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The IntellectualOrigins of Musical
Canon in Eighteenth-CenturyEngland*
By WILLIAMWEBER
*This paper was given originally at the William Andrews Clark Library at the
University of California, Los Angeles, and at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en
Sciences Sociales, Paris. I am indebted to Donald Burrows, Robin Wallace, Susan
Staves, Timothy Webb, Joseph Levine, Beth Lau, Stephen Fleck, and Roger
Lonsdale for criticism.
' For broad discussion of musical canon, see Joseph Kerman, "A Few Canonic
Variations," in Canons, ed. Robert von Hallberg (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1984), 177-96; Katherine Bergeron and Philip V. Bohlman, eds., Disciplining
Music:Musicologyand Its Canons,(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, i992); and
Marcia J. Citron, Genderand the Musical Canon(Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1993). Among works on specific aspects of the problem, see the studies of
editions and repertory in England by Percy Lovell, " 'Ancient' Music in Eighteenth-
Century England," MusicandLetters60 (1979):401-15; and H. Diack Johnstone, "The
Genesis of Boyce's 'CathedralMusic,' " ibid., 56 (1975): 26-40o. Some has been done
on France; see Herbert Schneider, Die Rezeptionder OpernLullys im Frankreicbdes
Ancien Rfgime(Ttitzing: Schneider, 1982); and Philippe Vendrix, Aux orzginesd'une
disciplinebistorique:La Musiqueet son bistoireen Franceaux XVIF et XVIII sidcles(Liege:
University of Liege, I993). On canonic repertories and ideas in nineteenth-century
Germany, see Klaus Kropfinger, "Klassik-Rezeptionin Berlin (1800-30)," in Studien
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 489
In a recent work I tracedthe rise of repertoriesof old music in
eighteenth-centuryEngland,arguingthat by the end of the century
they amountedto the first"performed" canonin music.' Here we will
consider the intellectualorigins of musical canon that emerged in
Englandduringthe eighteenthcentury. Two problemswill concern
us. The first is how the musicaland literarycanonswere relatedas
they evolvedin the courseof the century.Did the one growout of the
other, or can we see anothersort of interactionbetweenthem? The
secondproblemis one of intellectualprocess.Whatkindof discourse
developed as the foundationfor performingold works in canonic
terms?How did an epistemologicalprinciple,empiricism,supportthe
valorizationof the individualwork and therebyof canon?
DefiningMusicalCanon
Fundamentalto this subject is the need to distinguish among
differentkindsof musicalcanonas they evolvedin the early modem
period: the scholarly, the pedagogical,and the performed.First,
treatiseson scientificand philosophicalaspectsof music datingfrom
antiquity-music's high theoreticaltradition, earlier taught in the
universities-constituted the most pertinentexampleof a scholarly
canon. While such study affectedpracticesof tuning and tempera-
zur Musikgeschichte
Berlinsimfriien i9. Jahrhundert,ed. Carl Dahlhaus (Regensburg:
Bosse, 1980), 301-79; and Erich Reimer, "Repertoirebildungund Kanonisierung:Zur
Vorgeschichte des Klassikbegriffs(18oo00-1835),"ArchivfiirMusikwissenschaft 43 (1986):
241-6o. J. Peter Burkholder discusses the influence of canon upon the compositional
process in "Museum Pieces: The Historicist Mainstream in Music of the Last
Hundred Years," Journal of Musicology2 (1983): 115-34, and in "The Twentieth
Century and the Orchestra as Museum," in TheOrchestra: Originsand Transformations,
ed. Joan Peyser (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1986), 409-33. Joseph
Horowitz analyzes the popularization of the canon in UnderstandingToscanini(New
York: Knopf,
1987).
2 William Weber, TheRiseof MusicalClassicsin Eighteenth-Century England:A Study
in Canon,RitualandIdeology(Oxford: Clarendon Press, I have also discussed the
I992).
early period of musical canon in "The Contemporaneity of Eighteenth-Century
Musical Taste," The MusicalQuarterly70 (1984): 175-94; "La musiqueanciennein the
Waning of the Ancien Regime," Journal of ModernHistory 56 (1984): 58-88; "The
Eighteenth-Century Origins of the Musical Canon," Journal of the Royal Musical
Association114 (1989): 6-17; and "Lully and the Performance of Old Music in the
Eighteenth Century," in Jean-BaptisteLully: Actes du colloqueSaint-Germain-en-Laye,
HeidelbergI987, ed. Herbert Schneider and J&r6mede la Gorce (Laaber: Laaber
Verlag, 1991), 58I-9o. The problem is also central to my "Wagner, Wagnerism and
Musical Idealism," in Wagnerismin EuropeanCultureand Politics, ed. David C.
