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research- article2016
Empirical Research
Medical Care Research and Review
Abstract
Although the importance of safety regulations is highly emphasized in hospitals, nurses
frequently work around, or intentionally bypass, safety regulations. We argue that work-
arounds occur because adhering to safety regulations usually requires more time and work
process design often lacks complementarity with safety regulations. Our main proposition
is that mindfulness is associated with a decrease in occupational safety failures through a
decrease in work-arounds. First, we propose that individual mindfulness may prevent the
depletion of motivational resources caused by worrying about the consequences of time
lost when adhering to safety regulations. Second, we argue that collective mindfulness
may provide nursing teams with a cognitive infrastructure that facilitates the detection and
adaptation of work processes. The results of a multilevel analysis of 580 survey responses
from nurses are consistent with our propositions. Our multilevel analytic approach enables
us to account for the unique variance in work-arounds that individual and collective
mindfulness explain.
Keywords
individual mindfulness, collective mindfulness, safety work-arounds,
occupational safety
This article, submitted to Medical Care Research and Review on September 9, 2015, was
revised and accepted for publication on January 5, 2016.
Corresponding Author:
Bart Dierynck, Tilburg School of Economics and Management, Tilburg University, PO
90153, Tilburg 5000 LE, Netherlands.
Email: b.dierynck@tilburguniversity.edu
Background
Occupational safety is a prominent issue in the management of organizations; indeed
managers in 118 countries contend that occupational safety is the number one social issue
that needs to be addressed (Kiron, Kruschwitz, Rubel, Reeves, & Fuisz-Kehrbach, 2013).
Although occupational safety is a costly and pervasive problem in many orga-nizations
(Zohar, 2010), the prevalence of occupational safety failures in hospitals is particularly
striking. Nurses, for instance, are 30 times more likely to experience an occupational
injury than workers in other industries (Lucian Leape Institute, 2013). A survey of nurses
in the United States revealed that almost one third had experienced back or
musculoskeletal injuries in the past year, and 13% reported unprotected con-tact with
blood-borne pathogens (Ulrich, Buerhaus, Donelan, Norman, & Dittus, 2005). Frequently
cited reasons for these alarming statistics include a turbulent work environment, the
increasing demands of the job, the complex and dynamic problems that nurses face, and
the need for continuous adaptation and learning (Katz-Navon, Naveh, & Stern, 2005;
Lucian Leape Institute, 2013).
In response to this prevalence of occupational injuries and inspired by the belief
that organizational reliability can be achieved through standardization and routines
(Hannan & Freeman, 1984), hospitals and both national and international organiza-
tions have enacted safety regulations for all types of actions (Brunsson & Jacobsson,
2000). Previous research, however, has documented that nurses often work around
these safety regulations. Some authors go as far as characterizing nurses as “mas-ters
of work-arounds,” recognizing that work-arounds are a common practice in health
care contexts (Morath & Turnbull, 2005). Consider, for example, nurses who attempt
to lift a patient on their own despite the safety regulations that call for either
assembling additional nurses to assist or using assistive equipment (e.g., a ceiling
mounted or portable lift). Such safety work-arounds, defined as the inten-tional
bypassing of existing safety regulations (Halbesleben, Wakefield, & Wakefield,
2008), are strong predictors of the frequency and severity of occupa-tional injuries in
hospitals (Halbesleben, 2010; Halbesleben & Rathert, 2008; Halbesleben, Savage,
Wakefield, & Wakefield, 2010). Notably, a single safety work-around may or may
not lead to an occupational injury; nevertheless, consis-tent engagement in safety
work-arounds does increase one’s risk of experiencing an occupational injury
(Halbesleben et al., 2008).
