o s o p h i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n p r e s e n t s this " u n r e ­
s o l v e d d i l e m m a " as a n abstract o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n t w o c o n c e p t s — " a
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relativistic-functionalist view o f t h o u g h t " a n d "the absolutist claims o f
e n l i g h t e n e d R e a s o n . " B u t h o w d o these two " c o n c e p t s " w o r k as " c o r ­
r e l a t e s o f . . . t h e institutions o f [Western] society"? (cf. G e l l n e r , p . 18).
It w o u l d n o t b e difficult to a r g u e that t h e claims o f " e n l i g h t e n e d R e a ­
s o n " a r e materially m o r e successful in T h i r d W o r l d c o u n t r i e s t h a n
m a n y relativistic views, that they h a v e e x e r t e d g r e a t e r authority t h a n
t h e latter in the d e v e l o p m e n t o f industrial e c o n o m i e s a n d t h e f o r m a ­
tion o f n a t i o n states. W e shall h a v e occasion to discuss this f u r t h e r
w h e n e x a m i n i n g translation as a p r o c e s s o f p o w e r . T h e p o i n t is t h a t
"the absolutist claims o f e n l i g h t e n e d R e a s o n " are in effect an institu­
tionalized force, a n d t h a t as s u c h it is by definition c o m m i t t e d to advanc­
ing i n t o a n d a p p r o p r i a t i n g alien territory, a n d that its o p p o n e n t s
( w h e t h e r explicitly relativistic o r not) are by definition defensive. T h u s
w h e n G e l l n e r c o n t i n u e s o n the s a m e p a g e to c h a r a c t e r i z e this abstract
d i l e m m a in the attitudes o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , h e fails to c o n s i d e r w h a t
" c u l t u r a l translation" m i g h t i n v o l v e w h e n it is c o n s i d e r e d as institu­
t i o n a l i z e d practice g i v e n t h e w i d e r r e l a t i o n s h i p o f u n e q u a l societies.
F o r it is n o t t h e abstract logic o f w h a t i n d i v i d u a l W e s t e r n a n t h r o p o l o ­
gists say in their e t h n o g r a p h i e s , b u t the c o n c r e t e logic o f w h a t t h e i r
c o u n t r i e s (and p e r h a p s t h e y t h e m s e l v e s ) do in their relations with t h e
T h i r d W o r l d that s h o u l d f o r m the starting p o i n t for this p a r t i c u l a r
d i s c u s s i o n . T h e d i l e m m a s o f "relativism" a p p e a r d i f f e r e n t l y d e p e n d ­
i n g o n w h e t h e r w e t h i n k o f abstracted u n d e r s t a n d i n g o r o f historically
situated practices.
H o w e v e r , G e l l n e r says he is n o t in p r i n c i p l e against a n t h r o p o l o g i ­
cal relativism. " M y m a i n p o i n t a b o u t t o l e r a n c e - e n g e n d e r i n g c o n ­
t e x t u a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , " h e writes, "is that it calls for c a u t i o n " (32). B u t
w h y s u c h c a u t i o n is r e s e r v e d f o r " t o l e r a n c e - e n g e n d e r i n g " as o p p o s e d
to i n t o l e r a n c e - e n g e n d e r i n g c o n t e x t u a l interpretations is n o t e x ­
p l a i n e d . A f t e r all, G e l l n e r insisted earlier that all translated s e n t e n c e s
a r e b o u n d to b e r e c e i v e d e i t h e r as " G o o d " o r as " B a d . " W h y s h o u l d w e
b e s u s p i c i o u s o n l y o f those that a p p e a r " G o o d " ? I f "it is t h e prior d e ­
t e r m i n a t i o n t h a t S, t h e i n d i g e n o u s affirmation, b e i n t e r p r e t e d f a v o u r ­
ably, w h i c h d e t e r m i n e s j u s t h o w m u c h c o n t e x t will be t a k e n i n t o c o n ­
s i d e r a t i o n " (33), c a n w e p e r h a p s e s c a p e this vicious c i r c u l a r i t y b y
a d o p t i n g a n unsympathetic attitude? G e l l n e r d o e s n o t a d d r e s s h i m s e l f
d i r e c t l y t o this possibility h e r e , b u t o n e m u s t a s s u m e that it c a n n o t b e
a s o l u t i o n , especially in view o f the claim that " t h e r e is n o t h i n g [sic] in
t h e n a t u r e o f things o r societies to dictate visibly j u s t h o w m u c h c o n ­
t e x t is r e l e v a n t to a n y g i v e n u t t e r a n c e , o r h o w the c o n t e x t s h o u l d b e
d e s c r i b e d " (33).
Y e t c a n this last r e m a r k b e m e a n t seriously? Nothing}] H o w , t h e n ,
is c o m m u n i c a t i o n e v e n b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s in the s a m e society e v e r
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 149
possible? W h y d o e s o n e e v e r say to f o r e i g n e r s that t h e y h a v e mis­
u n d e r s t o o d s o m e t h i n g t h e y h e a r d o r saw? D o e s social l e a r n i n g p r o ­
d u c e n o skills in the d i s c r i m i n a t i o n o f r e l e v a n t c o n t e x t s ? T h e a n s w e r s
to t h e s e q u e s t i o n s s h o u l d b e o b v i o u s , a n d they a r e c o n n e c t e d w i t h the
fact t h a t t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s translation is n o t m e r e l y a m a t t e r o f
m a t c h i n g s e n t e n c e s in t h e abstract, b u t o f learning to live another form of
life a n d to s p e a k a n o t h e r k i n d o f l a n g u a g e . W h i c h c o n t e x t s a r e r e l e ­
v a n t in d i f f e r e n t discursive events is s o m e t h i n g o n e l e a r n s in t h e
c o u r s e o f living, a n d e v e n t h o u g h it is often very difficult t o v e r b a l i z e
t h a t k n o w l e d g e , it is still k n o w l e d g e a b o u t s o m e t h i n g "in the n a t u r e o f
society," a b o u t s o m e a s p e c t o f living, that indicates ( a l t h o u g h it d o e s
n o t "dictate") j u s t h o w m u c h c o n t e x t is r e l e v a n t to a n y g i v e n u t t e r ­
a n c e . T h e point, o f c o u r s e , is n o t that the e t h n o g r a p h e r c a n n o t k n o w
w h a t c o n t e x t is a p p r o p r i a t e for g i v i n g sense to typical s t a t e m e n t s , o r
t h a t h e is i n d u c e d to be m o r e charitable t h a n h e s h o u l d be in translat­
i n g t h e m , b u t t h a t his attempts at translation m a y m e e t w i t h p r o b l e m s
r o o t e d in the linguistic materials h e w o r k s with and the social c o n d i ­
t i o n s h e w o r k s i n — b o t h in the field a n d in his o w n society. M o r e o n
this later.
T h e latter h a l f o f G e l l n e r ' s essay is d e v o t e d to e x a m p l e s f r o m e t h ­
n o g r a p h i c studies in o r d e r to display, first, excessive charity in transla­
tion, a n d t h e n , the e x p l a n a t o r y a d v a n t a g e s o f t a k i n g a critical l o o k at
t h e l o g i c o f alien r e l i g i o u s d i s c o u r s e .
T h e first set o f e x a m p l e s c o m e s f r o m Evans-Pritchard's Nuer Reli­
gion ( 1 9 5 6 ) , in w h i c h o d d - s o u n d i n g initial translations o f N u e r reli­
g i o u s d i s c o u r s e , such as the n o t o r i o u s s t a t e m e n t that "a twin is a b i r d , "
a r e r e i n t e r p r e t e d . " T h i s k i n d o f statement," G e l l n e r o b s e r v e s ,
" a p p e a r s to b e in conflict with the p r i n c i p l e o f identity o r n o n ­
c o n t r a d i c t i o n , o r w i t h c o m m o n sense, o r w i t h m a n i f e s t o b s e r v a b l e
fact: h u m a n twins a r e not birds, a n d vice v e r s a " (34). A c c o r d i n g to
G e l l n e r , Evans-Pritchard's reinterpretation absolves N u e r t h o u g h t
f r o m t h e c h a r g e o f " p r e - l o g i c a l m e n t a l i t y " b y an arbitrary u s e o f the
c o n t e x t u a l m e t h o d . T h e a p p a r e n t absurdity is r e i n t e r p r e t e d to d e n y
t h a t N u e r beliefs conflict with manifest fact by r e l a t i n g the m e a n i n g o f
t h e " a b s u r d " s t a t e m e n t to " l o g i c a l " b e h a v i o r . G e l l n e r indicates h o w
this is d o n e b y q u o t i n g (with the d e l i b e r a t e o m i s s i o n o f o n e significant
sentence) from Evans-Pritchard:
n o contradiction is involved in the statement which, on the contrary, appears
quite sensible and even true, to o n e who presents the idea to himself in the
N u e r language and within their system o f religious thought. [ H e does not
then take their statements about twins any more literally than they make and
understand t h e m themselves.] They are not saying that a twin has a beak, feathers,
and so forth. Nor in their everyday relations as twins do Nuers speak of them as birds or
 TALAL ASAD
15°
act towards them as though they were birds. (35. Sentence in brackets omitted by
Gellner; emphasis supplied by Gellner.)
A t this p o i n t G e l l n e r b r e a k s o f f t h e q u o t a t i o n a n d i n t e r j e c t s i n
m o c k d e s p a i r : " B u t w h a t , t h e n , would c o u n t as p r e - l o g i c a l t h o u g h t ?
