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Traditional views have posited psychoanalysis and marxism as strange bedfellows.

Avoiding the mimetic problematique of self = society or society = self, most critics have
all together abandoned any attempt to lay a common ground for the seeds of
psychoanalysis and marxism as discourses of otherness or marginality to germinate or
much less, to flourish. Contemporary literary criticism, however, is recognizing a need
for a crucial integration between Lacanian psychoanalysis and marxism, and with good
cause. According to Madan Sarup, “This is crucial because no political revolution can be
completed until the very character (of) structures inherited from the older
prerevolutionary society, reinforced by its instinctual taboos, have been utterly
transformed” (33). In the postmodernist notion of a multiplicity of discourse of
otherness, there is a need to learn from various marginal positions to challenge the
dominant modes of construction and representation of reality or to posit alternative or
oppositional construction and representation of realities.

Toril Moi’ assessment (in Sexual/Textual Politics), for example, of contemporary

French feminist theories analyzes that while the approaches are a decentering of sexuality
and textuality or a problematization of marginality and subversion that provide openings
to a new field of feminist investigations, there is a need for such theories to regard a
“reference to recognizable social structures” (126) or “to consider historical and
economic specificity of patriarchal power, along with its ideological and material
contradictions” (148). Psycoanalytic feminists too are problematizing the ground with
marxism not as a path to discover an ultimate or unified discourse that can unilaterally
undermine the dominant discourse but as an incremental alternative in the strengthening
of positions already taken and in the further appropriation of spaces in the dominant

While marxism analyzes individual signification in terms of social relations,

classes, modes of production, and forms of politics, psychoanalysis analyzes its
implications for the physical life (Eagleton 152). Both deal from the positions of
oppression to positions of liberation; however, psychoanalysis is perceived to be unable
to explicate the domains of materiality and sociality while marxism is perceived to give
insufficient weight to psychicality and individuality. Both deal with power relations and
strive toward life positions or positions of liberation, and as such, psychoanalysis and
marxism are complementary alternative discourses.

How does one read Philippine underground writings? Like women’s writings,
Philippine underground writings are marginal(ized) writings in relation to the canonical
definition of and mode of writing in Literature. Underground writings are the literature
produced in the recent (around 1968 though the movement is rooting its cause and
struggle from the time of the 1896 Philippine Revolution) revolutionary struggle for
national liberation; its production is characterized in its “subversive” relation to the state.
Its thirty-five years or so of literary production has produced a diverse range of traditional
and non-traditional literary output—from mimeographed newsletters to song cassette
tapes, from a new literary genre syeyring (from “sharing,” an account of a comrades’
getting-to-know-each-other session) to a testimonial book—and has grown to various
regional and organizational publications. To read Philippine underground writings on
orthodox marxist terms as it has been done in the past is to privilege socialist realism or
Mao Zedong’s political and aesthetic criteria and thereby creates an equally
homogenizing notion of literature and a political canon.

Neo-marxist theories have problematized the orthodox position, shifting from the
mechanical causality of reducing social ills entirely on the economic base to a structural
causality where (relative) autonomy exists between the base and superstructure
(Althusser). The economic base (over)determination of accounting for the ways people
think of themselves and their society has been replaced by a strategy of containment
(Jameson) whereby both the dominant and oppressed groups contribute to the negation of
any attempt to subvert individual and societal orders. Through consent and coercion, the
dominant order maintains itself (Gramsci). There is also the non-structural approach to
social analysis specific to culture, the theory of dominant, residual and emergent cultures
(Williams) as aspects sliding from one mode of relation to another. There remain(s); the
construction of the individual subject as axiomatic to a societal positioning is still a key
aspect to the marxist discourse.

Lacanian psychoanalysis, too is concerned with subjectivity and intersubjectivity.

Using language as metonymically determing subjectivity, Lacanian psychoanalysis
provides a structure of domains, a domain of structures to understand the relation of the
constitution of individual subjectivity and language. Psychoanalysis helps the individual
to draw the individual speech that performs through an imago in some (re)cognition of
the ego-ideals of the community. Though characterized as phallocentric, what can be
reworked is the aspect of subject positioning in the production of economies of meanings.
The mirror stage, oedipal complex, operations of lack, desire, and castration are not to be
seen solely as concepts in the phallocentric order but as metaphors that signify
displacements in a continuous flux of alteration, reconstitution, condensation,
appropriation, and other movements. In the continuous flux of assignation of meanings,
the mirror that constitutes the narcissistic gaze or even phallocentrism is undermined,
moving towards other economies of meanings, the mirror that constitutes the narcissistic
gaze or even phallocentrism is undermined, moving towards other economies of
meaning. The mirror then cracks, able to reflect multi-dimensional and ranges of imagos.
The possibilities for reversal that multiplies the otherness positions become endless; the
potentials for new economies of meanings and desires remain possible.

Lacan’s theory of temporality (in The Function of Speech and Language of

Psychoanalysis and as discussed by Forrester) mentions the function of the death instict
in an individual’s quest for his/her unique self, its relation to time, and the significance
that marks the end of the psychoanalytic inquiry. These ideas are useful to the
understanding of Philippine underground writings. An individual caught in neurotic
repetition or “unreal time” does not live for self but for a master. The ego slides in the
backdrop as desire forces itself in the unconscious, in the consciousness narrative and
obsessional time converge, creating altered significance and a different economy of
meanings. The role of the psychoanalytic session is to negotiate a term for the suffering
self of the individual, to find an imago that can lead to a quest for meaning(s) to the
individual’s life.
Neurosis or suffering is not to be viewed from a pathological perspective but from
a perspective of repression, a lack in a desire for an other. The traditional psychoanalytic
explanation is that trauma is a delayed effect, the traumatic experience is viewed as a
symbol of repetition. Thus, the cure is the restoration of trauma in a proper place of
memory that the individual can effectively manage. Lacanian psychoanalysis treats
trauma as an adult reading of some childhood experience that the adult has failed to cope
with. The role of the analyst is to seduce through the labor of free association an alienated
imago or an other imago, to act as an other subject in constructing a narrative meaning
for the ego.

Lacan suggests that the analyst acts in a manner similar to a literary critic
inquiring into an individual’s speech that has ceased to perform, looking for tropes and
punctuations in the silences. This is where literary criticism of the text can take off from
Lacanian psychoanalysis of memory, to read texts as silenced speech where articulation
of the marginal is probable. The literary critic recuperates silenced voice(s) in the text,
creating a narrative space and time for the understanding of the other position(s).

If for Lacan, the psychoanalyst is to figure a literary critic, then psychoanalysis

can figure literary criticism. And because of the notion of the transcendental signified that
can never be attained as such, literary criticism can be made analogous to psychoanalysis.
In this analogy, the literary critic and psychoanalyst are quasi-revolutionaries because
both explore the modes of freedom in the domain of repression. Both empower the other
positions to tell a story, to construct self in its own imago, to empower the positions to
tell a story, to construct self in its own imago, to empower otherness in the quest for

The psychoanalyst as literary critic explores the economies of meaning and desire
to the individual, opening a field in Derrida’s flowers, tombs, columns, gloves … The
literary critic as psychoanalyst explores similar economies to the text, opening other
positions of reading and writing, of inscribing and reinscribing that may or may not
provide a synthesis. The psychoanalyst/literary critic may view underground writing in a
similar light, as a metaphor that alludes to other meanings that alludes to other metaphors,
as a distinct yet integrated/integrated yet distinct self in the economies of meaning.

Lacan also mentions the Law of the Father as a good-in-itself because it has
continued and preserved the community. Such laws or symbolic relations are
questionable. The lineage that has made speech perform is also the lineage that has
caused speech to cease to perform. Thus, it is crucial to ask about the issue of interest in
the Lacanian discourse: for whose interest is the law being perpetuated or the community
preserved? Marxism integrates this problematic to the theory of ideology, or power
relations. While Lacanian psychoanalysis provides a narrative of psychical subjectivity,
marxism grounds such subjectivity to material and historicized societal positions.

A common discourse, however, between psychoanalysis and marxism is just one

aspect in resolving the problem. After all, there are no metadiscourses that can profess to
know and encompass everything. To speak of interest is to speak of hybridity, interests
vary in different individual and collective subject positions. The self (itself) is not fixed,
having been inscribed in a matrix of race, gender, ethnicity, occupation, age, nationality,
health and other standards of cultural measure. Self and, for this project’s purpose, nation
are also metaphors in a continuous flux of significations. The discourse of hybridity
provides possible openings for reversals and liberation. Multiculturalism—if thought of
as a “flow” among peoples, able to sustain distinct and integrated self and groups—also
provides openings that politically nurtures otherness, collectively serving the interests of
marginal groups.

The Philippine colonial experience (three hundred years of Spanish rule, fifty
years of American rule) and neocolonial experience (in capitalism and imperialism) have
produced both patronage and dissent. Through consent and coercion, colonial and
neocolonial economic and political structures through local elites have dominated the
Philippine landscape and have constructed a dominant mode of viewing the world and the
self. Resistance to these social, cultural, and psychical structures entailed marginalization
and consequently, has ceased for speech to perform. Marginal sectors are unable to
articulate themselves in the discourse of language, perpetuating their existence in the

What the present revolutionary experience and underground writings have done is
to act as a session to bring the otherness to an imago narrative—awakening, organizing,
and revolutionizing. Viewing the session as a collective diagnosis of Philippine
individuals, past precolonial and colonial experiences conjure with present neocolonial
experiences for the promise of a (socialist) future.

Philippine underground writings manifest the recuperation of speech that

performs. Its absence in the past, given the thematic modes of oppression that has
preceded its existence, is a void caused by lack of speech. The appropriation of writing,
an act and a language that has always been there, is the recognition of language and
speech that performs to participate in the construction of the discourse at the same time as
it is (mis)constructed by the discourse. Underground writings, by venturing to the
marginal mode and discourse to find an imago and construct its subjectivity, are life
positions, nourishing and nurturing the individuality and collectivity.

