Republic of the Philippines

Central Luzon State University

College of Arts and Sciences

Gay Speak: Morphological Characteristics of Queer Language in a State University

Jeunelle Mae O. Dela Rosa

May, 2016

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 CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

1. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

1.1 A Brief History of Gay Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3

1.2 Gay Language in the Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4

2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . 5

3. HYPOTHESIS AND ASSUMPTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . 5

4. SIGNIFICANCE OR IMPORANCE OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

5. DEFINITION OF TERMS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

6. SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

7. RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10

1. INTRODUCTION

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 The study of gay language (or Queer Linguistics, as it has more recently been termed) is

a relatively new and topical area within Sociolinguistics, which focuses on the language of

members of the LGBTI (Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Intersex) community, their various

forms of communication and communicative practices, including the use of Lavender Lexicons,

and how members of the community affirm their sexuality and gender through language. Queer

Linguistics is thus established as a field connected to, yet distinct from Language and Gender.

Due to heteronormative ideas of gender, sexuality and language, members of LGBTI

communities worldwide, particularly gay men and lesbians, have “developed a Lavender Culture

which includes the use of code switching in their spoken communication, and non-verbal

paralanguage which communicates to other gays and lesbians key information about the

individual” (Cage, 2003, p. 1). It is this kind of communication, gay language, which this thesis

aims to investigate on a local level.

1.1 A Brief History of Gay Language

The term ‘language’ here, is used not as a constructed language with its own grammar,

syntax, morphology and phonology, but in the same way as linguists would discuss women’s

language (Cage, 1999, p. 1), as a way of speaking, a kind of sociolect. Older studies in Queer

Linguistics, such as Legman’s The Language of Homosexuality: An American Glossary,

focussed purely on Lavender Lexicons in the form of a dictionary (Kulick, 2000, p. 247), rather

than including a more holistic view which necessitates a simultaneous study of the gay culture in

which the lexicon is being used.

1.1.1 Gay Language in the Philippines

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 Baklàs are homosexual Filipino men, but the concept of Baklà identity does not map cleanly

to Western male homosexuality. With Baklàs, as with other non-Western sexual minority groups,

sexual identity is very closely related to gender identity. Baklàs often assume female attributes

and dress like women. They also use female terms for themselves and occasionally for their body

parts, and are sometimes referred to and refer to themselves as not being “real men”.

Although they have contact with other gay cultures through technology, Baklà culture

remains fairly distinct. They have their own rapidly shifting linguistic code, called Swardspeak,

which is influenced by Spanish and English loan words. This code mostly consists of lexical

items, but also includes sound changes such as [p] to [f]. Some Baklàs who move to the United

States continue to use this code, but others abandon it, regarding it as a Filipino custom that is out

of place abroad and replacing it with aspects of American gay culture. (Manalasan, Martin F. IV .

1997, p. 249 – 266).

Gay men in the Philippines, especially those who are out, speak to each other using a colorful

language that they invented, mixing English, Tagalog, Visayan, and sometimes even Japanese.

Those who would hear (or read) Filipino gay slang for the first time feel like they are deciphering

a Da Vinci Code.

The use of gay lingo was firstly because to avoid having other people hear what you are

talking about, especially when it comes to sex. This is also a means of defying the cultural norms

and creating an identity of their own.

Gay speak evolves really fast, with obsolete words and phrases being rewritten and replaced

especially when non-gays learn what it means. Saying "Ano'ng happening" (What are your plans

for tonight) would make you associated with the 1980s.

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 This language define the Philippine gay culture, and it would probably stay that way for quite

a while. (E.Maruja, 2007)

2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The research aims to know how the queer language varies in a state university in terms of its

geographical and social aspects. The study will aim to determine the queer language being

employed to discover among male homosexuals. Specifically it will answer the questions:

1. What are the sociolinguistic characteristics of the participants of the study?

1.1 Course curriculum enrolled

1.2 Linguistic community

1.2.1 Tagalog

1.2.2 Ilocano

2. What are the morphological characteristics of discourses among male homosexuals in

terms of:

2.1 Age

2.2 Speech influences/correlates

2.2.1 Colleagues

2.2.2 Family

2.2.3 Social media

3. ASSUMPTIONS AND HYPOTHESIS

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 Anna Livia and Kira Hall have noted that while research in the 1960s and 1970s on the

difference between men's and women's speech made the implicit assumption that gender was the

relevant way to divide the social space, there is still considerable room for linguistic research

based on sexual orientation, rather than gender.

Many linguists believe that a specific language exist within homosexual culture. This is

not an accurate assumption. According to Don Kulick in Gay and Lesbian Language, “the

assumption confuses symbolic and empirical categories, it reduces sexuality to a sexual identity,

and it steers research away from examining the way in which the characteristics seen as queer are

linguistic resources available to everybody to use regardless of their sexual orientation” (Kulick,

2000, p.246). What Kulick means is, gay language does not rely on only people who identify as

homosexual. If this is an exclusive language, people who identify as gay should automatically

understand the word and language patterns of this language. There is no secret gay code

language—this is what Kulick is trying to explain in this quote.