O n l y , p r e s u m a b l y , t h e b e h a v i o u r o f a totally d e m e n t e d p e r s o n , s u f f e r ­
i n g f r o m p e r m a n e n t h a l l u c i n a t i o n s , w h o would t r e a t s o m e t h i n g w h i c h
is p e r c e p t i b l y a h u m a n b e i n g as t h o u g h it h a d all t h e a t t r i b u t e s o f a
b i r d " (35). S o e a g e r is G e l l n e r t o nail u t t e r a n c e s t h a t m u s t c o u n t as
e x p r e s s i o n s o f " p r e - l o g i c a l t h o u g h t " ( w h y is h e s o e a g e r ? ) t h a t h e d o e s
n o t p a u s e t o c o n s i d e r c a r e f u l l y w h a t E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d is t r y i n g t o
d o . I n fact, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d d e v o t e s s e v e r a l p a g e s t o e x p l a i n i n g t h i s
s t r a n g e s e n t e n c e . It is p l a i n t h a t h e is c o n c e r n e d t o explain (in t e r m s o f
N u e r s o c i a l life), n o t t o justify (in t e r m s o f W e s t e r n c o m m o n s e n s e , o r
W e s t e r n v a l u e s ) . T h e a i m o f this k i n d o f e x e g e s i s is c e r t a i n l y n o t t o
p e r s u a d e Western readers to a d o p t N u e r religious practices. N o r d o e s
it r u l e o u t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s p e a k e r s m a k e m i s t a k e s o r
utter absurdities in their religious discourse w h e n e m p l o y i n g their
t r a d i t i o n a l w a y s o f t h i n k i n g . It is n o t c l e a r , t h e r e f o r e , w h y G e l l n e r
s h o u l d p o i n t t o t h i s e x a m p l e f r o m Nuer Religion t o s u b s t a n t i a t e h i s
c h a r g e o f excessive charity o n the part o f Functionalist a n t h r o p o l o ­
g i s t s . E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d is t r y i n g t o e x p l a i n t h e c o h e r e n c e t h a t g i v e s
N u e r r e l i g i o u s d i s c o u r s e its s e n s e , n o t t o d e f e n d t h a t s e n s e as h a v i n g a
u n i v e r s a l s t a t u s — a f t e r all, E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d h i m s e l f w a s a C a t h o l i c
b o t h b e f o r e a n d after his m o n o g r a p h o n N u e r religion was written.
N o w w h e t h e r Evans-Pritchard succeeds in e x p l a i n i n g t h e basic c o ­
h e r e n c e o f N u e r r e l i g i o u s d i s c o u r s e is, o f c o u r s e , a n o t h e r q u e s t i o n .
S e v e r a l British a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s — f o r e x a m p l e , R a y m o n d Firth (1966)
— ( t h o u g h n o t , to m y k n o w l e d g e , any N u e r themselves) h a v e d i s p u t e d
aspects o f Evans-Pritchard's interpretation. B u t such d i s a g r e e m e n t s
a r e still a b o u t d i f f e r e n t w a y s o f m a k i n g s e n s e o f N u e r r e l i g i o u s d i s ­
c o u r s e , n o t a b o u t t o o m u c h o r t o o little "charity" i n t r a n s l a t i o n . I n fact
c o n t r a r y t o G e l l n e r ' s a l l e g a t i o n s , E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d ' s e x e g e s i s does m a k e
q u i t e e x p l i c i t a p p a r e n t " c o n t r a d i c t i o n s , " o r at l e a s t a m b i g u i t i e s , i n
N u e r c o n c e p t s — f o r e x a m p l e , b e t w e e n t h e n o t i o n o f "a s u p r e m e a n d
o m n i p r e s e n t b e i n g " a n d that o f "lesser spirits," b o t h o f w h i c h a r e c a t e ­
g o r i z e d as kwoth. A n d it is p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d i n s i s t s o n
k e e p i n g t h e d i f f e r e n t s e n s e s o f kwoth t o g e t h e r as p a r t s o f " o n e c o n ­
c e p t " a n d d o e s n o t t r e a t t h e m as h o m o n y m s (as M a l i n o w s k i m i g h t
have d o n e by relating the w o r d to different contexts o f use) that
t h e N u e r c o n c e p t o f spirit m i g h t b e s a i d t o b e " c o n t r a d i c t o r y . " B u t
w h e t h e r the identification o f ambiguities a n d "contradictions" in the
basic c o n c e p t u a l repertoire o f a l a n g u a g e provides obvious e v i d e n c e
o f " p r e - l o g i c a l t h o u g h t " is, o f c o u r s e , a d i f f e r e n t i s s u e — I w o u l d s u g -
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 151
gest that o n l y s o m e o n e with a very naive u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f w h a t w a s
i n v o l v e d i n t r a n s l a t i o n c o u l d t h i n k t h a t it d o e s .
Yet G e l l n e r ' s d i s c o u r s e typically e v a d e s t h e i s s u e s it s e e m s t o b e
r a i s i n g , i n a style t h a t s e e k s t o h u r r y t h e r e a d e r a l o n g o v e r a s e r i e s o f
archly phrased disclaimers:
I d o not wish to be misunderstood: I am not arguing that Evans-Pritchard's
account o f N u e r concepts is a bad one. (Nor am I anxious to revive a doctrine
of pre-logical mentality a la Lévy-Bruhl.) O n the contrary, I have the greatest
admiration for it. What I a m anxious to argue is that contextual interpreta­
tion, which offers an account o f what assertions "really mean" in opposition to
what they seem to mean in isolation, does not by itself clinch matters. (38)
N o w w h o w o u l d h a v e c l a i m e d it d i d ? C e r t a i n l y E v a n s - P r i t c h a r d d o e s
not. In a n y case the opposition b e t w e e n a "contextual interpretation"
a n d o n e t h a t is n o t c o n t e x t u a l is e n t i r e l y s p u r i o u s . N o t h i n g h a s m e a n ­
i n g "in i s o l a t i o n . " T h e p r o b l e m is a l w a y s , w h a t k i n d o f c o n t e x t ?
B u t t h a t is s o m e t h i n g G e l l n e r n e v e r d i s c u s s e s , e x c e p t b y s u g g e s t ­
i n g that t h e a n s w e r m u s t involve a vicious circularity—or by u t t e r i n g
r e p e a t e d w a r n i n g s a g a i n s t " e x c e s s i v e " charity ( w h e n is c h a r i t y n o t " e x ­
cessive"?). H e a p p e a r s u n a w a r e that for t h e translator t h e p r o b l e m o f
d e t e r m i n i n g t h e r e l e v a n t k i n d o f c o n t e x t i n e a c h c a s e is s o l v e d b y skill
in t h e u s e o f t h e l a n g u a g e s c o n c e r n e d , n o t by a n a priori "attitude" o f
i n t o l e r a n c e o r t o l e r a n c e . A n d skill is s o m e t h i n g t h a t is learned—that
is, s o m e t h i n g t h a t is n e c e s s a r i l y circular, b u t n o t v i c i o u s l y s o . W e a r e
d e a l i n g n o t w i t h a n a b s t r a c t m a t c h i n g o f t w o sets o f s e n t e n c e s , b u t
w i t h a social p r a c t i c e r o o t e d i n m o d e s o f life. A t r a n s l a t o r m a y m a k e
mistakes, o r h e m a y knowingly misrepresent s o m e t h i n g — m u c h as
p e o p l e m a k e m i s t a k e s o r lie i n e v e r y d a y life. B u t w e c a n n o t p r o d u c e a
g e n e r a l principle for identifying such things, particularly n o t t h r o u g h
w a r n i n g s to b e careful o f "the contextual m e t h o d o f interpretation."
A n d s o t o a n o t h e r o f Gellner's c h a r m i n g d i s c l a i m e r s : " T o say all
this is n o t to a r g u e for a scepticism o r agnosticism c o n c e r n i n g w h a t
m e m b e r s o f a l i e n l a n g u a g e s m e a n , still less t o a r g u e f o r a n a b s t e n t i o n
f r o m t h e contextual m e t h o d o f interpretation. ( O n the contrary, I
s h a l l a r g u e f o r a f u l l e r u s e o f it, f u l l e r i n t h e s e n s e o f a l l o w i n g f o r t h e
p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t w h a t p e o p l e m e a n is s o m e t i m e s a b s u r d . ) " (39). T h e
c h a r m o f this s t a t e m e n t c o n s i s t s i n Gellner's c h e e k y a p p r o p r i a t i o n o f
his o p p o n e n t ' s m e t h o d to s t r e n g t h e n his o w n distinctive position.
B u t b e f o r e t h a t is d o n e , w e a r e g i v e n f u r t h e r e x a m p l e s o f t h e
t o l e r a n c e - e n g e n d e r i n g c o n t e x t u a l m e t h o d at w o r k i n Leach's Political
Systems of Highland Burma. T h u s a c c o r d i n g t o L e a c h , K a c h i n s t a t e ­
m e n t s a b o u t t h e s u p e r n a t u r a l w o r l d a r e "in t h e last a n a l y s i s , n o t h i n g
m o r e than ways o f describing t h e formal relationships that exist
b e t w e e n r e a l p e r s o n s a n d real g r o u p s i n o r d i n a r y K a c h i n s o c i e t y "
152 TALALASAD
( q u o t e d o n p . 40). A t this p o i n t G e l l n e r i n t e r v e n e s : "It is p o s s i b l e t o
d i s c e r n w h a t h a s h a p p e n e d . Leach's e x e g e t i c p r o c e d u r e s h a v e a l s o
s a v e d t h e K a c h i n s f r o m b e i n g c r e d i t e d w i t h w h a t t h e y appear t o b e say­
i n g " a n d t h u s m a d e it p o s s i b l e "to a t t r i b u t e m e a n i n g t o a s s e r t i o n s
w h i c h m i g h t o t h e r w i s e b e f o u n d to lack it" ( 4 1 ) . G e l l n e r g o e s o n t o
insist t h a t h e is n o t c o n c e r n e d t o d i s p u t e Leach's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s , b u t
m e r e l y "to s h o w h o w t h e r a n g e o f c o n t e x t , a n d t h e m a n n e r i n w h i c h
t h e c o n t e x t is s e e n , n e c e s s a r i l y a f f e c t t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n " ( 4 1 ) . T h i s is a
s i g n i f i c a n t r e m a r k , b e c a u s e it is i n d e e d n o t Leach's r e d u c t i o n i s m t o
w h i c h G e l l n e r o b j e c t s ( w e shall find h i m i n s i s t i n g o n it h i m s e l f l a t e r i n
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h B e r b e r r e l i g i o u s i d e o l o g y ) b u t t o t h e fact t h a t this e x ­
a m p l e o f r e d u c t i o n i s m — w h i c h G e l l n e r m i s l e a d i n g l y calls " c o n t e x -
t u a l i s m " — s e e m s t o d e f e n d , r a t h e r t h a n t o attack, t h e c u l t u r a l d i s ­
course concerned.
