'l

I
j 13

Ritual Influences on the Development

of Rio Grande Glaze A Ceramics
Katherine A. Spielmann
Arizona State University

Abstract

This chapter investigates the reasons for the dramatic shift from black-on-white to glaze-decorated red- and yellow-
slipped vessels that occurred in the Rio Grande in the early fourteenth century. It is argued that the ceremonial
context was the impetus for the adoption of glaze wares in the Rio Grande Valley. Data on glaze vessel form and size
are marshalled to argue that in the early fourteenth century a new ideology and new ritual that included some form
of communal feasting led to the adoption of red-slipped, glaze-decorated domestic serving vessels and to the eclipse
of indigenous white ware bowls .
•
In the early l 300s, populations in the Rio Grande created a demand for red- or yellow-slipped vessels, and led
valley who were using black-on-white decorated ceram- to the demise of white ware in much of the Rio Grande area
ics, began emulating the production of western Pueblo
glaze-decorated, red- and yellow-slipped ceramics. Rio PREVIOUS EXPLANATIONS
Grande potters initially produced a variety of glaze-deco- Researchers have documented relatively rapid shifts
rated vessels. These included both direct copies of the from black-on-white ceramics to red wares elsewhere in
western wares that are distinguishable from their western the Southwest. Montgomery and Reid (1990), for example,
prototypes only on the basis of temper (Warren 1976, 1979), attribute the replacement of Cibola White Ware by
and copies of western slip patterns such as Los Padillas Roosevelt Red Ware to technological change and the shift
Glaze-polychrome, which imitates Heshotauthla Poly- to local production with local clays at Chodistaas in east-
chrome. Fairly rapidly, however, almost all Rio Grande ern Arizona. In contrast, Crown (1994:6, 217) bas postu-
potters who were producing Rio Grande Glaze ware con- lated that the pan-southwestern shift to red- and yellow-
verged on a single type, a bichrome known as Agua Fria slipped vessels beginning in the late thirteenth century was
Glaze-on-red. Later in the fourteenth century a yellow- associated with the adoption of a region-wide cult. This
slipped form of this ware, Cieneguilla Glaze-on-yellow, cult is reflected in the adherence to some aspects of Pinedale
became popular in some portions of the Rio Grande. While style design on red- and yellow-slipped wares of the Pueblo
the concept of using a glaze paint to decorate ceramics was IV period. Noting the fact that these vessels all exhibit
certainly borrowed from the western Pueblo area, the de- usewear, Crown (1994: 108) argues that they are not ritual
sign style in which the Rio Grande glaze-decorated ceram- vessels per se, but are instead domestic vessels. She pro-
ics were painted reflects the design styles on indigenous poses that owning domestic vessels that exhibit red or yel-
Rio Grande black-on-white ceramic types rather than these low slips in combination with the Pinedale style decora-
western prototypes (Brody 1964:20, 144; Snow 1976:B178, tive treatment signaled membership in or adherence to the
1982:251; Kidder and Shepard 1936:606). newly established regional cult, but does not reflect their
Why the dramatic shift from black-on-white to deco- usage in ceremonial contexts.
rated red- and yellow-slipped vessels occurred in the Rio Watson Smith (1952:250-261), in his analysis of ce-
Grande in the early fourteenth century is an issue that has ramics depicted on Awatovi murals, has dealt with the is-
not been directly addressed in the archaeological literature. sue of prehistoric ceremonial usage of domestic bowls. He
As an initial step toward explaining this change, this chap- concluded that standard domestic bowls must have been
ter presents the results of an exploratory foray into the lit- used in ritual contexts during the Pueblo IV period on the
erature on the earliest glaze ware in the Rio Grande a11don Hopi mesas because the bowls in the murals do not differ
the ethnographic use of decorated vessels in Pueblo ritual in design style from domestic food bowl sherds found in
contexts. The argument is made that new ritual activities the village middens. Moreover, sherds of the ethnographi-