Large
and William Weber (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984); and "The Rise of the
Classical Repertoire in Nineteenth-Century Orchestral Concerts," in The Orchestra,
ed. Peyser, 361-86.
490 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
upon music was written by men of letters, and thus had a literary
dimension. But at the same time it stood within the traditions and
intellectual structures specific to musical life, and the nature of critical
discourse differed significantly in the various arts. Recent work on
canon formation has basically taken these points for granted and dealt
with the fields as separate entities.8 Still, the processes of canon
formation in music and literature were neither synonomous nor
autonomous. The two fields evolved within a common culture and
engaged with each other in significant ways. They had a certain
amount in common simply because they both functioned within an
unusually unstable context of ideas and politics such as occurred in
England at the time, and within the burgeoning of the publishing
industry. But the two fields responded to this context differently.
Canonic thinking became more national in literature and more
cosmopolitan in music, and idiosyncratic traditions generally emerged
within the two arts.
In the late date at which it developed a canon of great works, music
contrasted greatly with literature. The cultural authority that existed
for epic poetry, established as early as the library of Alexander the
Great, had no counterpart in music. But the absence of a musical
canon persisted not only because few musical scores remained from
ancient Greece and Rome, but also because musical culture lacked the
intellectual traditions necessary to develop a canon. Theory and
practice stood too far apart in musical culture during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries for such a frameworkto evolve. The speculative
study of music dating back to antiquity--a scholarly canon in its own
right--looked outward toward philosophy and science rather than
inward toward composition, performance, or the practices of poly-
phonic composition. The latter tradition, which served as the core of
musical learning, stood too close to the church and had too limited a
printed literature to be able to forge close links with the intellectual
community. As a result humanistic writings tended to disparage old
works or compositional techniques as scholastic and pedantic.9 In-
Gravity of the Antients ... dress'd up in Cobwebs," found in Otto Erich Deutsch,
Handel:A Documentary Biography(New York: Norton, 1954), 344; and in the statement
by Jean Laurent Le Cerf de la Vieville that fugue had no relationship to taste, in
Comparaisonde la musiqueitalienne et de la musiquefranFaise, in Jacques Bonnet-
Bourdelot, Histoirede la musiqueet de ses efets, 4 vols. (Amsterdam: Le Cane, 1725),
4:I24-26.
'oOn this problem, see Neal Zaslaw, Mozart'sSymphonies:Context,Performance
Practice,Reception(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 51o- 11;and W. Khippenholz and
H. J. Busch, eds., Musikgedeutetundgewertet:Dokumentezur von
Rezeptionsgeschichte
Musik (Kassel: Birenreiter, 1983), 36.
494 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
" Weber, Rise of Musical Classics,chaps. 2-3. See also Robert S. Shay, "Henry
Purcell and 'Ancient' Music in Restoration London" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of North
Carolina, 1991).
" James Anderson Winn discusses the rivalry in Unsuspected Eloquence:A History
of the RelationsbetweenPoetryand Music (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981),
in
163-93. Curtis Price shows the primacy of songs in the dramatic theater in Music
the Restoration Theater (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1979), 1o6-9,
237-43, and passim.
the
'3 James Harris, ThreeTreatises, First concerning Art, theSecondconcerningMusic,
Painting and Poetry, the Third Happiness,
concerning 3d ed. (London: Nourse, 1772), 67n,
99n.
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 495
anyrelativizing considerations. He callsthedomainof the classicsan
empirein itsownsense,"aperpetuity, a transcendent entity,however
remoteits provinces,howeverextraordinary its temporalvicissi-
tudes."•4The "metropolitan" natureof the classics,as he callsit, set
the canonaboveprovincialframesof discourse,incorporating local
tongueswithinits domain.The readerdid not interpreta classic,far
less considerits meaningswithinhistoricalcontexts;it stoodabove
changeandcouldbe reshapedas allegoryin otherages.