G e l l n e r ' s d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f h o w "the uncharitable m a y b e ' c o n t e x -
tualist' i n t h e s e c o n d , d e e p e r a n d b e t t e r s e n s e " (42) b e g i n s b y p r e s e n t ­
i n g a fictitious w o r d i n a h c t i t i o u s s o c i e t y — t h e w o r d "boble," u s e d i n a
w a y r e m a r k a b l y like t h e E n g l i s h w o r d " n o b l e . " T h u s w e a r e t o l d t h a t it
c a n b e a p p l i e d t o p e o p l e w h o actually d i s p l a y c e r t a i n h a b i t u a l f o r m s
o f c o n d u c t , a s w e l l as t o p e o p l e w h o o c c u p y a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l s t a t u s
i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e i r b e h a v i o r . " B u t t h e p o i n t is: t h e s o c i e t y i n q u e s t i o n
d o e s n o t d i s t i n g u i s h two concepts, b o b l e (a) a n d b o b l e (b). It o n l y u s e s
t h e w o r d b o b l e t o u t c o u r t " (42). T h e l o g i c o f b o b i l i t y is t h e n a n a l y z e d
further to show how
bobility is a conceptual device by which the privileged class of the society in
question acquires some of the prestige of certain virtues respected in that so­
ciety, without the inconvenience o f n e e d i n g to practice it, thanks to t h e fact
that the same word is applied either to practitioners o f those virtues or to oc­
cupiers of favoured positions. It is, at the same time, a manner o f reinforcing
the appeal o f those virtues, by associating them, through the use o f the same
appellation, with prestige and power. But all this needs to be said, and to say it
is to bring out the internal logical incoherence of the c o n c e p t — a n incoher­
ence which, indeed, is socially functional. (42)
I n fact t h e c o n c e p t o f "bobility" is n o t s h o w n t o b e incoherent—even if
it b e a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e a m b i g u i t y o f t h e word a l l o w s it t o b e u s e d in
p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e t o c o n s o l i d a t e t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f a r u l i n g class ( a n d
t h e r e f o r e , in principle, also to u n d e r m i n e that legitimacy). Gellner's
s a t i s f i e d c o n c l u s i o n t o h i s fictional e x a m p l e is s u r e l y f a r t o o h a s t y :
" W h a t t h i s s h o w s , h o w e v e r , is t h a t t h e o v e r - c h a r i t a b l e i n t e r p r e t e r , d e ­
t e r m i n e d t o d e f e n d t h e c o n c e p t s h e is i n v e s t i g a t i n g f r o m t h e c h a r g e
o f l o g i c a l i n c o h e r e n c e , is b o u n d t o m i s d e s c r i b e t h e social s i t u a t i o n . To
make sense of the concept is to make nonsense of the society" (42, e m p h a s i s
a d d e d ) . C l e a r l y t h e w o r d "bobility" m a k e s s e n s e t o its u s e r s in part i n i
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 153
l a r s t a t e m e n t s ( o r t h e y w o u l d n o t u s e it), a n d it m a k e s s e n s e a l s o , a l ­
t h o u g h o f a d i f f e r e n t k i n d , t o G e l l n e r , w h o states t h a t b y d e c e i v i n g its
u s e r s it s o m e h o w u p h o l d s a social s t r u c t u r e . S e n s e o r n o n s e n s e , l i k e
t r u t h o r f a l s e h o o d , a p p l i e s t o statements a n d n o t t o a b s t r a c t c o n c e p t s .
T h e r e s e e m s to m e n o evidence here o f a "nonsensical" concept, b e ­
c a u s e t h e r e is n o a n a l y s i s o f socially s i t u a t e d s t a t e m e n t s .
B u t t h e r e is a l s o a m o r e i m p o r t a n t f a i l u r e e v i d e n t i n this e x a m p l e :
t h e lack o f a n y a t t e m p t t o e x p l o r e its coherence—that w h i c h m a k e s its
s o c i a l e f f e c t s u c h a p o w e r f u l possibility. O f c o u r s e , p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e
e m p l o y s l i e s , h a l f - t r u t h s , l o g i c a l trickery, a n d s o o n . Yet t h a t is n o t
w h a t g i v e s it its compulsive c h a r a c t e r , a n y m o r e t h a n t h e u s e o f t r u e o r
c l e a r s t a t e m e n t s d o e s , a n d c o m p u l s i v e n e s s is p r e c i s e l y w h a t is i n v o l v e d
i n G e l l n e r ' s e x a m p l e . It is n o t t h e abstract l o g i c a l s t a t u s o f c o n c e p t s
t h a t is r e l e v a n t h e r e , b u t t h e w a y i n w h i c h specific political d i s c o u r s e s
s e e m to mobilize o r direct the behavior o f people within given cultural
s i t u a t i o n s . T h e c o m p u l s i v e n e s s o f "bobility" as a political c o n c e p t is a
feature n o t o f gullible m i n d s b u t o f c o h e r e n t discourses a n d practices.
T h a t is w h y it is e s s e n t i a l f o r a t r a n s l a t o r o f p o w e r f u l political i d e o l o ­
g i e s t o a t t e m p t t o c o n v e y s o m e t h i n g o f this c o h e r e n c e . T o m a k e n o n ­
s e n s e o f t h e c o n c e p t is t o m a k e n o n s e n s e o f t h e society.
G e l l n e r ' s final e x a m p l e c o m e s f r o m h i s o w n fieldwork a m o n g t h e
c e n t r a l M o r o c c a n B e r b e r s , a n d is i n t e n d e d t o c l i n c h t h e a r g u m e n t
that an uncharitable contextualist makes better sense o f the society h e
d e s c r i b e s b y e m p h a s i z i n g t h e i n c o h e r e n c e o f its c o n c e p t s : " T w o c o n ­
c e p t s a r e r e l e v a n t , " h e w r i t e s , "baraka a n d agurram (pi. igurramen).
Baraka is a w o r d w h i c h c a n m e a n s i m p l y ' e n o u g h ' , b u t it a l s o m e a n s
p l e n i t u d e , a n d a b o v e all b l e s s e d n e s s m a n i f e s t e d a m o n g s t o t h e r t h i n g s
in p r o s p e r i t y a n d t h e p o w e r to cause prosperity in o t h e r s by s u p e r ­
n a t u r a l m e a n s . A n agurram is a p o s s e s s o r o f baraka" (43).
Igurramen—translated as "saints" i n G e l l n e r ' s later w r i t i n g s ( e . g . ,
1 9 6 9 ) — a r e a fairly p r i v i l e g e d a n d i n f l u e n t i a l m i n o r i t y i n t h e tribal s o ­
c i e t y o f c e n t r a l M o r o c c a n B e r b e r s w h o act as f o c i o f r e l i g i o u s v a l u e s
a n d a l s o a s m e d i a t o r s a n d a r b i t r a t o r s a m o n g s t t h e tribal p o p u l a t i o n
w i t h w h o m t h e y live. " T h e local b e l i e f is t h a t t h e y a r e s e l e c t e d b y G o d .
Moreover, G o d makes his choice manifest by e n d o w i n g those w h o m
h e h a s selected with certain characteristics, i n c l u d i n g magical p o w e r s ,
a n d great generosity, prosperity, a consider-the-lilies attitude, paci­
fism, a n d s o f o r t h " (43).
T h i s is G e l l n e r ' s " t r a n s l a t i o n . " B u t h i s t o o - f l u e n t u s e o f a r e l i g i o u s
vocabulary with strong, a n d p e r h a p s irrelevant, Christian o v e r t o n e s
m u s t p r o m p t d o u b t s a n d q u e s t i o n s at this p o i n t . W h a t p r e c i s e l y a r e
t h e b e h a v i o r a n d d i s c o u r s e s t r a n s l a t e d h e r e a s "a c o n s i d e r - t h e - l i l i e s at­
titude," "makes his c h o i c e manifest," a n d "endowing," for instance?
D o t h e B e r b e r s b e l i e v e that G o d endows t h e i r "saints" w i t h d i s p o s i -
154 TALAL ASAD
tional characteristics such as "great generosity a n d pacifism," o r d o
t h e y t a k e it r a t h e r t h a t t h e s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e conditions o f saintli-
n e s s , o f t h e c l o s e n e s s o f igurramen t o G o d ? D o t h e B e r b e r s r e a l l y b e ­
h a v e a s t h o u g h r e l i g i o u s a n d m o r a l virtues w e r e " m a n i f e s t a t i o n s " o f
d i v i n e c h o i c e ? W h a t d o t h e y say a n d h o w d o t h e y b e h a v e w h e n p e o p l e
fail t o d i s p l a y t h e v i r t u e s t h e y ought t o h a v e ? B y w h o m is a n agurram's
b e h a v i o r c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as a " c o n s i d e r - t h e - l i l i e s a t t i t u d e , " g i v e n t h a t
h e h a s b o t h f a m i l y a n d p r o p e r t y , a n d t h a t this fact is t a k e n b y t h e B e r ­
bers t o b e perfectly in o r d e r ? G e l l n e r d o e s n o t give t h e r e a d e r t h e
r e l e v a n t e v i d e n c e f o r a n s w e r i n g t h e s e i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n s , w h o s e sig­
n i f i c a n c e f o r h i s t r a n s l a t i o n will e m e r g e i n a m o m e n t .
T h e reality o f the situation is, however, that the igurramen are in fact se­
lected by the surrounding ordinary tribesmen who use their services, by being
called to perform those services and being preferred to the rival candidates
for their performance. What appears to be vox Dei is in reality vox populi.
Moreover, the matter o f the blessed characteristics, the stigmata [sic] o f
agurram-hood is more complicated. It is essential that successful candidates to
agurram status be credited with these characteristics, but it is equally essential,
at any rate with regard to some of them, that they should n o t really possess
t h e m . For instance, an agurram w h o was extremely generous in a consider-
the-lilies spirit would soon be impoverished and, as such, fail by another cru­
cial test, that o f prosperity.