The hierarchic and canonical practice of being inscribed, named, positioned by

the dominant discourse is decentered in and by Philippine underground writings.
Nationalist imagery becomes a composition of attempts to grope with the speech that
performs. Nationalist imagination is the labor to free association whereby an alienated or
new imago is brought to light. Within the session of free association, nationalist
imageries become metaphors among metaphors in the positioning of underground
writings into economies of meaning of otherness. Underground writings are also
metaphors among metaphors, conjuring with other marginal(ized) writings in the social
elaboration for meanings and desires of otherness. Imagining nation is the attempt at
finding or fixing an imago. Within the psychoanalytic session, Philippine underground
writings have become narratives that interpret, rewrite, and liberate life positionalities.
Such is the possibility in the poem “The Guerilla is Like a Poet” by Jose Ma.
Sison. The characteristics of the guerilla and the poet, non-traditional roles in Philippine
society, are entwined for the purpose of revolution using the structures within (academe)
and without (forest) the discourse of power. The self assumes a dual imago, creating a
principal subject for the operational function of revolutionary work: leader and follower,
teacher and student, revolutionary and builder. These positions are not binary functions
but reveal a multi-faceted individual in the struggle against the forces of oppression. The
individual assumes several roles in appropriating more space within the discourse of
power. From these different positions, the individual is able to territorialize the dominant
discourse in reversing or subverting the order of power. The poem also unfolds images of
death (ashes, ensnare the enemy, swarming, flood) conjuring with images of life (river,
red flowers) and images of hope (people’s epic, people’s war). These images are
metaphors that negate the romantic rhetorics of revolutionizing, offering in the poem
temporal and spatial conditionalities of the individual in the struggle for liberation.

On the other hand, in the terms of Lacan, underground writings do not exactly
“say what it means or mean what it says” (Eagleton 117). If (an)other subject
positionality is assumed, new economies of meaning are then produced. Are the life
positions merely a bouquet of flowers dressing death, the phallus? What is time defining,
a life or death position? One may view underground writings as the phallus and logos of
ultimate and protracted sacrifice privileged in the name of the revolutionary enterprise.
The slave evokes the ideals of a capitalist master in the name of reaping greater profits
for the master and with the hope that such profits will have trickling effects to the good
slave. One may also view it from a different position, a life position based on
organization and collectivity, in the collective struggle for a position of liberation. Thus,
the signified evoked becomes an arena of constant struggle for appropriable meanings.
Even when meanings are appropriated in the Philippine underground writings, those
meanings become another space in the world of naming, in the naming of the world.

To view psychoanalysis and Marxism as contradictory is to be lost the discourse

of the dominant mode of viewing self and the world, either as an organic individual
capable of contained development or a homogenous class devoid of any individual
initiatives. Marginal positions are posited by the dominant discourse as self-contained
and disparate, with their own phallocentric ordering of ideas. Yet marginal positions share
positionalities in relation to arbitrary power structures and power relations. Lacanian
psychoanalysis and Marxism are corollary discourses to other marginal discourses –
feminists, ethnic, disabled, aged, etc. – in positioning subjectivity and in organizing
intersubjectivity. This is the experience that can be drawn from a project such as this.

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Marxism is the political philosophy and economic worldview based upon a materialist
interpretation of history, a Marxist analysis of capitalism , a theory of social change , and
an atheist view of human liberation derived from the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels ; three primary aspects of Marxism are: Marxism ay ang pulitikal na pilosopiya at
pang-ekonomiya worldview na batay sa isang taong makalupa interpretasyon ng
kasaysayan, ang isang Marxist analysis ng kapitalismo, ang isang teorya ng panlipunang
pagbabago, at ng isang atheist na pagtingin ng tao pagpapalaya nagmula sa gawain ng
Karl Marx at Friedrich Engels; tatlong pangunahing aspeto ng Marxism ay ang mga:

1. The dialectical and materialist concept of history — Humankind's history is

fundamentally that of the struggle between social classes. Ang dyalektiko at
materyalista konsepto ng kasaysayan - katauhan kasaysayan ay ang panimula
na ng pakikibaka sa pagitan ng panlipunang mga klase. The productive capacity
of society is the foundation of society, and as this capacity increases over time the
social relations of production, class relations, evolve through this struggle of the
classes and pass through definite stages (primitive communism, slavery,
feudalism, capitalism). Ang produktibong kapasidad ng lipunan ay ang pundasyon
ng lipunan, at bilang na ito ay nagdaragdag ng kapasidad sa paglipas ng panahon
ang panlipunang mga relasyon ng produksyon, relasyon sa klase, evolve ito sa
pamamagitan ng pakikibaka ng mga klase at pumasa sa pamamagitan ng tiyak
yugto (una komunismo, pang-aalipin, pyudalismo, kapitalismo). The legal,
political, ideological and other aspects (ex. art) of society are derived from these
production relations as is the consciousness of the individuals of which the society
is composed. Ang mga ligal, pampulitika, ideological at iba pang mga aspeto (hal.
sining) ng lipunan ay nagmula sa mga relasyon sa produksyon bilang ay ang
kamalayan ng mga indibidwal na kung saan ang lipunan ay binubuo.
2. The critique of capitalism — In capitalist society, an economic minority (the
bourgeoisie) dominate and exploit the working class ( proletariat ) majority. Ang
kritika ng kapitalismo - Sa kapitalista sa lipunan, ang isang pang-ekonomiyang
kakulangan sa gulang (ang bourgeoisie) mangibabaw at maningning na tagumpay
ang nagtatrabaho klase (proletariat) karamihan. Marx uncovered the
interworkings of capitalist exploitation, the specific way in which unpaid labor (
surplus value ) is extracted from the working class labor theory of value ,
extending and critiquing the work of earlier political economists value . Marx
walang takip ang interworkings ng mga kapitalista sa pagsasamantala, ang mga
tiyak na paraan kung hindi bayad na paggawa (labis na halaga) ay nakuha mula sa
mga nagtatrabaho teorya klase ng paggawa ng mga halaga, pagpapalawak at
critiquing ang gawain ng mas maaga pampulitika economists na halaga. Although
the production process is socialized, ownership remains in the hand of the
bourgeosie. Kahit na ang proseso ng produksyon ay socialized, pagmamay-ari
mananatili sa kamay ng bourgeosie. This forms the fundamental contradiction of
capitalist society. Ito paraan sa pangunahing mga pagkakasalungatan ng mga
kapitalista sa lipunan. Without the elimination of the fetter of the private
ownership of the means of production, human society is unable to achieve further
development. Walang-aalis ng pigilan sa pribadong pagmamay-ari ng paraan ng
produksyon, ng tao sa lipunan ay hindi upang makamit ang karagdagang pag-
3. Advocacy of proletarian revolution — In order to overcome the fetters of
private property the working class must seize political power internationally
through a social revolution and expropriate the capitalist classes around the world
and place the productive capacities of society into collective ownership.
Pagtataguyod ng proletaryan rebolusyon - Upang magtagumpay sa fetters ng
pribadong ari-arian ng klase ng trabaho ay dapat sakupin pampulitikang
kapangyarihan internationally sa pamamagitan ng isang panlipunang rebolusyon
at kamkamin ang mga kapitalista mga klase sa buong mundo at ilagay ang
produktibong capacities ng lipunan sa kolektibong pagmamay-ari. Upon this,
material foundation classes would be abolished and the material basis for all
forms of inequality between humankind would dissolve. Pagkatapos ng ito, ang
materyal na pundasyon sa pag-aaral ay inalis at ang mga materyal na batayan para
sa lahat ng porma ng hindi pagkakapareho sa pagitan ng sangkatauhan ay lusawin.

Contemporarily, Karl Marx's innovative analytical methods — materialist dialectics , the

labour theory of value, et cetera — are applied in archaeology , anthropology , [ 1 ] media
studies , [ 2 ] political science , theater , history , sociological theory , cultural studies ,
education , economics , [ 3 ] literary criticism , aesthetics , critical psychology , and
philosophy . [ 4 ] Contemporarily, Karl Marx's analytical makabagong pamamaraan -
materyalista dyalektika, mga manggagawa teorya ng halaga, at iba pa - ay inilapat sa
arkeolohiya, anthropology, [1] media sa pag-aaral, [2] political science, teatro, ang
kasaysayan, sociological teorya, pag-aaral sa kultura, edukasyon , ekonomiya, [3]
pagkritiko sa literatura, aesthetics, kritikal sikolohiya, at pilosopiya. [4]

