CHAPTER Organizational
Control
Structure1
AMIT AI ETZIONI
Columbia University
Organizational control structure is a dis-
tribution of means used by an organization
to elicit the performances it needs and to
check whether the quantities and qualities
of such performances are in accord with
organizational specifications. The means
used differ in their availability to the or-
ganization and in the performances they
elicit as judged by serviceto organizational
goals and needs.
All social units have a structure and
control their members, but organizations
have a distinct structure, and their problem
of control is especiallyacute. Organizations
are social units that servespecific purposes.
They are planned, deliberately structured,
constantly and self-consciouslyreviewing
their performances,and restructuring them-
selvesaccordingly. In this sense,organiza-
tions are unlike natural social units, such
as the family, ethnic group, or community.
The deliberate structure of organizations,
their intensive concern with performance
as well as their tendencyto be considerably
larger than natural units, make informal
control insufficient and primary identifica-
1 For earlier discussion of this subject by the author.
see Etzioni (1961).
650
IS
tion inadequate. Hence, organizations re-
quire formally institutionalized allocation
of rewards and penalties to enhancecom-
pliance with their norms, regulations,and
orders (Blau & Scott, 1962; Blau, 1955).
Most organizations most of the time can-
not rely on most of their participants to
carry out their assignmentsvoluntarily, to
have internalized their obligations. The
participants need to be supervised,the su-
pervisors themselvesneed supervision,and
so on, all the way to the top of the organi-
zation. In this sense,the organizational
structure is one of control, and the hier-
archy of control is the most central element
of the organizational structure (Parsons,
1956).
In order that the allocation of organiza-
tional meansfulfill its control function, allo-
cation has to be differentiated so that per-
formances desired by organizational norms
are rewarded, while undesired ones are
punished. The allocation of means by the
organization independent of performances,
such as rewarding people for being native
rather than foreign or male rather than fe-
male, does not directly enhance organiza-
tional control.
 ORGANIZAllONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
The means distributed among various
organizational positions for control pur-
poses can be exhaustively classified into
three analytical categories: physical, ma-
terial, and symbolic. The use of a gun, a
whip, or a lock is physical in the sensethat
it affects the body; the threat to use physi-
cal meansis viewed as physicalbecausethe
effect on the subjectis similar to that of the
actual use of such means. The application
of physical means for control purposesis
referred to as coercivepower.
Material rewards consist of goods and
services.The granting of symbols which
allow one to acquire goods and services,
e.g., a check, is classified as material be-
causethe effect on the recipient is similar
to that of the actual granting of material
means.The use of material meansfor con-
trol purposes is referred to as utilitarian
power.
Symbols whose use does not constitute
a physical threat or grant material rewards
are pure symbols.These include symbolsof
prestigeand esteemas well as those of love
and acceptance.When physical contact is
used to symbolize love or material objects
to symbolize prestige,theseacts or objects
are viewed as symbols becausetheir effect
on the recipient is similar to that of pure
symbols. The use of symbols for control
purposesis referred to as identitive power
(i.e., the power derived from the ability to
make people identify). ldentitive power is
exercisedby those in higher ranks to con-
trol the lower ranks directly or indirectly,
as when the higher in rank use an individ-
ual's identification with his peer group to
control him, as a teacher might do in a
classroom.
The use of various kinds of means for
control purposes-power, in short-has
different consequencesin terms of the na-
ture of the discipline elicited. All other
things being equal, the use of coercive
power, at least in most cultures, is more
alienating to those subjectto it than is the
use of utilitarian power, and the use of
utilitarian power is more alienating than
65]
the use of identitive power. Or, to put it
the other way around, identitive power
tends to generate more commitment than
utilitarian, and utilitarian more than coer-
cive (Banfield, 1958). In other words, the
application of symbolic means of control
tends to convince people, that of material
means tends to build up their self-oriented
interests in conforming, and the use of
physical means forces them to comply (as
when a lock makes an inmate stay
indoors).
Organizations usually use more than one
kind of power. The powers used are struc-
turally differentiated, i.e., different means
of control are applied according to the
ranks of the participants controlled. Most
organizations use less alienating means to
control their higher than their lower
ranks. For instance, coercive power is ap-
plied as a rule only to lower-ranking par-
ticipants. Higher-ranking participants are
more often rewarded materially. In cases
where combined modes of control are used,
the higher ranks are repeatedly "warned,"
i.e., a mode of persuasion is employed first,
while lower ranks are not warned or will
be warned less often, before a fine or other
nonsymbolic punishment is imposed. In
making comparative observations, it is es-
sential to specify if one compares partici-
pants of the same rank in different kinds of
organizations, different ranks within the
same organization, or is taking both factors
into account. Otherwise, one might not be
able to tell if the findings differ because of
differences in rank, in the nature of the
organizations, or in both.
Comparison of the control structure of
different organizations, especially of the
power employed by those higher in rank
to control those lower in rank, yields a
fruitful way of comparing organizations in
that differences in structure are associated
with differences with regard to numerous
other factors (Etzioni, 1961a). Control of
lower participants might be predominantly
coercive, utilitarian, or identitive. Amongorganizations
which have the same general
 652 AMIT AI ETZIONI

control structure, there are still differences the legitimate use of coercive
in the degree to which the predominant power and is reluctant to delegateit. More-
power is applied. Listing organizations over, such a license, when awarded,usually
from high to low according to the degree limits the use of coercion (most contem-
to which coercion is predominant yields porary American prisons can lock the in-mates
the following list: concentration camps, up but not whip them legitimately)
prisons, traditional correctional institutions, and specifiesthe conditions under which
custodial mental hospitals,and prisoner-of- coercion can be exercised.Utilitarian con-
war camps. Ordering organizations from trols are affectedby the generalstate of the
high to low according to the degree to market and the specific market position of
which utilitarian power is predominant,one an organization. A factory in a poor eco-
finds blue-collar organizations such as fac- nomic state usually finds it more difficult
tories; white-collar organizations such as to raise wages than one in a stronger po-
insurance companies,banks, and the civil sition. Depressionsand inflations also affect
service; and peacetime military organiza- the ability of an organization to apply
tions. ldentitive power is predominant in utilitarian power. The environmental con-
the following: religious organizations, ditions affecting an organization's identi-
ideological-political organizations; colleges tive power are less clear. The presenceor
and universities, voluntary associations; absenceof competitive organizations seems
schools; and therapeutic mental hospitals. to be important; the identitive power of a
Not all organizations have one predomi- church is greater in countries in which it
nant control structure. There are, for in- representsthe only major religion than in
stance,labor unions of all the three analyt- countrieswhere it must competewith other
ical categories; some labor unions rely religious organizations and, in partic-
heavily on coercive power to control the ular, with strong secular ideological
lower-ranking participants,like those which organizations.
resort to "underworld" organizational For colleges,the environmental sourceof
methods (Bell, 1954); there are "business" income is a significant factor in determin-
unions in which control is largely basedon ing the standards which it can maintain
the ability of the representativesto "deliver in selecting its applicants. Tax-supported
the goods," i,e., to secure wage increases colleges under special obligation to local
and other material benefits (Kerr, 1954; students cannot draw from as widely di-
Ross,1948;Sayles& Strauss,1953,pp. 43ff.; verse a population as can other schools,
Turner, 1957); there are identitive unions which in turn affects their quality. A study
in which control is built upon manipula- by Rogoff and Mitchell (1957) shows that
tion of ideological symbols, such as identi- "the more diverse and geographicallyscat::
fication with a socialist ideology (Hoxie, tered the applicantsto a college,the higher
1917; Saposs,1926;Tagliacozzo & Seidman, is their aptitude level" (see Table I).
1956); and there are identitive socialunions For a national voluntary health associa-
in which the comm\1nity of workers is the tion, such as the National Foundation for
focus of identification, and it is led to apply Infantile Paralysis, the environment of a
informal pressureson members to follow local chapter largely affects the achieve-
the regulations and instructions of the or- ment of that chapter in fund-raising. It
depends not so much on competition or
ganization (Allen, 1954).
Among the many factors which affect the lack of it from other voluntary associa-
organizational structure of control, the or- tions, since its purpose is to serve needs
ganizational environment looms large. To created by a specific disease; if depends
apply coercion,an organization needssocial largely on the incidence of polio casesin
license (Hughes, 1958,p. 78). The state its area and family income (which could

monopolizes
 ORGANIZA110NAL CONTROL STRUCTURE 653

TABLE I

GEOGRAPHJCAL CoNCENTRATJON OF ApPLJCANTS TO COLLEGES CLASSJFJED BY

MEDJAN SAT SCORES

6,0 or over
5.O--S'93.0-4.92.9

or under

Number of colleges
From Rogoff & Mitchell, 1957,p. 67.
aThe higher the ratio, the more local in origin are the applicants.

reflect not only the ability to contribute
but also indicate the amount of leisure
time and the service-mindednessof the
population). (SeeTable 2.)
In the case of the League of Women
Voters, competition seemsto be favorable
to the organization. In a study of 100locals
of the League, the amount of conflict with
other community organizations proved to
be positively related to organizational ef-
fectiveness as rated by informed judges,
including national and stateleaders (Kahn,
Tannenbaum, Weiss et al., 1956).
In addition to economic factors, the en-
vironment affects the organizational struc-
ture through political channels. Although
most states have legal devices and long-
establishedcustomsto assurethe autonomy
of collegeand university administratorsand
faculties, there are usually strong ties be-
tween trusteeshipsof theseinstitutions andthe
dominant political organizations of thestate
(Barton, 1961,p. 27).
The effect of the environment on an or-
ganization is in part determined by the
nature of the organization, i.e., the same
environment has more effect on some,e.g.,
"weak" organizations, than on others.As
Lazarsfeld and Thielens (1958) haveshown,
legislators and politicians more

TABLE 2

PER CENT OF POLIO CHAPTERS RAISING OVER 34 CENTS PER CAPITA

Median Family
Income of Incidence Rate of Countya
County High Medium Low
High 57% 54%
253 384 83
Medium 35% 25%
298
Low 29% 4% 3%
54
From Sills, 1957,p. 194. Reprinted by permission of the Free Press of Glencoe.
aFigures to lower right of"percentages indicate total number of counties on which percentages
are based.