Kermodesees this senseof the classicfalteringbadlyin the late
seventeenthcentury.He tells "howimperialism was reducedto a
weakermyth,Augustanism, whileVirgilwashandedoverfromthe
allegoriststo the philologists."'s
Augustanclassicismis herecharac-
terizedas defensiveaboutthenatureof its authority,andantiquarian
ratherthanallegorical in its methods.The shiftfromthe passionate
rediscoveryof ancientworksto criticalphilologybrought"aculti-
vated taste for the antique"whose exact reproduction of Roman
culture,ratherthan its emulation,meantthat the greatage no longer
possessedthe transcendentquality that it once possessed. To Ker-
mode, Augustanismwas "a secularized,a demythologizedimperial-
ism;or, as Eliot would say, we arenow dealingwith a relative,not an
absoluteclassic";as a result"neoclassicismsucceedsimperialism"--or
rather, it is "a second-orderclassicism."'6
Kermode demonstratesthat the classical tradition in literature
became seriously weakened in its authority at the turn of the
eighteenthcentury,andthathelpsus understandhow a musicalcanon
emerged as a consequence.Humanismhad arrivedin Britainlate,
almost at the time of the Reformation,and in weak forms that
significantlylimited its influence." Neoclassicaldramadid not be-
come as importantin England as it did in France in the time of
Corneilleand Racine;few plays were writtendirectlyupon classical
models(Addison'sCatoof '717 virtuallyendedthatpractice).'8At the
turn of the eighteenthcentury a disillusionmentwith the classical
traditionwas evident in many quarters,and mocking the classics
14Kermode,TheClasMic, 28.
1s
j6
Ibid., 49.
Ibid., 67, 72.
17 JosephM. Levine,Humanism andHistory:Originsof Modern EnglishHistoriogra-
pby (Ithaca:CornellUniversityPress, 1987),introductionand chap. i.
i' Glynne Wickham,"Neo-ClassicalDramaand the Reformationin
England,"
DramaandIts Influence:
Classical Presented
Essays toH. D. F. Kitto,ed. M. J. Anderson
(London:Methuen, 1965), 155-73-
496 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
England:TheDeclineof a
'9 Howard Weinbrot,AugustusCaesarin "Augustan"
Norm(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1978);and idem, TheFormal
Classical
Strain:Studiesin AugustanImitationandSatire(Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress,
1969).
2oGeorg Luck, "ScriptorClassicus,"Comparative Literature io (1958):154.
2 There are differentviews
amongliteraryhistoriansas to how majora change
occurredin canonin the late eighteenthcentury.See Kermode,TheClassic; Douglas
LanePatey, "The EighteenthCenturyInventsthe Canon,"Modern LanguageStudies
i8 (1988):17-37;TrevorRoss, "JustWhenDid 'British bardsbegint'Immortalize'?"
Culture,vol. 19, ed. Leslie Ellen Brownand Patricia
in Studiesin Eigbteenth-Century
Craddock(EastLansing,Mich.:CollegiatePress, 1989), 394;andThomasF. Bonnell,
"Booksellingand Canon-Making:The Trade Rivalry over the English Poets,
1776-1783,"in ibid., 53-70.
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 497
originsand their meaning--questionsthat the earlier"metropolitan"
approachhad rarely contemplated.Scholarsbegan disclosing texts
and objectsas forgeries,and conflictsamongthem abouthow to treat
the classicsweakenedthe authorityof that tradition.An intellectual
crisis emergedwithin the Quarrelof the Ancientsand the Modems,
a series of intellectualdisputes that ran from 169o into the 1720s.
WilliamTemple openedthe argumentwith his "Essayupon Ancient
and Modem Learning,"an attackupon the questioning,by Thomas
Burnet, of the primacyof ancientmodels in TheSacredTheoryof the
Earth, and by Bernardde Fontenellein De la pluraliti des mondes;
conflictintensifiedin 1699with claimsthatthe EpistlesofPhalaris,long
attributedto a contemporaryof Pythagoras,were forgeriesdone in
the time of the Roman Sophists. It did not matter who won, for
simply disputing the relative accomplishmentsof Ancients and
Modems broughtthe intellectualsovereigntyof antiquityinto ques-
tion." What happenedresemblesthe controversiesthat have sur-
roundedbiblicalscholarshipduringthe last hundredyears or so: in
bothcasescriticaltoolschallengedtime-honoredcertaintiesandset off
a hostile reactionagainsttheir exponents.
