Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Centre for Defence Sciences

Vol. 2, No. 1, January-June 2011, 29-42 Research & Development

Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics in

South Asia: The Case of Sri Lanka
Arundhati Sharma*
Abstract
The problem of identity compounded and nurtured by ethnic and
religious elements pervades the South Asian Region .Sri Lanka provides a
unique paradigm of how the interplay of religion and politics alienated the
two communities of Sinhala-Buddhist and Tamil-Hindu, culminating into one
of the most violent ethnic conflict. This also adds another aspect where two
democratic states in the region-Sri Lanka and India were embroiled in a tug
of war. Based on ethnic affinity and age old lineages, the internal matter of
Sri Lanka was transformed into a national security issue for India. It, thus,
becomes imperative at the conclusion of the war to analyze the evolution of
religion-politics nexus in the country as a potent determinant in domestic
policy-making and a catalyst to the ethnic war. It is also necessary to analyze
how the domestic policy making in Sri Lanka affected the internal politics of
India posing a threat to its integrity and security. The paper mostly focuses
on the internal dynamics of religion-politics nexus of the ethnic crisis in Sri
Lanka and traces how it impinged on the national security of India.

The rise of ethno-religious nationalism has been a challenge to the stability of

South Asia since the last few decades. Tracing back the history of this region, it is
discernible that South Asia has been under the garb of enduring inter and intra-
th
state communal conflicts since the beginning of the 20 century. The role of
religion in politics has led to cartographic changes of the region. the divide and
rule policy of the British not only led to the partition and fragmentation of the
integrated region into India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, it portends the worst
communal conflagration across the region over time. But, it further relegated Sri
Lanka into an ethno-religious conundrum for five long decades. Notwithstanding
that, the ethno-religious conflict in this island is distinctive from the rest of the
countries of the region owing to its own peculiarity. This peculiarity can be traced
in the transition of an ‘internal security’ matter to a ‘national security’ issue
involving two democracies of the region- India and Sri Lanka.
Religion, the cornerstone of the ethnic crisis not only influenced Sri Lanka
politics but also the political landscape of Indian state. Religion and language in Sri
Lankan context is considered as one and the same concept owing to its
manifestations in the two dominant communities –the Sinhala-Buddhist and the
1
Hindu Tamils. The paper discuses the religio-political nexus in the ethnic conflict of
Sri Lanka in detail and traces how the internal security matter impinged on the
national security of India.
* Research Scholar, South Asian Studies Division, School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi

ISSN 0974-6501
© 2011 Centre for Defence Sciences Research & Development
 30 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

I. DEMOGRAPHIC PATTERN OF SRI LANKA

Sri Lankan society is an ethno-religious mosaic and within the ethnic groups,
there is visible clear religious division. In addition, the ethnicity and religion also
have a regional basis. The social compositions in terms of ethnic groups are
Sinhala, Sri Lankan Tamils, Indian Tamils, Sri Lankan Moors, Burghers, Malay and
others; in terms of religion there are the Buddhists, Hindus, Moors (Muslims),
Christians and others. The Sinhalese-Buddhists finds its significant presence almost
in all parts except the North Eastern where the Tamil-Hindus predominate. It is
seen that the two dominant ethno-religious communities are the Sinhala-Buddhist
that constitutes around 74-82 (Ethnicity) percent and 69-77 (religion) percent in
1981 and 2001 and the second though fluctuates, is the Tamil-Hindus that
comprises 13-5 (Ethnicity) percent and 16-8 (religion) percent in the same years, as
shown in figure 1 and 2. The logical derivatives are that the majority Sinhala are
Buddhist forming the major percentages followed by Tamils as Hindu. So, religion-
language-ethnicity connotes the one and the same meaning as it apparently
visible from the connection established.
Figure I. Population of Sri Lanka by ethnic group in census years

0.3
% in 1981 0.3
% in 2001 Sinhala
0.2
7.1 0.3 0.2 Sinhala 0.1
7.9
5.5 5.1 Sri
Sri Lankan 4.3 Lankan
Tamils
12.7 Tamils
Indian tamils Indian
73.9 Tamils
Sri Lankan 82
Moors Sri
Burghers Lankan
Moors
Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008. Department of census and statistics, Sri Lanka
Figure2. Population of Sri Lanka by religion in census years

% in 1981 Buddhist
% in 2001
6.9 0.7 6.1 0.9 Buddhist
0.1 0
7.6 8.5
Hindus
7.8 Hindus
15.5
69.3 76.7
Muslims Muslims

Source: Statistical Abstract, 2008. Department of census and statistics, Sri Lanka
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 31