Contents Nilalaman
 1 Classical Marxism 1 klasiko Marxism
o 1.1 Marx and Engels 1.1 Marx at Engels
o 1.2 Early intellectual influences 1.2 Maagang intelektuwal na pag-
o 1.3 Principal ideas 1.3 Principal ng mga ideya
 1.3.1 Exploitation 1.3.1 pagsasamantala
 1.3.2 Alienation 1.3.2 Alienation
 1.3.3 Historical Materialism 1.3.3 Kasaysayan materyalismo
 Base and superstructure Base at
 Historical periodisation Historical
 1.3.4 Class 1.3.4 Klase
 Class consciousness Class kamalayan
 1.3.5 Ideology 1.3.5 ideolohiya
 1.3.6 Political economy 1.3.6 Political ekonomiya
 2 Marxist schools of thought 2 Marxist paaralan ng pag-iisip
o 2.1 Marxism-Leninism 2.1 Marxism-Leninism
 2.1.1 Post-Stalin Moscow-aligned communism 2.1.1 Post-Stalin
Moscow-hile-hilera komunismo
 Eurocommunism Eurocommunism
 2.1.2 Anti-revisionism 2.1.2 Anti-rebisyonismo
 Maoism Maoism
 Hoxhaism Hoxhaism
o 2.2 Trotskyism 2.2 Trotskyism
o 2.3 Western Marxism 2.3 Western Marxism
 2.3.1 Structural Marxism 2.3.1 estruktural Marxism
 2.3.2 Neo-Marxism 2.3.2 Neo-Marxism
 2.3.3 The Frankfurt School 2.3.3 Ang Frankfurt School
 2.3.4 Cultural Marxism 2.3.4 Cultural Marxism
 2.3.5 Autonomist Marxism 2.3.5 Autonomist Marxism
 2.3.6 Analytical Marxism 2.3.6 Analytical Marxism
 2.3.7 Marxist humanism 2.3.7 Marxist humanism
 2.3.8 Marxist theology 2.3.8 Marxist teolohiya
 2.3.9 Key Western Marxists 2.3.9 Key Western Marxists
 Georg Lukács Georg Lukács
 Karl Korsch Karl Korsch
 Antonio Gramsci Antonio Gramsci
 Herbert Marcuse Herbert Marcuse
 Jean-Paul Sartre Jean-Paul Sartre
 Louis Althusser Louis Althusser
 Hill, Hobsbawm, and Thompson Hill,
Hobsbawm, at Thompson
o 2.4 Post Marxism 2.4 Post Marxism
o 2.5 Marxist Feminism 2.5 Marxist peminismo
 3 Marxism as a political practice 3 Marxism bilang isang pampulitikang
o 3.1 History 3.1 Kasaysayan
o 3.2 Social Democracy 3.2 Social demokrasya
o 3.3 Socialism 3.3 sosyalismo
o 3.4 Communism 3.4 Komunismo
 3.4.1 Marxism-Leninism 3.4.1 Marxism-Leninism
 3.4.2 Trotskyism 3.4.2 Trotskyism
 3.4.3 Maoism 3.4.3 Maoism
 3.4.4 Left communism 3.4.4 Kaliwa komunismo
o 3.5 Disputing these claims 3.5 Disputing mga claims
 4 Criticisms 4 Criticisms
o 4.1 Right 4.1 Kanan
o 4.2 Left 4.2 Kaliwa
 5 See also 5 Tingnan din ang
 6 Notes 6 Notes
 7 References 7 Mga sanggunian
 8 External links 8 Panlabas na mga link
o 8.1 General resources 8.1 Pangkalahatang mga mapagkukunan
o 8.2 Introductory articles 8.2 pambungad articles
o 8.3 Marxist websites 8.3 Marxist website

o 8.4 Specific topics 8.4 Mga Tiyak na paksa

[ edit ] Classical Marxism [Edit] klasiko Marxism

Main article: Classical Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: klasiko Marxism
This section needs additional citations for verification . Seksyon na ito ang
mga pangangailangan ng karagdagang Citations para sa beripikasyon.
Please help improve this article by adding reliable references . Mangyaring tulong mapabuti ang
artikulong ito sa pamamagitan ng pagdagdag ng maaasahang mga sanggunian. Unsourced
material may be challenged and removed . (November 2008) Unsourced materyal ay maaaring
hinamon at tinanggal. (November 2008)

The term Classical Marxism denotes the theory propounded by Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels . [ citation needed ] As such, Classical Marxism distinguishes between “Marxism” as
broadly perceived, and “what Marx believed”; thus, in 1883, Marx wrote to the French
labour leader Jules Guesde and to Paul Lafargue (Marx's son-in-law) — both of whom
claimed to represent Marxist principles — accusing them of “revolutionary phrase-
mongering” and of denying the value of reformist struggle; from which derives the
paraphrase: “If that is Marxism, then I am not a Marxist”. [ 5 ] To wit, the US Marx scholar
Hal Draper remarked, “there are few thinkers in modern history whose thought has been
so badly misrepresented, by Marxists and anti-Marxists alike”. [ 6 ] Ang katagang klasiko
Marxism nagsasaad ng teorya sa pamamagitan ng propounded Karl Marx at Friedrich
Engels. [Banggit kailangan] Bilang tulad, klasiko Marxism distinguishes sa pagitan ng
"Marxism" bilang malawak perceived, at "kung ano ang Marx ay naniniwala"; kaya, sa
1,883, Marx wrote sa Pranses labour lider Jules Guesde at Paul Lafargue (Marx's anak na
lalaki-sa-batas) - pareho ng kanino inaangkin upang kumatawan Marxist prinsipyo -
akusasyon sa kanila ng "rebolusyonaryo parirala-mongering" at ng pagtangging
sumampalataya ang halaga ng mga repormista pakikibaka; mula sa kung saan
nagmumula ang pakahulugan sa ibang pangungusap: "Kung na Marxism, at pagkatapos
ay hindi ako isang Marxist". [5] Upang pagpapatawa, ang mga estudyante sa amin Marx
Hal Draper remarked, "may mga ilang mga thinkers sa modernong kasaysayan na ang
pag-iisip ay kaya masama misrepresented, sa pamamagitan ng Marxists at anti-Marxists
kapwa ". [6]

[ edit ] Marx and Engels [Edit] Marx at Engels

Main articles: Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels Pangunahing artikulo: Karl Marx at
Friedrich Engels

Karl Marx - Founder of Marxism. Karl Marx - Founder ng Marxism.

Karl Heinrich Marx (5 May 1818—14 March 1883) was a greatly influential German
philosopher , political economist , and socialist revolutionary , who analytically
addressed the matters of alienation and exploitation of the worker, the capitalist mode of
production , and historical materialism . Karl Heinrich Marx (Mayo 5 1,818-14 Marso
1883) ay isang lubhang makapangyarihan Aleman pilosopo, pampulitika ekonomista, at
sosyalista rebolusyonaryo, na analytically hinarap ang mga bagay-bagay ng alienation at
pagsasamantala ng mga manggagawa, ang mga kapitalista paraan ng produksyon, at
kasaysayan ng materyalismo. He is most famous for analysing history in terms of class
struggle , summarised in the initial line introducing the Communist Manifesto (1848):
“The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles”. Siya ang
pinaka-tanyag na para sa analysing history sa mga tuntunin ng labanan ng mga klase,
summarised sa unang linya sa pagpapasok ng Manipesto Komunista (1848): "Ang
kasaysayan ng hanggang ngayon sa lahat ng mga umiiral na lipunan ay kasaysayan ng
pakikibaka klase". His ideas were influential in his time, and it was greatly expanded by
the successful Bolshevik October Revolution of 1917 in Imperial Russia . Ang kanyang
mga ideya ay makapangyarihan sa kanyang oras, at ito ay lubos na pinalawak ng
matagumpay Bolshevik Revolution Oktubre ng 1,917 sa Imperial Russia.

Friedrich Engels , co-founder of Marxism. Friedrich Engels, co-founder ng Marxism.

Friedrich Engels (28 November 1820–5 August 1895) was the nineteenth century
German political philosopher and Karl Marx's co-developer of communist theory.
Friedrich Engels (Nobyembre 28 1,820-5 Agosto 1895) ay ang ikalabinsiyam na siglo
Aleman pampulitika pilosopo at Karl Marx's co-developer ng mga komunista teorya.
Marx and Engels met in September 1844; discovering that they shared like views of
philosophy and socialism , they collaborated and wrote works such as Die heilige
Familie ( The Holy Family ). Marx at Engels nakilala sa Septiyembre 1844; malaman na
sila shared tulad ng mga opinyon ng mga pilosopiya at sosyalismo, sila at collaborated
wrote gumagana tulad ng Die heilige Familie (Ang Banal na Pamilya). After the French
deported Marx from France in January 1845, Engels and Marx moved to Belgium, which
then permitted greater freedom of expression than other European countries; later, in
January 1846, they returned to Brussels to establish the Communist Correspondence
Committee. Pagkatapos ng Pranses deportado Marx mula sa France sa Enero 1845,
Engels at Marx inilipat sa Belgium, na kung saan pagkatapos ay pinahihintulutan mas
higit na kalayaan sa pagpapahayag ng damdamin kaysa sa ibang mga bansa sa Europa;
mamaya, sa Enero 1846, sila ibabalik sa Brussels para maitatag ang Komunista
pagsusulatan Committee.

In 1847, they began writing The Communist Manifesto (1848), based upon Engels' The
Principles of Communism ; six weeks later, they published the 12,000-word pamphlet in
February 1848. Sa 1,847, sila ay nagsimulang pagsulat Ang Komunista Manipesto
(1,848), batay sa mga Engels 'Ang Prinsipyo ng Komunismo; anim na linggo pagkatapos,
sila ay nai-publish na ang 12,000-salita pamplet sa Pebrero 1848. In March, Belgium
expelled them, and they moved to Cologne , where they published the Neue Rheinische
Zeitung , a politically radical newspaper. Noong Marso, Belgium pinatalsik sa kanila, at
sila ay inilipat sa Cologne, kung saan sila ay nai-publish sa Neue Rheinische Zeitung,
isang pampulitika radikal pahayagan. Again, by 1849, they had to leave Cologne for
London. Muli, sa pamamagitan ng 1,849, sila ay umalis sa Cologne para sa London. The
Prussian authorities pressured the British government to expel Marx and Engels, but
Prime Minister Lord John Russell refused. Ang awtoridad ng Pruso pressured ng British
gobyerno upang paalisin Marx at Engels, ngunit ang Punong Ministro Panginoon John
Russell tumanggi.

After Karl Marx's death in 1883, Friedrich Engels became the editor and translator of
Marx's writings. Pagkatapos Karl Marx's kamatayan sa 1,883, Friedrich Engels ay naging
editor at tagasalin ng Marx's Writings. With the Origins of the Family, Private Property,
and the State (1884) — analysing monogamous marriage as guaranteeing male social
domination of women, a concept analogous, in communist theory, to the capitalist class's
economic domination of the working class — intellectually significant contributions to
feminist theory and Marxist feminism . Gamit ang pinagmulan ng Family, Private
Property, at ng Estado (1884) - analysing monogamous kasal bilang guaranteeing male
panlipunang dominasyon ng mga kababaihan, isang konsepto analogous, sa mga
komunista teorya, sa pang-ekonomiyang dominasyon ng mga kapitalista klase ng mga
nagtatrabaho sa klase - intellectually makabuluhang mga ambag sa peminista teorya at
Marxist peminismo.

[ edit ] Early intellectual influences [Baguhin] Maagang intelektuwal na


Main article: Influences on Karl Marx Pangunahing artikulo: impluwensya sa Karl Marx

Different types of thinkers influenced the development of Classical Marxism; the primary
influences derive from: Iba't-ibang uri ng thinkers naaapektuhan ang pagbuo ng klasiko
Marxism, ang pangunahing impluwensya kunin mula sa:

 German philosophers : Immanuel Kant , GWF Hegel , Ludwig Feuerbach et al.