The Quarreltookplacewithinthe profoundopeningup of politics
and culturethat occurredin Englandat the end of the seventeenth
century.Stimulatedby the uncertainconstitutionalsettlementof 1689
and the failure of Parliamentto renew press censorshipin 1695,
ideologicaldisputebecamefarmoreextensivethanit wasto be anywhere
in Europefor almosta hundredyears.The outpouringof broadsides,
pamphlets,caricatures,andbooksaffectedreligion,science,the theater,
indeedall areasof publiclife."3Though the Quarrelcut acrossparty
lines, the challengeto canonicauthorityformedpart of an unsteady
politicalclimatethatmademanyfearthatanothercivilwarwas at hand.
2
JosephLevinehaswrittenextensively
on thisproblem,to particularly
inter-
estingeffectin "Ancients
andModernsReconsidered," Studies
Eighteenth-Century I5
(1981):72-89.SeealsohisHumanismandHistory,
chaps.6, 7;"TheBattleoftheBooks
andthe Shieldof Achilles,"
Eighteenth Life9 (1984):33-61;andTheBattleof
Century
theBooks: and
History Literaturein theAugustanAge (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
'991).
23 An important work defining the political crisis at the turn of the
century is
William Speck's Tory and Whig: The Strugglein the Constituencies,1701-15 (London:
Macmillan, 1970). For its influence on culture, and to a degree on music, see Jeremy
Black and Jerome Gregory, "Anglicanism and the Arts: Religion, Culture and Politics
in the Eighteenth Century," in Culture,Politicsand Societyin Britain,
i66o-i8oo, ed.
Jeremy Black and Jerome Gregory (Manchester:Manchester University Press, I991),
82-109. Party conflicts sometimes influenced canonic identities in this period; see
Ross, "Just When Did 'British bards begin t'Immortalize'?"390.
498 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
TheIdeaofAncient
Music
Whilemusicplayedno partin the Quarrel,the ideaof "ancient
music"musthavecomeaboutasa resultof thedispute.Thetermwas
born in Oxford,the main site of the literarydispute, and was
conductedin largepart by the samepeople;Henry Aldrich,for
example,wasoneof theleadingexponents of ancientexample.24 Each
side contributed to the development of the musicalidea.The main
initialinfluencecamefrom"Ancients" such as Aldrichwho were
reshaping thetraditionof classicalstudy a morepopularmoldthan
in
it hadtendedto be, partlyto escapethephilologists' attacksandpartly
to attractthe growingpublicfor theirwork.Thus did intellectuals
whowereputtingthe literaryclassicson a newbasisbegindesigning
a canonicframework-though a quitedifferentone--formusic.Then
duringthe 172os the Modemsbeganapplyingtheircriticalmethod-
ologyto the musicalquestionby asking,rudely,why old poemshad
been preservedbut so little old music. Fromthis discoursethere
emergeda wide-ranging andnewlyempirical critiqueof the specula-
tive traditionof musicalstudy.
At the turnof the eighteenthcenturythe word"ancient" could
mean anythingdistinctlyold, thoughfor the most part it was
suggestiveof the timepredatingthe Reformation. But whenit was
usedin referenceto worksof art,a canonicmeaningcameintoplay
thatimpliedartifactsof antiquity,especiallywhenthe greatQuarrel
cameto dominateso muchof literarydiscourse.The musicalterm
initiallyhadtwomeanings.Onewasa logicalextensionof thecanonic
sense of "ancient":referenceto the musicand the musicaltreatisesof
antiquity. Charles Burney and John Hawkins employed the term
consistentlyin this mannerin theirmusic histories.But this meaning
was graduallyreplacedby another:referenceto musicof the sixteenth
and early seventeenthcenturies.This use of "ancient"was a consid-
erable anomoly in the period, since applying the word to admired
works of art from so recent an epoch had no parallelin the other
arts.25
24 See the conversation between Thomas Hearne of the Bodleian Library and
The craft tradition and the idea of ancient music took literary form in
eulogies to great composers upon their deaths, most prominent among
them that of Henry Purcell by John Dryden. 3' They and texts for St.
Cecilia's Day provided meeting grounds where musical and literary
notions and images would mingle--a kind of partnership that ended
by about midcentury.