484
793
406
Polio
3I~
 654 AMIT AI ETZIONI
frequently exert pressureon public than on
private, and on Protestantthan on Catholic,
colleges.The community's effect seemsto
vary less from one collegetype to another,
while alumni seem to affect larger more
than smaller colleges.It is not the purpose
here to explore the significance of these
specific differences but to emphasize that
the same environment has different effects
on different types of organizations.
Other environmental factors affecting the
participants' response to the organization
and its means of control include their so-
cial and cultural backgrounds and the
makeup of their personalities. (Personali-
ties are environmental to the organization
to the degree that they are "given" to it in
a predetermined way by the environment.
This holds, of course,much more for some
organizations, e.g., a home for the aged,
than for others, e.g., a school, and hence
is itself treated as a variable.) For instance,
the same exercise of coercive power-a
teacher slapping a student-would elicit a
more critical responsein a "modern" than
in a "traditional" parent, in contemporary
America than in the America of two gen-
erationsago, in Canadathan in Nigeria, in
an aggressivethan in a submissiveperson.
However, when all these environmental
factors are held constant, the more identi-
tive the power used, the less alienating the
exo/cise of control, and the more coercive
the power, the more alienating the exercise
of control. Utilitarian power rarely elicits
as alienating a responseas coercivepower,
but it rarely generatesas much commit-
ment as identitive power. A senseof iden-
tification, associated with symbolic rather
TABLE 3
RELATION OF ATTITUDE TOWARD COMPANY AND PRODUCTIVITY
Percentageof Employees Whose Satisfaction with Company Is:
High
sectionsLow-producing
sections
From Katz, Maccoby,& Morse,195°,p. 53.
Average
High-producing
than material rewardsand with a high level
of satisfaction,seemsnot to be a necessaryprerequis
of productive factories,as the
data in Table 3 suggest.To state this hy-
pothesismore concretely,peoplein a factory
rarely feel as alienated as those in a prison
or as committed as those in a church.
A central finding of the comparative
analysis of organizations is that organiza-
tions which differ in the kinds of power
they apply and in the alienation or com-
mitment they generatediffer also, in many
significant ways, in other aspectsof their
organizationa~str.ucture.The c~apterturns
now to examme m a comparative way sev-
eral of thesecorrelates.
A METHODOLOGICAL DIGRESSION
In the following pages, much space is
devoted to present data relevant to the
propositions outlined. These data do not
prove anyone of thesepropositions,nor are
they intended to. Much of the data is of
the descriptive-qualitative kind, which
hardly can prove a proposition even under
the best of circumstances.Moreover, since
they have beencollectedfor other purposes,
and are used here for "secondaryanalysis,"
they rarely coverexactly the variablesstud-
ied in this chapter or use the indicators
one would like to be used. The material
thus serves only to illustrate the more ab-
stract statementsmade and to suggestthe
general kind of indicators one could use to
study the propositionshere forwarded. The
unevennessof the data representsin part
the unevennessof the studies in the field.
Although no attempt was made here to ex-
Low
37%4°%
 ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
655
haust all the data available,the fact is thatthere
least able to perform are not admitted, the
is much more material on some oftheaverageperformanceincreasesmarkedly.
subjectsdiscussedthan on others. The degree to which an organization
selects its participants affects its control
STRUCTURE, SELECTION, AND needs in terms of the amount of resources
SOCIALIZATION and effort that must be invested to main-
tain the level of control considered ade-
The organization is concerned with in- quate. This relationship varies in the three
suring that certain performancesare carried kinds of organizational structures which
out. If the organization could recruit indi- have been distinguished according to the
viduals who would perform as required kinds of control applied. Coercive organi-
automatically or could educate its partici- zations are the least selective, accepting
pants so they would perform adequately practically everyone sent to them by ex-
without supervision, there would be no ternal agenciessuch as the courts and ttte
need for a structure of control. Although police. When, however,efforts are made to
this is never the case,there are significant reduce coercionand to increasethe use of
differences in the degree to which control other means of control, as when a rehabili-
is neededin organizations becauseof differ- tation program is tried in a prison, or a
ences in the degree of selection and of therapeutic program is launched in a cus-
socialization. todial mental hospital, one of the first
The importance of selection needs to be stepstaken is to reselectthe inmates and to
specially stressed because the prevailing increase the selectivity of prospectiveones.
tradition in the social sciencestends to The excellent achievementsof the Cali-
underplay its importance and to stressthat fornia Institute for Men are in part, maybe
of socialization. A National Education As- even mainly, determined by the better
sociation pamphlet, in a summary of edu- methods used by the personnel of this in-
cational research efforts, notes that in stitute. But treatment and its results could
attempts to measure"actual educationalre- not but be affected,at leastto somedegree,
sults researchers generally restrict them- by the fact that the inmates who were ini-
selves to achievement tests." One of the tially committed to this prison were se-
two difficulties noted is that proper account lected from a large number of prisons for
may not be taken of the learning capacity their potential ability to respond to such
of students selected by educational insti- a minimum security program (Scudder,
tutions (National Education Association. 1954,pp. 79-87).
1959). Actually, various studies indicate Utilitarian organizations, on the other
that a small increase in the selectivity of hand, are highly selective. They tend to
an organization often results in a large employ formal mechanisms to make re-
decreasein the investments required for cruitment of participants as effective as
control. Holland pointed out that "differen- possible.These include examinations, psy-
tial student populations among collegesap- chological tests,and the like (Thorndike &
pear as a more probable explanation of dif- Hagen, 1959).
ferences in productivity [of scientists and Much of the testing serves to select
scholars] than the specialqualities of indi- workers according to relevant criteria, but
vidual institutions" (cited by Clark, 1959). the criteria have not been and are not al-
This is partly the casebecausea high per- ways based on either merit or quality ottraining.
centage of the deviant acts are committed In the period when New England
by a small percentage of the participants;hence, factorieswere "hiring off the dock," newly
if these are screened out, controlneedsarrived Europeansfound themselveswith ajob,
decline sharply. Similarly, if those lodging, and even a new (English)
 656 AMIT AI ETZIONI

name. And the employer, in turn, got a
man whose "peasant soul had not been
besmirched by the Irish heresiesof wages,
hours, and working conditions. Tony
Taylor, Joe Brown, and Chris Cook were
typical recipients of such New England
generosity" (Collins, 1946,p. 66). For some
management positions, selection is made,
even in modern industry, not only on the
basis of loyalty to a "particular organiza-
tion but to the management class and its
culture. In the selection and sponsoring
process ethnic background plays a large
part" (Hughes, 1949,pp. 218-220). But all
other things being equal, the higher the
rank of the participant, the more care-
fully he is selected,and the lesshe is super-
vised once selected.
Identitive organizations vary largely in
their degree of selectivity. Some are ex-
tremely selective-Communist parties, for
instance; other identitive organizations are
highly unselective,like those who almost
automatically accept all the offspring of
their members, such as the Catholic
Church (Moberg, 1962,p. 481). Beckerhas
pointed out that the cult is the most selec-
tive, next comesthe sect,then the denomi-
nation, and finally the church, which is the
leastselectiveof all (1932,pp. 624-628).Pri-
vate schoolsare much more selectiye than
public schools;the Marines are more selec-
tive than the Army. A comparisonof thesL
organizations shows that the more selective
ones tend to be more effective in carrying
out their goalsand more efficient in cost per
unit of output.
Rogoff and Mitchell ( 1957) correlated
the aptitude of studentsacceptedat various
collegesand the quality of the institutions
and found that there was a strong rela-
tionship (Table 4). (The measure of stu-
dent aptitude is an index basedon the ratio
of applicants to the number of freshmen
admitted, Scholastic Aptitude Scores,and
social diversity of students.)
Selection determines the qualities of
participants as they enter the organization;
organizational socialization,when effective,
adapts these qualities to bring them closer

TABLE 4

ORDERING OF COLLEGES BY ApPLICANT INDEX AND BY INDEX OF ATTAINMENT

1
Three 9
Two 8
One 16 ~
Zero
49
Not classifiablec -1
Number of colleges 52
From Rogoff & Mitchell, 1957, p. 87.
aColleges were given a score ranging from 0 through 4. Construction of the index is described
in Appendix D.
bThese colleges, as mentioned earlier, could not be classified on the Applicant Index, the
components of which were based on information concerning applicants who took the Scho-
lastic Aptitude Test. Only Group I colleges require the test of virtually all appicants.
COne or more pieces of information included in the Index of Attainment were not available
for these 13 colleges.