Aleman philosophers: Immanuel Kant, GWF Hegel, Ludwig Feuerbach et al.
 British political economists : Adam Smith & David Ricardo et al. British
pampulitika economists: Adam Smith at David Ricardo et al.
 French social theorists : Jean-Jacques Rousseau ; Charles Fourier ; Henri de
Saint-Simon ; Pierre-Joseph Proudhon ; Flora Tristan ; Louis Blanc et al. Pranses
panlipunan theorists: Jean-Jacques Rousseau; Charles Fourier; Henri de Saint-
Simon; Pierre-Joseph Proudhon; Flora Tristan; Louis Blanc et al.

and secondary influences derive from: at sekundaryong impluwensya kunin mula sa:

 Ancient materialism, eg Epicurus , Lucretius et al. Sinaunang materyalismo, hal

Epicurus, Lucretius et al.
 Aristotle Aristotle
 Giambattista Vico Giambattista Vico
 Lewis Morgan Lewis Morgan
 Charles Darwin Charles Darwin

[ edit ] Principal ideas [Edit] ideya Principal

These are the principal concepts of Marxism: Ang mga ito ay ang konsepto ng punong-
guro ng Marxism:

[ edit ] Exploitation [Edit] pagsasamantala

A person is exploited if he or she performs more labour than necessary to produce the
goods society consumes; like-wise, a person is an exploiter if he or she performs less
labour than is necessary to produce goods. [ 7 ] Exploitation is a matter of surplus labour
— the amount of labour one performs beyond what one receives in goods. Ang isang tao
ay pinagsamantalahan kung siya ay gumaganap ng mas maraming trabaho kaysa sa
kinakailangan upang makabuo ng mga panindang consumes lipunan; gusto-pera, ang
isang tao ay isang tagapagsamantala kung siya ay gumaganap ng mas mababa kaysa sa
gawa ay kinakailangan upang makabuo ng mga kalakal. [7] pagsasamantala ay isang
bagay na ng sobra labour - ang halaga ng isang trabaho ay gumaganap ng lampas sa kung
ano ang isa na natatanggap ng mga paninda. Exploitation has been a socio-economic
feature of every class society, and is one of the principal features distinguishing the social
classes. Pagsasamantala ay Socio isang-pang-ekonomiyang katangian ng bawat uri ng
lipunan, at ang isa sa mga tampok ng punong-guro ng tumutukoy na ang mga sosyal na
klase. The power of one social class to control the means of production enables its
exploitation of the other classes. Ang kapangyarihan ng isang panlipunang uri upang
kontrolin ang paraan ng produksyon ay nagbibigay-daan sa kanyang pagsasamantala sa
ibang mga klase.

In capitalism, the labour theory of value is the operative concern; the value of a
commodity equals the total labour time required to produce it. Sa kapitalismo, ang mga
labour teorya ng halaga ay ang pinaiiral-aalala; ang halaga ng isang kalakal ay katumbas
ng kabuuang labour oras na kailangan upang makabuo ng ito. Under that condition,
surplus value (the difference between the value produced and the value received by a
labourer) is synonymous with the term “surplus labour”; thus, capitalist exploitation is
realised as deriving surplus value from the worker. Sa ilalim na kalagayan, labis na
halaga (ang pagkakaiba sa pagitan ng halaga ng at halaga ng natanggap sa pamamagitan
ng isang trabahador) ay magkasingkahulugan na may salitang "sobra labour"; kaya,
kapitalista sa pagsasamantala ay nalaman bilang panggagaling labis na halaga mula sa

In pre-capitalist economies, exploitation of the worker was achieved via physical

coercion. Sa pre-kapitalista ekonomiya, pagsasamantala ng mga manggagawa ay
nakakamit sa pamamagitan ng pisikal na pamimilit. In the capitalist mode of production,
that result is more subtly achieved; because the worker does not own the means of
production, he or she must voluntarily enter into an exploitive work relationship with a
capitalist in order to earn the necessities of life. Sa mga kapitalista paraan ng produksyon,
na ang resulta ay mas subtly nakakamit; sapagkat ang manggagawa ay hindi sarili ang
mga paraan ng produksyon, siya o siya ay kusang-loob pumasok sa isang relasyon
exploitive trabaho sa isang kapitalista upang kumita ng necessities ng buhay. The workers
entry into such employment is voluntary in that he or she chooses which capitalist to
work for; the worker must work or starve, thus exploitation is inevitable, and the
voluntarism of capitalist exploitation is illusory. Ang mga manggagawa sa pagpasok sa
ganoong trabaho ay kusang-loob sa na siya pipili na kapitalista upang magtrabaho para
sa; manggagawa ang dapat gawain o mamatay sa gutom, kaya pagsasamantala ay hindi
maiwasan, at ang pagboboluntaryo ng mga kapitalista sa pagsasamantala ay hindi tunay.

[ edit ] Alienation [Edit] Alienation

Alienation denotes the estrangement of people from their humanity ( German:

Gattungswesen , “species-essence”, “species-being”), which is a systematic result of
capitalism. Alienation nagsasaad ng paghihiwalay ng mga tao mula sa kanilang
sangkatauhan (Aleman: Gattungswesen, "species-kakanyahan", "species-pagiging"), na
kung saan ay isang sistematikong resulta ng kapitalismo. Under capitalism, the fruits of
production belong to the employers, who expropriate the surplus created by others, and
so generate alienated labourers. [ 8 ] Alienation objectively describes the worker's situation
in capitalism — his or her self-awareness of this condition is unnecessary. Sa ilalim ng
kapitalismo, ang mga bunga ng produksyon ay pag-aari sa mga tagapag-empleyo, na
kamkamin ang mga labi na nilikha ng iba, at upang makabuo ng alienated labourers. [8]
Alienation talaga naglalarawan ng kalagayan ng mga manggagawa sa kapitalismo - ang
kanyang sarili-kamalayan ng mga kondisyon na ito ay hindi kailangan.

[ edit ] Historical Materialism [Baguhin] Kasaysayan materyalismo

The historical materialist theory of history, also synonymous to “the economic

interpretation of history” (a coinage by Eduard Bernstein ), [ 9 ] looks for the causes of
societal development and change in the collective ways humans use to make the means
for living. Ang makasaysayang teorya materyalista ng kasaysayan, magkasingkahulugan
din sa "pang-ekonomiya ang interpretasyon ng kasaysayan" (isang likha sa pamamagitan
ng Eduard Bernstein), [9] hitsura para sa mga dahilan ng societal-unlad at pagbabago sa
kolektibong paraan tao gamitin upang gumawa ng paraan para sa buhay. The social
features of a society (social classes, political structures, ideologies) derive from economic
activity; “base and superstructure” is the metaphoric common term describing this
historic condition. Ang mga sosyal na katangian ng isang lipunan (social classes, mga
pampulitikang istruktura, ideologies) kunin mula sa pang-ekonomiyang aktibidad; "base
at pagsasahimig" ay ang metaphoric karaniwang kataga na naglalarawan ito
makasaysayang kalagayan.

[ edit ] Base and superstructure [Edit] Base at pagsasahimig

The base and superstructure metaphor explains that the totality of social relations
regarding “the social production of their existence” ie civil society forms a society's
economic base , from which rises a superstructure of political and legal institutions ie
political society . Ang batayang at pagsasahimig talinghaga ay nagpapaliwanag na ang
kabuuan ng panlipunang mga relasyon tungkol sa "ang panlipunang produksyon ng
kanilang buhay" ibig sabihin, civil society porma pang-ekonomiyang batayan ng isang
lipunan, na kung saan ang isang rises pagsasahimig ng pampulitika at mga legal na
institusyon ibig sabihin pampulitika sa lipunan. The base corresponds to the social
consciousness (politics, religion, philosophy, etc.), and it conditions the superstructure
and the social consciousness. Ang batayang tumutugma sa panlipunang kamalayan
(pulitika, relihiyon, pilosopiya, at iba pa), at ito ang kondisyon pagsasahimig at ang
panlipunang kamalayan. A conflict between the development of material productive
forces and the relations of production provokes social revolutions, thus, the resultant
changes to the economic base will lead to the transformation of the superstructure. [ 10 ]
This relationship is reflexive; the base determines the superstructure, in the first instance,
and remains the foundation of a form of social organization which then can act again
upon both parts of the base and superstructure, whose relationship is dialectical , not
literal. [ citation needed ] [ clarification needed ] Ang labanan sa pagitan ng pag-unlad ng mga materyal na
produktibong pwersa at sa mga relasyon ng produksyon provokes panlipunan revolutions,
sa gayon, ang nanggagaling sa mga pagbabago sa pang-ekonomiyang batayan ay
hahantong sa pagbabagong-anyo ng pagsasahimig. [10] relasyon na ito ay pasarili; base sa
nagpasiya na ang pagsasahimig, sa unang pagkakataon, at mananatili ang pundasyon ng
isang porma ng panlipunang organisasyon na kung saan pagkatapos ay maaaring
gumanap muli sa parehong bahagi ng base at pagsasahimig, na ang relasyon ay
dyalektiko, hindi literal. [banggit kailangan] [linaw kailangan]

[ edit ] Historical periodisation [Baguhin] Kasaysayan periodisation

Marx considered that these socio-economic conflicts have historically manifested

themselves as distinct stages (one transitional) of development in Western Europe. [ 11 ]
Marx isinasaalang-alang na ang mga Socio-pang-ekonomiya kasalungat sa kasaysayan ay
manifested ang kanilang mga sarili bilang hiwalay yugto (isa palampas) ng pag-unlad sa
Kanlurang Europa. [11]

1. Primitive Communism : as in co-operative tribal societies. Nauna Komunismo:

tulad ng sa co-operative panlipi lipunan.
2. Slave Society: a development of tribal progression to city-state; Aristocracy is
born. Slave Lipunan: isang pag-unlad ng panlipi pagpapatuloy sa mga lungsod-
estado; aristokrasya ay ipinanganak.
3. Feudalism : aristocrats are the ruling class; merchants evolve into capitalists.
Pyudalismo: aristocrats ay ang mga namumuno klase; mangangalakal evolve sa
4. Capitalism : capitalists are the ruling class, who create and employ the proletariat.
Kapitalismo: capitalists ay ang mga namumuno klase, na gumawa at gumamit ng
5. Socialism : workers gain class consciousness, and via proletarian revolution
depose the capitalist dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, replacing it in turn with
dictatorship of the proletariat through which the socialization of the means of
production can be realized. Sosyalismo: manggagawa makakuha ng klase ng tao,
at sa pamamagitan ng rebolusyon proletaryan saksihan ang mga kapitalista
diktadura ng bourgeoisie, palitan ang mga ito sa turn sa diktadura ng proletariat sa
pamamagitan ng kung saan ang pagsasapanlipunan ng paraan ng produksyon ay
6. Communism : a classless and stateless society. Komunismo: isang walang klase at
stateless lipunan.