T h e r e is here a crucial divergence between concept and reality, a diver­
gence which moreover is quite essential for the working of the social system.
(43-44)
I t i s n o t a t all c l e a r f r o m t h e a c c o u n t g i v e n b y G e l l n e r w h a t is
m e a n t b y t h e s t a t e m e n t , " T h e local b e l i e f is t h a t t h e y a r e s e l e c t e d b y
G o d " — " s e l e c t e d " f o r w h a t e x a c t l y ? For b e i n g arbitrators? B u t a r b i t r a ­
t i o n m u s t b e i n i t i a t e d b y o n e o r o t h e r m e m b e r o f t h e tribal s o c i e t y ,
a n d t h a t fact c a n h a r d l y b e u n k n o w n t o t h e t r i b e s m e n . F o r b e i n g p a ­
cific? B u t p a c i f i s m is a v i r t u e , n o t a r e w a r d . F o r w o r l d l y s u c c e s s a n d
p r o s p e r i t y ? B u t t h a t c a n n o t b e a local definition o f s a i n t l i n e s s , o r t h e
F r e n c h c o l o n i a l r u l e r s w o u l d h a v e b e e n r e g a r d e d as m o r e saintly t h a n
any agurram.
I t is really n o g r e a t e x p l a n a t o r y a c h i e v e m e n t f o r a E u r o p e a n a n ­
thropologist to inform his agnostic a n d / o r m o d e r n E u r o p e a n readers
that t h e Berbers believe in a particular kind o f direct intervention o f
t h e d e i t y i n t h e i r affairs, t h a t t h e y a r e o f c o u r s e m i s t a k e n i n this b e l i e f ,
a n d t h a t t h i s m i s t a k e n b e l i e f c a n h a v e social c o n s e q u e n c e s . I n this
k i n d o f e x e r c i s e w e d o n o t l e a r n what t h e y b e l i e v e , b u t o n l y that w h a t
t h e y b e l i e v e is q u i t e w r o n g : t h u s , t h e B e r b e r s b e l i e v e t h a t G o d " s e ­
l e c t s " igurramen; w e k n o w G o d d o e s n o t e x i s t ( o r i f s o m e o f u s still "be­
lieve" h e d o e s , w e "know" h e d o e s n o t i n t e r v e n e directly in secular his­
t o r y ) ; e r g o t h e "selector" m u s t b e a n o t h e r a g e n t w h o m t h e t r i b e s m e n
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 155
d o n o t k n o w as t h e a g e n t — i n fact, t h e s u r r o u n d i n g t r i b e s m e n t h e m ­
s e l v e s . T h e igurramen a r e " s e l e c t e d " ( f o r a p a r t i c u l a r social r o l e ? f o r a
m o r a l virtue? f o r a religious destiny?) by the p e o p l e . T h e "selection"
a p p e a r s t o b e vox Dei a n d is i n reality vox populi. O r is it?
I n reality t h e social p r o c e s s d e s c r i b e d b y t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t as "se­
l e c t i o n " is t h e l o c u s o f a vox o n l y i f it is p r e t e n d e d t h a t t h a t p r o c e s s
constitutes a cultural text. For a text m u s t have a n a u t h o r — t h e o n e
w h o m a k e s h i s v o i c e h e a r d t h r o u g h it. A n d i f t h a t v o i c e c a n n o t b e
G o d ' s , it m u s t b e s o m e o n e e l s e ' s — t h e p e o p l e ' s . T h u s G e l l n e r t h e a t h e ­
ist i n s i s t s o n a n s w e r i n g a t h e o l o g i c a l q u e s t i o n : w h o s p e a k s t h r o u g h
h i s t o r y , t h r o u g h s o c i e t y ? I n this p a r t i c u l a r c a s e , t h e a n s w e r d e p e n d s
o n t h e t e x t c o n t a i n i n g at o n c e t h e "real," u n c o n s c i o u s m e a n i n g a n d its
a p p r o p r i a t e t r a n s l a t i o n . T h i s f u s i o n o f s i g n i f i e r a n d s i g n i f i e d is e s p e ­
cially e v i d e n t i n t h e w a y i n w h i c h t h e I s l a m i c c o n c e p t o f baraka is m a d e
t o s o u n d r e m a r k a b l y like t h e C h r i s t i a n c o n c e p t o f g r a c e as p o r t r a y e d
by a n e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y skeptic, so that t h e conditions d e f i n i n g t h e
agurram's baraka a r e r e f e r r e d t o w i t h a k n o w i n g G i b b o n i a n s m i l e as
" s t i g m a t a " — a n d b y t h a t d e f t s i g n , a p o r t i o n of t h e B e r b e r c u l t u r a l
t e x t is a t o n c e c o n s t r u c t e d ( m a d e u p ) a n d d e s i g n a t e d ( s h o w n u p )
w i t h i n G e l l n e r ' s t e x t , as e x q u i s i t e a u n i o n o f w o r d a n d t h i n g as a n y t o
b e f o u n d i n all h i s w r i t i n g s .
B u t s o c i e t y is n o t a t e x t t h a t c o m m u n i c a t e s i t s e l f t o t h e s k i l l e d
r e a d e r . It is p e o p l e w h o s p e a k . A n d t h e u l t i m a t e m e a n i n g o f w h a t
t h e y s a y d o e s n o t r e s i d e i n s o c i e t y — s o c i e t y is t h e c u l t u r a l c o n d i t i o n i n
w h i c h speakers act a n d are acted u p o n . T h e privileged position that
G e l l n e r a c c o r d s h i m s e l f f o r d e c o d i n g t h e real m e a n i n g o f w h a t t h e
B e r b e r s s a y ( r e g a r d l e s s o f w h a t t h e y t h i n k t h e y say) c a n b e m a i n t a i n e d
o n l y b y s o m e o n e w h o s u p p o s e s that t r a n s l a t i n g o t h e r c u l t u r e s is e s ­
sentially a m a t t e r o f m a t c h i n g written s e n t e n c e s in t w o l a n g u a g e s ,
s u c h t h a t t h e s e c o n d s e t o f s e n t e n c e s b e c o m e s t h e "real m e a n i n g " o f
t h e first—an o p e r a t i o n t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t a l o n e c o n t r o l s , f r o m field
n o t e b o o k t o p r i n t e d e t h n o g r a p h y . I n o t h e r w o r d s , it is t h e p r i v i l e g e d
position o f s o m e o n e w h o d o e s not, a n d can afford n o t to, e n g a g e in a
g e n u i n e d i a l o g u e w i t h t h o s e h e o r s h e o n c e l i v e d w i t h a n d n o w writes
a b o u t (cf. A s a d , e d . 1 9 7 3 : 1 7 ) .
I n t h e m i d d l e o f h i s article, w h e n d i s c u s s i n g a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l r e l a ­
t i v i s m , G e l l n e r c o m p l a i n s t h a t " a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s w e r e relativistic, t o l e r ­
a n t , c o n t e x t u a l l y - c o m p r e h e n d i n g vis-à-vis t h e s a v a g e s w h o a r e a f t e r
all s o m e d i s t a n c e away, b u t absolutistic, i n t o l e r a n t vis-à-vis t h e i r i m m e ­
diate n e i g h b o u r s o r predecessors, t h e m e m b e r s o f o u r o w n society
w h o d o n o t share their c o m p r e h e n d i n g outlook a n d are themselves
' e t h n o c e n t r i c ' . . ." ( 3 1 ) .
W h y h a v e I t r i e d t o insist i n this p a p e r t h a t a n y o n e c o n c e r n e d
with t r a n s l a t i n g f r o m o t h e r c u l t u r e s m u s t l o o k f o r c o h e r e n c e i n d i s -
156 TALAL ASAD
c o u r s e s , a n d yet d e v o t e d so m a n y pages to s h o w i n g that Gellner's text
is l a r g e l y i n c o h e r e n t ? T h e r e a s o n is q u i t e s i m p l e : G e l l n e r a n d I s p e a k
t h e s a m e l a n g u a g e , b e l o n g to t h e s a m e a c a d e m i c p r o f e s s i o n , live i n
t h e s a m e society. I n t a k i n g u p a critical s t a n c e t o w a r d h i s t e x t I a m
contesting w h a t h e says, n o t translating it, a n d t h e r a d i c a l d i f f e r e n c e b e ­
t w e e n t h e s e t w o activities is p r e c i s e l y w h a t I insist o n . Still, t h e p u r p o s e
o f m y a r g u m e n t is n o t t o e x p r e s s a n a t t i t u d e o f " i n t o l e r a n c e " t o w a r d
a n " i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o u r , " b u t t o try a n d i d e n t i f y i n c o h e r e n c e s i n h i s
t e x t t h a t call f o r r e m e d y , b e c a u s e t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l task o f t r a n s l a ­
t i o n d e s e r v e s t o b e m a d e m o r e c o h e r e n t . T h e p u r p o s e o f this criti­
c i s m , t h e r e f o r e , is t o f u r t h e r a c o l l e c t i v e e n d e a v o r . C r i t i c i z i n g " s a v a g e s
w h o a r e a f t e r all s o m e d i s t a n c e away," i n a n e t h n o g r a p h i c m o n o g r a p h
they cannot read, does not seem to m e to have the same kind o f pur­
p o s e . I n o r d e r f o r c r i t i c i s m t o b e r e s p o n s i b l e , it m u s t a l w a y s b e a d ­
d r e s s e d t o s o m e o n e w h o c a n c o n t e s t it.
The Inequality of Languages
A careful r e a d i n g o f Gellner's p a p e r s h o w s that a l t h o u g h h e
r a i s e s a n u m b e r o f i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n s , h e n o t o n l y fails t o a n s w e r
t h e m , b u t misses s o m e o f t h e m o s t crucial aspects o f t h e p r o b l e m with
w h i c h t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r is e n g a g e d . T h e m o s t i n t e r e s t i n g o f t h e s e , it
s e e m s t o m e , is t h e p r o b l e m o f w h a t o n e m i g h t call " u n e q u a l - l a n ­
g u a g e s " — a n d it is t h i s I w a n t n o w t o d i s c u s s i n s o m e d e t a i l .