II. RELIGION-POLITICS NEXUS: A HISTORIC CONCOCTION

The concatenation of factors provides logic to the development of the close
nexus between religion and politics in Sri Lanka, yet it is the invasion by the Tamils
from South India that anneals the process unfolding gradually. The beginning of
2
nationalism or to say understanding of ‘Sri Lankan nationalism’ can be traced
back to the times when frustrated with the frequent assault and consolidation by
the Tamil from South India, recourse to more than 2500 years of Buddhist
3
chronicles was taken for restoring and retrieving stability. No sooner that the
Sinhala nationalism was intractably linked with the national religion-Buddhism,
there was institutionalization in the form of Sangha (Buddhists organization)
under the Bhikkus (Buddhist clergy). Gradually, the Bhikkus made manipulative
innovations to complicate Sinhalese Buddhism, moving away from the basic
cannon of Buddhism. Thus, there emerged a new set of Doctrine of Buddhism
peculiar to Sri Lanka as perceived and practiced. The concepts of Dhammadipa
(island of Buddhist doctrine) shrouded with myths and legends of Buddha visiting
the island, Prince Vijaya and Sri Lanka as the chosen one for spreading and
flourishing of Buddhism and his descendants to protect and preserve it was
4
precipitated by Dipavamsa, Mahavamsa and Culavamsa. The closer association of
the state with the Sangha led to a gradual politicization of Buddhism.
III. PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL RELATION BETWEEN RELIGION AND
POLITICS: SANGHA AND THE STATE
The gradual transformation of the Sangha ( Buddhists organization) towards
centralized and hierarchal organization having power over the monasteries
(Viharas) and the involvement of the monarchy and the state has been the logical
derivative of the theological, historical, and the dynamic social structure which has
influenced the evolution, growth, functions and roles of the monastic order in Sri
5
Lanka. In the pre-colonial era, there was visible close sinews
The immediate
between the state and the religious elements characterized
consequence
by a symbiotic relation. While the king was the protector of
of this, in
the Sangha, the latter fostered the former’s legitimacy in the
political arena,
state. The importance ascribed to the Bhikkus, Sangha and was the
Buddhism could be measured by the endowments of assets greater
(land), called Buddhist Temporalities, to the Viharas demand for
(Monasteries) with reciprocal obligatory service to the King government
(Rajakarya). This unleashed an era of competition among the participation
Viharas to acquire the largest landholdings which determine by Ceylonese
the power and affluence of the Viharas. In short, there was and, in social
an implicit mutual understanding between the Bhikkus and sphere, the
the King to serve their respective interests. confrontation
between the
New conditions developed with the advent of colonial
Sinhalese and
powers in the island. Herein, it is to be noted that, the
Tamils.
colonial invasion was not forceful but the outcome of
invitation by the Ceylon Kings. Thus, one finds a conspicuous blend of traditional
(religious myths, royal patronage and populist sanctions) and non-traditional
 32 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

(military might) source of legitimacy. The propagandas of Christian missionaries

with the deep entrenchment of western education and subsequent
prosyletization, particularly under the new entrants of Portuguese and Dutch,
challenged the monastic order. It led to the erosion of the monopoly of the
Bhikkus on education and as such on the masses. The Portuguese and Dutch
patronage of Christianity deprived the Bhikkus of its position as the harbinger of
the dominant religion in the island. However, the colonial period also saw the
th th
revival of Buddhism in 18 and 19 century, especially in the Kandyan Kingdom,
considered being the royal patron of Sinhala-Buddhism. The British policy of
ambivalence and secularization of religious order further widened the
fragmentation among the Sanghas. The British policy enabled the continued
exercise of legal authority by the government over the secular affairs of the
Sangha.
a. Colonial Political Reforms and Religion: (1931-1947)
In the political tradition of Sri Lanka, the indoctrination of religious elements
could not be isolated from the mainstream politics. The Bhikkus’ organization had
to revolve around the political orbit of the two parties as a satellite. As said, the
folk-legends underpinned in the Mahavamsa catapulted the Sinhala national
resurgence and assertion of their lost position and privileges pitted against the
Tamil minority. It was under the British colonial regime that the political
participation of the Ceylonese saw the day. Concomitantly, the emergence of
6
English educated middle class , particularly the visibly high rate of literates
amongst Tamils, was competing for educational institutions and employment. The
immediate consequence of this, in political arena, was the greater demand for
government participation by Ceylonese and, in social sphere, the confrontation
between the Sinhalas and Tamils. This rift widened with the series of reforms
introduced in the new Constitution of Donoughmore and Soulbury in the pre-
independence period.
The Donoughmore Constitution, 1931 provided the first ever experiment with
universal franchise in Sri Lanka; created a State Council with 61 members, 50 of
them elected on territorial- population basis, the remaining 8 were appointed from
7
communities inadequately represented and 3 from the colonial administration.
This meant that the Sinhala constituting 2/3 of the island’s population would have
the majority representation. The persisting preponderance of Sinhala community
led to the boycott of the 1932 State Council elections by the Tamil who sought
parity based on communal representation. The second elections, 1936 the Tamil
fears were enlarged with the domination of the Executive Committees and the
Board of Ministers by the Sinhalese. Although, in 1942 the exclusive “Pan-Sinhalese
8
Ministry” was ended with the selection of a Tamil minister, it instead of mitigating
the policy-making broke the trend of unanimity. Meanwhile, S.W.R.D Bandarnaike
formed all exclusive Sinhala organization, the Sinhala Maha Sabha in mid-1930.
This, even after Bandarnaike’s assurance to the Tamil of equal treatment, added
fuel to the communal identification of politics.
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 33