[ edit ] Class [Baguhin] Klase

The identity of a social class derives from its relationship to the means of production ;
Marx describes the social classes in capitalist societies: Ang pagkakakilanlan ng isang
panlipunang uri Nakukuha mula sa relasyon nito sa mga paraan ng produksyon; Marx na
naglalarawan ng panlipunang pag-aaral sa lipunang kapitalista:

 Proletariat : “those individuals who sell their labour power , and who, in the
capitalist mode of production, do not own the means of production“. [ citation needed ]
The capitalist mode of production establishes the conditions enabling the
bourgeoisie to exploit the proletariat because the workers' labour generates a
surplus value greater than the workers' wages . Proletariat: "ang mga indibidwal
na nagbebenta ng kanilang mga bisig ng kapangyarihan, at na, sa mga kapitalista
paraan ng produksyon, hindi ang sariling paraan ng produksyon." [Banggit kailangan]
Ang mga kapitalista mode ng produksyon ay nagtatatag ng mga kondisyon sa
pagpapagana ng bourgeoisie sa maningning na tagumpay ang proletariat dahil ang
mga manggagawa 'labour ay bumubuo ng isang labis na halaga mas malaki kaysa
sa mga manggagawa' sahod.
 Bourgeoisie : those who “own the means of production” and buy labour power
from the proletariat, thus exploiting the proletariat; they subdivide as bourgeoisie
and the petit bourgeoisie. Bourgeoisie: doon sa mga "sariling paraan ng
produksyon" at bumili ng labour kapangyarihan mula sa mga proletariat, kaya
exploiting ang proletariat; paghati-hatiin sila ng bourgeoisie at ng Petit
o Petit bourgeoisie are those who employ labourers, but who also work, ie
small business owners, peasant landlords, trade workers et al. Petit
bourgeoisie ay ang mga taong gumugol labourers, ngunit na din sa
trabaho, ibig sabihin, mga maliliit na may-ari ng negosyo, upa sa
magsasaka, mga manggagawa sa kalakalan et al. Marxism predicts that the
continual reinvention of the means of production eventually would destroy
the petit bourgeoisie, degrading them from the middle class to the
proletariat. Marxism hinuhulaan na ang patuloy na reinvention ng paraan
ng produksyon sa kalaunan ay pupuksain ang Petit bourgeoisie,
nanghihiya ito mula sa gitnang uri sa proletariat.
 Lumpenproletariat : criminals, vagabonds, beggars, et al., who have no stake in
the economy, and so sell their labour to the highest bidder. Lumpenproletariat:
mga kriminal, vagabonds, beggars, et al., Na walang pustahan sa ekonomiya, at
upang magbenta ng kanilang mga bisig sa pinakamataas na bidder.
 Landlords : an historically important social class who retain some wealth and
power. Upa: isang kasaysayan ng mahalagang panlipunang uri na panatilihin ang
ilang mga yaman at kapangyarihan.
 Peasantry and farmers : a disorganised class incapable of effecting socio-
economic change, most of whom would enter the proletariat, and some become
landlords. Mga magbubukid at mga magsasaka: isang disorganised klase kaya ng
effecting Socio-pang-ekonomiya baguhin, karamihan ng mga kung sino nais
ipasok ang proletariat, at maging ng ilang-upa.

[ edit ] Class consciousness [Baguhin] Klase kamalayan

Class consciousness denotes the awareness — of itself and the social world — that a
social class possesses, and its capacity to rationally act in their best interests; hence, class
consciousness is required before they can effect a successful revolution. Class kamalayan
nagsasaad ng kamalayan - ng kanyang sarili at ang sosyal na mundo - na ang isang
panlipunang uri nagtataglay, at ang kapasidad na kumilos nang makatwiran sa kanilang
mga pinakamahusay na interes; kaya, klase ng tao ay kinakailangan bago sila maaring
epekto ng isang matagumpay na rebolusyon.

[ edit ] Ideology [Edit] ideolohiya

Without defining ideology [ 12 ] , Marx used the term to denote the production of images of
social reality; according to Engels, “ideology is a process accomplished by the so-called
thinker consciously, it is true, but with a false consciousness. Walang pagtukoy ng
ideolohiya [12], Marx na ginagamit ang kataga upang magpakilala sa produksyon ng mga
imahe ng panlipunang katotohanan; ayon sa Engels, "ideolohiya ay isang proseso
maganap sa pamamagitan ng tinatawag na palaisip sinasadya, ito ay totoo, ngunit may
isang huwad na kamalayan. The real motive forces impelling him remain unknown to
him; otherwise it simply would not be an ideological process. Ang tunay na motibo
pwersang impelling kanya mananatiling hindi alam sa kanya; sa kabilang banda na ito,
hindi lang magiging isang ideological proseso. Hence he imagines false or seeming
motive forces”. [ 13 ] Because the ruling class controls the society's means of production,
the superstructure of society, the ruling social ideas are determined by the best interests of
said ruling class. Kaya siya imagines totoo o tila pwersang nagpapakilos ". [13] Dahil ang
kapangyarihan klase kontrol ay nangangahulugan na ang lipunan ng produksyon, ang
pagsasahimig ng lipunan, pinakapuno ang panlipunang mga ideya ay natutukoy sa
pamamagitan ng pinakamahusay na interes ng sinabi nakapangyayari klase. In The
German Ideology , “the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, ie the
class which is the ruling material force of society, is, at the same time, its ruling
intellectual force”. [ 14 ] Therefore, the ideology of a society is of most importance,
because it confuses the alienated classes and so might create a false consciousness , such
as commodity fetishism. [ citation needed ] Sa Ang Aleman ideolohiya, "ang mga ideya ng mga
klase ay nakapangyayari sa lahat ng panahon ang mga ideya nakapangyayari, ibig sabihin
ang mga klase kung saan ay ang kapangyarihan ng materyal na puwersa ng lipunan, ay,
sa parehong panahon, ang kanyang kapangyarihan intelektuwal na pag-lakas". [14]
Samakatuwid, ang ideolohiya ng isang lipunan ay ng karamihan sa kahalagahan, dahil ito
confuses ang alienated klase at kaya maaaring lumikha ng isang huwad na kamalayan,
tulad ng mga kalakal fetishism. [banggit kailangan]

[ edit ] Political economy [Baguhin] Pulitikal ekonomiya

The term political economy originally denoted the study of the conditions under which
economic production was organised in the capitalist system. Ang kataga ng ekonomyang
pampulitika na orihinal na naka-denote sa pag-aaral ang mga kondisyon kung saan sa
ilalim ng pang-ekonomiyang produksyon ay organised sa kapitalista sistema. In Marxism,
political economy studies the means of production, specifically of capital, and how that is
manifest as economic activity. Sa Marxism, ekonomyang pampulitika pag-aaral ang mga
paraan ng produksyon, partikular na ng kapital, at kung paano na ipakilala bilang pang-
ekonomiyang aktibidad.

[ edit ] Marxist schools of thought [Edit] Marxist

paaralan ng pag-iisip
[ edit ] Marxism-Leninism [Edit] Marxism-Leninism

Main article: Marxism-Leninism Pangunahing artikulo: Marxism-Leninism

Note: this is a discussion of Marxism-Leninism as a school of thought. Paalala: ito ay

isang pagtalakay ng Marxism-Leninism bilang isang paaralan ng pag-iisip. For a
discussion of its political practice, see subsection Marxism#Marxism as a political
practice below. Para sa isang pagtalakay ng kanyang pampulitikang pagsasanay,
tingnan ang subseksiyon Marxism # Marxism bilang isang pampulitikang pagsasanay sa

At least in terms of adherents and the impact on the world stage, Marxism-Leninism, also
known colloquially as Bolshevism or simply communism is the biggest trend within
Marxism, easily dwarfing all of the other schools of thought combined. [ 15 ] Marxism-
Leninism is a term originally coined by the CPSU in order to denote the ideology that
Vladimir Lenin had built upon the thought of Karl Marx . Hindi bababa sa mga tuntunin
ng adherents at ang epekto sa mundo ng entablado, Marxism-Leninism, na kilala rin
colloquially bilang Bolshevism o lang komunismo ay ang pinakamalaking kalakaran sa
loob ng Marxism, madaling dwarfing ang lahat ng iba pang mga paaralan ng pag-iisip
pinagsama. [15] Marxism-Leninism ay isang kataga sa orihinal na likha ng CPSU upang
mangahulugan ng mga ideolohiya na Vladimir Lenin ay nakatayo sa pag-iisip ng mga
Karl Marx. There are two broad areas that have set apart Marxism-Leninism as a school
of thought. Mayroong dalawang malawak na lugar na ilaan Marxism-Leninism bilang
isang paaralan ng pag-iisip.