' 253

..1
----------· -·--
254 Spielmann
cally documented terraced "medicine bowl" (e.g., White
1932, 1935, 1962; Hill 1982:90) were not found in Pueblo
IV tra;h. Smith does not deal, however, with why domes-
tic food bowls were used in ceremonial contexts atAwatovi.
In the remainder of this chapter I make the argument
that in the early fourteenth century, a new ideology and
new ritual that included some form of communal feasting
required households to obtain red-slipped, glaze-decorated
domestic vessels in much of the Rio Grande area. House-
holds are expected to have contributed regularly to com-
munal feasts in the context of these new rituals. Such per-
sistent demands for serving bowls in communal feasts are
expected to have led to a shift in the domestic inventory of
decorated vessels. Thus the eclipse of indigenous white
ware boWJsby glaze-decorated bowls is argued to relate to
a requirement that glaze-decorated bowls be used in cer-
emonially related food serving.
Information on context of disposal, and on glaze ves-
sel form and size is used here to argue that early Rio Grande
Glaze ware bowls were used in a variety of contexts, but
differed significantly in form from the indigenous white
ware bowls. The adoption of the glaze jar form may also
be ceremonially related, perhaps having to do with medi-
cine water and/or rain-making rather than food serving.
The following provides illustrations of the kinds of
activities that might have involved the newly acquired
glaze-decorated ceramics in the fourteenth century.
RITUAL USE OF CERAMICS
IN THE RIO GRANDE
In the Rio Grande area, the most comprehensive data
concerning the use of decorated vessels in ritual contexts
come from a series of 140 paintings made in the 1930s for
Elsie Clews Parsons by a native of Isle ta Pueblo (Goldfrank
1970). These paintings depict scenes and people from daily
life at Isleta, including a number of ritual contexts and ac-
tivities in which polychrome bowls and jars were used.
When depicted in ritual contexts, decorated jars al-
most exclusively functioned for carrying and containing
medicine water (Goldfrank 1970:72, 76, 87, 105, 110, and
118). Large decorated bowls were used for ceremonial hair
washing (Goldfrank 1970:53, 54). Smaller decorated bowls
were used by individuals to carry medicine water home
(Goldfrank 1970:72) and to distribute food to dancers
(Goldfrank 1970:56, 126). Smaller bowls were also used
as ritual paraphernalia in curing ceremonies and on altars
(Goldfrank 1970:78, 102). The bowls used to distribute
food to dancers and medicine water to individuals in the
pueblo are likely to have been household items brought co
the kiva or ceremonial house. Jars that women used to
bring water to the medicine society house for the creation
of medicine water were also probably household items em-
ployed for this ritual purpose as well as for domestic needs.
Prehistoric paintings also provide data on ritually
related ceramic vessel use. Several Pueblo IV sites with
-
intact kiva murals have been excavated in the Rio Grande,
including Gran Quivira, Kuaua, and Pottery Mound. Gran
Quivira murals do not depict ceramic vessels (Peckham
1981). The vessels depicted on the Kuaua murals (Dutton
1963:77) are undecorated, wide-mouthed water, or "rain"
(1963:12l-123)jars, and are often shown with moisture
drops emanating from them. Feathers associated with the
jars may have been used for sprinkling the water. At Pot-
tery Mound, water jars, as well as several polychrome
bowls, are depicted in various contexts including with danc-
ers, on the floor of a room, on a rack, and an an altar (Hibben
1975,5. 32·33, 62).
While these pictorial data establish the ritual con-
texts in which domestic glaze bowls and jars may possibly
have been used, whether requirements of the ceremonial
context were causal in the shift from white ware to glaze-
decorated red ware in the fourteenth century Rio Grande
remains to be demonstrated.
After a brief review of the contexts in which Agua
Fria Glaze-on-red (hereafter referred to simply as Glaze
A) is found in the Rio Grande, the discussion focuses on
an analysis of the form and size of these early glaze ves-
sels. 1bis latter analysis concerns whether there was a
marked change in size and/or form of bowls and jars in the
transition from white ware to red ware in the Rio Grande.
Crown's argument, that the function of domestic vessels
did not change, would be supporred if the Glaze A bowls
and jars were similar to preceding black-on-white bowl and
jar forms. If domestic bowls were used to serve food in
new communal feasting contexts, then the size of the glaze
bowl should be larger than the indigenous black-on-white
bowls. Expectations for jar size and fonn were not devel-
oped for thls study, but patterning in the jar data is sugges-
tive of a functional change in jar use as well.
Site Sample
The sample of early fourteenth century sites used in
this analysis ranges from Qualacu on the south to Pecos
and Arroyo Hondo on the north; Pottery Mound on the west
to the Salinas Pueblos on theeast(Figure 13.1). The sample
includes those sites for which published quantitative data
necessary for this analysis were available, as well as mea-
surements made on glaze and black-on-white vessels in
collections housed at the Laboratory of Anthropology,
Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, and at the Maxwell
Museum, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. These
measurements were made by the author and by William
Graves in 1995.
Context of Recovery
Intra-site contextual data for the museum vessels were
generally unavailable. The contextual data available from
the published sources relate more to discard than use be-
haviors. With regard to ritual contexts, Glaze A vessels
have been found on a kiva floor at LA 70 (Warren 1976),
and in a ceremonial cache at Pecos Pueblo (Kidder
 Ritual Influences on the Development of Rio Grande Glaze A Ceramics 255

• !>''
Taos

0 50 kms.