The Soulbury Constitution, 1944, provided for enhanced provisions for

minority representation, through incorporation of a limitation on the power of the
parliament prohibiting the enactment of any law imposing disabilities or
restrictions, or confer advantages or privileges, on members of any community or
religion to which members of other communities or religions were not subject; a
parliamentary form of government sure to provide for a dominance of Sinhalese.
The first elections under the Soulbury constitution saw the UNP coming to power
9
in 1947 .The Sinhalese held 2/3 seats of the new parliament with 68 seats out of
95 elected members and 13 Ceylon Tamils, 7 Indian Tamils, 6 Muslims and one
10
Burgher. This was indicative of the dominance of Sinhalese adding to further
consternation among the Tamils.
IV. POST COLONIAL POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS: ASSERTION OF SINHALA-
BUDDHIST IDENTITY AND TAMIL-HINDU SOLIDARITY
The nexus between religion and the state in the post colonial Sri Lankan was
conditioned by dynamics of the party system since 1948.The experiment with
universal adult franchise in 1931 was catalytic to the adoption of parliamentary
government in 1948. The emergence of Buddhism as an indispensable part of the
parliamentary system not only conditioned but also was conditioned by the party
system, as also their objectives and ideologies. This in the process established an
inherent correlation between the two to cater to the electoral demands. The
character of the party system also exhibited uniqueness so far it emanated on
communal lines and those parties (minority representation) which lacked
communal colour later joined the gang. In short, Sri Lanka witness politics of
renegade. A consistent electoral pattern exuded alliance between the major
parties UNP (United National Party) and the SLFP (Sri Lankan Freedom Party).
Eventually, Sri Lankan Politics became a two party dominant multiparty system
with the minor parties aligning to the major parties-UNP and SLFP, both
representing the Sinhalese. It is to be noted that there were the Tamil Congress,
Federal Party- a splinter group of the former in 1949 and
Ceylon Indian Congress representing the efforts of the The role played
Tamils, both Sri Lankan and Indian. Language and religion, by the leaders of
two sides of the same coin, has been playing a formidable
the parties, D.S.
Senanayake and
role in the development of group self-consciousness and
S.W.R.D.
self-identification. In contemporary times, sentiments of
Bandarnaike,
religious communities are characterized by its political role, reflected in the
in the political mobilization of parties for garnering support ‘ritualisation’ of
to appropriate power. Playing one religious community politics was
against other has become the sin-qua-non of political carried forward
parties. This is evident in the myriad of policy orientation as by their
in 1956 Language Act, 1972 and 1978 Constitutions. successors who
a. Comparative Analysis of the Religious Policies of the were devout
Dominant Parties Sinhala-Buddhist.
A cursory examination of the religious policies pursued by the two dominant
parties is reflective of the electoral pattern. It is also seen that the Left and the
 34 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