Four
 ORGANIZAll0NAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
to those required for successfulperformance
of organizational roles (Merton, 1957,pp.
287-293; Parsons,1951,p. 205).
In general, the more effective the selec-
tion, the less need for socialization. For
instance, although not necessarily com-
pletely aware of this, medical schools "ful-
fill" many of the premedical education re-
quirements by selectionof studentswho are
relatives of professionals,especiallydoctors.
This means the medical schools receive
students who are already partially social-
ized, who have been introduced to many
of the professionalnorms. Out of a sample
of 498 medical students, 50 per cent had
a relative who was a doctor, and 17 per
cent had a doctor as a parent (Thielens,
1958,p. 156). A study of medical students
showed that there was little change in their
basic normative orientation during their
stay in medical school, when it could be
expected that they would undergo consid-
erable socialization (Caplovitz, 1961; Goss,
1959; Merton, Reader, & Kendall, 1957;
Thielens, 1958,pp. 153-170).Thus, the pro-
cessof selectionleavesmedical schoolswith
less of a job of socializing studentsto their
professionalnorms.
On the other hand, to the extent that
schools have particular characteristicsthey
wish to build ~p-adaptability-for in-
stance, selection of teachers with certain
characteristicsseemsto be one of the best
ways of implementing this wish. In a study
of 43 school systems,the innovative schools
(high on the "adaptability scale") had more
cultured and widely traveled teachers,as
well as teacherswith more teaching experi-
ence and professional teacher training
(Table 5). ! counter to administrative efforts is already
An organization which acceptsevery in-
dividual who wishes to join has to rely
heavily on socialization to produce the de-
sired characteristics in its membership.
Becker has suggestedthat the church de-
pends on socialization, while the sect's se-
lection processis a more careful one (1932,
p. 655).
In general, the more effective socializa-
16
657
TABLE 5
RELATION OF STAFF CHARACTERISTICS TO
ADAPTABILITY OF SCHOOL SYSTEMS
Correlation with
Proportion of Teachers Adaptability of
in SystemWho: System
Own over 150 books 55
Have traveled abroad 57
Have traveled over 500 miles
from home in year
Have five or more years of
professional training .58
Are not of local origin .38
Saw five or more plays in
last year
Have le.ssthan 10 years teaching
expenence --48
From Buley, 1947, PP' 87ff.
tion is, the less the need for supervision.
On the other hand, socializationitself is
affectedby the means of control used,since
some means create a relationship between
higher and lower ranks that is more con-
ducive to effective socializationthan others.
For instance, the organizational socializa-
tion which takes place in the "fish tanks"
of the prison or the mental hospital is of
limited scope and effectiveness;here the
new inmates are supposedly introduced
to the formal regulations and procedures
of the institution by office-holders(Chess-
man, 1956,p. 194;Wilson, 1953,pp. 57-58).
However, alienation between inmates and
prison and mental hospital staff is compara-
tively high (Cloward, 1959,p. 165; Hayner
& Ash, 1939;McCleery, 1956,p. 718; Wein-
berg, 1942).The socializationby old-timers
highly effective at this initial stage of par-
ticipation. Hence, the commonplace that
"correctional institutions are the schools of
crime and prisons its universities." Young
offenders serving more than a year in a
prison are apt to "graduate" in criminal
techniques,indoctrinated with the comple-
mentary values. Organizational socializa-
tion has little chance to succeed in this
658 AMIT AI ETZIONI
hostile environment, created in part by the
application of force by the organization as
a major means of control. Thus, organiza-
tional socialization in coercive organiza-
tions tends to be frustrated, as reflected in
the limited successof therapeutic or re-
habilitation programs. Organizational so-
cialization takes on more significance in
the less coercive organizations. McCleery
noted the difference in emphasisof a pris-
on's socialization techniques in a highly
coercive and a much less coercive period:
In the authoritarian prison, the official process
of admission did little more than reduce the
new inmate to a condition of helpless de-
pendence. The positive work of orientation,
plus a liberal mixture of exploitation, fell to
the informal inmate social system. As long as
that processresulted in the thorough subordi-
nation of the new men, the officials of the
old prison seemed to be satisfied (1956, pp.
631-632).
A shift in prison goals or control struc-
ture to emphasize rehabilitation increased
the exercise of normative power:
One of the first acts of those who represented
the new regime in the administration was to
make the official program more positive. ...
It consisted of lectures delivered to groups of
new men over a period of some weeks after
their admission to the prison. ..(p. 632).
Over time, inmates becameincreasinglyde-
pendent on the formal program, and it was
extended with the cooperationof staff and
inmate leaders. "Provision was made for
testing, vocational guidance, counseling,
charactertraining and group discussionsin
addition to the regular lecture series" (p.
636).
Organizations which rely heavily on
identitive power are the most successfulin
terms of socialization achievements.Mod-
ern schoolsand collegesare a prime exam-
ple (Hartshorne & Froyd, 1945;Newcomb,
1943). The effect of socialization taking
place at the college level is shown in stud-
ies by West and Havemann; controlling
for occupation,there is a consistentdiffer-
ence in views and voluntary activities be-
tween graduates with liberal arts educa-
tions and those with technical education
(Table 6).
Utilitarian organizationstend to delegate
socializationto other organizations,such as
vocational or professional schools,and to
prefer careful selection of socialized per-
sons over the efforts needed for their
socialization. Some industries, however, at-
tain some indirect control over these edu-
cational organizations through financial
contributions and through representatives
on their boards of trustees.(Baltzell, 1958,
p. 293; McGrath, 1936;pp. 259-272;Whyte,
1957,pp. 111-120).
It is important to note that socializa-
tion and selection can partially substitute
for eachother, i.e., the same level of effec-
tivenesscan be attained by high selectivity
and high level of organizational socializa-
tion. The amount of control needed to at-
tain a given level of effectivenessis lower
when selectivityand socialization are both
higher, and higher when both are lower.
Organizations can be characterizedaccord-
ing to which one of the basic four combi-
nations they follow. Being free to choose,
all organizations would surely prefer to
be highly selectiveand socialize their par-
ticipants extensively. But various environ-
mental pressuresas well as cost considera-
tions occasionallylimit both and frequently
one of the two roads to high organizational
effectiveness.Most public schools, for in-
stance,are not free to select their partici-
pants, and most factories cannot afford
much socialization of theirs. Although
their organizational socialization is more
extensive than it is in coercive organiza-
tions, it tends to be mainly instrumental in
nature and consists,in most cases,of giving
the work force technical training and a
few hours of orientation, usually on safety
devices, company regulations, and the
like (Clark & Sloan, 1958,p. 41).
 ORGANIZAllONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE 659

TABLE 6

COMPARISONS OF VARIOUS OUTPUT MEASURES FOR LIBERAL ARTS AND SPECIALIZED VOCATIONAL
PROGRAMS, CONTROLLING FOR PRESENT OCCUPATIONS

BusinessOwners and Technical Professionals

Executives (Doctors, Dentists, Lawyers)
Liberal Specialized Liberal Specialized
Output Education Education Education Education
Measures Graduates Graduates Graduates Graduates
Per cent "prejudiced"
on ethnic relations 43 30 45
Per cent "conservative"
on economic policy 63 75
Per cent "isolationist"
in international affairs 18 37
Per cent engaging in
many civic activities 32 20 42 30
Per cent engaging in
many political ~ctivities 35 25
Liberal Professions
(Education, Ministry, Arts)
Liberal Specialized
OutputMeasures Education Education
Graduates Graduates
Per cent "prejudiced"
on ethnic relations 24
Per cent "conservative"
on economic policy 6q
Per cent "isolationist"
in international affairs
Per cent engaging
in many civic activities
Per cent engaging in
many political activities
Data drawn from variou~ tables in Havemann & West, 1952; omitted data are not reported in
original sources.