First, Lenin's followers generally view his additions to the body of Marxism as the
practical corollary to Marx's original theoretical contributions of the 19th century; insofar
as they apply under the conditions of advanced capitalism that they found themselves
working in. Lenin called this time-frame the era of Imperialism . Una, Lenin ang mga
tagasunod ay karaniwang tingnan ang kanyang mga pagdaragdag sa katawan ng Marxism
bilang praktikal na corollary sa Marx's orihinal manilay-nilay ang mga ambag ng sa ika-
19 na siglo; insofar bilang mag-apply sila sa ilalim ng mga kondisyon ng kapitalismo
advanced na nila nahanap ang kanilang mga sarili sa pagtratrabaho in Lenin na tinatawag
na oras na ito-frame ang panahon ng imperyalismo. For example, Joseph Stalin wrote that
Halimbawa, Joseph Stalin wrote na

Leninism grew up and took shape under the conditions of imperialism, when
“ the contradictions of capitalism had reached an extreme point, when the
proletarian revolution had become an immediate practical question, when the
" old period of preparation of the working class for revolution had arrived at
and passed into a new period, that of direct assault on capitalism. [ 16 ]
Leninism lumago up at kinuha hugis sa ilalim ng mga kondisyon ng
imperyalismo, kapag ang mga contradictions ng kapitalismo ay umabot na ng
isang matinding point, kapag ang proletaryan rebolusyon ay maging isang
agarang praktikal na tanong, kapag ang mga lumang panahon ng paghahanda

ng mga nagtatrabaho klase para sa rebolusyon ay dumating na sa at dumaan
sa isang bagong panahon, na ang mga direktang pananakit sa kapitalismo. [16] "
The most important consequence of a Leninist-style theory of Imperialism is the strategic
need for workers in the industrialized countries to bloc or ally with the oppressed nations
contained within their respective countries' colonies abroad in order to overthrow
capitalism. Ang pinaka-mahalaga sa resulta ng isang Leninist-estilo ng teorya ng
imperyalismo ay ang strategic na kailangan para sa mga manggagawa sa industrialized
ang mga bansa sa pagkakaisa o kapanig sa mga pinahihirapan ng bansa na nakapaloob sa
loob ng kani-kanilang mga bansa 'colonies sa ibang bansa upang ibagsak kapitalismo.
This is the source of the slogan Ito ang pinagmulan ng mga salawikain

Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World, Unite! [ 17 ] Manggagawa at

“ pinahihirapan Tao ng Mundo, Unite! [17] ”
" "
which is Lenin's twist on the traditional socialist slogan. na kung saan ay Lenin's-iba ng
kahulugan sa mga tradisyunal na sosyalista sawikain.

Second, the other distinguishing characteristic of Marxism-Leninism is how it approaches

the question of organization. Ikalawa, ang iba pang tumutukoy na katangian ng Marxism-
Leninism ay kung paano ang mga pamamaraang ito ang tanong ng organisasyon. Lenin
believed that the traditional model of the Social Democratic parties of the time, which
was a loose, multitendency organization was inadequate for overthrowing the Tsarist
regime in Russia. Lenin ay naniniwala na ang mga tradisyunal na modelo ng Social
Democratic partido ng oras, na kung saan ay isang maluwag, multitendency organisasyon
ay hindi sapat para sa overthrowing ang Tsarist rehimen sa Rusya. He proposed a
hardened cadre organization that disciplined itself under the model of Democratic
Centralism . Siya na iminungkahi ng isang hardened cadre organisasyon na disiplinahin
ang sarili sa ilalim ng modelo ng Demokratikong sentralismo.

Marxism-Leninism was closely associated with the figure of Joseph Stalin until his death.
Marxism-Leninism ay malapit na kaugnay sa pigura ng Joseph Stalin hanggang sa
kanyang kamatayan. Upon the death of Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev became the leader of
the Soviet Union , an act which ultimately lead to the splintering of the Marxist-Leninism
into several competing schools of thought. Sa pagkamatay ng Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev
ang naging pinuno ng Unyong Sobyet, ang isang batas na kung saan sa huli hahantong sa
splintering ng Marxist-Leninism sa ilang mga paaralan sa pakikipagkumpitensya ng pag-

[ edit ] Post-Stalin Moscow-aligned communism [Edit] Post-Stalin Moscow-hile-

hilera komunismo

At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union , Khrushchev made
several ideological ruptures with his predecessor, Joseph Stalin. Sa 22nd Kongreso ng
Partido Komunista ng Unyong Sobyet, Khrushchev na ginawa ng ilang mga ideological
ruptures sa kanyang hinalinhan, Joseph Stalin. First, Khrushchev denounced the so-called
Cult of Personality that had developed around Stalin, which ironically enough
Khrushchev had had a pivotal role in fostering decades earlier. Una, Khrushchev
denunsyado ang tinatawag na sistema ng pagsamba ng pagkatao na ay binuo sa paligid ng
Stalin, na balintuna sapat Khrushchev ay nagkaroon ng pibotal papel sa pagkandili
dekada nang mas maaga. More importantly, however, Khrushchev rejected the heretofore
orthodox Marxist-Leninist tenet that class struggle continues even under socialism. Higit
sa lahat, gayunpaman, Khrushchev tumanggi sa dati kinikilala Marxist-Leninist kuru-
kuro na ang labanan ng mga klase ay patuloy kahit sa ilalim ng sosyalismo. Rather, the
State ought to rule in the name of all classes. Imbes, ang Estado sa tungkulin tuntunin sa
pangalan ng lahat ng mga klase. A related principle that flowed from the former was the
notion of peaceful co-existence , or that the newly-emergent socialist bloc could
peacefully compete with the capitalist world, solely by developing the productive forces
of society. Ang mga kaugnay na prinsipyo na flowed mula sa dating ay ang pagkaunawa
ng mapayapang co-buhay, o na ang mga bagong-lumilitaw sosyalista pagkakaisa ay
mapayapang-kumpitensiya sa mga kapitalista sa mundo, tanging sa pamamagitan ng pag-
unlad ng produktibong pwersa ng lipunan.

[ edit ] Eurocommunism [Edit] Eurocommunism

Beginning around the 1970s, various communist parties in Western Europe, such as the
Partito Comunista Italiano in Italy and the Partido Comunista de España under Santiago
Carillo tried to hew to a more independent line from Moscow. Simula sa paligid ng
1970s, iba't-ibang mga partido komunista sa Kanlurang Europa, tulad ng Partito
Comunista Italiano sa Italya at ang mga Partido Comunista de España sa ilalim ng
Santiago Carillo tried sa tabtaban sa isang mas malayang linya mula sa Moscow.
Particularly in Italy, they leaned on the theories of Antonio Gramsci , despite the fact that
Gramsci happened to consider himself an orthodox Marxist-Leninist. Lalo na sa Italya,
sila leaned sa theories ng Antonio Gramsci, sa kabila ng ang katunayan na ang Gramsci
nangyari upang isaalang-alang ang kanyang sarili ayon sa kaugalian ng isang Marxist-
Leninist. This trend went by the name Eurocommunism . Lakad na ito ay nagpunta sa
pamamagitan ng pangalan ng Eurocommunism.

[ edit ] Anti-revisionism [Edit] Anti-rebisyonismo

There are many proponents of Marxist-Leninism who rejected the theses of Khrushchev,
particularly Marxists of the Third World . [ citation needed ] They believed that Khrushchev was
unacceptably altering or "revising" the fundamental tenets of Marxism-Leninism, a stance
from which the label "anti-revisionist" is derived. Maraming mga proponents ng Marxist-
Leninism na tumanggi sa theses ng Khrushchev, lalo na Marxists ng Third World. [Banggit
Sila ay naniniwala na Khrushchev ay unacceptably altering o "pagbabago" sa
pangunahing mga tenets ng Marxism-Leninism, isang tindig na kung saan ang label na
"anti-nangangailangan ng pagbabago" ay nagmula. Typically, anti-revisionists refer to
themselves simply as Marxist-Leninists, although they may be referred to externally by
the following epithets. Kadalasan, ang anti-revisionists sumangguni sa kanilang sarili
lamang bilang Marxist-Leninists, bagaman maaaring sila ay isinangguni sa panlabas sa
pamamagitan ng mga sumusunod na epithets.

[ edit ] Maoism [Edit] Maoism

Maoism takes its name from Mao Zedong , the erstwhile leader of the Peoples Republic
of China ; it is the variety of anti-revisionism that took inspiration, and in some cases
received material support, from China, especially during the Mao period. Maoism
tumatagal ang pangalan nito mula sa Mao Zedong, ang erstwhile lider ng Tao Republika
ng Tsina; ito ay ang mga iba't ibang anti-rebisyonismo na nakakuha ng inspirasyon, at sa
ilang mga kaso na natanggap ng materyal na suporta, mula sa Tsina, lalo na sa panahon
Mao. There are several key concepts that were developed by Mao. Mayroong ilang mga
key concepts na binuo ng Mao. First, Mao concurred with Stalin that not only does class
struggle continue under the dictatorship of the proletariat , it actually accelerates as long
as gains are being made by the proletariat at the expense of the disenfranchised
bourgeoisie. Una, Mao concurred sa Stalin na hindi lamang ang labanan ng mga klase
magpatuloy sa ilalim ng diktadura ng proletariat, ito ang tunay na accelerates hangga't
natamo ay ginawa ng proletariat sa kapinsalaan ng disenfranchised bourgeoisie. Second,
Mao developed a strategy for revolution called Prolonged People's War in what he termed
the semi-feudal countries of the Third World. Ikalawa, Mao nakabuo ng isang
pamamaraan para sa rebolusyon na tinatawag na matagal Digmaang People's sa kung ano
siya termed ang semi-pyudal na bansa sa Ikatlong Mundo. Prolonged People's War relied
heavily on the peasantry. Matagal People's War relied mabigat sa mga magbubukid.
Third, Mao wrote many theoretical articles on epistemology and dialectics, which he
called contradictions . Ikatlo, Mao wrote maraming manilay-nilay articles sa
Epistemology at dyalektika, na kung saan siya tinatawag na contradictions.