Hospitals strive for high levels of reliability in a context where even a small safety
failure can have detrimental consequences, making increasing occupational safety a
major concern. Prior research shows that safety-related behaviors are driven by
individual-level variables, such as personality characteristics and job attitudes, and team-
level antecedents, such as safety climate and leadership (Christian, Bradley, Wallace, &
Burke, 2009). Despite the fact that the interest in organizational and mana-gerial
cognition has increased in the past two decades, the literature on occupational safety has
largely ignored the role of cognition. Because several scholars have sug-gested that team
and individual cognition is key to assuring high performance in uncertain and complex
environments such as hospitals, it is important to examine
New Contributions
Using multilevel modeling to separate between-subject effects (i.e., individual mind-
fulness) and between-group effects (i.e., collective mindfulness) as distinct sources
of variance in work-arounds, we tested our hypotheses on survey responses from 580
nurses (across 54 teams) to make two main contributions. First, we contribute to the
literature on occupational safety by providing empirical evidence for the role of team
and individual cognition in understanding occupational safety in hospitals. While
pre-vious research has documented that individual-level and team-level constructs
are important for understanding occupational safety (Christian et al., 2009), the
cognitive processes that influence occupational safety are understudied. By focusing
on indi-vidual and collective mindfulness as cognition-related constructs, our study
addresses this void to highlight the pivotal role of work-arounds in the relationship
between mindfulness and occupational safety in hospitals. We found evidence that,
while work-arounds make occupational safety failures more likely, both individual
and collective mindfulness are associated with lower rates of occupational safety
failures through fewer work-arounds. Importantly, we did not find a significant direct
effect for indi-vidual or collective mindfulness on occupational safety failures. This
emphasizes the significance of work-arounds as a lever to better understanding how
mindfulness can reduce occupational safety failures.
Second, this study adds to the growing evidence on the benefits of mindfulness in
organizations in general and hospitals in particular. Our results are in line with the view
that individual and collective mindfulness explain unique variance in work-arounds and
Conceptual Framework
Individual Mindfulness
Given the high frequency of work-arounds in hospitals, a natural question to ask is
how a work environment replete with safety regulations might prompt nurses to
work around these regulations. One proposed explanation is that adhering to safety
regula-tions often entails the immediate cost of a slower pace (Naveh, Katz-Navon,
& Stern, 2005; Zohar, 2002). The slower pace caused by close adherence to safety
regulations increases the time pressure that nurses experience and may induce nurses
to start wor-rying about how they will be able to complete their work on time.
The main consequence of worrying about the future consequences of close adher-
ence to safety regulations is that the nurses’ motivational resources to adhere to the
safety regulations may be depleted (Halbesleben & Bowler, 2007). Because a lack of
motivational resources is a core predictor of work-arounds (Halbesleben, 2010), it
can be argued that the time-consuming characteristic of occupational safety
regulations can prompt nurses to work around them. We argue that individual
mindfulness will prevent the depletion of motivational resources caused by worrying
about the future consequences of adhering to safety regulations, thereby reducing
work-arounds and occupational safety failures.
Individual mindfulness has its roots in Buddhist philosophy and can be understood as
a state of consciousness in which one’s attention is focused on present-moment internal
and external phenomena. Individual mindfulness also manifests itself through an
accepting, open, and nonjudgmental attitude toward phenomena that are perceived in the
present moment (Brown & Ryan, 2003; Brown, Ryan, & Creswell, 2007; Dane, 2011;
Glomb, Duffy, Bono, & Yang, 2011). Like other psychological concepts, indi-vidual
mindfulness is a trait-level construct as well as a psychological state that varies from
moment to moment within individuals (Dane, 2011; Vogus, 2011). Hulsheger, Alberts,
Feinholdt, and Lang (2013), for instance, report that 62% of the variance in mindfulness
occurs between individuals and 38% within individuals. Contrary to pre-vious research
about attention, which has predominantly focused on the direction of attention,
mindfulness addresses the quality of attention and emphasizes the richness of the
interpretations that are based on perceiving present-moment phenomena (Dane, 2013;
Langer & Moldoveanu, 2000; Weick et al., 1999).
Shifting the line of inquiry from the direction of attention to the quality of attention
improves our chances of addressing why nurses work around the safety regulations.