STRUCTURE, LEADERSHIP, AND power is almost always identitive power;

CONTROL
The power used by an organization to
control its participants derives either from
specific positions (e.g., department head),
from personalqualities (e.g., the command
of persuasiveskills), or from a combination
of both (e.g., a persuasive department
head) (Bennis, 1959,pp. 259-301; Seeman
& Morris, 1950, pp. 49-155). Personal
it is based on the manipulation of symbols,
and it serves to generate commitment to
the person who commands it. Positional
power, on the other hand, may be identi-
tive, coercive, or utilitarian. An individual
whose power is chiefly derived from his
organizational position is referred to as an
official. An individual whose ability to con-
trol others is chiefly personal is referred to
as an informal leader. One who commands

34
78
58
53
660 AMIT AI ETZIONI
both positional and personal power is a
formal leader (Etzioni, 1~la, pp. 89-93)'
A person who is a leader in one field is
not necessarilya leader in another; the most
popular foreman is not always the most
productive one. A statementthat somebody
is a leader requires specification of the
field or fields in which he leads.There are
many ways to distinguish among various
kinds of activities. Two main spheres of
activity an organization might wish to
control are distinguished here: instrumen-
tal and expressive. Instrumental activities
deal with the !input of means into the or-
ganization and their distribution within it.
Mining, production, exchanging are all in-
strumental. Expressive activities affect in-
terpersonal relations within the organiza-
tion (e.g., a Christmas party) and the
adherenceto norms by organizational par-
ticipants (e.g., pep talks) (Parsons, 1951).
Bales and his associateshave shown in
studies of experimentalgroups that each of
the two kinds of activities tends to develop
its own control position. These are segre-
gated, in that different individuals tend to
hold them (Bales, 1953,pp. 111-161;Bales,
1958,pp. 437-447). This is partly because
incompatible role orientations and psycho-
logical characteristicsare required by these
positions (Bales, 1956,pp. 48-161).
In organizations that tend to use coercion
extensively and whose lower participants
tend to be highly alienated,control of work
for the organization and behavior within
it tend to be divided between officials and
informal leaders.Prisons are a casein kind.
The guards and the warden are officials,
since their power is derived mainly from
their positions and is largely independentof
their personal ability to influence the in-
mates. On the other hand, much of the ef-
fective control of inmates is in the hands of
influential inmate leaderswho hold no orga-
nizational positionsand rely largely on their
personal influence and, in this sense,are
informal leaders. Their power is based on
the ideology, symbols,and economicas well
as administrative needs of the inmate sub-
collectivity. The inmate leader with the
most prestige and power, "the right guy,"
is the personwho engagesin what Cloward
(1959) has called "conspicuous defiance"
of the prison value system. In a break-
down of the system,prison officials,limited
as they are to the power of position, tend
to acceptthe outlook, values,and norms of
the lower ranks, rather than the reverse
(McCorkle & Korn, 1954, pp. 8S-99;
Roucek, 1936,pp. 170-194;especiallySykes,
1956,pp. 257-262).
Wardens, and to some degree guards,
might have some personal influence over
inmates, but this influence tends to be
minor; basically,there is no formal leader-
ship in typical prisons. The ability of the
prison to control the inmates depends
largely on the amount of coercivepower its
officials command (e.g., how many guards
there are) and on the relations between
prison officialsand informal inmate leaders.
The latter point is illustrated by a study by
McCleery (1957). In the prison he studied,
the informal inmate leaderssupported "law
and order" in the prison until prison
authorities, following a change in person-
nel, undermined the informal leadership
by trying to build up the officials' leader-
ship. This reducedthe cooperationbetween
the informal leaders and the officials and
eventually triggered a riot, i.e., the prison
officials lost control. There is considerable
doubt whether the higher in rank can serve
as leaders for the lower in rank in co-
ercive organizations. Officials, it seems,
must either reduce the coercivenessof the
organization, "open" it, or more or less
give up hope of effective formal leadership.
At best, they can maintain a cooperative
relationship with the inmate leaders.
Expressiveactivities in typical prisons are
controlled almost exclusively by inmate
leaderswho set and reinforce the norms of
what is consideredright and wrong by the
inmates. The inmate leaders,for instance,
determine if and when it is proper to talk
with a guard, which crimes are more pres-
tigeful (murder ranks higher than rape),
 ORGANIZAllONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
and so on. Similarly, interpersonalrelations
are almost solelydetermined by the inmates
and their leaders: "stool pigeons" are iso-
lated; guards are excluded. Prison officials
have little control over these norms and
relations. This is one of the reasonswhy
rehabilitation efforts and psychiatric work
tend to be unsuccessfulin typical prisons
so long as the basic coercive structure is
not changed.
Instrumental activities in the prison, es-
pecially the allocation of food and the
supervision of work, are more given to
control by the organization and its officials,
but even in this realm, informal inmate
leadershave more power than is often rec-
ognized. Food and other scarceitems such
as cigarettes,which are distributed by the
prison, tend to be reallocated by the in-
mates to bring the distribution of worldly
goods in line with the norms of the in-
mates' community-to reward those high
on the inmate normative scale and status
structure and to penalize those who are
low. In the same way, the allocation of
work in the prison is affected by pressures
the inmates' leaders exert on the officials.
Responding to such pressuresis often the
only way an official can maintain the in-
mate leader's cooperation,which in turn is
required to maintain organizational con-
trol. Further, the inmates' control of in-
strumental activities extends to the produc-
tion of illicit goods and to the planning
and execution of escapeattempts. The of-
ficials' main instrumental control is eco-
logical: it involves keeping the inmates in
the prison and assigning them to various
wards and cells.
Other organizations which rely heavily
on coercive control have leadershipstruc-
tures similar to the prison's. For instance,
the Japaneserelocationcampsin the United
States during World War II. While the
campswere lesscoercivethan most prisons,
the camp personnelwere as a rule treated
as officers whose directives were followed
becauseof their impersonal coercive-and
sometimesremunerative-power. Only one
661
or two staff members (mainly the "people-
minded" director) had any power that
could be called leadership,and this was in
the instrumental sphere (Leighton, 1945,
pp. 226-241).However, the less coercionis
used,the more direct organizational control
of the inmates is achieved,and the greater
the probability that some formal leadership,
i.e., leadershipby higher ranks, in organiza-
tional positions, will develop. In a thera-
peutic mental hospital,describedin a mono-
graph by Caudill, some of the expressiveas
well as instrumental activities were con-
trolled by the hospital. The formal leader-
ship shared the expressiveleadership with
patient leaders,and varying degreesof co-
operation betweenthe institutional elite of
the hospital and the patient leaders were
reported (Caudill, 1958,pp. 345-363).
Selvin's hypothesisthat an "arbitrary cli-
mate [of leadership] generates the highest
ratio of nonduty activity" (1960,p. 75) is
substantiatedin the findings given below.
Table 7 shows 17 nonduty activities for
each of the three leadershipclimates-per-
suasive,weak, and arbitrary. The items of
behavior are arranged so that those with
the gJ:eatestapparent effect of leadership
appear first. Going on sick calls shows a
difference of 21 percentage pqints between
the weak and arbitrary climates. At the
other extreme, "mass entertainment" is in-
dependent of leadership; the figures are
constant for the three climates. For only
two behavioral items was there a substan-
tially lower percentage of trainees engag-
ing in nonduty behavior under an arbitrary
climate of leadership. Both these items
are ones for which leaders' permission is
needed. Otherwise, it can be seen that
where officers are more "officials," the sol-
diers seek expressive outlets other than
those controlled by the authorities.
Correctional institutions in which juve-
nile delinquents are held tend on the aver.
age to be less coercive than prisons. More-
over, with the spreading of the humanist
viewpqint in society,there is a trend to re-
duce the degreeand frequency of coercion
 66~ AMITAI ETZIONI

TABLE 7

TRAINEE BEHAVIOR IN THREE LEADERSHIP CLIMATES

Maximum
Inter-
Climate
Activity LeadershipClimates Difference
Persua-
sIve Weak trary
Per Per Per
Cent Cent Cent Per Cent
Sick call (1 or more times in 8 weeks) 58 37
Seeingone's wife or girl (1 or more
times in 8 weeks) 67 71 52 19
Short-term AWOL (1 or more times in
16 weeks) 33 47 51 IS
Eating between meals (21 or more times
in 8 weeks) 74 80
Hobby (1 or more times in 16 weeks) 23 II 24 13
Drunkenness (1 or more times in
16 weeks) 25 36 34 II
Bull sessions(8 or more hours a week) 29 40 40 II
Chaplain (1 or more times in 16 weeks) 23 20 31 II
Chapel (8 or more times in 16 weeks) 43 38 48 10
Blowing one's top (8 or more times
in 16 weeks) 25 30 35 10
Sports (1 or more hours a month) 40 47 48 8
Intercourse (1 or more times in
8 weeks) 55 56
Drinking (1 or more times in
8 weeks) 62 68 63 6
Fighting (1 or more times in
16 weeks) 19 24 5
Reading (4 or more hours a week) 24 26 28 4
Masturbation (1 or more times
in 8 weeks) 15 18
Mass entertainment (8 or more
times in 16 weeks) 52 52 52 0

From Selvin,1960,pp. 73-74.

used in all these organizations and to in-
crease the reliance on identitive power.
This is accompanied by a change in the
ratio of professional staff to guards, fre-
quently to change in the head of the or-
ganization, and, of course, in its policies.
Often much of the professional work in
these organizations initially yields little be-
cause the alienation of the inmates is too
high for them to enter into a productive re-
lationship with the new treatment-oriented
staff (Ohlin, 1959,pp. 18-22; Ohlin & Law-
rence, 1959,pp. 7-8). As the professional
staff increasesin number and rtduces the
coercive nature of the organization by ex-
changing symbolic rewards for physical
punishr:nent~(such as praising inmates for
conforming behavior rather than extending
their sentencesfor deviant behavior), the
influence of the therapists over the inmate