[ edit ] Hoxhaism [Edit] Hoxhaism

Hoxhaism , so named because the central contribution of Albanian statesman Enver
Hoxha , was closely aligned with China for a number of years, but grew critical of
Maoism because of the so-called Three Worlds Theory put forth by elements within the
Communist Party of China and because it viewed the actions of Chinese leader Deng
Xiaoping unfavorably. Hoxhaism, kaya pinangalanan dahil sa ang sentral na kontribusyon
ng Albanian estadista Enver Hoxha, ay malapit na hile-hilera sa Tsina para sa isang
bilang ng mga taon, ngunit ang mga kritikal na lumago ng Maoism dahil sa mga
tinatawag na Three daigdig teorya tumubo sa pamamagitan ng mga elemento sa loob ng
Partido Komunista ng Tsina at dahil ito na tiningnan ang mga aksyon ng mga Intsik lider
Deng Xiaoping unfavorably. Ultimately, however, Hoxhaism as a trend came to the
understanding that Socialism had never existed in China at all. Bandang huli, gayunman,
Hoxhaism bilang isang lakad ay dumating sa pag-unawa na ang sosyalismo ay hindi na
umiiral sa Tsina sa lahat.

[ edit ] Trotskyism [Edit] Trotskyism

Main article: Trotskyism Pangunahing artikulo: Trotskyism

Trotskyism is the usual term for followers of the ideas of Russian Marxist Leon Trotsky .
Trotskyism ay ang karaniwang kataga para sa mga tagasunod ang mga ideya ng mga
Ruso Marxist Leon Trotsky. Trotsky was a contemporary of Lenin from the early years of
the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party , where he led a small trend in competition
with both Lenin's Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks ; nevertheless Trotsky's followers claim
to be the heirs of Lenin in the same way that mainstream Marxist-Leninists do, hence the
preferred self-designation amongst Trotskyists of Bolshevik-Leninists . Trotsky ay isang
kapanahon ng Lenin mula sa unang taon ng Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, kung
saan siya ang nanguna sa isang maliit na kalakaran sa competition na may parehong
Lenin's Bolsheviks at ang mga Mensheviks; gayunpaman Trotsky's tagasunod paghahabol
upang maging tagapagmana ng Lenin sa parehong paraan na ang pangunahing Marxist-
Leninists gawin, kaya ang ginustong pag-tawag sa gitna ng Trotskyists ng Bolshevik-
Leninists. There are several distinguishing characteristics of this school of thought;
foremost is the theory of Permanent Revolution . Mayroong ilang mga tumutukoy na mga
katangian ng mga paaralang ito ng pag-iisip; nangunguna sa lahat ay ang teorya ng
Permanent Revolution. This stated that in less-developed countries the bourgeoisie were
too weak to lead their own 'bourgeois-democratic' revolutions. Ito ay nakasaad na sa mas-
umunlad na bansa ang bourgeoisie ay masyadong mahina sa humantong ang kanilang
sariling 'burges-demokratikong' revolutions. Due to this weakness, it fell to the proletariat
to carry out the bourgeois revolution. Dahil sa mga ito kahinaan, ito ay nahulog sa
proletariat upang tuparin ang mga burges rebolusyon. However, with power in its hands
the proletariat would then continue this revolution (permanently), thus transforming it
from a bourgeois to a socialist revolution, and from a national to an international
revolution. Subalit, may kapangyarihan sa kanyang mga kamay proletariat ay pagkatapos
ay magpatuloy na ito rebolusyon (ng tuluyan), kaya transforming ito mula sa isang burges
sa isang sosyalista rebolusyon, at mula sa isang bansa sa isang internasyunal na
Another shared characteristic between Trotskyists is a variety of theoretical justifications
for their negative appraisal of the post-Lenin Soviet Union; that is to say, after Trotsky
was expelled by a majority vote from the CPSU [ 18 ] and subsequently from the Soviet
Union. Isa pang mga shared katangian sa pagitan ng Trotskyists ay isang uri ng manilay-
nilay justifications para sa kanilang mga negatibong tasa ng post-Lenin Unyong Sobyet;
na sabihin, pagkatapos Trotsky ay pinatalsik sa pamamagitan ng mayorya ng isang boto
mula sa CPSU [18] at sa dakong huli mula sa Unyong Sobyet. As a consequence, Trotsky
defined the Soviet Union under Stalin, as a planned economy ruled over by a bureaucratic
caste. Bilang isang resulta, Trotsky na tinukoy ng Union Sobyet sa ilalim ng Stalin,
bilang isang nakaplanong ekonomiya pinasiyahan sa pamamagitan ng isang bureaucratic
kasta. In The Revolution Betrayed , Trotsky advocated for the position of a political
overthrow against the majority around Stalin lest a capitalist counterrevolution were to
take place in the USSR. Sa The Revolution Betrayed, Trotsky advocated para sa posisyon
ng isang pulitikal na pagbagsak ng kapangyarihan laban sa karamihan sa paligid ng Stalin
baka isang kapitalista ay kontrahimagsik na kumuha ng lugar sa USSR.

[ edit ] Western Marxism [Edit] Western Marxism

Main article: Western Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: Western Marxism

Western Marxism is a term used to describe a wide variety of Marxist theoreticians based
in Western and Central Europe (and more recently North America ), in contrast with
philosophy in the Soviet Union , the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or the
People's Republic of China . Western Marxism ay isang katawagan na ginagamit upang
ilarawan ang iba't ibang uri ng Marxist theoreticians base sa Kanluran at Gitnang Europa
(at mas kamakailan-lamang na North America), sa mga kaibahan sa mga pilosopiya sa
Unyong Sobyet, ang Sosyalista Pederal na Republika ng Yugoslavia o ng People's
Republic of China.

[ edit ] Structural Marxism [Edit] estruktural Marxism

Main article: Structural Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: Marxism sa pagkakayari

Structural Marxism is an approach to Marxism based on structuralism , primarily

associated with the work of the French theorist Louis Althusser and his students.
Pagkakayari Marxism ay isang paraan ng Marxism base sa structuralism, lalo na kaugnay
sa mga gawain ng mga Pranses teoriko Louis Althusser at ang kanyang mga mag-aaral. It
was influential in France during the late 1960s and 1970s, and also came to influence
philosophers, political theorists and sociologists outside of France during the 1970s. Ito
ay impluwensiya sa Pransya sa panahon ng late 1960s at 1970s, at din ang dumating sa
impluwensiya philosophers, pampulitika theorists at sociologists sa labas ng Pransya sa
panahon ng 1970s.

[ edit ] Neo-Marxism [Edit] Neo-Marxism

Main article: Neo-Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: Neo-Marxism

Neo-Marxism is a school of Marxism that began in the 20th century and hearkened back
to the early writings of Marx , before the influence of Engels , which focused on
dialectical idealism rather than dialectical materialism . Neo-Marxism ay isang paaralan
ng Marxism na nagsimula sa ika-20 siglo at hearkened pabalik sa maagang Writings ng
Marx, bago ang impluwensiya ng Engels, na nakatutok sa dyalektiko idealismo sa halip
na dyalektiko materyalismo. It thus rejected economic determinism being instead far
more libertarian . Ito kaya tinanggihan pang-ekonomiya determinismo pagiging malayo
sa halip mas libertarian. Neo-Marxism adds Max Weber 's broader understanding of
social inequality , such as status and power , to orthodox Marxist thought. Neo-Marxism
ay nagdadagdag ng Max Weber 's mas malawak na pang-unawa ng lipunan hindi
pagkakapareho, tulad ng katayuan at kapangyarihan, upang kinikilala Marxist-iisip.

[ edit ] The Frankfurt School [Edit] Ang Frankfurt School

Main article: Frankfurt School Pangunahing artikulo: Frankfurt School

The Frankfurt School is a school of neo-Marxist social theory , social research , and
philosophy . Ang Frankfurt School ay isang paaralan ng mga neo-Marxist theory
panlipunan, panlipunang pananaliksik, at pilosopiya. The grouping emerged at the
Institute for Social Research ( Institut für Sozialforschung ) of the University of Frankfurt
am Main in Germany. Pagpangkat Ang lumitaw sa Institute para sa Social Research
(Institut für Sozialforschung) ng Unibersidad ng Frankfurt am Main sa Germany. The
term "Frankfurt School" is an informal term used to designate the thinkers affiliated with
the Institute for Social Research or influenced by them: it is not the title of any
institution, and the main thinkers of the Frankfurt School did not use the term to describe
themselves. Ang terminong "Frankfurt School" ay isang impormal na kataga na ginamit
upang maitalaga ang thinkers na kaanib sa ang Institute para sa Social Research o
naaapektuhan sa pamamagitan ng mga ito: hindi ito ang pamagat ng anumang
institusyon, at ang pangunahing thinkers ng Frankfurt School ay hindi gamitin ang mga
kataga sa ilarawan ang kanilang sarili.

The Frankfurt School gathered together dissident Marxists, severe critics of capitalism
who believed that some of Marx 's alleged followers had come to parrot a narrow
selection of Marx's ideas, usually in defense of orthodox communist or social democratic
parties. Ang Frankfurt School tipunin magkasama dissident Marxists, malubhang critics
ng kapitalismo na naniniwala na ang ilan sa Marx 's di-umano'y mga tagasunod ay
dumating sa loro sa isang makipot na pagpili ng mga Marx ang ideya, kadalasan sa
pagtatanggol ng kinikilala komunista o sosyal demokratikong partido. Influenced
especially by the failure of working-class revolutions in Western Europe after World War
I and by the rise of Nazism in an economically, technologically, and culturally advanced
nation (Germany), they took up the task of choosing what parts of Marx's thought might
serve to clarify social conditions which Marx himself had never seen. Naaapektuhan lalo
na sa pamamagitan ng kabiguan ng pag-uri revolutions sa Kanlurang Europa matapos ang
Unang Digmaang Pandaigdig at sa alsa ng Nasismo sa isang matipid, technologically, at
kultura advanced na bansa (Alemanya), kinuha nila ang mga gawain ng pagpili kung ano
ang mga bahagi ng Marx's Baka magustuhan maglingkod na linawin panlipunang mga
kondisyon kung saan Marx ang kanyang sarili hindi nakita. They drew on other schools
of thought to fill in Marx's perceived omissions. Sila Drew sa iba pang mga paaralan ng
pag-iisip upang punan sa Marx's perceived omissions.