Specifically, we argue that focusing attention on the present moment and approaching the
present moment with an accepting, open, and nonjudgmental attitude will reduce the
tendency of nurses to start worrying about the future consequences of adhering to time-
consuming occupational safety regulations. Consequently, the depletion of the nurses’
motivational resources is reduced implying that nurses will have more motiva-tional
resources available to closely follow the safety regulations. That is, we expect that
individual mindfulness will enable nurses to closely adhere to the occupational safety
regulations, ultimately resulting in a decrease in work-arounds. Overall, we expect
individual mindfulness will be related to fewer occupational safety failures among nurses
through a reduction in work-arounds.
Collective Mindfulness
A second explanation for the prevalence of work-arounds is that the design of work
processes may conflict with newly developed safety regulations (Edmondson, 2004;
Halbesleben et al., 2008). For example, given the high degree of interdependence
among hospital departments, the design of work processes in other departments may
prevent nurses from adhering to the safety regulations in their own department
(Nembhard & Tucker, 2011; Tucker, Heisler, & Janisse, 2014). Working around
safety regulations is the dominant response of nurses in such situations, and previous
research shows that 10% to 15% of nurses’ work time is lost to managing the lack of
comple-mentarity between safety regulations and the design of work processes
(Tucker & Edmondson, 2002, 2003; Tucker et al., 2014). We argue that work-
arounds, and relat-edly, occupational safety failures, may be better understood when
they are considered from the perspective of collective mindfulness.
Collective mindfulness, also called mindful organizing, refers to an entirely differ-ent
construct than individual mindfulness. Collective mindfulness is defined as a team’s
capacity to develop a rich awareness of discriminatory details about internal and external
processes and to regulate team behaviors accordingly (Vogus, 2011; Vogus & Sutcliffe,
2012; Weick et al., 1999; Weick & Sutcliffe, 2006). Collective mindfulness can be
identified through five team processes (Weick & Sutcliffe, 2007):
(a) preoccupation with failure in noticing when something goes wrong, (b) reluctance to
simplify so that heuristics and “quick fixes” are avoided, (c) sensitivity to operations to
prevent automated processes from occurring in unexpected and undesirable ways,
(d) commitment to bounce back from failure and inaction, and (e) deference to exper-
tise to ensure that the person with the right qualifications executes the job.
Collective and individual mindfulness share an emphasis on an increased attention to
internal and external present-moment phenomena and on approaching the present
moment with an accepting, open, and nonjudgmental attitude. Like individual mind-
fulness, collective mindfulness is as much about what teams do with what they notice as
it is about the act of noticing itself (Weick et al., 1999). A notable distinction,
however, is that collective mindfulness is a social process that exists only to the extent
that it is collectively enacted (Levinthal & Rerup, 2006; Vogus & Sutcliffe, 2007b).
We posit that collective mindfulness will provide the nursing team the cognitive
infrastructure that is necessary to develop an increased situational awareness of the work
processes, the safety regulations, and how the combination of the two may poten-tially
lack complementarity. Also, the accepting, open, and nonjudgmental attitude that
characterizes collectively mindful nursing teams is expected to induce nursing teams to
search for structural solutions rather than opting for “quick fixes.” Specifically, collec-
tive mindfulness will enable nursing teams to consider a detailed root-cause analysis of
the occupational safety failures (or signals that may lead to occupational safety failures)
and to come up with structural solutions that incorporate the expertise of every indi-
vidual team member. Such a pattern of behavior is expected to reduce the number of
occupational safety failures through a reduction in work-arounds caused by the lack of
complementarity between work-process design and safety regulations.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Data were collected from four general hospitals. The number of beds varied from 217 to
811 and none of the hospitals were university teaching hospitals. We surveyed 580 nurses
in 54 nursing departments with different specializations, including surgery, geriatrics,
emergency medicine, pediatrics, maternity, psychiatry, revalidation, dental care,
oncology, cardiology, gastroenterology, orthopedics, radiography, and polyclin-ics. We
defined a team as a minimum of two nurses operating under the direct supervi-sion of one
head nurse (i.e., minimally, as a three-person work group). Participating nursing
departments had an average of 11 nurses who provided care for an average of 19 patients.