0 10 20 30miles I
Jemez
Mtns.

.,,.;,WII,:_
?,""""""
Galisteo
'
Rio
Map Location

PotteryMound
•

Gran
\
Quivira

•Oualacu

S-YAUGHN

Figure 13.l. Rio Grande sites used in the analysis.

l.l
 256 Spielmann
Table 13.l. Agua Fria Glaze-on-red and Contemporaneous Black-on-white Mean Bowl Diameters (cm) 1
Site Glaze
Pecos (small) 18-21
Pecos (large) 30
Arroyo Hondo J 8-22
"I
::i Gran Quivira 21-30
!1!
Pottery Mound 30
Albuquerque 2 <23
Museum collections 29
1
S.F.= Santa Fe Black-on-white; Gal= Galisteo Black-on-white; Chup = Chupadero Black-on-white
2 Larger sizes are late in the black-on-white sequence at Pecos and are contemporaneous with the glaze bowls (Kidder and
Amsden 1931:25,46).
1958:232). Wares other than glazes are found in these same
contexts, however. In general, few fourteenth century kivas
have been excavated and reported on in the Rio Grande.
Burials constitute the only other ritually related con-
text regularly encountered in excavations of Pueblo IV sites.
The data from fourteenth century Rio Grande sites suggest
that burial customs varied widely with regard to grave good
accompaniments. At Gran Quivira only 17% of over 500
burials contained any visible grave good at all, and only 8
of these contained pottery (Hayes et al. 1981: 173). Glaze
bowls were not found associated with any burials at AI-
royo Hondo (Habicht-Mauche 1993:47). In contrast, 49%
of the 600 burials at Kuaua (Vierra 1987), and 31 % of the
burials at Pecos contained pottery (Kidder 1958:282). In
fact, Kidder (Kidder and Amsden 1931:45-46) maintained
that pottery became an acceptable burial accompaniment
in the Pecos area at roughly the same time that Rio Grande
Glaze ware appeared at Pecos. Clearly the widespread
adoption of glaze-decorated ceramics throughout much of
the Rio Grande cannot be related to the adoption of a for-
mal mortuary program.
For those sites whose publications contain distribu-
tional information (LA 70, Snow 1976; Arroyo Hondo,
Habicht-Mauche 1993; Gran Quivira, Hayes et al. 1981), it
is clear that Glaze A is widely distributed across these four-
teenth century sites, and generally occurs in the same de-
posits as black-on-white ceramics. For example, Glaze A
is the most widely distributed ceramic at LA 70, and glazes
occur at small as well as large sites in the Cochiti area
(Warren 1979). An unrestricted distribution of glaze sherds
is not unexpected given the argument that glaze wares are
indeed domestic vessels and thus would be broken and dis-
carded along with other domestic vessels. Thus, it will be
difficult to document direct association between ritual feast-
ing contexts and glaze bowl use with only sherd distribu-
tion data.
Black-on-White Reference
S.F., 20 Kidder and Amsden
Gal.: 10-302 1931:23,25; Kidder and
Shepard 1936:4-5
S.F.: 22 Habicht-Mauche 1993:41,47
Chup: 20 Hayes et al. 1981:69,92
Brody 1964:37
Herhahn 1995
Chup: 23 Data in possession of author
Where data exist concerning the other artifacts asso-
ciated with discarded Glaze A ceramics, however, a more
comprehensive picture can be obtained concerning the ac-
tivities in which glaze bowls were used and broken. At
Quarai, for example, in the founeenth century portion of
the site, Glaze A bowl sherds were found in direct associa-
tion with artifacts that appear to derive from preparations
for and/or consumption in ritual contexts (Spielmann
1994: 171-172). This inference is based on the fact that
Glaze A sherds are found with a wide variety of non-sub-
sistence fauna! species including eagles. falcons, hawks,
canids, foxes, bear, and badger. Moreover, the deposits
contain a markedly higher concentration of subsistence
fauna and mano and metate fragments than other portions
of the site, suggesting food processing and consumption
beyond normal day-to-day needs. Thus, while the kinds of
ritually related behaviors envisioned for most glaze-deco-
rated vessels will not leave these vessels in ritual contexts,
the artifacts associated with broken and discarded glaze-
decorated vessels may assist in documenting ritual, as well
as domestic, contexts of glaze ware use.
Unfortunately, similar kinds of contextual data are
not available in the publications from other fourteenth cen-
tury Rio Grande sites. Hence, I now turn to an analysis of