Federal Party have often taken side of either of the two major parties to come to
power and reoriented and, sometimes, endorsing religious affiliations, particularly
by the former.
Comparing the religious policies of the two major parties, it is evident that
their line of thought have mitigated to the extent that both in recent years
assumed Sinhala-Buddhist overtones. During its two year term (1947-1956), the
UNP, though stated as a secular party, gradually acquired the Sinhala-Buddhist
essence in the lines of SLFP. Interestingly, the inception of SLFP and breakaway
from UNP was mainly due to its avowed adherence to Sinhala-Buddhism.
However, both the parties played their cards ingeniously to garner the support of
the majority and avert religious friction.
UNP’s measures to open up a Commission to oversee the protection of
Buddhism, and initiate a commission and a Council, Lanka Bauddha Mandalaya
(LBM) for the celebrations of Buddha Jayanti demonstrated in a way its soft corner
for the Sinhala-Buddhist community, eventually leading to its defeat in 1956 and
1960 elections. The unclear stand of UNP even disappointed the Sinhalese which
came to lack faith in the party. On the other hand, the SLFP overtly declared its
pro-Sinhala-Buddhist policies and succeeded in capitalizing it to the extent of
winning the 1956 and 1960 elections (with Left support from Lanka Sama Samaj
Party, LSSP). The role played by the leaders of the parties, D.S. Senanayake and
11
S.W.R.D. Bandarnaike, reflected in the ‘ritualisation’ of politics was carried forward
by their successors who were devout Sinhala-Buddhist. The manipulation of the
cultural idiom in Buddhist term was evident in the speech delivered first time in the
history of Sri Lanka in Sinhalese instead of English by the Governor General with
the new incumbent of office, establishment of two Buddhists Universities in
Anuradhapuram, the Department of Cultural Affairs and celebrations of Poya
holidays. However, SLFP had to pay the price for their link with LSSP in 1965
elections owing to the difference in their policy orientation as regards religion.
Meanwhile, the UNP has reoriented it religious policy, realizing the drawbacks, on
similar lines of the SLFP to come back to power in 1965 taking advantage of the
SLFP-LSSP dissension. The UNP for the first time acclaimed the restoration of
12
Buddhism in the 1965 election manifesto. There was noticeable the mitigation of
the variations in the religious policies between the two parties. The manifestoes of
both asserted the restoration of Buddhism without hindering other religion. The
13
bipartisan approach on religion appeared to be crystallized by the 1970’s . This
was apparent when the commitment for the Buddhist University at
Anuradhapuram was taken by SLFP in 1956 and the realization was made possible
by UNP during its term. Again, in 1974, the United Front led by SLFP showed
approval in UNP’s promise of establishment of the Tamil University in Jaffna. So,
there was visible mutuality of interest.
The Left parties and the Federal Party tried to overcome their twin dilemma of
being in minority and also having no religious affiliations as such. The Left
coalesced with both the SLFP and the UNP and moulded its policies towards
religion likewise, very often coming in conflict with them, to retain power. The
LSSP support base, majority being the Tamil Hindus of plantation workers, was
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 35

shrinking due to the disenfranchisement in 1956 and also because of the fact that
the Tamil provinces were becoming the monopoly of the Tamil parties, and hence
has to respond to the Sinhala-Buddhist ethos. This demanded a rethinking of its
religious policy. As far as the Federal Party is concerned, the insistent demand was
not on religion but to assert the Tamil Identity that was relegated due to the
14
policies undertaken by the majority parties. Representing the Tamil minority, the
Federal Party (FP) demanded parity of the two languages and it was always able
to garner the support of the Tamil dominated provinces. During 1956-1970, FP
won 2/3 of the votes of the total seats in Northern provinces and nearly half in
15
eastern province.
Thus, the State-Sangha nexus is a two way process. The Bhikkus and the
Sangha, henceforth, played their role in influencing the decisions of the major
parties and also determine to a great extent Ceylons’ foreign policy. Apparently,
with the emergence of the party system, began the inchoate growth and
proliferation of the Bhikkus parties and pressure groups, supporting the party of
their interests {Lanka Eksath Bhikku Mandalaya (LEBM), Eksath Bhikku Peramuna
(EBP), Sri Lanka Maha Sangha Sabha (SLMSS), Samastha Lanka Bhikku
16
Sammelanaya (SLBS) etc.}
b. Post Colonial Developments of Political Reforms: (1948 Onwards)
In the post colonial period, the language problem assumed greater intensity
17
and precipitated in the Swabhasha movement. The 1948 UNP government
consisted of the leaders at the helm of the Swabhasha movement like D.S.
Senanayake, D. Senanayake, J.R.Jayawardene and S.W.R.D. Bandarnaike.
However, gradually, this became the cornerstone of the language issue between
Sinhala and Tamils as more stress was put on the protection of Sinhala language.
At the same time the procrastination of the language policy aggrieved some like
Bandarnaike who formed the SLFP, which became the
strong opposition to the UNP. Spurts of
The language issue gathered momentum in the first half violence
of 1950’s creating the UNP functioning difficult. D.S. engulfed the
Senanayake’s avowed adherence to the parity of language, island during
stressing on pluralism, though was initially successful to bind 1970-77 in the
the government soon yielded to the Sinhala-only pressure.
light of
increasing
In the 1956 elections, the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP)
alienation and
coalition was formed under Bandarnaike’s stewardship. The
the conversion
UNP and MEP contested electorates from Sinhalese areas, of large section
the Federal Party and the Tamil Congress from Tamil of Tamils of the
dominated area and the Left from both. This signifies the north to
magnitude of dichotomy among the religious community as separatists
regards voting preferences. The new MEP government programme.
enacted the Official Language Act declaring Sinhala to be
the official language. This led to spiralling of tensions without repair throughout
th
the island. Consequently, on July 26 , 1957 the Bandarnaike-Chelvanayakam Pact
was signed giving recognition to Tamil as the language of national minority to
 36 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