The nurses who participated in the study were, on average, 38 years old (SD = 11), had
worked in the hospital for 14 years (SD = 11), and had worked as a nurse for 15 years
(SD = 10). On average, nurses worked in the hospital for 33 hours per week (SD = 8). A
total of 75% of the nurses were female.
We received permission from the nursing directors in each hospital to conduct our
survey and then presented the purpose of the study to the head nurses to stimulate
participant recruitment. We did not reveal the hypotheses of our study and we guaran-
teed confidentiality. Paper surveys were distributed in large envelopes to each nursing
department, and nurses were asked to deposit the completed surveys in a locked box
placed in the coffee room of each nursing department. Surveys were deposited in sealed
envelopes to assure anonymity. We visited the nursing departments 2 weeks after the
distribution of the surveys to collect the completed surveys.
Data were collected in the nursing departments in two stages. In Stage 1, we col-lected
580 surveys from nurses in four hospitals, a response rate of 70%. We used the
data from these surveys for our multilevel analyses. In Stage 2, 6 months later, we
used the same procedure to collect survey data from the head nurses on the number
of occu-pational safety failures obtaining a 100% response rate. We used the data
from these surveys to assess the reliability of the number of occupational safety
failures the nurses reported in Stage 1. To avoid survey fatigue, the hospital
management did not permit us to distribute the survey to all nurses in Stage 2.
While the use of self-report data has limitations, we found it to be an essential
method of reporting the measures we collected. It is very difficult for individuals to
accurately report on the extent to which another individual may engage in mindful or
work-around behavior, or the extent to which they experience incidents related to
occupational safety. Individuals are not likely to widely articulate that they decided
to work-around an official safety regulation. Relatedly, it would be difficult for
others to ascertain the cause of an individual’s injury, if they noticed it at all.
Following this rationale, we found that self-report data were an appropriate means of
obtaining the data of interest, particularly individual error.
Measures
Individual Mindfulness. We used the Mindful Attention and Awareness Scale
(MAAS) to assess individual mindfulness (Brown & Ryan, 2003). The MAAS
measures the absence of attention and awareness in thoughts, emotions, physical
sensations, and behaviors. Given our focus on predicting workplace behaviors rather
than on individ-ual well-being (Dane, 2011), we chose to include only the behavioral
items of the MAAS and asked respondents to what extent these items reflected their
work-related experiences. Items were measured on a 6-point Likert-type scale
ranging from almost never to nearly always and are thus reverse-scored. The items
are (a) “I could break or spill things because of carelessness, not paying attention, or
thinking of something else”; (b) “I rush through activities without being really
attentive to them”; (c) “I do jobs or tasks automatically, without being aware of what
I’m doing”; (d) “It seems I am running on automatic pilot without much awareness
of what I’m doing”; and (e) “I find myself doing things without paying attention.”
The Cronbach’s alpha value for this measure was .83.
mindfulness at the group level; instead, it refers to distinct group processes and is
mea-sured at the group level of analysis. Because we are testing a multilevel model,
we sepa-rate the between-subject and between-group effects as distinct sources of
variance in work-arounds.
ControlVariables. We controlled for characteristics of the nurses, the nursing teams, and
the hospitals to account for nonspecific effects. First, we controlled for characteristics of
the nurse such as age, tenure in the hospital, and tenure in the nursing department.
Second, we included the average number of patients cared for by the nursing teams, as
occupational safety may be a function of nurse workload (Katz-Navon et al., 2005).
Third, we measured the average complexity of patient conditions in the work unit using
six items (Hofmann & Mark, 2006) to control for the fact that occupational safety may
also be a function of more complex patient conditions. An example item
from this measure is “How many patients on your unit have complex problems that
are not well understood?” These items were measured on a 5-point Likert-type scale
rang-ing from a few (<20%) to most (>80%). Fourth, we controlled for potential
differences between the hospitals by controlling for hospital size, which is measured
by the total number of beds (Katz-Navon et al., 2005). We derived each nurse’s
hospital affiliation from the data collection. We found that adding these controls did
not meaningfully change our results. Therefore, following the recommendations of
Becker (2005), we omitted these variables from subsequent analyses.