the form and size of black-on-white and Glaze A vessels in
the Rio Grande to detennine whether the glaze assemblage
replicates the preceding black-on-white forms and sizes.
Bowl Sizes
In his exhaustive analysis of the glaze ware from
Pecos, Kidder noted a marked dichotomy between small
and large Glaze A bowls at the site, with large bowls greatly
outnumbering the small bowls (Kidder and Shepard
1936:4). The large bowls, he estimated, held about 6 quarts,
at least three times the capacity of the small bowls (Kidder
and Shepard 1936:5). Kidder remarked on the uniformity
==
Ritual Influences on the Development of Rio Grande Glaze A Ceramics 257
of dimensions and skill in molding of the large glaze bowls,
Glaze A
which he contrasted with the variably sized and poorly
so~-----------------~ shaped black-on-white bowls that preceded them (Kidder
" and Shepard 1936:607).
" Limited data from other sites help substantiate this
small/large dichotomy in Glaze A bowls, as Table 13.I il-
" lustrates. Most provocative are the data collected by
8E " 10
Cynthia Herhahn (1995) that suggest different Glaze A
ceramic production centers may have specialized on dif-
• ferent bowl sizes. Specifically, her temper type "Albu-
• querque 2" appears primarily in the small bowl fonn at
• Quarai, while the other sources emphasize the larger bowl
form.
11-15
Rim diameter data from the museum collection ves-
sels indicate much higher frequencies of the large bowl(>
Olameter (cm.) 25 cm diameter) form in the Glaze A vessels (75% of mea-
sured vessels). The smaller vessel sizes(< 25 cm diam-
eter) become more frequent in the later glazes (D [57%]
Glaze D and E (43%]), as the small black-on-wlrite bowl form ceases
"~---------------~ to be made (Figure 13.2).
Arroyo Hondo is the only site in this sample to ex-
" hibit only the small bowl form. The limited quantity of
" glazes at this site, even during the later occupation, sug-
" gests that Arroyo Hondo residents may not have participated
8E " 10
in the activities in wlrich larger glaze bowls were used.
Table 13.l provides information on contemporane-
' ous black-on-white bowl sizes for a few of these same sites
• and collections. The majority of these bowls are similar in
• size to the small glaze bowl. The only exception is the
larger Galisteo Black-on-white bowls at Pecos, wlrich are
'• limited in number and appear late in the black-on-white
11-15
assemblage, contemporaneously with the Glaze I red bowls
Diameter (cm.) at the site (Kidder and Amsden 1931:25).
Based on these limited data, I suggest that black-on-
white bowls in the Rio Grande area were food serving bowls
Glaze E intended for a resrricted number of people, probably a :.ingle
"----------------~ household. When glaze bowls first come to be made in the
Rio Grande this individual serving bowl is emulated in the
" glaze ware to some degree. Much more prominent in most
" early glaze assemblages, however, is a larger bowl form
" whose capacity signals a greater number of consumers, and
§ " probably a new context of consumption. As Ortman (this
8 " volume) documents, household size is generally smaller in
'' the Pueblo IV period than the Pueblo ill period, indicating
• that increasing household size is not a suitable explanation
• for the larger Rio Grande Glaze ware bowls .
The persistence of black-on-white bowls for some
'
,u;:=::;i_L_c..:LL0il2-_i_i0:._:_1_c:;:=u period of time after the advent of glaze bowls suggests that
the context in which small bowls were used, domestic food
Diameter (cm.) consumption, did not immediately require a glaze-deco--
rated bowl replacement. Replacement rates appear to vary
Figure 13.2. Glaz.e bowl diameter frequencies b)'ltype. across the Rio Grande. At Pecos, Kidder eii:cavated a se-
Measurements are on vessels in the collections of the Labo- ries of stratigraphic tests in I-foot levels and compiled the
ratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico in Santa sherd data (Kidder and Amsden 1931:37-41). With the
Fe and the Maxwell Museum, University of New Mexico, introduction of glaze wares, black-on-wlrite bowls fall from
Albuquerque. roughly 65% of the total ceramic assemblage to 19%. Two
258 Spielmarm
Table 13.2. Jar Frequencies in Relation to Bowl Frequencies at Fourteenth Century Rio Grande Sites