administer the Northern and Eastern provinces. However, vociferous opposition to

the agreement led to its annulment and terror sweeping the island forcing
Bandaranaike to declare an emergency. Thereafter, a Tamil Language Act, 1958
for reasonable use of Tamil was enacted to assuage the growing tensions.
Thus, during the period 1956-1958, the new government was entangled in
the coils of language crisis and hence preferred to delay a definite course of policy
actions in elevating Buddhist as State religion, as Bandarnaike was cognizant of
the constitutional hindrance in the form of Article 29(2) (c) that prohibits any
special privilege to one religion against another. Instead, there was greater focus
on the increasing state control over education. K.M. De Silva quotes the period
18
1960-1982 as the ‘triumph of orthodoxy’ . This was a period which saw the
everlasting changes in the history of Sri Lanka with two new constitutions under
two different Governments. The assassination S.W.R.D. Bandarnaike in 1959 saw
the accession of power by his wife Srimavo Bandarnaike. Mrs. Bandarnaike regime
witnessed more rigidity in terms of language policy. She continued with the
language policy initiated by her husband but with little concessions to the Tamils,
especially in educational reform by bringing them under state control. During her
term, the primacy of Buddhism in Sri Lankan political system and public life had
become a reality. The final process of redressing Buddhists grievances and
establishing its ascendancy manifested with the 1972 Constitution.
In the first ever constitution of the Republic, 1972 during the United Front
Government under SLFP undermined the secularity principle by according
19
primacy to Buddhism. Chapter II of the Constitution reads:
“The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place and
accordingly it shall be the duty of the state
to protect and foster Buddhism while
assuring to all religions the Rights granted
by Section 18(10) (d).’
Spurts of violence engulfed the island
during 1970-77 in the light of increasing
alienation and the conversion of large
section of Tamils of the north to separatists
programme. It is during this time that the
Tamil demand for ‘accommodation’ or
‘parity’ changed to separate state called
20
‘Tamil Eelam’. It was also during this
period that Poya holidays scheme was
abandoned in 1971 which received the
support of the UNP.
1978 Constitution, under the UNP
regime, superseded the former and even
though Tamil was also accorded an official
th
Language with the 16 amendment, the overriding power of the Executive, the
21
President, could obliterate or suspend the rights with the support of 2/3 majority.
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 37

Prior to the implementation, there was the demand by the all Ceylon Buddhist
Congress for making Buddhism as the “State Religion” and for the Head of the
State to be a Buddhist. However, the language policy drew considerable criticism.
The UNP also provided financial aid for educational institutions run by minorities
including Christians, Hindu and Islamic without much resentment from Buddhist
activists.
Map showing the distribution of ethnic and religious communities in Sri Lanka
The complex and evolving character of the relationship between state and
religion became somewhat blurred with the prolonged ethnic conflict of the mid
and late 80’s combined with political turmoil, particularly after the July 1983 Tamil
riots. The period 1980-89 witnessed strains in the state-sangha relations. The first
President under the 1978 Constitution, J.R. Jayawardene displayed much
disregard to the influence of Bhikku organization when he perceived that the
national interests or political expediency demanded. The Indo- Sri Lanka Accord of
July 1987 was signed despite stiff resistance from the Bhikku activists. He
continued with the UNP’s principles of secularism and pluralism.
This took a different turn again with the coming of the second President, R.
nd
Premadasa on 2 January, 1989 when he moved away from the secular tradition
to take his oath at the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy. This was a reflection of the
renewed connection between the politics and religion. He soon after assuming his
office established the Ministry of Buddha Sasana with himself as the Minister in
Charge and advisory committee with representatives from Bhikku organization in
the following year.
V.RELIGIOUS FORCES AND SRI LANKAN POLITICS
The religion and politics inter-linkages in Sri Lanka is a two-way process where
political elites have maneuvered religious forces for garnering electoral support by
making religion and the religious groups as channels for the masses to be
politicized and the Bhikkus responded to various party
policies and political process to serve their interests. The long drawn
initiative at the
a. Role of Religious Forces And Sri Lankan Politics (1931- Sangha reforms
1990’s) was translated
It is seen that during the elections under the 1931 into success by
Donoughmore Constitution, the political leaders the Mahabodi
approached the Bhikkus as Dayka (Patron of material needs Society of
of the Sangha) and the principals of some Pirinevas Ceylon with the
22
(Universities) for campaigning. The Bhikkus introduced establishment
and popularized the leaders to the masses in the meetings of of Buddha
Viharas. However, there was the All-Ceylon Buddhist Sasana
Congress (ACBC), founded in 1929 to foster the aspirations
Commission in
1957 during
and interests of Buddhism renouncing the connection of
Bandarnaike’s
religious forces in politics. Consequently, some of the
term.
dissented sections formed the Lanka Eksath Bhikku
Mandalaya (Ceylon Union of Bhikkus), which marked a significant milestone. This
was the first political group of Bhikkus that voiced their discontent with the
 38 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