64
49
3
Arbi.
24
16
21
 ORGANIZAnONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE 663
population gradually grows. It never ap- to others: in schools, punishments are
proaches that of leaders in organizations meted out by principals, police depart-
where alienation is low and commitment is ments, or parents; in mental hospitals,
high, however. In an experiment in a cor- nurses, aides, or administrators take over
rectional institution, the effectivenessof re- the instrumental controls and punitive
habilitation was increased when a profes- measures.To a certain extent, however,
sional staff of social workers was granted neither teachersnor psychiatrists can com-
authority over the more instrumentallyoriented pletely avoid administering instrumental
line (lay) personnel in 12 out of controls and thus inevitably incur some
16 "cottages." Rehabilitation of patients alienation of lower participants from this
remained low in the 4 cottageswhere such source.
reallocation of power did not take place A second major way in which these
(Ohlin, 1958,pp. 65~). identitive organizations try to maintain
Military units in training provide an- formal leadership is by creating positions
other instance of an in-between organiza- in which this kind of strain between
tion in terms of coercivecontrol. Socialdis-tance
teachers and students or between psychi-
between officers and crew is needed atrists and patients is absent. In schools,
in order to maintain proper control, but such positions are held by sports instruc-
not to the extent that the crew becomes tors, football coaches,and youth workers-
highly alienated (Table 8). the elite of the highly expressiveextracur-
ricular activities. In therapeutic mental
TABLE 8
hospitals,the comparablepositions are held
MEAN PERFORMANCE SCORESOF CREWS by social workers, entertainment officers,
RELATED TO OFFICERS' EQUALITARIANISM and some occupationaltherapists (Caudill,
Mean Number 1958,pp. 105-106).
ism of Performance of Military organizations to a greater ex-
Officers Crews tent than any others invest consciousplan-
Rating
ning and manpower in the effort to supply
Low 4.1 both types of leadership, to assure their
Medium 5.0 12
amalgamation into the military structure
High 4.8 12
and their "coalition." The commanding
From Adams,1954,p. 424. officer and the noncom in effective combat
units supply the two types of leadership,
In organizations which rely predomi- but the division of power betweenthe two
nantly on identitive power, there tend to be positions differs in armies of different tra-
few officials and few informal leaders; dition. It seemsthat in the American army,
formal leaders effectively control most of where a large variety of combination is
the organizational participants. Elites in found, the tendencyis for the noncom to
effective schoolsand in therapeutic mental fulfill the expressiverole and for the officer
hospitalsfind that expressivecontrol as well to fill the instrumental one. In the Soviet
as instrumental control of the lower par- military organization, the expressiverole
ticipants is necessaryfor effective service is sometimescarried out by a political of-
of their goals. Efforts to gain expressive ficer (when he succeedsin building up
control generally take two forms. First, the moral commitments to himself, often by
major professionalgroups of the organiza- participation in combat). In other situa-
tion (teachers, psychoanalysts)are under tions, political officers themselvesare a fo-
pressure to develop expressiveleadership. cus of alienation (Feld, 1959).
The instrumental controls which are par- To the degreethat informal leadersarise,
ticularly creative of tension are delegated e.g., within a parish, the tendency is to

Equalitarian-
13
664 AMIT AI ETZIONI

recruit them to formal leadershippositions to follow his advice. When it comes to

by giving them part-time organizational assessing professional competence, the lay-
positions, e.g., as members of church man has little basis for rational judgment
boards.Or the inforrnalleaders break away and must go by other things. This is one
to form their own religious organization. reason that the ability of the physician to
In any case,the tendencyis for the infor- make personal contact with the patient is an
mal leaders to lose this status within the important one. Peterson and associateshave
given organization and for control to re- stated:
main largely in the hands of the formal
leaders. Fichter (1954) discussedthe devel- there is no linear correlation between the
quality of medical care provided by a physi-
opment of positions in the church structure cian and his net income. Actually, this is
which are filled by its active lay leaders. hardly surprising in view of the fact that the
They encompassathletic, welfare, and so- lay public has few valid criteria for assessing
cial activities but are directly or indirectly a physician's competence.Indeed, it is part of
controlled by the pastor. More recently, in folklore that a layman values a physician's
the large church there has been an increas- personality or "bedside manner" more highly
ing professionalization of leadership, with than his professional knowledge which may
some of the activities formerly run by laity be lesstangible or evident (1956,p. 13°. See
being taken by paid workers. They are Table 9).
hired for religious education, counseling,
recreational leadership, social work, and TABLE 9
music, under the supervision of the minis- RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN QUALITY OF PRACTICE
ters (Harrison, 1960,pp. 37-49). AND NET INCOME
Control in identitive organizations is
much more dependentupon personalqual- QualitativeRank Mean Net Income
ities than in coerciveones..Hence, through V $14,500
various selectionand socializationprocesses, IV $18,900
efforts are made in identitive organizations III $17,300
to staff the main organizational positions II $14,600
from which control is exercisedwith indi- I $13.400
viduals who command personal influence From Peterson,Andrews, Spain, & Greenberg,
and thus combine positional identitive 1956, p. 13°.
power (the status of priest) with personal
power (persuasivepersonality), i.e., to prC'- Hence, the emphasis on personal qualities
vide the participants with formal leaders. of leadership sometimes starts with selec-
Individuals lacking in personal power a~e tion and socialization as far back as medi-
otten transferred to organizational posi- cal school. Although competence is empha-
tions in which no control is exercised,such sized in the selection of medical students,
as clerical or intellectual work. The editor they are also screenedto see whether they
of the church newspaper,for instance, is have the potentials of a "doctor's person-
often an "intellectual" but not a leader ality," often described as the ability to "im-
who directly influences people. Such sys- pose one's will on the patient." The rela-
tematic efforts of identitive organizations tive weight of this factor is difficult to es-
to provide leadership in formal positions, tablish, but it seems to be underestimated
and the comparatively high degree of suc- more than overestimated. It is widely ac-
cessof such efforts, makes the evolution of cepted that "personality" is more impor-
informal leaders less likely. tant for lawyers than doctors, but future
Hospitals are identitive organizations in doctors do not think so. Thielens showed
that the doctor has to convince the patient that 40 per cent of the medical students he
 ORGANIZAll0NAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
studied considered"pleasing personality" to
be the second most important factor mak-
ing for a good doctor; "high intelligence"
was listed as the first factor by 73 per cent.
Law students asked a parallel question
about factors making for a good lawyer
gave the attributes virtually identical
weight: 73 per cent listed intelligence first
and 44 per cent put "pleasing personality"
second (Thielens, 1958,p. 148).
Formal leaders in identitive organiza-
tions are successfulin exercising both in-
strumental and expressivecontrol, although
they are more concerned with and more
effective in controlling expressiveactivities.
Some religious organizations provide offices
for both kinds of leadership. Expressive
matters tend to be the main functions of
the major line of priests and bishops; in-
strumental activities the main functions of
secondary positions such as deacons or
local church boards. Jesuit homes have
both a priest in charge of spiritual matters
and one in charge of lay affairs. In other
religious organizations, control of instru-
mental activities is left largely to the laity,
while the organizations endeavorto main-
tain a monopoly of control over expressive
matters, such as which prayers are to be
held. Complete separationof the control of
both types of activities is i~possible, since
instrumental matters (e.g., financing) af-
fect expressiveones (e.g., the quality of
Sunday or parochial schools), and vice
versa. To insure the superiority of expres-
sive matters, which are more directly re-
lated to the religious goals, over instru-
mental ones and to counter tendencies
toward goal displacement, religious or-
ganizations tend to insist on the superiority
of the expressive leader over the instru-
mental one, whether the latter is an in-
formal or a formal leader.
As prisons are typical coercive organiza-
tions, so religious organizations are typical
identitive organizations. The leadership
structure of other highly identitive organi-
zations like the Communist party is quite
similar to that of religious organizations.
665
Leadershipis highly concentratedin organi-
zational positions such as the party secre-
tary, and informal leadersare either given
a staff position, expelled,or secede.Organi-
zations whose control structure is less
identitive tend to have leadership struc-
tures approximating that of utilitarian or-
ganizations.
Control in utilitarian organizations is
more evenly divided among organizational
officials, formal leaders, and informal
leaders of the employees. Moreover, the
main concernof theseorganizationsis with
instrumental control, i.e., with control of
matters such as production and efficiency,
and not with control of relations and
norms establishedby the workers, so long
as these do not adversely affect the instru-
mental activities. The particular leadership
pattern that evolvesdependslargely on the
relative degreeof alienation or commitment
of the employees.In industries where the
workers are highly alienated, their infor-
mal leaders,whether "old hands" or union
stewards,tend to col)trol most of the ex-
pressiveactivities and a number of instru-
mental ones. In such factories,the foreman
and higher-ranking supervisors, even if
they wish to participate,are exclQdedfrom
the social relations of their workers, nine
times out of 10; the workers set the
norms which determine what is considered
a proper day's work, if and when it is
proper to speak to a foreman, and so on.
However, the factory usually determinesat
least what work is to be done and some of
the specificationsas to how it is to be car-
ried out. The workers thus. informally pro-
vide the expressiveleadersand some of the
instrumental ones,but the factory tends to
exert some formal leadership in instru-
mental matters. Note, though, that when
alienation becomes quite high, workers
may gain control of much of the work
processitself.
Such was the case with the alienated
work group in the Bank Wiring Observa-
tion Room studied by Roethlisbergerand
Dickson (1939). The representatives of
666 AMITAI ETZIONI