All g o o d translation seeks to r e p r o d u c e the structure o f a n alien
d i s c o u r s e w i t h i n t h e translator's o w n l a n g u a g e . H o w t h a t s t r u c t u r e
( o r " c o h e r e n c e " ) is r e p r o d u c e d will, o f c o u r s e , d e p e n d o n t h e g e n r e
c o n c e r n e d ("poetry," "scientific analysis," "narrative," e t c . ) , o n t h e r e ­
s o u r c e s o f t h e translator's l a n g u a g e , as well as o n t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e
t r a n s l a t o r a n d / o r h i s r e a d e r s h i p . A l l s u c c e s s f u l t r a n s l a t i o n is p r e m i s e d
o n t h e fact t h a t it is a d d r e s s e d w i t h i n a specific l a n g u a g e , a n d t h e r e ­
f o r e a l s o t o a s p e c i f i c s e t o f p r a c t i c e s , a specific f o r m o f life. T h e f u r ­
t h e r t h a t f o r m o f life is f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l , t h e less m e c h a n i c a l is t h e
r e p r o d u c t i o n . A s Walter B e n j a m i n wrote: " T h e l a n g u a g e o f a transla­
t i o n c a n — i n fact m u s t — l e t itself g o , s o t h a t it g i v e s v o i c e t o t h e intentio
o f t h e o r i g i n a l n o t as r e p r o d u c t i o n b u t as h a r m o n y , as a s u p p l e m e n t
t o t h e l a n g u a g e i n w h i c h it e x p r e s s e s itself, as its o w n k i n d o f intentio"
( 1 9 6 9 : 7 9 ) . It is, i n c i d e n t a l l y , f o r t h e r e a d e r t o e v a l u a t e t h a t intentio,
not f o r t h e translator to p r e e m p t t h e evaluation. A g o o d translation
s h o u l d a l w a y s p r e c e d e a c r i t i q u e . A n d w e c a n t u r n this a r o u n d b y say­
i n g t h a t a g o o d c r i t i q u e is always a n " i n t e r n a l " c r i t i q u e - — t h a t is, o n e
b a s e d o n s o m e s h a r e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g , o n a j o i n t life, w h i c h it a i m s t o
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 157
e n l a r g e a n d m a k e m o r e c o h e r e n t . S u c h a c r i t i q u e — n o less t h a n t h e
o b j e c t o f c r i t i c i s m — i s a p o i n t o f v i e w , a ( c o n t r a ) version, h a v i n g o n l y
provisional a n d limited authority.
W h a t h a p p e n s w h e n the languages concerned are so r e m o t e that
it is v e r y difficult t o r e w r i t e a h a r m o n i o u s intentio? R u d o l f P a n n w i t z ,
q u o t e d i n t h e B e n j a m i n essay o n w h i c h I have j u s t d r a w n , m a k e s t h e
following observation:
O u r translations, even the best ones, proceed from a wrong premise. T h e y
want to turn Hindi, Greek, English into German instead o f turning German
into Hindi, Greek, English. O u r translators have a far greater reverence for
the usage o f their o w n language than for the spirit of the foreign works. . . .
T h e basic error o f the translator is that he preserves the state in which his o w n
l a n g u a g e h a p p e n s to be instead of allowing his language to be powerfully af­
fected by the foreign tongue. Particularly w h e n translating from a language
very remote from his o w n h e must go back to the primal elements o f language
itself a n d penetrate to the point where work, image, and tone converge. H e
m u s t e x p a n d and d e e p e n his language by means of the foreign language.
(1969:80-81)
T h i s call t o t r a n s f o r m a l a n g u a g e i n o r d e r t o t r a n s l a t e t h e c o h e r ­
e n c e o f t h e o r i g i n a l , p o s e s a n i n t e r e s t i n g c h a l l e n g e t o t h e p e r s o n satis­
fied w i t h a n a b s u r d - s o u n d i n g t r a n s l a t i o n o n t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e
original m u s t have b e e n equally absurd: the g o o d translator d o e s n o t
i m m e d i a t e l y a s s u m e t h a t u n u s u a l difficulty i n c o n v e y i n g t h e s e n s e o f
a n a l i e n d i s c o u r s e d e n o t e s a fault i n t h e latter, b u t i n s t e a d critically
e x a m i n e s t h e n o r m a l state o f h i s o r h e r own l a n g u a g e . T h e r e l e v a n t
q u e s t i o n t h e r e f o r e is n o t h o w t o l e r a n t a n attitude t h e t r a n s l a t o r o u g h t
t o d i s p l a y t o w a r d t h e o r i g i n a l a u t h o r ( a n abstract e t h i c a l d i l e m m a ) ,
b u t h o w s h e c a n test t h e t o l e r a n c e o f h e r o w n l a n g u a g e f o r a s s u m i n g
unaccustomed forms.
B u t t h i s p u s h i n g b e y o n d t h e limits o f one's h a b i t u a l u s a g e s , t h i s
b r e a k i n g d o w n a n d r e s h a p i n g o f one's o w n l a n g u a g e t h r o u g h t h e p r o ­
c e s s o f t r a n s l a t i o n , is n e v e r a n easy b u s i n e s s , i n p a r t b e c a u s e (if I m a y
b e a l l o w e d a h y p o s t a t i z a t i o n ) it d e p e n d s o n t h e w i l l i n g n e s s o f t h e
t r a n s l a t o r ' s language t o s u b j e c t itself t o this t r a n s f o r m i n g p o w e r . I a t ­
t r i b u t e , s o m e w h a t fictitiously, v o l i t i o n t o t h e l a n g u a g e b e c a u s e I w a n t
t o e m p h a s i z e t h a t t h e m a t t e r is l a r g e l y s o m e t h i n g t h e t r a n s l a t o r c a n ­
n o t d e t e r m i n e b y i n d i v i d u a l activity ( a n y m o r e t h a n t h e i n d i v i d u a l
s p e a k e r c a n a f f e c t t h e e v o l u t i o n o f his o r h e r l a n g u a g e ) — t h a t it is g o v ­
e r n e d by institutionally defined p o w e r relations b e t w e e n the lan­
g u a g e s / m o d e s o f life c o n c e r n e d . T o p u t it c r u d e l y : b e c a u s e t h e l a n ­
g u a g e s o f T h i r d World societies—including, o f course, t h e societies
that social a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s h a v e traditionally s t u d i e d — a r e "weaker" i n
relation to Western l a n g u a g e s (and today, especially to English), t h e y
a r e m o i e likely t o s u b m i t t o f o r c i b l e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n i n t h e t r a n s l a t i o n
158 TALAL ASAD
p r o c e s s t h a n t h e o t h e r w a y a r o u n d . T h e r e a s o n f o r this is, first, t h a t i n
their political-economic relations with T h i r d World countries, West­
e r n n a t i o n s h a v e t h e g r e a t e r ability t o m a n i p u l a t e t h e latter. A n d , s e c ­
o n d , W e s t e r n l a n g u a g e s p r o d u c e a n d d e p l o y desired k n o w l e d g e m o r e
readily than T h i r d World languages d o . ( T h e k n o w l e d g e that T h i r d
W o r l d l a n g u a g e s d e p l o y m o r e easily is n o t s o u g h t by W e s t e r n s o c i e t i e s
in quite t h e s a m e way, or for the s a m e reason.)
T a k e m o d e r n A r a b i c as a n e x a m p l e . S i n c e t h e early n i n e t e e n t h
century there has b e e n a g r o w i n g v o l u m e of material translated f r o m
E u r o p e a n languages—especially French and English—into Arabic.
T h i s i n c l u d e s scientific t e x t s as w e l l as "social s c i e n c e , " "history," " p h i ­
l o s o p h y , " a n d "literature." A n d f r o m t h e n i n e t e e n t h century, Arabic
as a l a n g u a g e h a s b e g u n as a result to u n d e r g o a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n (lex­
ical, g r a m m a t i c a l , s e m a n t i c ) t h a t is f a r m o r e r a d i c a l t h a n a n y t h i n g
to b e identified in E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e s — a transformation that has
p u s h e d it t o a p p r o x i m a t e t o t h e latter m o r e c l o s e l y t h a n i n t h e p a s t .
S u c h t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s s i g n a l i n e q u a l i t i e s i n t h e p o w e r (i.e., i n t h e ca­
pacities) o f t h e r e s p e c t i v e l a n g u a g e s in r e l a t i o n t o t h e dominant f o r m s
o f d i s c o u r s e t h a t h a v e b e e n a n d a r e still b e i n g t r a n s l a t e d . T h e r e a r e
v a r i e t i e s o f k n o w l e d g e t o b e l e a r n t , b u t also a h o s t o f m o d e l s t o b e
i m i t a t e d a n d r e p r o d u c e d . I n s o m e c a s e s k n o w l e d g e o f t h e s e m o d e l s is
a precondition for the production o f m o r e k n o w l e d g e ; in other cases
it is a n e n d i n itself, a m i m e t i c g e s t u r e o f p o w e r , a n e x p r e s s i o n o f d e ­
s i r e f o r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . A r e c o g n i t i o n o f this w e l l - k n o w n fact r e m i n d s
us that industrial capitalism transforms n o t only m o d e s o f p r o d u c t i o n
b u t a l s o k i n d s o f k n o w l e d g e a n d styles o f life i n t h e T h i r d W o r l d . A n d
with t h e m , f o r m s o f l a n g u a g e . T h e result o f h a l f - t r a n s f o r m e d styles
o f life will m a k e f o r a m b i g u i t i e s , w h i c h a n u n s k i l l f u l W e s t e r n t r a n s ­
l a t o r m a y s i m p l i f y in t h e d i r e c t i o n o f h i s o w n " s t r o n g " l a n g u a g e .