Site Glaze A Black-on-White References

Pecos -20% Very rare KidderandAmsden 1931:47

Kidder and Shepard 1936:5

Arroyo Hondo 33% <4% Habicht-Mauche 1993:47, 41

LA 70 20% Snow 1976:Bl82

Galisteo Basin R,rre Nelson 1916

Gran Quivira 8% 64-70% Hayes et al. l 98 I :92

Quarai (Mound A) 13% 72% Spielmann 1994:75

levels later, the black-on-white ceramics constitute a mere
4% of the total ceramic assemblage. Nelson (1916) docu-
mented a gradual pattern of replacement in his stratigraphic
tests at San Cristobal, as did Dutton's (1964) work at a
series of pueblo sites in the Galisteo Basin. Unfortunately,
no absolute dates are associated with any of this strati-
graphic information to allow the estimation of replace-
ment rate.
At Gran Quivira, cutting dates associated with a trash-
filled kiva indicate that Chupadero Black-on-white bowl
frequencies remained relatively stable in the face of marked
increases in glaze wares during the fourteenth century
(Hayes et al. 1981: Figure 7). Black-on-white bowl frequen-
cies in the early fourteenth century components at the site
averaged 36%, falling to 26% in fifteenth-century kiva fill.
Over the same time period glaze frequencies rose from 0
to 37%.
To summarize my argument, during the fourteenth
century in the Rio Grande, large glaze ware bowls were
used in a new ritual context for communal feasting, with
each household contributing to the feast. The smaller white
ware bowls continued to function as vessels for domestic
food consumption. During the fifteenth century, white ware
bowls were replaced by a smaller form of the Rio Grande
glaze ware bowl, and thus glaze ware bowls came to be
used in both ceremonial feasting (large size bowl), and
domestic food consumption (small size bowl).
JAR FREQUENCIES AND SIZES
Jars were an exceedingly rare form in most white
ware assemblages at late thirteenth and fourteenth century
Rio Grande sites (Table 13.2). The only exceptions in this
limited sample are in the Salinas area,where jar fonns domi-
nated the white ware assemblages prior to the introduction
of glazes, and in some cases persist for centuries after glaze
wares were adopted. Because much of the Salinas area
lacks surface water, the narrow-necked, globular jars char-
acteristic of these sites were probably used for household
water storage.
Given the rarity of jars prior to the advent of Glaze
A, in most of the Rio Grande the jar form represents a rela-
tively new form, perhaps with new functions. Function

Table 13.3. Jar Orifice Diameters from Fourteenth Century Rio Grande Sites (cm)

Site Glaze A Black-on-White Utility References

Pecos 16-17 Canteen* 24-28 Kidder and Amsden 1931:48,

Kidder and Shepard 1936:8,
326
Arroyo Hondo 17 Constricted 19 Habicht-Mauche 1993:38, 47,
41