colonial and the country’s elites. However, it preferred to align with the Left parties
in the elections of 1946. It could not survive for long after 1952, yet showcased
the political potential of Bhikkus. The period from 1952-56 saw the revival of
Buddhism with the establishment of Bauddha Sasana Samiti, congregation
Sangha Sabhas to form the Sri Lanka Maha Sangha Sabha (SLMSS), Eksath Bhikkus
Peramuna (EBP-United Front of Bhikkus), and printing press and weekly like
Dharma Vijaya Press and Dharma Vijeya respectively. It was to a great extent that
the MEP won the elections of 1956 with the support of EBP efforts. The 1960’s
marked a lull in Bhikkus participation after assassination of Bandarnaike. The
Bhikkus participation marked a full circle in the electoral politics of 1965 with
apparent polarization in the support of Bhikkus to both the parties which
continued thereafter till 1990’s. In addition to influencing the electoral politics, the
Bhikkus and their organizations like the ACBC, Eksath Bhasa Peramuna (EBP),
Mahabodi Society of Ceylon and the Sinhala Jatika Sangamaya (SJS-Sinhala
National Congress) has played a pertinent role in process of initiating, formulating
and implementing the public policies during 1946-70’s. Some of the policy reforms
are:
 Monastic Reforms
The long drawn initiative at the Sangha reforms was translated into success by
the Mahabodi Society of Ceylon with the establishment of Buddha Sasana
Commission in 1957 during Bandarnaike’s term in 1956-60. However, the issue of
Sangha reforms remained silent during 1965 and 70’s on account of
23
unprecedented conundrum and waning party support.
 Buddhist Temporalities
The Viharadhipati and Trustee Association was able to restore the privileges of
24
Buddhist temporalities under the Temporalities Ordinance, 1931 as against the
circular issued by V. P. Gunaratne that deprived them of the remuneration or
25
honorarium.
 Paddy Land Act
26
As against the Paddy Land Act enactment in 1959, the EBP and
Viharadhipati and Trustee Association were able to rescind the special exemption
27
pertaining to internal revenue under the United Front Government.
 Sinhala Only Language Act, 1956 and Bandarnaike-Chevanayalam Pact,
1958
The SJS and the EBP, coalition partner of MEP together were able to
popularise the Sinhala Only Movement and expedite the enactment of Sinhala
Only Act. It was also able to annul the Bandarnaike-Chevanayalam Pact, 1958 that
28
provided for the use of Tamil as the official language of the minorities.
The level of pressure from the Bhikkus and the appeasement policies of the
two countries also became visible in the formulation of the 1971 and 1978
Constitutions. Thus, during 1931-1990, it is obvious that there were no formal
political organisations of the Bhikkus and there motive was not political gains but
restoration of Buddhists traditions.
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 39

b. Role of Religious Forces And Sri Lankan Politics (1990’s Onwards)