Analyses
We analyzed the data using structural equation modeling in two steps (McDonald &
Ho, 2002). First, we conducted a confirmatory factor analysis on our measurement
model. The measurement model showed a good fit to the data (Hu & Bentler, 1998,
1999): χ²(168) = 510.82 (p = .00), standardized root mean square residual = .05, root
mean square error of approximation = .06, and comparative fit index = .95. When we
alternately constrained each pairwise factor to unity, we found that, in each case,
con-straining the factor correlation significantly worsened the model (p < .05).
Because multilevel structural equation models are too parameter intensive for our
data, we proceeded with testing the structural relationships using aggregated
measures in a multilevel path model (Grizzle, Zablah, Brown, Mowen, & Lee, 2009).
The results obtained using the multilevel path model are similar to those obtained
through hierar-chical linear modeling (Grizzle et al., 2009).
To assess our hypothesized cross-level model, we followed the procedures described
by Hofmann (1997) and Hofmann, Griffin, and Gavin (2000) and adopted by Walumbwa,
Wang, Weng, Schaubroeck, and Avolio (2010). Specifically, we first tested the main
effects in our model. In hierarchical linear modeling terminology, this consists of an
intercept-as-outcome model. We established the mediating effects by testing alternative
models that specify a direct link between individual mindfulness, collective mindfulness,
and occupational safety (James, Mulaik, & Brett, 2006; Preacher, Zyphur, & Zhang,
2011). These alternative models indicate whether a resid-ual direct effect remains after
work-arounds are included in the model.
Finally, because the teams in our data set are further nested within organizations,
we accounted for nonindependence in our data at the organizational level by
including the “type=COMPLEX” command in Mplus. This command corrects
standard errors and the chi-square test of model fit for nonindependence of
observations (Satorra, 2000).
Results
Table 1 shows the means, standard deviations, and correlation coefficients for the study
variables. The correlations are in the direction consistent with our hypotheses.
Specifically, the correlation between collective mindfulness and work-arounds and
between individual mindfulness and work-arounds are both significantly negative (r =
M SD 1 2 3 4
1 Individual mindfulness 4.38 0.57 .83
2 Collective mindfulness 3.60 0.73 .14** .92
3 Work-arounds 3.72 0.85 −.30** −.32** .87
4 Occupational safety failures 7.86 7.00 −.14** .08 .20** —
−.30, p < .05, for individual mindfulness; r = −.32, p < .05, for collective
mindfulness). The correlation between work-arounds and the number of occupational
safety failures is significantly positive (r = .20, p < .05). To assess our hypothesized
cross-level model, we first examined the degree of between-group variance for work-
arounds and occupational safety failures. Results for a null model showed that 22%
of the variance in work-arounds and 25% of the variance in safety failures was
between-group variance.
When assessing group-level effects, we applied grand mean centering to partial
out variance in individual-level variables (e.g., individual mindfulness; Hofmann &
Gavin, 1998). Figure 1 shows the standardized parameter estimates for our hypothe-
sized model. Both individual mindfulness (ŷ = −.27, p < .05) and collective mindful-
ness (ŷ = −.62, p < .05) were significantly negatively related to safety work-arounds,
and safety work-arounds further predicted the number of occupational safety failures
(ŷ = .13, p < .05).
Next, we tested our mediation hypotheses by specifying a direct effect for collec-
tive mindfulness (ŷ = −.21, p = .21) and individual mindfulness (ŷ = .01, p = .88) on
occupational safety failures. To test the cross-level mediation effect, we followed the
recommendations of Zhang, Zyphur, and Preacher (2009), who argued that cross-
level mediation effects may be confounded if one looks at between-subject, rather
than between-group, effects as mediators. These results confirm that the effects of
individ-ual and collective mindfulness operate through safety work-arounds.