33 Interestingly enough, the stile anticowas much less common in England than in
Italy or Germany: it was in the country where the reuse of old styles was not
practiced that the performance of old pieces returned the earliest. Christoph Wolff,
Der stile anticoin derMusikJ. S. Bachs:Studienzu Bacbs
Spiitwerk(Wiesbaden: Steiner,
1968); K. G. Fellerer, Das PalestrinastilundseineBedeutungin der vokalenKirchenmusik
des i8. Jts. (Augsburg: B. Filser, 1929); Anthony Newcomb, "When the Stile antico
was Young," Trasmissione e Recezepione delleforme de cultura musicale,Bologna, 1987,
Proceedings of the International Musicological Society, Bologna, 1987 (Turin:
Edizione di Turino, i99o). On England, see Robert Shay,
"Henry Purcell and
'Ancient' Music"; and Percy Lovell, "'Ancient' Music in
Eighteenth-Century
England" (see n. i above).
34 Walter Jackson Bate, The Burdenof the Past and the EnglishPoet (Cambridge:
Belknap Press, 197o), 79.
502 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
35 Richard Luckett,
" 'Or Rather our Musical Shakspeare': Charles Burney's
England:Essaysin Memoryof CharlesCudworth,
Purcell," in Musicin Eighteenth-Century
ed. Christopher Hogwood and Richard Luckett (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1983), 59-77.
36 Ross, "Just When Did 'British bards begin t'Immortalize'?"383-98.
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 503
40
Ian Watt, TheRiseof theNovel:Studiesin Defoe,Richardson,andFielding(Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1957).
4' Michael McKeon, TheOriginsof theEnglishb Novel, t6oFo- 740 (Baltimore:Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1987), Ioo-Io5 and passim.
42 See the transcription of almost all of the prefaces in Christopher Hogwood,
"Thomas Tudway's History of Music," in Music in Eigbteenth-Century England, ed.
Hogwood and Luckett, I9-47.
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 505
andtheEmergingCanon
Empiricism
If any one intellectualforce exerted a positive influenceon the
shapingof the musicalcanon, it was empiricism.Empiricismwas a
The way Bedford uses the word "custom" looks ahead to the
significance David Hume gave it in his 1757 essay Of the Standardof
Taste:taste no longer came from eternal ideals but from the changing
needs of society.
The critique of traditional canons that often accompanied empir-
icism seems actually to have drawn some intellectuals to the fluid,
uncodified idea of ancient music in this period. William Hogarth
harbored a profound suspicion of academic and canonic structures,
especially those that he found in the art academies founded in the
middle of the century. It was natural that he would join the Academy
of Ancient Music, as he did in 1730, since it had not become a
self-interested institution and did not define a rigid canon such as he
thought French influence tended to bring to England in art.57 The
club, made up mostly of musicians from the metropolitan choirs and
the Chapel Royal, had no intellectual pretensions; its members were
part of a craft rather than a professional elite, as Sir Joshua Reynolds
was to conceive the members of the new Royal Academy. Ronald
Paulson argues that Hogarth's critique of canon was rooted in his
empirical way of thinking, an emphasis on "sight and induction from
particular observation."ss
The theoretical study of music came under increasing attack
during the middle of the century. An early example is found in the
preface to a music primer, published in 1745, by the composer and
theater entrepreneur John Frederick Lampe. It is indicative of the
intellectual climate of the time that a practicing musician with few
literary credentials would so confidently scorn theory and exalt
practice. Lampe made an obvious allusion to Locke in a rough-and-
ready set of philosophical observations. He derided the classics of
music theory, written in "the latter age fettered by custom," and he
challenged those who "take everything upon trust, and sacrifice their
Judgement and understanding to the Authority of the Ancients, and
meanly give up the great prerogative of thinking and judging for
themselves." The mathematicalcalculations of tuning systems seemed
an intellectual dead end to him: "We ought to take all our Rulesfrom
the free operation of Nature," he wrote.59
We can best see how empiricism, music criticism, and canonic
thinking were naturally dependent upon one another in Avison's Essay
on MusicalExpression.The essay initiated a new genre, for it is neither
a primer for learning to read music, nor is it strictly a treatise on
aesthetics, the two main types of printed work that concerned music
in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Charles Burney
stated flatly that this was the first book of musical criticism.6' Several
authors seem to have contributed to sections of the essay; it indeed
reads as if it were the notes from a weekend of stimulating conversa-
tions-unorganized, contradictory, but rich in perception and char-
acterization.6' While it addresses itself to the aesthetic problems of
imitation and expression, it does so by referring with remarkable
specificity to actual composers and works, and the philosophical
discussion in many places functions chiefly to elucidate critical
discussion of the music.