The 1990’s saw metamorphosis in the religion-politics nexus. There emerged,
for the first time, formalized Bhikku political organizations like the Sinhala Urumaya
(SU) and Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) contesting as political parties to the
parliament. In 2000 Parliamentary Elections, the SU won 1 seat and 4 in the local
29.
government seats in 2002 It precluded the process of devolution in North
Eastern Provinces for participation of the Tamils by threatening to confiscate
minority business. Though it did not succeed to a great extent, yet it served as a
precursor to the JHU which won 9 (5.97%) seats in the 225 member legislature,
30
2004. However, its malafide intentions apparent in the legislative intervention
have extracted criticism from varied Bhikkus fraternities and non-Bhikkus segment.
The varied legislations of JHU are:
Anti- Conversion Bill against the proselytization by evangelical Christians of
rural Buddhists and Hindus evoked much violence and vandalism across the
31
island.
th
The Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion Bill, 28 May, 2004,
reiterating the anti- Conversion Bill, imposed Penalties and punishments with 5-7
years of imprisonment for proselytizing but was declared void by the Supreme
32
Court in August, 2004.
th
The Official State Religion Amendment, 19 amendment to the Constitution,
was passed by JHU for making Buddhism official state religion, prohibition of
conversion and defines the power of Buddha Sasana but was ruled out by
th 33
Supreme Court again on 10 December, 2004.
The JHU declined to share international aid with LTTE for the Post Tsunami
Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) in August 2005 to rescue the
34
victims.
Religion-politics
c. Sri Lankan Ethnic crisis and India: The Spill-over effect
nexus and the
The ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka posed a security dilemma policy response of
for India: Firstly, it not only affected the internal politics in political parties
Sri Lanka but also affected the internal politics of India on have induced
account of the ethnic lineages revolving around Tamil greater degree of
identity. Further, it posed a national security threat to turbulence in Sri
Indian state due to the influx of Tamils particularly the Lanka. These
State of Tamil Nadu. This was perceived as a catalyst to the double standards
resurgence of Tamil nationalism in Tamil Nadu. Secondly, policies by the
the fear of external interventions–US, Pakistan and Israel- parties
in Sri Lanka located at south of India was perceived as a aggravated the
threat to the national security of the latter.
situation towards
militancy, ethnic
The religion-politics nexus of the ethnic crisis in Sri turmoil.
Lanka had its spill-over effects on India since its
independence. The political measure undertaken by the Government of Sri Lanka
(GOSL) had important bearing on Indian soil. The most glaring implication was
concerning the “stateless” Indians residents (the plantations workers of Indian
 40 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

origin). It dates back to the citizenship laws which disenfranchise the Indian Tamils
in Sri Lanka. This spurred the involvement of Tamil Nadu politics in the Sri Lankan
internal matter. Regional political parties of Tamil like the DMK (Dravida Munetra
Kazagham) and AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munetra Kazagham) capitalized
the grievances of Sri Lankan Tamils to influence the vote-bank politics and power
equation at the Indian political landscape. They empathized and supported with
the aspirations of Sri Lankan Tamils and demanded for assertive action on Indian
Government. There started the journey of transcendence of a purely internal
matter of Sri Lanka to a national security matter of India. There were reactions and
responses in Tamil Nadu to the recurrent spurts of ethnic violence in Sri Lanka.
With the situation worsening with the moves undertaken by GOSL, there was
huge influx of refugees to Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The turning point came with
Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) miserable failure in bringing peace in Sri Lanka
as per the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord, July 1987. The disenchantment with IPKF
induced serious repercussion in India resulting in the assassination of Indian Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Thereafter, there were debates criticizing the IPKF and
Indian policy and a sense of wariness on Indian spectrum. On recent count, even
when the ethnic crisis was on the verge of conclusion, there were ripples in Indian
political scene. However, this time the impact was subtler than before on Indian
side.
From the above discussion, it is apparent that religion-politics nexus and the
policy response of political parties have induced greater degree of turbulence in
Sri Lanka. These double standards policies by the parties aggravated the situation
towards militancy, ethnic turmoil. During the period 1947-1990’s, Government
policies ceased to allow any definitive and predictable path as regards the
religious policies. The policy was largely formulated on an ad hoc basis and
pragmatic considerations to retain the consolidation of power. As A. J. Wilson puts
it, “…… in framing the policies on matters connected with the race, language or
religion, the national parties have attempted to work out compromises. 35 The
repercussions ensued with the compromised positions not only remained
confined Sri Lanka but transcended the borders to reach the Southern State of
India, Tamil Nadu. Thus, from an internal security matter it got elevated to a
national security issue involving India. The two decades long security dilemmas
faced by India seems to have dissipated with the conclusion of ethnic war.
However, the ethnic crisis of Sri Lanka points to the fact that the age old ethnic
affinities have the potential to induce a domino-effect in the South Asian Region.