Gran Quivira Wide 8 20 Hayes et al. 198 I: 92, 70, 66

Pottery Mound 13 Brody 1964:37
Museum Collections 6 Data in possession of author
*Canteen is the most frequent non-bowl black-on-white fonn (Kidder 1931:48).
 Ritual Influences on the Development of Rio Grande Glaze A Ceramics
was assessed in this analysis by comparing orifice diam-
eters from black-on-white, glaze, and utility jars (Table
13.3). While the only rm:~urements available for orifice
diameter for black-on-white jars pertain to Chupadero
Black-on-white, when taken in combination with the de-
scriptions of black-on-white jars from other sites, the
black-on-white jar in the Rio Grande appears to have a
neck far more restricted in diameter than the necks of Glaze
Ajars (Table 13.3).
Although glaze jar orifice diameters are not quite as
great as the orifice diameters on contemporaneous cook-
ing pots, nonetheless the wide mouth on glaze jars sug-
gests that access to materials within, rather than storage
ofliquids, was of concern. Whether those materials were
corn, as Habicht-Mauche (1993:47) has suggested, or
medicine water, as the wide-mouthed jars in the Kuaua
murals depict, is impossible to say at this point. More-
over, jar forms are too rare from contemporaneous west-
ern Pueblo glazes (e.g., Heshotauthla) to provide insights
concerning Rio Grande Glaze jar function(s). Nonethe-
less, it is clear that the glaze jar does not duplicate the
form of earlier white ware jars in the Rio Grande area.
CONCLUSION
In concluding this analysis, it is instructive to evalu-
ate the proposed trends in the early Rio Grande Glaze ware
data in light of patterning in contemporaneous wares out-
side the area of glaze ware production during the four-
teenth century. Two points are made here, first that the
large bowl form is not confined to glaze ware in the Rio
Grande, and second that the small bowl form does domi-
nate some red- and yellow-slipped ceramic assemblages
elsewhere in the Southwest.
Contemporaneous with the development of Glaze
A in the Rio Grande valley, was the development of Bis-
cuit ware, a unique white ware on the Pajarito Plateau.
Biscuit ware occurs in very low frequencies in most of
the sites in this sample, peaking in frequency at Pecos
where it comprises roughly IO% of the early glaze period
ceramic assemblage. Stratigraphically, it appears at Pecos
at the same time as Glaze I red (Kidder and Amsden
1931:38-41). Like the Glaze I red bowls at Pecos, the
Biscuit bowls (Biscuit A) appear in both small and large
forms, with the small form being rare (Kidder and Amsden
1931:76). The large form is somewhat larger than the large
Glaze I bowls, ranging from 34 to 40 cm in diameter, as
compared with 30 cm for large Glaze I bowls. It is likely
that Biscuit A bowls, too, functioned in communal feast-
ing, although whether they were appropriate in the same
feasting contexts is unknown.
I_J
259
Contrasting with the emphasis on large bowls in early
Rio Grande Glaze ware, is an emphasis on small bowl forms
in one of the earliest western polychromes, Pinto Poly-
chrome, dated to after A.O. 1275. Eighty-nine percent of
the Pinto bowls Crown (1994:52) measured were of the small
bowl form. These bowls average 19 cm in diameter, con-
forming in size to the small white ware serving bowl in the
Rio Grande. Thus, Crown's emphasis on the domestic na-
ture of early Salado polychrome reflects the small size of
the earliest Salado type bowl. The preponderance of small
bowls in this early Pueblo IV polychrome, and large bowls
in the early Rio Grande Glaze ware assemblages, suggests
that the processes that led to the adoption of a polychrome
form in the Mogollon Rim area were different than those
that led to the adoption of red-slipped glaze ware in the Rio
Grande valley. Crown documents, however, that bowl size
increases over time in the Salado series to the point that
Tonto Polychrome bowls, made in the fourteenth century,
average 29 cm in diameter. Crown suggests that these bowls
could have been associated with village feasting (Crown
1994:110, 224).
To conclude, while it is true that red- and yellow-
slipped vessels were adopted across much of the Southwest
in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, the fonns
and sizes of these vessels vary from region to region. If
size and form are related to the nature and context of use,
then at least in the Rio Grande, communal feasting was more
heavily emphasized from the beginning than it was else-
where. Moreover, water-related ritual activities, possibly
rain making, that involved glaze-decorated jars may have
been more important in the Rio Grande area than elsewhere
in the Southwest.
Interestingly, as Graves and Eckert (this volume) dis-
cuss, competing "sects" centered on the use of Biscuit ware
in the Chama Valley and Jemez Black-on-white in the Jemez
drainage, appear to have developed north otthe Rio Grande
Glaze ware area. The bowl size data they provide indicate
that activities within these sects also involved communal
feasting. This emphasis on community-level ritual that is
so clearly documented in the decorated bowls of the Pueblo
IV period, further supports the arguments made in previous
chapters (see chapters by Bernardini, Potter, and Ortman)
concerning the emphasis on community integration during
this period of upheaval and reorganization in southwestern
prehistory.
Acknowledgments
Bowl rim data were collected with support from a
National Science Foundation grant (SBR-9423194) to the
author. The assistance of Billy Graves, Cynthia Herhahn,
and Jim Potter is greatly appreciated.

----.--------------------
260 Spielmann
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