managementwere able to exert little con. pervisor know that he had finished early (p.
trol over the group; the group chief had 383).
little power, and the foreman and his as-
sistant did not even have the information The observersummarized the situation:
neededto interfere. The normative system
developed by the group included specifica. The supervisory control which is set up by
tions on the instrumental level as well asthe management to regulate and govern the
expressive.Work rates were regulated: a workers exerciseslittle authority except to see
worker was not to work too hard and be- that they are supplied with work. It is appar-
come a "rate-buster" nor too slowly and ent that the group is protected from without
become a "chiseler" who exploited the by A ...an? protected from within by one
[B] capable of administering punishment for
group (part of the wages were based on any violation of the group standards (p. 384).
group performance). There was a taboo
against "squealing," which is usually Rarely is the commitment as high in
thought of as peculiar to prison culture. utilitarian as in identitive organizations.
In another case of high worker aliena- Where there is comparatively close cooper-
tion reported by Roethlisbergerand Dick- ation between administration and workers,
son,the workers' collectivity had developed workers tend to develop their own expres-
both an instrumental and an expressive sive leaders. The Michigan studies show
leader. The group is reported to haverevealed material relevant to this point. The use of
the term leader in. these studies is broader
than that here; in the narrower terms de-
general dissatisfaction or unrest. In some, this fined here, the Michigan findings seem to
was expressed by demands for advancement suggest that foremen in low-productivity
or transfers; in others, by a complaint about divisions tend to be instrumental officers,
their lot in being kept on the job. ..[The
whereas those in high-productivity divisions
observer] then noticed that two of the work-
ers in particular held rather privileged posi- tend to be instrumental (formal) leaders.
tions in the group and were looked up to by Neither of the two types of foreman controls
the rest of the members. On these two the the expressive activities of the workers;
group seemed to place considerable responsi- the degree of instrumental control they
bility. Of A they said: "He can handle the hold differs. High-productivity foremen
engineers,inspectors and the supervisors. ..." exert some personal influence in control-
In speaking of B they expressed admiration ling instrumental activities of the workers,
for his work habits and capacities (1939, p. while the low-productivity foremen must
383). operate on the strength of their official
power. Almost without exception, the find-
Although the instrumental capacities of ings reported in a summary statement of
B were respected,his expressivefunctions the Michigan studies seem to validate these
were not emphasized: points (Kahn & Katz, 1953, pp. 612-628).
Continuing with the terms applied here,
"So-and-so talked too much a while ago, and the findings read: Foremen-leaders devote
B shut him up" ...all expressedappreciation more time to directing their men than
of his willingness to help them. A, in his in-
terviews, told of fights with supervisors and foremen-officials, while foremen-officials aremore
arguments with engineers and inspectors. .. inclined to engage in nonsupervisory
"I made several machines work after an ex- duties (p. 614). This may be because fore-
pert from the East said an adjustment was im- men whose influence is limited (the of-
possible." B told of helping other adjusters. ficials) attempt to increase productivity by
He said that he threatened to punch one op- engaging in it themselves. The second set
erator in the nose becausehe had let the su- of findings relevant here is that le~ders
 ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE

supervisewith less attention to close detail Foremen in high-productivity sectionsin

than do the officials. This may be because all three industries spent more time on
leaders with their greater influence over supervision than those in low-productivity
their subjects can achieve greater internal- sections-or, it is reasonableto assume,they
ization of their directives than officials; exercised more power. Since there is no
therefore there is no need for such close reason to think they had more official
supervision. Similarly, the fact that the power, the chancesare that they exercisedmore
high-production foremen rely less on puni- ~personalpower or leadership.When
tive measuresand more on normative con- highly productive sections are compared,
trol is an indication of thei,r leadership supervision in the white-collar industryoccupied
power (35 per cent of the foremen in high- more time than in blue-collar in-
production sections,as against50 per cent in dustries, which seemsto support the prem-ise
low-production sections,were reported as that the foremen exercisedmore leader-
"punitive" by their workers). Perhaps the ship in the white-collar industry. As forexpressive
most significant finding is that leaderswerereported leadership,this seemsto be con.
more often than officials as fulfill-ing fined primarily to the workers' rank in utili-
the expressiverole of "teaching men tarian organizations. The human-relations
new techniquesand duties" (29 per cent of school which trains the foreman to becomea
the foremen in high-production sections leader goes implicitly on the unidimen-
"teach the men new techniques andduties," sional conceptof a leader embodying both
as against 17 per cent in the low- instrumental and expressiveroles. The fact
production sections [po 621]). Formal that there seemsto be a great deal of ten-
leadershipis both more common and moreeffective sion in the work situation of such trained
in white-collar industries than in foremen could' be an indication of this
blue-collar industries. Considering time tendencywithin utilitarian organizationstoconfine
spent on supervisoryrather than nonsuper- the expressive leadership to theworkers'
visory duties as an indication of leadership rank. That foremen are found tobe
by foremen, Table 10 provides data from a highly dissatisfiedgroup under consid-erable
one white-collar and two blue-collar in- psychologicaland socialstrain is usu-
dustries. ally interpreted as reflecting a decreasein

TABLE 10

PROPORTION OF TIME SPENT IN SUPERVISION IN RELATION TO SECTION PRODUCTIVITY

Section Time Spent in Supervision5°%

Productivity or More Less than 5°%
Insurance company: High 75% 17%
Low 33 ~9
High 55
Low 25 (\y

Tractor factory: 69
5948
86-90 525946
80-8550-79 41
54
from Kahn & Katz table. p. 615, Group Dynamics, edited by Cartwright & Zan-
der (Row, Peterson, 1953).