W h a t d o e s this a r g u m e n t i m p l y f o r t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l c o n c e p t
o f c u l t u r a l t r a n s l a t i o n ? T h a t p e r h a p s t h e r e is a g r e a t e r stiffness i n e t h ­
n o g r a p h i c linguistic c o n v e n t i o n s , a greater intrinsic resistance t h a n
can b e o v e r c o m e by individual experiments in m o d e s o f e t h n o g r a p h i c
representation.
I n h i s p e r c e p t i v e e s s a y " M o d e s o f T h o u g h t , " w h i c h G e l l n e r criti­
cizes for m a k i n g over-charitable assumptions about the c o h e r e n c e o f
" p r i m i t i v e t h o u g h t , " L i e n h a r d t h a s this t o say:
W h e n we live with savages and speak their languages, learning to represent
their experience to ourselves in their way, we come as near to thinking like
t h e m as we can without ceasing to be ourselves. Eventually, we try to represent
their conceptions systematically in the logical constructs we have been brought
u p to use; and we hope, at best, thus to reconcile what can be expressed in
their languages, with what can be expressed in ours. We mediate between
their habits o f thought, which we have acquired with them, and those o f o u r
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 159
o w n society; in d o i n g so, it is not finally some mysterious "primitive philoso­
phy" that w e are exploring, but the further potentialities o f o u r thought and
language. ( 1 9 5 4 : 9 6 - 9 7 )
I n t h e field, as L i e n h a r d t r i g h t l y s u g g e s t s , t h e p r o c e s s o f t r a n s l a t i o n
t a k e s p l a c e at t h e v e r y m o m e n t t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r e n g a g e s w i t h a s p e ­
cific m o d e o f l i f e — j u s t as a c h i l d d o e s in l e a r n i n g t o g r o w u p w i t h i n a
s p e c i f i c c u l t u r e . Fie l e a r n s t o find h i s w a y in a n e w e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d a
n e w l a n g u a g e . A n d like a c h i l d h e n e e d s t o v e r b a l i z e explicitly w h a t
t h e p r o p e r w a y o f d o i n g t h i n g s is, b e c a u s e t h a t is h o w l e a r n i n g p r o ­
c e e d s . (Cf. A . R. L u r i a o n " s y n p r a x i c s p e e c h " i n L u r i a a n d Y u d o v i c h
1 9 7 1 : 5 0 . ) W h e n t h e c h i l d / a n t h r o p o l o g i s t b e c o m e s a d e p t at a d u l t
w a y s , w h a t h e h a s l e a r n t b e c o m e s implicit—as a s s u m p t i o n s i n f o r m i n g
a s h a r e d m o d e o f life, w i t h all its r e s o n a n c e s a n d a r e a s o f u n c l a r i t y .
B u t l e a r n i n g t o l i v e a n e w m o d e o f life is n o t t h e s a m e as l e a r n i n g
a b o u t a n o t h e r m o d e o f life. W h e n a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s r e t u r n t o t h e i r
c o u n t r i e s , t h e y m u s t w r i t e u p "their p e o p l e , " a n d t h e y m u s t d o s o i n
the c o n v e n t i o n s o f representation already circumscribed (already
"written a r o u n d , " "bounded") by their discipline, institutional life,
a n d w i d e r society. "Cultural translation" m u s t a c c o m m o d a t e itself to a
d i f f e r e n t l a n g u a g e n o t o n l y i n t h e s e n s e o f E n g l i s h as o p p o s e d t o
D i n k a , o r E n g l i s h as o p p o s e d t o K a b b a s h i A r a b i c , b u t a l s o i n t h e s e n s e
o f a B r i t i s h , m i d d l e class, a c a d e m i c g a m e as o p p o s e d t o t h e m o d e s o f
l i f e o f t h e "tribal" S u d a n . T h e stiffness o f a p o w e r f u l e s t a b l i s h e d
s t r u c t u r e o f life, w i t h its o w n d i s c u r s i v e g a m e s , its o w n " s t r o n g " l a n ­
g u a g e s , is w h a t a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s finally d e t e r m i n e s t h e e f f e c t i v e ­
n e s s o f t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . T h e t r a n s l a t i o n is a d d r e s s e d t o a v e r y s p e c i f i c
a u d i e n c e , w h i c h is w a i t i n g t o r e a d about a n o t h e r m o d e o f life a n d t o
m a n i p u l a t e t h e t e x t it r e a d s a c c o r d i n g t o e s t a b l i s h e d r u l e s , n o t t o
l e a r n to live a n e w m o d e o f life.
If B e n j a m i n was right in p r o p o s i n g that translation m a y require
n o t a mechanical r e p r o d u c t i o n o f the original but a h a r m o n i z a t i o n
w i t h its intentio, it f o l l o w s t h a t t h e r e is n o r e a s o n w h y this s h o u l d b e
d o n e o n l y i n t h e s a m e m o d e . I n d e e d , it c o u l d b e a r g u e d t h a t " t r a n s ­
l a t i n g " a n a l i e n f o r m o f life, a n o t h e r c u l t u r e , is n o t a l w a y s d o n e b e s t
t h r o u g h t h e representational discourse o f e t h n o g r a p h y , that u n d e r
certain conditions a dramatic performance, the execution o f a dance,
o r t h e p l a y i n g o f a p i e c e o f m u s i c m i g h t b e m o r e apt. T h e s e w o u l d all
b e productions o f t h e o r i g i n a l a n d n o t m e r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s : t r a n s ­
f o r m e d instances o f the original, n o t authoritative textual representa­
t i o n s o f it (cf. H o l l a n d e r 1 9 5 9 ) . B u t w o u l d t h e y b e t h o u g h t o f b y m o s t
s o c i a l a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s as valid e x e r c i s e s in t h e " t r a n s l a t i o n o f c u l t u r e " ?
I t h i n k n o t , b e c a u s e t h e y all r a i s e a n e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t d i m e n s i o n o f
( h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l "work" a n d its a u d i e n c e ,
i6o TALAL ASAD
t h e q u e s t i o n o f d i f f e r e n t uses ( p r a c t i c e s ) , as o p p o s e d m e r e l y t o d i f f e r ­
e n t writings and readings ( m e a n i n g s ) o f t h a t w o r k . A n d as social a n ­
t h r o p o l o g i s t s w e a r e trained to translate o t h e r cultural l a n g u a g e s as
texts, n o t to i n t r o d u c e o r enlarge cultural capacities, learnt f r o m
o t h e r w a y s o f l i v i n g , i n t o o u r o w n . It s e e m s t o m e v e r y likely t h a t t h e
n o t i o n o f c u l t u r e as text h a s r e i n f o r c e d this v i e w o f o u r task, b e c a u s e it
f a c i l i t a t e s t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t r a n s l a t i o n is essentially a m a t t e r o f v e r ­
bal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n .
Reading Other Cultures
T h i s inequality in the power o f languages, together with t h e
f a c t t h a t t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t typically w r i t e s a b o u t a n i l l i t e r a t e ( o r a t
any rate non-English-speaking) population for a largely a c a d e m i c ,
E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g a u d i e n c e , e n c o u r a g e s a t e n d e n c y I w o u l d n o w like
t o d i s c u s s : t h e t e n d e n c y t o r e a d t h e implicit i n a l i e n c u l t u r e s .
A c c o r d i n g t o m a n y social a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , t h e o b j e c t o f e t h n o ­
g r a p h i c t r a n s l a t i o n is n o t t h e historically s i t u a t e d s p e e c h (that is t h e
task o f t h e f o l k l o r i s t o r t h e l i n g u i s t ) , b u t "culture," a n d t o t r a n s l a t e
c u l t u r e t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t m u s t first r e a d a n d t h e n r e i n s c r i b e t h e i m ­
plicit m e a n i n g s t h a t l i e b e n e a t h / w i t h i n / b e y o n d s i t u a t e d s p e e c h . M a r y
D o u g l a s p u t s this n i c e l y :
T h e anthropologist w h o draws out the whole scheme of the cosmos which is
implied in [the observed] practices does the primitive culture great violence if
h e seems to present the cosmology as a systematic philosophy subscribed to
consciously by individuals. . . . So the primitive world view which I have d e ­
fined above is rarely itself an object of contemplation and speculation in the
primitive culture. It has evolved as the appanage of other social institutions.
T o this extent it is produced indirectly, and to this extent the primitive culture
must be taken to be unaware o f itself, unconscious of its o w n conditions.
(.1966:91)
O n e difference b e t w e e n the anthropologist and the linguist in the
m a t t e r o f t r a n s l a t i o n is p e r h a p s this: t h a t w h e r e a s t h e l a t t e r is i m m e ­
d i a t e l y f a c e d w i t h a specific p i e c e o f d i s c o u r s e p r o d u c e d w i t h i n t h e
s o c i e t y s t u d i e d , a d i s c o u r s e t h a t is then t e x t u a l i z e d , t h e f o r m e r m u s t
c o n s t r u c t t h e d i s c o u r s e as a c u l t u r a l t e x t i n t e r m s o f m e a n i n g s implicit
i n a r a n g e o f p r a c t i c e s . T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f c u l t u r a l d i s c o u r s e a n d its
t r a n s l a t i o n t h u s s e e m t o b e f a c e t s o f a s i n g l e act. T h i s p o i n t is b r o u g h t
o u t in Douglas's c o m m e n t s o n h e r o w n translations o f t h e m e a n i n g s o f
t h e p a n g o l i n cult a m o n g the Lele:
T h e r e are n o Lele books o f theology o r philosophy to state the m e a n i n g o f the
cult. T h e metaphysical implications have not been expressed to m e in so many
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 161
words by Lele, nor did I even eavesdrop a conversation between diviners
covering this g r o u n d . . . .
What kind o f evidence for the meaning o f this cult, or o f any cult, can be
sensibly d e m a n d e d ? It can have many different levels and kinds o f m e a n i n g .