The essay suggests that music criticism needed canon, and that
both tended toward empirical specificity. It sets up loose guidelines
by which to judge composers, derived chiefly from principles of
musical craft, and then delineates four classes of composers by levels
of excellence. The taste is basically conservative, attached to the
practices of the 171os and I72os; most apparent of all is a suspicion of
flashy virtuosic technique. The early masters-Tallis, Palestrina, and
Allegri-are considered as constituting a class of their own, as
emblems of greatness but not as an overarching set of models. The
essay then defines the "first and lowest class" as music "only a fit
Amusement for Children," including that of Locatelli, Alberti, and
Vivaldi, about whom Roger North also had harsh words;61 and
compliments the "middle class"-Hasse, Terradellas, Lampugnani,
and Porpora-for having "more regard for Harmony" despite its
tendency toward the new fashion of repeating phrases excessively.
The "third and highest" class includes chiefly figures of the previous
MusicHistoryas Empirical
Science
78 Ibid., 2:555-
79 Hawkins, GeneralHistoryof Music i:xxvii. See also i:xx.
so ProbationaryOdesfor the Laureatship:With a PreliminaryDiscourseby Sir J. H.,
Knght (London: J. Ridgway, 1785), 130.
1'Burney, GeneralHistoryof Music i:705.
MUSICALCANON IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYENGLAND 517
TheNewMusical
Discourse
82
See, for example, the Catch Club active in Canterbury during the
I780s,
discussed in the autobiography of the composer John Marsh, 37 vols., MS 54457,
Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif., vols. 8-i I.
518 JOURNALOF THE AMERICANMUSICOLOGICAL
SOCIETY
ABSTRACT
Press, 1991), 335-73. On the operas of Graun and Hasse, see Ludwig Schneider,
GeschichtederOperunddeskoniglichenOpernhauses in Berlin, 2 vols. (Berlin: Duncker und
Humblot, 1852); A. E. Brachvogel, Geschichte deskiiniglichenTheaterszu Berlin, 2 vols.
(Berlin, O. Janke, 1877); and E. E. Helm, Music at the Court of Frederickthe Great
(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 196o), 121-42. On the Graun Te Deum, see
Christoph Helmut Mahling, "Zum 'Musikbetrieb'Berlins und seinen institutionen in
der ersten Hiilfte des 19. Jahrhunderts," and Kropfinger, "Klassik-Rezeption in
Berlin," both in Studien zur Musikgeschichte Berlins im friihen i9. Jahrhundert,ed.
Dahlhaus, 30, 48, 301, 313, 320, and Table 2.
An early example can be found in the copy of the Contrapunctus
86 9-1o from Art
ofFugue found among the papers of Benjamin Cooke (1734-3), in the Parry Library,
Royal College of Music, London, MS 824, fol. 12. But knowledge of Bach was quite
limited until German musicians began moving in significant numbers to London in
the last decades of the century; see Nicholas Temperley, "Bach Revival,"in TheNew
GroveDictionaryof Music and Musicians1:883-86. The Hamburg musician A. F. C.
Kollmann, who arrived in London in 1784 as organist and schoolmaster of the Royal
German Chapel in St. James's Palace, published a theoretical volume focused on
works of Bach in 1792; see Michael Kassler, "Augustus Frederic
Christopher
Kollmann," in TheNew GroveDictionaryof Musicand Musicians10o:162-63;and Hans
Ferdinand Redlich, "Augustus Frederic Christopher Kollmann," in Die Musik in
Geschichteund Gegenwart7:1410o-I .
520 OFTHEAMERICAN
JOURNAL SOCIETY
MUSICOLOGICAL
mode of empirical musical thinking that focused upon musical practice rather
than philosophical or scientific theory. Canonic judgments and repertories
developed as a source of authority within this intellectual framework. While
developments either in canonic thinking or in repertories of old works
appeared in many European countries during the eighteenth century, only in
England did both aspects develop significantly in the period. Although a
general reconstitution of canons was taking place within the arts at the time,
the changes that came about in musical culture took their own particular
direction.