Railroad:
667
31
Adapted
97-101%91-96
3141
668 AMIT AI ETZIONI
the functions, rights, and authority of the
foremen subsequentto unionization and
the simultaneousextensive development of
staff functions (Bendix, 1956,pp. 213-215;
Mills, 1956,pp. 87-91; Whyte & Gardner,
1945;Wray, 1949).There is no doubt that
these processesaccount for a considerable
part of the increase in the foreman's role-
strain. However, it would be interesting to
hold these conditions constant and com-
pare the level of strain and the performance
of foremen trained in human relations and
untrained foremen in the samefactory. One
would expect the role-strain of the trained
men to be higher, not lower.
Such an expectationis suggestedby what
is referred to as the "washout" effect, oc-
curring after human-relations training. Al-
though several evaluation programs have
shown an improvement of attitudes of
foremen after human-relations courses
over what they were before the course,the
"improvements" seem to fade after a
foreman returns to his position. In some
instances,the attitudes deteriorate to stand-
ards below what they were prior to train-
ing, according to the trainers. Fleishman,
Harris and Burtt reported:
An obvious discrepancy appeared when the
results of this evaluation made in the work
situation were compared with those obtained
in the limited post-training evaluation made in
the school. In spite of the actual increases in
Consideration and decreases in Initiating
Structure which appeared in the post-training
evaluation, the Consideration behavior of the
most recently trained group back in the plant
was reported significantly lower than that of
the untrained control group, and the trends
in attitudes were in the same direction (1955,
p. 48).
This effect is usually explained by the fact
that neither his superiors nor his subordi-
nates have changed their expectations of
the newly trained foreman when he re-
turns to his job. It is possible, however,
that this washout effect is in part a conse-
quence of the role-strains discussedabove,
generated when a foreman tries to carry
out two partially incompatible leadership
roles simultaneously.Again, a measurement
of role-strains before and after a human-
relations training program might shed
some light on this alternative hypothesis.
Apparently, as Argyris has shown, the ef-
fective foreman limits himself to an in-
strumental control position.
When made foremen, they are told by manage-
ment that they will be considered successful
to the extent that they maintain high pro-
duction, low grievance rate, and low absentee-
ism. The foremen realize that the way to get
the employeesto behave in this manner is to
maintain the informal employee culture and
not to behave in a way that violates the cul-
ture's norms. Thus, eighty-seven per cent of
the foremen report that in order to be effective,
they must strive hard (I) to keep everyone
busy with work that (2) guarantees a fair
take-home pay, u) to distribute the easyand
tough jobs fairly, and (4) to leave the em-
ployees alone as much as possible. In short, a
successfulforeman, from the foreman's point
of view, is neither directive nor is he the ex-
pert in human relations that some imply he
ought to be. The employees agree with this
logic. Eighty-seven per cent in A and B de-
scribe an "understanding" foreman in terms
similar to those above (1959, p. 41).
In factories where the workers are less
alienated and in white-collar organizations,
the formal leadership exerts considerably
more control, especially over instrumental
activities. The work carried out and its
allocation among the various employeesare
largely determined by the organizational
staff. Moreover,some of the expressivecon-
trol, though rarely much of it, is acquired
by those in organizational power positions.
The norms followed by the employeesare
much closer to those of the higher ranks,
and social relations are not as sharply seg-
regated. The Christmas party is, after all,
not typical of the alienated factory but the
less alienated businessoffice.
It is in factories where alienation is not
high to begin with and in other utilitarian
 ORGANIZATIONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE
organizations that organizational efforts to
increase commitment and to control ex-
pressiveactivities of the employeesthrough
such mechanismsas personneldepartments,
social workers, and the participation of
lower ranks in decision-making are suc-
cessful. The same human-relations tech-
niques are often less effective, from an or-
ganizational viewpoint, in structures in
which the participants are more alienated.
Further discussionof this subject would
require a rather detailed description of the
nature of each organization and the forms
the distribution of leadershiptakes within
it. This cannot be done in the limits of this
discussion, nor is it necessary.Once the
basic principles have been demonstrated,
they can be rather readily applied to what-
ever organization one is studying or wishes
to understand. First, the nature of power
typically employed by the organization has
to be determined. Next, the typical orien-
tation of the group of participants one ob-
serves has to be related to the place of
leadershipwithin the organizational power
structure: Is its locus to be found in organi-
zational positions (formal) or among
lower participants who have no organiza-
tional power positions (informal)? Is the
organizational leadership only instrumen-
tal, only expressive,or both?
It should not be concluded that when the
organization is low on formal leadership,
it cannot achieve its goals effectively. Co-
ercive organizations are built on the as-
sumption that the officials cannot attain
much leadership over the inmates and
hence are equipped to deal with them by
other means. Utilitarian organizations can
function quite effectively with formal con-
trol of the instrumental and some expres-
sive activities. Identitive organizations seem
to be the only type that requires consider-
able formal leadership for effective opera-
tion, and even these might do well with
formal control of expressiveactivities and
with only some of the instrumental ones.
Finally, as the study of the prison has
shown, even wh~n leadership is highly
concentrated
669
in the hands of the lower par-ticipants
themselves,so long as the co-
operation of these informal leaders can begained
and maintained by the officials,thistype
of organization might control the in-mates
effectively without any formal lead-ership.
PERVASIVENESS, SCOPE, AND
CONTROL STRUCTURE
All organizations endeavor to enforcestandards
of performance and norms of
behavior,but organizations differ markedly
in the pervasivenessof the standards andnorms
they attempt to set and enforce.Some
organizations have a limited per-vasiveness
they attempt to control onlysome
of the activities carried out in the or-ganization.
The prison, for instance, ismore
pervaded than pervasive,i.e., many ofthe
norms affecting behavior in the prisonhave
been set and are enforced by other
social units such as the communities from
which the inmates come and to which they
usually return. Other organizations attemptto
control most of the activities that takeplace
within them, but few of thosecarried
on outside. Graduate schoolsare a case inpoint.
Other organizations attempt to setand
enforce norms mainly for activities
which are carried on when the participantsare
not interacting within the organiza-
tional system and which are not directlyvisible
to the organizations' enforcingagents.
Churches, for instance, are muchinterested
in affecting behavior outside the
church-family life, education,or even po-
litical behavior. Schoolsexhibit this norma-tive
halo effect when they define "desir-able"
leisure-timeactivities of students,andunions
when they specifypreferred politicalcandidates
for their members.(This setting
of standards is a different matter from
whether or not lower participants followthe
directives; such conformity apparentlyvaries
widely.)
In general.,the more pervasiveorganiza-
tions, all other things being equal, need
670 AMITAI ETZIONI

more efforts and assetsto maintain a given prisons, correctional institutions, custodial
level of control than less pervasive ones. mental hospitals, prisoner-of-war camps,
Moreover, highly pervasive organizations concentration camps, and forced-labor
have to rely mainly on identitive power, camps.In these,the formal authority limits
since they have no way of controlling their itself to setting norms for activities it has
participants outside the action-spaceof the an interest in controlling. Becausetheir pur-
organization, but through the internaliza- poses are preventing escapes,maintaining
tion of the norms by the participants. Such internal order, segregatingsome members
identitive organizations high in pervasive- of society from the rest in order to punish
ness include residential schools and col- them or protect society from them, there
leges, professional schools such as theo- is no real effort to resocializethe lower par-
logical seminaries, military academies, ticipants of such organizations. Thus,
therapeutic hospitals,and rehabilitation cen- many prisons are relatively tolerant of
ters. In those organizations in which there gambling, homosexuality, smuggling, the
is intense socialization that affects the be- use of dope, and so forth, where these
liefs, values,and characteristicsof the par- activities do not threaten the operations of
ticipants, the "significant others" tend to t.he organization's basic functions. Highly
be other members of the organization. alienated, inmates and prisoners are not
Other such organizations include churches, motivated to accept new norms; they re-
democratic political parties, and profes- tain norms from outside the institution or
sional training schoolswhich provide more live by the informal or "counter-culture"
instrumental information and skills. Busi- within the organization (Rowland, 1938;
ness,engineering, and law schools are of Rowland, 1939; Sykes, 1958; Sykes, 1959).
this type. Their organizational norms per- Most utilitarian organizations today also
vade other groups as members have con- tend to be low in pervasiveness.Factories,
tacts outside the organization. Such was offices, the stock exchanges,banks, and
the case with 22 locals of the League of government bureaucracies are all exam-
Women Voters. The more power the mem- ples. Norms tend to be establishedonly for
bershiphad, the more opportunity they had the instrumental activities of the job and
to be among non-League associates, result- do not interfere with life outside it.
ing in a higher percentage of the public A variable which is substantivelyrelated
being informed of their existence (Table but analytically distinct from pervasiveness
II). is organizational scope, defined by the
TABLE II number of activities carried out jointly by
the same set of participants. In organiza-
PUBLIC-INFLUENCE OUTPUT AS RELATED TO
tions whose scope is narrow, participants
POWER STRUCTURE IN 22 LOCAL UNITS
share only one or a few activities, for ex-
OF A CIVIC ASSOCIATION
ample, social activities. In organizations
Relative Power of Per Cent of PublicWhowhose scope is brQad, participants share
Membership versus Had Heard of several activities, as in labor unions that
Officers Organization carry out social and cultural activities as
Low well as collective bargaining. Total organi-
4°%
Medium 50% zations are those in which maximum scope
High 64% is attained, as in armies and nunneries
From Kahn, Tannenbaum, Weiss et al., 1956, (Goffman, 1957).
cited by Barton, 1961,p. 13. There is no one-to-one relationship be-
tween scopeand pervasiveness:an organi-
Coerciveorganizations tend to be low in zation might set norms for more activities
pervasiveness:included in this categoryare than are carried out jointly by participants,
 ORGANIZAnONAL CONTROL STRUCTURE 671

churchesoften do, or it might set norms a broader scope than others, since the
for fewer activities than the joint ones, as work and leisure schedules of memberslead
prisons often do. them to limit their social life to co-workers.
Broad scope enhancesidentitive power: Part of the reason for the broad
it is necessaryas a condition of coercivecontrol; scope of printers' unions is due to the fact
and it seems to aff~ct utilitarian that so many work in the night. Being ona
control negatively. Broad scope enhances different schedule than other yyorkers,
identification with the organization or itsparticipants
they have greater opportunity to find theirfriends
from external activities and on the job (Table 12).
social grouping. A comparison of com-
TABLE 12
muter and residential colleges illustratesthis
point. In commuter colleges,the suc-cess RELATIONSHIPBETWEENWORK SHIFT AND
of educationalefforts is limited by stu-dents' INVOLvEMENT IN THE OCCUPATIONAL
limited involvement in the college COMMUNITY
as a social unit, since they have significant Night Workers DayWorkers
and active social ties to external groups
which often support different norms. All High in social
other things being equal, residential col- relationsTwo 3°% 23%
or more printer
leges can achieve considerablygreater edu-
friends
cational results with the same investment Members of printers' 3~% 27%
in control. (Education is here considered clubs 36%(200) 26%
in its broadest sense,including character (234)
development as well as communication ofskills
and information.) From Lipset, Trow, & Coleman, 1956,p. 136.
Reprinted by permission of The Free Press of
Kneller has made an interesting state. Glencoe.
ment on the great influence which the
broad scope of the British universities has In the past, utilitarian organizations
had in socializing young men to a way of often attempted to maintain a broad scope,
life. as in the company town. The factory con-
trolled much of the economic, religious,
dire need for new halls of residenceis of educational, and political life of theworkers.
particular concern to British university au-thorities But this was also a period whenfactories
because of the intimate way in were less typically utilitarian or-
which corporate life within the two ancientuniversities
ganizations, when coercion was the sec-
has persistently contributed to the
ondary compliance source (MacDonald,
essential character and personality of theirgraduates.
The traditional ideals and behavior 1928; Rhyne, 1930). Bendix's description
of academic life, forced in the colleges during of factories in tsarist Russia shows simi-
the period of free associationbecome a model larities to American company towns:
for national behavior (1955, p. 48).
It was common practice for employers tobuild
In radical parties and ideological unions,as barracks for their workers and to pro-vide
in similar organizations,broad scopeisachieved facilities for the purchase of necessities
on the premises of the factory. ..the em-ployers
by ecological segregation,i.e., bya attempted to control every detail ofthe
reduction of interaction and communica- worker's life, partly becausehe lived onthe
tion with outsiders (Lipset, I~O, pp. 87if.; premises of the factory and ~rtly because
Mishler & Tropp, 1956). Segregation cantake necessityand tradition gave to labor relationsthe
other than ecologicalforms, however.Unionscharacter of a household discipline. Fineswere
whose members work at night, imposed in case of absence from the
such as musicians and printers, tend to factory barracks at certain prohibited hours.