But t h e o n e o n which I g r o u n d my argument is the m e a n i n g which e m e r g e s
out o f a pattern in which the parts can incontestably be shown to b e regularly
related. N o o n e m e m b e r o f the society is necessarily aware o f the whole pat­
tern, any more than speakers are able to be explicit about the linguistic pat­
terns they employ. ( 1 9 6 6 : 1 7 3 — 74)
I've s u g g e s t e d e l s e w h e r e ( A s a d 1983a) t h a t t h e a t t r i b u t i o n o f i m ­
p l i c i t m e a n i n g s t o a n a l i e n p r a c t i c e regardless of whether they are acknowl­
edged by its agents is a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c f o r m of t h e o l o g i c a l e x e r c i s e , w i t h
a n ancient history. H e r e I want to note that r e f e r e n c e to t h e linguistic
patterns produced by speakers does not make a good analogy because
l i n g u i s t i c patterns a r e n o t m e a n i n g s t o b e t r a n s l a t e d , t h e y a r e r u l e s t o
b e s y s t e m a t i c a l l y d e s c r i b e d a n d a n a l y s e d . A n a t i v e s p e a k e r is a w a r e o f
h o w such patterns should be produced even w h e n h e cannot verbalize
t h a t k n o w l e d g e e x p l i c i t l y i n t h e f o r m of r u l e s . T h e a p p a r e n t lack of
ability t o v e r b a l i z e s u c h s o c i a l k n o w l e d g e d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c o n s t i ­
t u t e e v i d e n c e o f u n c o n s c i o u s m e a n i n g s (cf. D u m m e t t 1 9 8 1 ) . T h e c o n ­
c e p t of "unconscious m e a n i n g " belongs to a theory o f the repressive
u n c o n s c i o u s , s u c h as F r e u d ' s , i n w h i c h a p e r s o n m a y b e said t o " k n o w "
something unconsciously.
T h e b u s i n e s s o f i d e n t i f y i n g u n c o n s c i o u s m e a n i n g s i n t h e task o f
" c u l t u r a l t r a n s l a t i o n " is t h e r e f o r e p e r h a p s b e t t e r c o m p a r e d t o t h e a c ­
tivity o f t h e p s y c h o a n a l y s t t h a n t o t h a t o f t h e l i n g u i s t . I n d e e d B r i t i s h
anthropologists have s o m e t i m e s presented their work in precisely
t h e s e terms. T h u s David Pocock, a pupil o f Evans-Pritchard's, writes:
In short, t h e work o f t h e social anthropologist may b e regarded as a highly
c o m p l e x act o f translation in which author and translator collaborate. A m o r e
precise analogy is that o f the relation between the psychoanalyst and his sub­
ject. T h e analyst enters the private world of his subject in order to learn the
g r a m m a r o f his private language. If the analysis goes n o further it is no differ­
e n t in kind from the understanding which may exist between any two p e o p l e
w h o know each other well.[!] It becomes scientific to the extent that the private
l a n g u a g e o f intimate understanding is translated into a public language, how­
ever specialized from the layman's point of view, which in this case is the lan­
g u a g e o f psychologists. But the particular act o f translation does not distort
the private experience of the subject and ideally it is, at least potentially, ac­
ceptable to h i m as a scientific representation o f it. Similarly, the model o f
N u e r political life which emerges in Professor Evans-Pritchard's work is a sci­
entific m o d e l meaningful to his fellow-sociologists as sociologists, and it is
effective because it is potentially acceptable to the Nuer in some ideal situation in
which they could be. supposed to be interested in themselves as men living in society. T h e
collaboration o f natural scientists may from this point of view be seen as devel-
l62 TALAL ASAD
o p i n g l a n g u a g e enabling certain people to communicate with increasing sub­
tlety about a distinct area of natural p h e n o m e n a which is defined by the n a m e
o f the particular science. T h e i r science is, in the literal m e a n i n g o f the term,
their c o m m o n s e n s e , their c o m m o n meaning. T o move from this c o m m o n
sense to the "common sense" of the wider public involves again an act o f
translation. T h e situation of social anthropology, or sociology in general, is
not at this level so very different. T h e difference lies in the fact that so­
ciological p h e n o m e n a are objectively studied only to the extent that their sub­
jective m e a n i n g is taken into account and that the people studied are poten­
tially capable of sharing the sociological consciousness that the sociologist has
of them. (1961:88—89; emphasis added)
I h a v e q u o t e d this r e m a r k a b l e p a s s a g e i n full b e c a u s e it states v e r y l u ­
c i d l y a p o s i t i o n that is, I t h i n k , b r o a d l y a c c e p t a b l e t o m a n y a n t h r o p o l ­
o g i s t s w h o w o u l d o t h e r w i s e c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s t o b e e n g a g e d in v e r y
d i f f e r e n t k i n d s o f e n t e r p r i s e . I h a v e q u o t e d it a l s o b e c a u s e t h e n a t u r e
o f t h e c o l l a b o r a t i o n b e t w e e n " a u t h o r a n d t r a n s l a t o r " is n e a t l y b r o u g h t
o u t i n t h e s u b s e q u e n t r e f e r e n c e t o t h e p s y c h o a n a l y s t as scientist: i f t h e
a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l t r a n s l a t o r , like t h e a n a l y s t , h a s final a u t h o r i t y i n d e ­
t e r m i n i n g t h e subject's m e a n i n g s — i t is t h e n t h e f o r m e r w h o b e c o m e s
the real author o f t h e latter. I n this v i e w , "cultural t r a n s l a t i o n " is a
matter o f d e t e r m i n i n g implicit m e a n i n g s — n o t the m e a n i n g s t h e na­
t i v e s p e a k e r actually a c k n o w l e d g e s in h i s s p e e c h , n o t e v e n t h e m e a n ­
i n g s t h e n a t i v e l i s t e n e r n e c e s s a r i l y a c c e p t s , b u t t h o s e h e is " p o t e n t i a l l y
c a p a b l e o f s h a r i n g " w i t h scientific a u t h o r i t y "in s o m e i d e a l s i t u a t i o n " :
it is w h e n h e c a n say, f o r e x a m p l e , w i t h G e l l n e r , t h a t vox Dei is i n r e a l ­
ity vox populi, t h a t h e u t t e r s t h e t r u e m e a n i n g o f his t r a d i t i o n a l d i s ­
c o u r s e , a n e s s e n t i a l m e a n i n g o f h i s c u l t u r e . T h e fact t h a t i n t h a t "ideal
situation" h e would n o longer b e a Muslim Berber tribesman, b u t
s o m e t h i n g c o m i n g to resemble Professor Gellner, does not a p p e a r to
worry such cultural translators.
T h i s p o w e r to create m e a n i n g s for a subject t h r o u g h t h e n o t i o n o f
t h e "implicit" o r t h e " u n c o n s c i o u s , " to authorize them, h a s o f c o u r s e
b e e n d i s c u s s e d for t h e analyst-analysand relationship (e.g., recently in
M a l c o l m 1982). It h a s n o t , to m y k n o w l e d g e , b e e n c o n s i d e r e d with r e ­
g a r d t o w h a t t h e cultural translator d o e s . T h e r e are, o f course, i m p o r ­
tant d i f f e r e n c e s in t h e case o f t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t . It m a y b e p o i n t e d
o u t t h a t t h e latter d o e s n o t impose h i s t r a n s l a t i o n o n t h e m e m b e r s o f
t h e society w h o s e cultural discourse h e unravels, that his e t h n o g r a p h y
is t h e r e f o r e n o t a u t h o r i t a t i v e i n t h e w a y t h e analyst's c a s e s t u d y is. T h e
a n a l y s a n d c o m e s t o t h e a n a l y s t , o r is r e f e r r e d t o t h e l a t t e r b y t h o s e
w i t h a u t h o r i t y o v e r h i m , as a p a t i e n t i n n e e d o f h e l p . T h e a n t h r o p o l o ­
gist, b y contrast, c o m e s to t h e society h e wants to read, h e sees h i m s e l f
as a l e a r n e r , n o t as a g u i d e , a n d h e w i t h d r a w s f r o m t h e s o c i e t y w h e n
h e h a s a d e q u a t e i n f o r m a t i o n t o i n s c r i b e its c u l t u r e . H e d o e s n o t c o n -
T h e Concept o f Cultural Translation 163
s i d e r t h e s o c i e t y , a n d n e i t h e r d o its m e m b e r s c o n s i d e r t h e m s e l v e s t o
b e , sick: t h e s o c i e t y is n e v e r s u b j e c t t o t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i s t ' s a u t h o r i t y .
B u t t h i s a r g u m e n t is n o t q u i t e as c o n c l u s i v e as it m a y s e e m a t first
s i g h t . It r e m a i n s t h e c a s e t h a t t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r ' s t r a n s l a t i o n / r e p r e -
s e n t a t i o n o f a p a r t i c u l a r c u l t u r e is i n e v i t a b l y a t e x t u a l c o n s t r u c t , t h a t
as r e p r e s e n t a t i o n it c a n n o t n o r m a l l y b e c o n t e s t e d b y t h e p e o p l e t o
w h o m it is a t t r i b u t e d , a n d t h a t as a "scientific t e x t " it e v e n t u a l l y b e ­
c o m e s a privileged e l e m e n t in t h e potential store o f historical m e m o r y
for t h e nonliterate society c o n c e r n e d . I n m o d e r n a n d m o d e r n i z i n g
societies, inscribed records have a greater p o w e r to s h a p e , to r e f o r m ,
s e l v e s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s t h a n folk m e m o r i e s d o . T h e y e v e n c o n s t r u c t
folk m e m o r i e s . T h e anthropologist's m o n o g r a p h m a y return, retrans­
lated, into a "weaker" T h i r d World language. In the long run, there­
f o r e , it is n o t t h e p e r s o n a l a u t h o r i t y o f t h e e t h n o g r a p h e r , b u t t h e s o ­
cial a u t h o r i t y o f h i s e t h n o g r a p h y that m a t t e r s . A n d t h a t a u t h o r i t y is
i n s c r i b e d i n t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d f o r c e s of i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s t s o c i e t y
( s e e p a g e 1 5 8 a b o v e ) , w h i c h a r e c o n s t a n t l y tending t o p u s h t h e m e a n ­
i n g s o f v a r i o u s T h i r d W o r l d s o c i e t i e s i n a s i n g l e d i r e c t i o n . T h i s is n o t
t o s a y t h a t t h e r e a r e n o r e s i s t a n c e s t o this t e n d e n c y . B u t " r e s i s t a n c e " i n
itself indicates t h e p r e s e n c e o f a d o m i n a n t force.