Max Weber exerted a major influence, as did Sigmund Freud (as in Herbert Marcuse 's
Freudo-Marxist synthesis in the 1954 work Eros and Civilization ). Max Weber exerted
isang malaking impluwensya, gaya ng sinabi Sigmund Freud (tulad ng sa Herbert
Marcuse 's Freudo-Marxist pagbubuo sa 1,954 seks trabaho at kabihasnan). Their
emphasis on the "critical" component of theory was derived significantly from their
attempt to overcome the limits of positivism , crude materialism , and phenomenology by
returning to Kant 's critical philosophy and its successors in German idealism ,
principally Hegel 's philosophy, with its emphasis on negation and contradiction as
inherent properties of reality . Ang kanilang mga diin sa "kritikal" bahagi ng teorya ay
nagmula sa malaki mula sa kanilang mga pagtatangka upang igpawan ang limitasyon ng
positibismo, krudo materyalismo, at Penomenolohiya sa pamamagitan ng pagbabalik sa
Kant 's kritikal na pilosopiya at ang kanyang mga successors sa Aleman idealismo,
lalung-lalo na Hegel' s pilosopiya, na may diin nito sa pagsang-ayon at pagsalungat sa
likas-aari ng katotohanan.

[ edit ] Cultural Marxism [Edit] Cultural Marxism

Main article: Cultural Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: Kultura Marxism

Cultural Marxism is a form of Marxism that adds a critical theory based Marxist analysis
of the role of the media, art, theatre, film and other cultural institutions in a society, often
with an added emphasis on race and gender in addition to class. Cultural Marxism ay
isang anyo ng Marxism na nagdadagdag ng isang kritikal na mga teorya base Marxist
analysis ng papel na ginagampanan ng media, sining, teatro, pelikula at iba pang kultural
na institusyon sa isang lipunan, malimit na may dagdag na pagdiin sa lahi at kasarian sa
karagdagan sa klase. As a form of political analysis, Cultural Marxism gained strength in
the 1920s, and was the model used by the Frankfurt School at Columbia University ; and
later by another group of intellectuals at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at
the University of Birmingham , England. Bilang isang porma ng pampulitikang pagtatasa,
Cultural Marxism nagkamit ng lakas sa 1920s, at ang modelo na ginamit ng Frankfurt
School sa Columbia University, at mamaya sa pamamagitan ng isa pang grupo ng mga
intellectuals sa Centre para sa Contemporary Cultural Studies sa University of
Birmingham, England.

[ edit ] Autonomist Marxism [Edit] Autonomist Marxism

Main article: Autonomism Pangunahing artikulo: Autonomism

Autonomism is a term applied to a variety of social movements around the world, which
emphasizes the ability to organize in autonomous and horizontal networks, as opposed to
hierarchical structures such as unions or parties. Autonomism ay isang salitang ginagamit
sa iba't-ibang uri ng panlipunang kilusan sa buong mundo, na kung saan emphasizes ang
kakayahan upang maisaayos sa nagsasarili at horizontal mga network, bukod sa
hierarchical istruktura tulad ng mga unyon o partido. Autonomist Marxists, including
Harry Cleaver , broaden the definition of the working-class to include salaried and unpaid
labour, such as skilled professions and housework; it focuses on the working class in
advanced capitalist states as the primary force of change in the construct of capital.
Autonomist Marxists, kasama na ang Harry puthaw, palawakin ang kahulugan ng pag-uri
na isama ang salaried at hindi bayad na mga bisig, tulad ng mga dalubhasa propesyon at
gawaing-bahay; ito ay nakatutok sa klase ng trabaho sa mga advanced na kapitalista
estado bilang pangunahing puwersa ng pagbabago sa ang yumari ng kapital . Modern
autonomist theorists such as Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt argue that network power
constructs are the most effective methods of organization against the neoliberal regime of
accumulation, and predict a massive shift in the dynamics of capital into a 21st Century
Empire . Modern autonomist theorists tulad ng Antonio Negri at Michael Hardt
magtaltalan na ang network ng kapangyarihan constructs ang mga pinaka-epektibong
paraan ng organisasyon laban sa neoliberal rehimen ng akumulasyon, at hulaan ang isang
napakalaking paglilipat sa dinamika ng kapital sa isang 21st Century Empire.

[ edit ] Analytical Marxism [Edit] Analytical Marxism

Main article: Analytical Marxism Pangunahing artikulo: Analytical Marxism

Analytical Marxism refers to a style of thinking about Marxism that was prominent
amongst a half-dozen analytically trained English-speaking philosophers and social
scientists during the 1980s. Analytical Marxism ay tumutukoy sa isang estilo ng pag-iisip
tungkol sa Marxism na noon ay kitang-kita sa gitna ng kalahating dosenang analytically
sanay na marunong mag-Ingles philosophers at panlipunang siyentipiko sa panahon ng
1980s. It was mainly associated with the September Group of academics, so called
because they have biennial meetings in varying locations every other September to
discuss common interests. Ito ay higit sa lahat na may kaugnayan sa Septiyembre Group
ng akademya, kaya tinatawag na dahil mayroon silang biennial pagpupulong sa iba-ibang
lokasyon sa bawat ibang Septyembre hanggang sa karaniwang pag-usapan ang mga
interes. The group also dubbed itself "Non-Bullshit Marxism" (Cohen 2000a). Ang grupo
na rin ang sarili dubbed "Non-kalokohan Marxism" (Cohen 2000a). It was characterized,
in the words of David Miller , by "clear and rigorous thinking about questions that are
usually blanketed by ideological fog". Ito ay characterized, sa salita ng David Miller, sa
pamamagitan ng "malinaw at mahigpit na pag-iisip tungkol sa mga tanong na kadalasang
blanketed sa pamamagitan ng ideological fog". (Miller 1994) (Miller 1994)

[ edit ] Marxist humanism [Edit] Marxist humanism

Main article: Marxist humanism Pangunahing artikulo: Marxist humanism

Marxist humanism is a branch of Marxism that primarily focuses on Marx's earlier

writings , especially the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 in which Marx
develops his theory of alienation , as opposed to his later works, which are considered to
be concerned more with his structural conception of capitalist society . Marxist
humanism ay isang sangay ng Marxism na lalo na nakatutok sa Marx's Writings mas
maaga, lalo na sa ekonomiya at pilosopiko Manuscripts ng 1,844 kung saan Marx
develops kanyang teorya ng alienation, bukod sa kanyang mamaya gawa, na kung saan
ay itinuturing na mas nag-aalala sa kanyang mga kuru-kuro sa pagkakayari ng mga
kapitalista sa lipunan. It was opposed by Louis Althusser 's " antihumanism ", who
qualified it as a revisionist movement. Ito ay sumasalungat sa pamamagitan ng Louis
Althusser 's "antihumanism", na qualified na ito bilang isang nangangailangan ng
pagbabago paggalaw.

Marxist humanists contend that 'Marxism' developed lopsided because Marx's early
works were unknown until after the orthodox ideas were in vogue – the Manuscripts of
1844 were published only in 1932 – and it is necessary to understand Marx's
philosophical foundations to understand his latter works properly. Marxist humanists
makipaglaban na ang 'Marxism' binuo hindi timbang dahil Marx ay maaga mga gawa ay
hindi alam na hanggang matapos ang kinikilala ng mga ideya ay sa popularidad - ang
Manuscripts ng 1,844 ay nai-publish lamang sa 1,932 - at ito ay kinakailangan upang
maunawaan Marx's pilosopiko pundasyon upang maunawaan ang kanyang huli ay
gumagana ng maayos.

Bibliography of Working Class Literature Children's Literature

It is the aim of these pages to contribute to a
Selected abstracts from books that we cannot contemporary communist theory of teaching
publish because of the backward laws of and child-rearing.
copyrights, but works that are very important • Bibliographies
additions to working class literature. • Texts and Illustrations
• Resources and References
Henrik Ibsen Debate Women and Marxism Archive
Four plays by Henrik Ibsen, translated by Fiction and poety written by women on the
Eleanor Marx. working class, women's issues, and Marxism.
Encyclopedia of Trotskyism Utopia
Utopian writings, including satirical and
Trotskyism in Literature
dystopian novels and science fiction.


Ascetic's Song
Brown Africa Louis Aragon
Humanity in Search of Itself Hymn 1934
Nepal-Amerika Express Remembrance 1954
Red 'Terrorist' Answers White Terrorist
Intro to Ahuti (Remembering Parijat)
Edward Bellamy Bertolt Brecht
Looking Backward From 2000 to 1887 Questions From a Worker Who Reads
Otto Rene Castillo Conolly Archive
Apolitical Intellectuals The Rebel Song, 1903
Satisfaction We Only Want the Earth, 1907
Before the Scales, Tomorrow Love of Freedom, 1915
Alexandra Kollontai Archive
Jack London (1876-1916)
Red Love, 1927
The Iron Heel
A Great Love, 1929
Revolution, short stories
Sisters, 1929
The Scab (Speech)
The Loves of Three Generations, 1929
John MacLean Archive
Marx & Engels
John MacLean March, by Hamish
Marx and Engels’ Early Literary
Ballad of John MacLean, by Matt McGinn
Mao Tse-tung
Yellow Crane Tower, 1927
The Double Ninth, 1929 Vladimir Mayakovsky
New Year's Day, 1930 Collection of Poems by the Bolshevik Poet
The Long March, 1935
Snow, 1936
Andre Gorz Jean-Patrick Manchette
Destroy the University, 1970 Nada (excerpts), 1972
John Reed
Mac-American (fictional short story), 1914 George Bernard Shaw
Love at Sea (poem), 1916 An Unsocial Socialist, 1883
A Daughter of the Revolution, 1925
Upton Sinclair H.G. Wells
The Jungle The Time Machine, 1895
Maxim Gorky
1901: Song of the Stormy Petrel Nâzim Hikmet Ran
1906: Mother Turkish Communist Poet.,
Creatures That Once Were Men
Cesar Vallejo (1892-1938)
The Black Messengers
Paris, 1936 Daniel Viglietti (1939-)
To My Brother Miguel in Memoriam
Black Stone on Top of a White Stone
Poems to be Read and Sung
Our Daily Bread
Phil Ochs (1940-1976)