References
1. The identification and solidarity to communities based on distinctive language, religion,
social organization, or ancestral origin caused much dissensions in Ceylonese politics as
stated by Robert Kearney in “Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon, Duke
University Press; p :4.
2. Sri Lankan nationalism is often equated as the Sinhala Nationalism; K.M.de Silva (1993) ‘Sri
Lanka: Problems of Governance”, Konark Publisher’s Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi; p: 13
Religion-Politics Nexus and Security Dynamics ……. Vol. 2, No. 1, Jan-June 2011 41

3. During the Tamil intrusions since the first century BC till 15th c there was effort to curb the
external influence; Duttha-gamini (101-77BC) war with king Elara on the ground to save and
liberate the Sinhalese nations and national religion is an example to this.
4. These are the historical and religious narratives composed since the 4th c BC which has
become indispensable part of Sinhala-Buddhist identity so much so that the history of Sri
Lanka is virtually understood as the history of Buddhism in the island even in current century.
5. The evolution of the Sangha, its power and influence over the state is dealt in details by
Urmila Phadnis in “Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka”: (1976), Manohar Publications, New
Delhi.
6. In 1911, 3.3 percent of the population was literate i.e. 71,000 Ceylonese
7. Robert N. Kearney (1967): “Communalism and language in the politics of Ceylon, Duke
University Press, Durkham, North Carolina; p; 31
8. Ibid; p: 34
9. The prominent politicians of the Ceylon National Congress and the State Council formed the
cabinet [Robert N. Kearney (1967): “Communalism and language in the politics of Ceylon,
Duke University Press, Durkham, North Carolina; p: 39
10. Ibid; p: 39
11. Urmila Phadnis, “Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka”, Manohar Publications, New Delhi; p: 156.
12. Ibid; p: 130.
13. Ibid; p: 131.
14. The Sinhala Official Act, 1956 deprived the English educated Tamils from employment and
admission to universities; The Reasonable Use of Tamil Act, 1958 giving privilege in the Tamil
dominated provinces of North and east was not realized. These measures were perceived as
a threat to the Tamil traditions.
15. Ibid; p: 152
16. The development of Bhikku organization and pressure groups and its increasing presence in
the Ceylon politics has been elaborated by Urmila Phadnis, “ Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka”
, Manohar Publications, New Delhi.
17. Swabhasha Movement started as an articulation of grievances by the Sinhala and Tamil
communities against the excelling usage of English, but turned out to be a Sinhala
movement gradually. It is at this backdrop that J.R, Jayawardene as early as 1944 moved a
resolution in the State Council to make Sinhalese the official language of Ceylon, which was
later amended to include Tamil. However, in the post-independence era, the resolution
gathered more ambiguity to mean only Sinhala language. This mark the start of the
persisting communal dichotomy
18. K.M.De Silva (1993), “Sri Lanka: Problems of Governance”, Konark Publishers Pvt Ltd., New
Delhi: p; 327
19. Ibid; p: 14
20. The disarrayed Tamil representatives with the government policies formed the Tamil United
Liberation Front (TULF) by coalescence of Federal Party and Tamil Congress and adopted a
separatist outlook in 1976
21. The hallmark of the 1978 Constitution is the introduction of Presidential Government, the
Executive Presidency with extended power. This also paved way for a ‘Co-habitation
Government, wherein the President and the prime Minister could belong to different parties
making consensus untenable. This materialized during 2001-03 when the President,
Chandrika Kumartunga, belonged to SLFP and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe
belonged to UNP
22. Urmila Phadnis “Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka”, Manohar Publications, New Delhi; p : 160
23. Ibid; p: 209-230
24. The Ordinance legitimized the status of the Viharadhipati as the temple trustee and entitled
to an honorarium, ‘remuneration of trustee’, for the services rendered for the temporalities
administration
25. Ibid; p: 230-238
26. The act allowed the perpetuity of occupancy and cultivation rights for the tenants, and fix
land rent payable to the landowners at 15 bushels per acre or ¼ of the production,
whichever is less. This was seen as an encroachment of rights of the Viharadhipatis to
42 Scholar’s Voice: A New Way of Thinking Arundhati Sharma

determine the percentage of payable to the temple by the tenant and the cessation of
traditional services rendered to the Viharas
27. Ibid; p: 239-242
28. Ibid; p: 246-275
29. Neil DeVotta and Jason Stone (2008), “Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and Ethno-Religious
Politics in Sri Lanka, “Pacific affairs, Volume 81, No.1
30. http://www.slelections.gov.lk/
31. Neil DeVotta and Jason Stone (2008), “Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and Ethno-Religious
Politics in Sri Lanka, “Pacific affairs, Volume 81, No.1; p: 41
32. Ibid; p: 41-43.
33. Ibid; p: 43-44
34. Ibid; p: 44.
35. A.J. Wilson, “Politics and Political Development since 1948” in K.M.De Silva (1977): “Sri Lanka:
A Survey”; C. Hurst and Company, London; p. 281
36. Excerpts from an interview of President Mahinda Rajapakse, The Hindu, 6th July, 2009.
_________________________

“The Nation that makes a great distinction between its scholars and its
warriors will have its thinking done by cowards and its fighting done
by fools.”
—Thucydides