I m u s t stress I a m n o t a r g u i n g t h a t e t h n o g r a p h y plays a n y g r e a t
r o l e i n t h e r e f o r m a t i o n o f o t h e r c u l t u r e s . I n this r e s p e c t t h e e f f e c t s o f
e t h n o g r a p h y cannot b e c o m p a r e d with s o m e other forms o f repre­
s e n t i n g s o c i e t i e s — f o r e x a m p l e , t e l e v i s i o n films p r o d u c e d i n t h e W e s t
that are sold to T h i r d World countries. (That anthropologists recog­
n i z e t h e p o w e r o f t e l e v i s i o n is r e f l e c t e d , i n c i d e n t a l l y , i n t h e i n c r e a s i n g
n u m b e r o f a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l films b e i n g m a d e f o r t h e m e d i u m in B r i t ­
a i n . ) Still less c a n t h e effects o f e t h n o g r a p h y c o m p a r e w i t h t h e p o l i t i ­
cal, e c o n o m i c , a n d m i l i t a r y c o n s t r a i n t s o f t h e w o r l d s y s t e m . M y p o i n t
is o n l y t h a t t h e p r o c e s s o f "cultural t r a n s l a t i o n " is i n e v i t a b l y e n m e s h e d
in conditions o f power—professional, national, international. A n d
a m o n g t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s is t h e a u t h o r i t y o f e t h n o g r a p h e r s t o u n c o v e r
t h e i m p l i c i t m e a n i n g s o f s u b o r d i n a t e s o c i e t i e s . G i v e n t h a t t h a t is s o ,
t h e i n t e r e s t i n g q u e s t i o n f o r e n q u i r y is n o t w h e t h e r , a n d i f s o t o w h a t
e x t e n t , a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s s h o u l d b e relativists o r r a t i o n a l i s t s , critical o r
charitable, toward other cultures, but h o w p o w e r enters into t h e pro­
c e s s o f " c u l t u r a l t r a n s l a t i o n , " s e e n b o t h as a d i s c u r s i v e a n d as a n o n -
discursive practice.
Conclusion
F o r s o m e y e a r s I h a v e b e e n e x e r c i s e d b y this p u z z l e . H o w is it
that t h e a p p r o a c h e x e m p l i f i e d b y Gellner's p a p e r r e m a i n s a t t r a c t i v e t o
164 TALAL ASAD
s o m a n y a c a d e m i c s i n s p i t e o f its b e i n g d e m o n s t r a b l y f a u l t y ? Is it p e r ­
h a p s b e c a u s e t h e y a r e i n t i m i d a t e d b y a style? W e k n o w , o f c o u r s e , t h a t
a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s , like o t h e r a c a d e m i c s , l e a r n n o t m e r e l y t o u s e a s c h o l ­
arly l a n g u a g e , b u t t o f e a r it, t o a d m i r e it, t o b e c a p t i v a t e d b y it. Yet t h i s
d o e s n o t q u i t e a n s w e r t h e q u e s t i o n b e c a u s e it d o e s n o t tell u s why s u c h
a scholarly style s h o u l d c a p t u r e so m a n y intelligent p e o p l e . I n o w p u t
f o r w a r d t h i s t e n t a t i v e s o l u t i o n . W h a t w e h a v e h e r e is a style e a s y t o
t e a c h , t o l e a r n , a n d t o r e p r o d u c e (in e x a m i n a t i o n a n s w e r s , a s s e s s m e n t
e s s a y s , a n d d i s s e r t a t i o n s ) . It is a s t y l e t h a t f a c i l i t a t e s t h e t e x t u a l i z a t i o n
o f o t h e r cultures, that e n c o u r a g e s the construction o f d i a g r a m m a t i c
a n s w e r s t o c o m p l e x c u l t u r a l q u e s t i o n s , a n d t h a t is w e l l s u i t e d t o a r ­
r a n g i n g f o r e i g n c u l t u r a l c o n c e p t s in c l e a r l y m a r k e d h e a p s o f " s e n s e "
o r " n o n s e n s e . " A p a r t f r o m b e i n g easy to teach a n d to imitate, this style
p r o m i s e s visible results that can readily be g r a d e d . S u c h a style m u s t
s u r e l y b e at a p r e m i u m in a n established university discipline that as­
p i r e s t o standards o f s c i e n t i f i c objectivity. Is t h e p o p u l a r i t y o f t h i s s t y l e ,
t h e n , not a reflection of the kind of pedagogic institution we inhabit?
A l t h o u g h it is n o w m a n y y e a r s s i n c e G e l l n e r ' s p a p e r w a s first p u b ­
l i s h e d , it r e p r e s e n t s a d o c t r i n a l p o s i t i o n t h a t is still p o p u l a r t o d a y .
I have in m i n d the sociologism according to which religious i d e o l o g i e s
a r e s a i d t o g e t t h e i r r e a l m e a n i n g f r o m t h e political o r e c o n o m i c s t r u c ­
t u r e , a n d t h e s e l f - c o n f i r m i n g m e t h o d o l o g y a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h t h i s r e ­
d u c t i v e s e m a n t i c p r i n c i p l e is e v i d e n t t o t h e ( a u t h o r i t a t i v e ) a n t h r o p o l o ­
g i s t a n d n o t t o t h e p e o p l e b e i n g w r i t t e n abo.ut. T h i s p o s i t i o n t h e r e f o r e
a s s u m e s t h a t it is n o t o n l y p o s s i b l e b u t n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e a n t h r o p o l o ­
g i s t t o a c t as t r a n s l a t o r a n d critic at o n e a n d t h e s a m e t i m e . I r e g a r d
t h i s p o s i t i o n as u n t e n a b l e , a n d t h i n k t h a t it is r e l a t i o n s a n d p r a c t i c e s
o f p o w e r t h a t g i v e it a m e a s u r e o f viability. (For a critical d i s c u s s i o n o f
t h i s p o s i t i o n as it r e l a t e s t o I s l a m i c h i s t o r y , s e e A s a d 1980.)
T h e positive p o i n t I h a v e tried to m a k e in t h e c o u r s e o f m y inter­
r o g a t i o n o f Gellner's text has to d o with w h a t I have called the inequal­
ity o f l a n g u a g e s . I h a v e p r o p o s e d t h a t t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l e n t e r p r i s e
o f c u l t u r a l t r a n s l a t i o n m a y b e v i t i a t e d by t h e fact t h a t t h e r e a r e a s y m ­
metrical t e n d e n c i e s a n d pressures in the l a n g u a g e s o f d o m i n a t e d a n d
d o m i n a n t societies. A n d I h a v e s u g g e s t e d that a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s n e e d to
e x p l o r e t h e s e p r o c e s s e s i n o r d e r to d e t e r m i n e h o w f a r t h e y g o i n d e ­
fining t h e possibilities a n d t h e limits o f effective translation.
I n addition to the members of the Santa Fe seminar who discussed an early draft
of this article—and especially Paul Rabinow, who commented on it at length—I wish to
thank Tanya Baker, John Dixon, Rodney Needham, and Keith Nield for their helpful
criticism.
G E O R G E E. M A R C U S
Contemporary Problems
of Ethnography in
the Modern World System
E t h n o g r a p h i e s h a v e a l w a y s b e e n w r i t t e n in t h e c o n t e x t of
h i s t o r i c c h a n g e : t h e f o r m a t i o n o f state s y s t e m s a n d t h e evolution
o f a w o r l d political e c o n o m y . B u t aside f r o m the use o f a f e w well-
established t e c h n i q u e s for taking into account c h a n g e , history, a n d p o ­
1
litical e c o n o m y , e t h n o g r a p h e r s of an interpretive b e n t — m o r e inter-
1. T h e two most common modes for self-consciously fixing ethnography in his­
toric time are what I shall call the salvage mode and the redemptive mode. I n the sal­
vage mode, the ethnographer portrays himself as "before the deluge," so to speak.
Signs of fundamental change are apparent, but the ethnographer is able to salvage a
cultural state on the verge of transformation. This rhetoric is most transparent when a
succession of ethnographers writing on the same cultural subject position themselves
historically in the same momentous way; each ethnographer is "before the deluge," but
nonetheless each finds a culture he or she can relate to previous representations without
much sensitivity to historical change between periods of fieldwork. I n the redemptive
mode, the ethnographer demonstrates the survival of distinctive and authentic cultural
systems despite undeniable changes. T h e redemption of cultural authenticity is often
undertaken and measured against some imputed pre-modern or pre-capitalist state—
the "golden age" motif—or else a spatial, rather than temporal, preserve is found for
cultural authenticity amidst transformation—the anthropologist's Odyssey up-river or
to the back country to situate fieldwork where "they still do it." Rabinow's Moroccan
fieldwork (1977) as epic journey employs this narrative posture, but in the end, he ex­
plodes the illusion that the pure ethnographic subject can be found even in the back
country. I n his recent sophisticated Samoan ethnography, Shore (1982) elides the his­
toric context by this move of finding spatially a place for ethnography free of the un­
wanted complications of a compellingly present world-historical political economy.
T h e r e are many similar examples of magisterial ethnographies that make their contri­
butions at the cost of such maneuvers. What is finally shaking ethnography free of these
ahistorical modes of taking account of the historical contexts of its production are ex­
periments either oriented explicitly to locating their subjects within the framework of
historicist world-system perspectives or probing the nature of historical consciousness
in their subjects' lives. T h e latter kind of experiment, involving the simultaneous repre­
sentation of multiple temporal perspectives, opens up ethnography to issues of history
and historical narrative in unprecedented ways, which go far beyond merely embed­
ding ethnographic subjects more effectively in Western historical narratives. Renato
Rosaldo's recent account (1980) of the Ilongot histories is a key experiment in this vein.
H e , too, ends with a "before the deluge" motif, but the sense of being on the verge of