Discussion
Individual and team cognition are important in complex and uncertain environments such
as hospitals. Indeed, reliability often results from stable processes of cognition that help
individuals and teams develop a detailed understanding of the situation (Weick et al.,
1999). In this study, we seek to address the lack of research concerning the role of
cognition for improving occupational safety in hospitals by examining how individual
and collective mindfulness are related to occupational safety in hospitals. Work-arounds,
defined as the intentional bypassing of existing safety regulations, have a pivotal role in
our theoretical model as we posit that individual and collective mindfulness influence
occupational safety through a reduction in work-arounds. We
Managerial Implications
This study provides guidance on how hospital managers can improve occupational safety.
We believe that such guidance is important as occupational safety plays a pivotal role in
the efficient and effective functioning of hospitals. For example, hospitals often develop
performance indicators related to occupational safety and use them for the evaluation of
nurse managers because nursing turnover and/or exit from the profession are clear
outcomes if occupational safety is ignored or downplayed. In other words, the immense
costs of recruiting and training new nurses can be obviated, at least in part, by improving
nurses’ occupational safety. Also, a lack of occupational safety often results in negative
media attention and reputational damage for the health care organization.
We believe that our results suggest two implications for hospital managers. First,
hospital managers should consider emphasizing mindfulness when designing policies
for improving occupational safety. A natural response to occupational safety failures
is to implement new safety regulations (Hannan & Freeman, 1984). Although safety
regulations are necessary to ensure reliability, the effectiveness of these safety
regula-tions is reduced when employees work around them. This study shows that
individual and collective mindfulness can reduce the tendency to work around a
safety regula-tion, leading to a safer work environment. Note that we do not suggest
that hospitals should reduce the emphasis on safety regulations. Instead, we argue
that hospitals may benefit from simultaneously focusing on mindfulness to increase
the effectiveness of implementing safety regulations.
Second, our study suggests that hospital managers should focus on improving both
individual and collective mindfulness rather than making a choice between the two. One
potential way to increase individual mindfulness is by offering mindfulness train-ing, a
practice already observed in other organizations tasked with delivering an error-free
service in dynamic, complex, and time-pressured conditions (such as aircraft carrier flight
desks and nuclear power control rooms). Collective mindfulness can be improved by
implementing mindfulness-inducing HR practices. Positive employee relations and
emphasizing training have been shown to induce collective mindfulness as they stimulate
sensitivity to operations and commitment to resilience, which are two of the five
underlying processes of collective mindfulness (Vogus & Welbourne, 2003). Creating an
environment where employees feel safe to speak up also has the potential to induce more
collective mindfulness (Edmondson, 1999). Previous research suggests that particular
leadership styles, such as authentic leadership, and particular behavioral patterns in the
leader’s behavior, such as word-deed alignment, help develop an environment where
employees feel safe to speak up (Leroy et al., 2012).
Finally, recent research suggests that collective mindfulness is more likely to
emerge when team members experience emotional ambivalence and prosocial
Conclusion
Previous research has already documented several benefits of mindfulness. Individual
mindfulness has been shown to enhance positive outcomes in several important life
domains, including mental health, physical health, behavioral regulation, and interper-
sonal behavior (see Brown et al., 2007, for an overview). The performance effects of
collective mindfulness have also begun to emerge (Rerup, 2009; Vogus & Sutcliffe,
2007a). In this study, we examined the effects of individual mindfulness and collective
mindfulness on occupational safety in hospitals and clarified how each type of mind-
fulness is linked to nurses’ occupational safety.
Overall, this study emphasizes the importance of mindfulness as one potential way to
reduce nurses’ well-documented tendency to work around occupational safety regula-
tions. Unpacking the roles of individual mindfulness and collective mindfulness in
ensuring occupational safety may further advance our knowledge of how to create safer
workplaces. At a broader level, this study speaks to the debate about the efficacy of
introducing safety regulations to create safer workplaces (Lucian Leape Institute, 2013).
Acknowledgments
We are indebted to Jonathon Halbesleben, Kathleen Sutcliffe, and Timothy Vogus for helpful
comments on earlier versions of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
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