as
have
The
672 AMIT AI ETZIONI

Visitors could not be received if their stay ex-
ceeded the "length of an ordinary visit."
Workers were forbidden to put pictures on
the walls of their rooms (r956, pp. r8r-r82).
More recently, utilitarian organizations
made efforts to provide their employees
with educational, recreational, and resi-
dential facilities. In the last years, the
tendency has been for corporations to re-
duce their scopein theseareas without loss
and probably with some gain in the effec-
tiveness of their control structures. Indus-
tries still provide communities in which
they are located with the means needed
for the construction of schools, hospitals,
swimming pools,public gardens,and sport
clubs, but they have become more and
more reluctant to own them and espe-
cially to manage them. The tendencyis to
let even the cafeteriabe run by an outsider
(Scott & Lynton, 1952,pp. 60,77-78).
Comparatively, it would seemthat lower
participants of utilitarian organizations are
less likely to be members of participant
primary groups than those of coercive or
identitive organizations. While at least 50
per cent of prison inmates are members of
such groups ( Clemmer, 1958,p. 117) and
the ratio in identitive organizations seems
to be even higher (Weiss & Jacobson,1955,
pp. 661--{}68),studies suggest that, on the
average,no more than 25 per cent Q! the
blue-collar workers are members of pri-
mary groups whose recruitment is limited
to organizational participants. Dubin's sur-
vey of the "central life interests" of 1,200
industrial workers showed that "only 9%
of the industrial workers in the sample
prefer the informal group life that is cen-
tered in the job" (1956,p. 136).
The industrial workers' world is one in which Mayers, 1959,p. 131).
work and the workplace are not central life
interests for a vast majority. In particular,
work is not a central life interest for industrial a company
workers when we studied the informal group geous to company goals (Table 13)' The
experiencesand the general social experiences reasonsfor this unexpectedfinding are of
that have some affective value for them. ...
At the same time it seems evident that pri- and should be elaboratedsomewhat.
mary human relations are much more likely
to be located at some place out in the com-
munity (p. 40).
A study by Walker and Guest (1952) Qf
179 assembly-line workers showed that
there were virtually no socialgroups on the
job. Workers had some friends working
close to them; most preferred to be able to
talk on the job if possible; but none were
reportedto form a cohesivegroup. Seashore
studied the workers of a midwestern ma-
chine company, using a measure of group
cohesion which was not very stringent.
Still, the large majority of workers, 140
groups out of 228, were members of low-
rather than high-cohesiongroups (1954,p.
71). Vollmer reported that 71 per cent of
female clerical employees,72 per cent of
male specialists,53 per cent of male semi-
skilled, and 63 per cent of male skilled
workers had "no co-workers as close
friends outside work" (1960,p. 75)' Where
there is some overlap between on-the-job
and off-the-job social life, the basis of such
activities has often beenmisidentified; they
are frequently an expressionof off-the-job
relationshipscarried to work. not the other
way around. Warner and Low showed that
integration of managementand workers in
the shoe factories they studied was gen-
erated and sustainedin expressiverelation-
ships outside the factory (1947. See also
Gouldner, 1954, pp. 38-41). Likert has
done a study in which participation in com-
pany-sponsored recreational activities-an
indicator of broad scope-is shown to be
negatively related to productivity, suggest-
ing that suchbroad scopemay be dysfunc-
tional for production goals and utilitarian
compliance ( 1956. See also Vincent &
Researchdone by Kat:z and associates
would indicate that welfare programs with
are not automatically advanta-
generic interest to organizational analysis
 ORGANIZAll0NAL CONTROL STRUCTURE 673

TABLE 13

PARTICIPAnON IN COMPANY RECREAnONAL ACTIVITIES

Percentage of Employees Who Participate

in Recreation Activities: Not
Frequently Occasionally Never Ascertained
sectionsLow-producing 8% 20% 71% 0/
I/o1%
sections 7% 34% 58%
From Katz, Maccoby,& Morse, 195°, p. 58.

The citizens of modern societiesare so- cers with their families occupy quarters on
cialize<Ito shift constantly betweenvarious the compound. Families living off the station
social units such as the family, the com- have many interests aboard-the commissary
munity, and the place of work. The rela- sells food to naval personnel at low cost, free
tively high separationand narrow scopeof medical care is available, and the well ap-
pointed but inexpensive Officers' Club is the
these units allow for the operation of the social center for everyone. Whereas Navy
modern mode of tension management, families spend most of their time on guarded
whereby tensions generated in one social compounds, other occupations are widely dis-
sector are released in another. This is persed about the community, subject to a
achievedbecausethe difference in partners rough class-rather than a strict occupational
and interaction patterns between the dif- segregation.One function of the extraordinary
ferent units allows the conflicts to be "lo- formality of Navy routine and social life is
calized" rather than "totalized," and be- to maintain the requisite professional imper-
cause of the tension-reducing effects of sonality in the face c;>fthis unusually close
leaving social units in which rational, effi- contact. ...The systematic rotation of duty
afloat and ashore in different parts of the
cient behavior is demanded (a form of be- world reduces local ties, while the fund of
havior which is particularly straining) to common experience in the same places is a
"rest" in those in which nonrational be- significant occupational bond.
havior is the norm. Broad-scopeutilitarianorganizations
A more positive occupational tie is the
which fuse work and non- heavy demand made on officers by social and
work units prevent both the localization of ritual activities. Formal calls, the extensiveuse
conflict and the shift to units relativelyfreeof visiting cards, and similar indispensablesof
of rational considerations.Hence, the polite social life are legitimized obligations. A
efficacy of the recent tendencyto segregate unique occupational vocabulary serves both
work and nonwork units. In organizations utilitarian and symbolic purposes. It provides
essential nomenclature thereby setting the
such as the Navy, where broad scope isforced,
group apart in its specialized knowledge; and
the excessivelyformal standardsfor it verbalizes in-group attitudes, thus strength-
Navy behavior "localize" conflicts in an- ening them and performing the same latent
other way, by closely specifying the condi- function as ritual. Few other occupations are
tions under which interaction can takeplace. knit by such ancient traditions or by so much
This aspect of the Navy has beendescribed
symbolism.
by Davis as follows:The The margin of personal choice in out-of-hours
social life is much smaller in the Navy
separationbetweenplace of work andresidence
than in most other occupations. In the Regular
characteristicof urban occupationsisNavy there is a definite pecking order accord-
minimized in the Navy. At sc;aofficersare ing to the husbands' dates of rank. Referencesto
thrown together both on and off duty. Onshorea wife usually specify the husband's rank:
stations during peacetime,senior offi- Mrs. X, wife of Commander X. Little time is

High-producing
674 AMIT AI ETZIONI
left for social ties outside Navy circles, even if
such were desired (1948, pp. 49-150).
Coercive organizations, however, must
maintain total scopein the sensethat un-
less the participants carried out all their
activities within the organization, they
would not voluntarily carry out those
activities the organization needsto control.
Attempts to reduce the use of coercionand
to rely more on identitive power, as when
rehabilitation or therapeutic programs are
introduced, are frequently associatedwith
efforts to reduce scope by allowing more
visits from outsiders,initiating programs of
work outside the prison, week-ends at
home for mental patients,and the like.
FURTHER RESEARCH
There are many other variables which
affect organizational structure, although
those discussedhave been most frequently
studied and appearto account for most of
the known differences in organizational
control. There are, however, two sets of
factors which surely significantly affect
organizational control on' which there is
little systematicinformation.. One is differ-
ences in cultural and social contexts. By
far the greater part of the information
available centers on organizations in West-
ern societies.The need to study organiza-
tions in other cultures, especially in less
developedand nondemocratic societies,re-
mains one of the major tasks of social
scientists (see Abegglen, 1958; Kolaja,
1900; Rice, 1955; Thompson, 1959). Sec-
ondly, much more is known about control
of lower-ranking participants than of
higher-ranking ones, and, clearly, the con-
trol of the higher ranks is at least as im-
portant (see Argyris, 1959; Guest, 1960).
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