One of the most prominent factors of this study is the lisping of the gay speakers. When

explanations for lisping in gay men and the lisping gay stereotype are sought, a chicken and egg

discussion often ensues. One hypothesis is that given the stereotype many gay men may actually

take on a dentalized or interdental /s/ pattern as an indirect statement about wanting to identify

with, and be a part of, the gay community. (Bowen, C. 2002)

Spending more time with women company is an influence to acquire gay speech. While the study

may have proven the existence between speech mannerisms and sexual orientation, it failed to

show where this link came from. Instead, the researchers hypothesized that some gay men may

simply subconsciously adopt certain female speech patterns.

“Perhaps you picked this up when you were young by listening to more women than

men?,” we hear a speech therapist explain in the trailer for “Do I Sound Gay?,” backing this

theory. (Rogers, H., Smyth, R. 2002)

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 4. SIGNIFICANCE OR IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY

Queer Theory and Queer Linguistics may be confronted with the criticism that they are of

rather restricted relevance because they supposedly only study matters of interest to members of

sexual minorities. This is a false claim. It deals with the discursive materialization of all sexual

identities, paying attention to the fact that heteronormativity, as the dominant discourse of

sexuality, does not just hurt members of sexual minorities, but also heterosexual people (Yep

2003). Heteronormativity must be repeatedly displayed throughout a person’s life, especially by

people who selfidentify as heterosexuals. The mere avoidance of such constructions may lead to

marginalization. This makes heteronormativity a discursively produced pressure that requires

everybody to position oneself in relation to it on a daily basis. For non-heterosexual people, this

pressure hasfar-reaching consequences that have repercussions throughout their lives: from hiding

their identity to repeated coming outs in diverse contexts, from their own personal struggle to the

fight with heteronormative. (H. Motschenbacher, 2011)

Koch is interested in the power of queer linguistics to study negotiations of power in

local settings. Performativity becomes central to this endeavour for Koch, as it allows us to see

social norms ‘as effects of power … [which] “developed” or “grew” over time based on social

agreements that became conventions that became rituals and now are seen as “natural” … through

the power of citation and repetition’ (Koch, M. 2008: 31).

For the society as a whole, this study may serve in a way to understand and accept the

speech of queer community in hope for a wider knowledge and appreciation established the male

homosexuals.

For the scholars, this study is a contribution that would inspire them to broaden the topics

or issues stated. As the study was conducted in a setting of a Philippine state university, the

diversity of the queer language of the Filipinos was studied on its development and characteristic

variations.

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 For the individuals who seek sympathy and insights related to the queer language and its

miscellany, this study is an open book for them to learn more of their identity and accept gay

speak as a colorful language.

5. DEFINITION OF TERMS

SWARDSPEAK

Swardspeak uses elements from Tagalog, English, Spanish, and some from Japanese, as

well as celebrities' names and trademark brands, giving them new meanings in different contexts.

It is largely localized within gay communities, making use of words derived from the local

languages or dialects, including Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, andBicolano. (Salao J., 2010).

A defining trait of swardspeak slang is that it more often than not immediately identifies

the speaker as homosexual, making it easy for people of that orientation to recognize each other.

This creates an exclusive group among its speakers and helps them resist cultural assimilation.

More recently, though, even non-members of the gay community use this way of speaking,

particularly heterosexual members of industries dominated by gays, such as the fashion and film

industries.

By using swardspeak, Filipino gays are able to resist the dominant culture of their area

and create a space of their own. The language is constantly changing, with old phrases becoming

obsolete and new phrases frequently entering everyday usage, reflecting changes in their culture

and also maintaining exclusivity. The dynamic nature of the language refuses to cement itself in a

single culture and allows for more freedom of expression among its speakers. Words and phrases

can be created to react to popular trends and create alternatives to a strictly defined lifestyle. By

these characteristics, swardspeak creates a dissident group without any ties to geographical,

linguistic, or cultural restrictions, thus allowing its speakers to shape the language as appropriate

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to the times. In this way, the language is not only "mobile" and part of a larger community, but

also open to more specific or local meanings. (Sunguitan, CG. 2010).

LAVENDER LINGUISTICS

Lavender linguistics is a term used by linguists, and advanced by William Leap, to describe the

study of language as it is used by gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)

speakers. It "encompass[es] a wide range of everyday language practices" in LGBTQ

communities.[1] The term derives from the longtime association of the color lavender with gay

and lesbian communities. The related terms lavender language and simply gay and lesbian

language also refer to the language used by LGBTQ speakers. "Language," in this context, may

refer to any aspect of spoken or written linguistic practices, including speech patterns and

pronunciation, use of certain vocabulary, and, in a few cases, an elaborate alternative lexicon such

as Polari. (Swann, J. Deumert, A. Lillis, T. Mesthrie, R. 2004)

QUEER

Synonymous to “strange” or “peculiar”, it is not heteronormative. It challenges the

“heteronormative status quo” (Motschenbacher, 2011). It is “conceptually open” (Leap, 1996).

6. SCOPE AND DELIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The study focused mainly on the morphological varieties of queer language in a

community of a state university alone. The respondents of the research were selected

male homosexuals who habitually use swardspeak enrolled in a state university in the

year 2016-2017. Questions asked to the selected respondents were not too personal and

were enclosed only in the context of developing this study.

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 The conclusion of the study is based only from the answers given by the

respondents of the research only for the accuracy and objectivity of the study as a whole.

7. RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES

The central target of Queer Language is the linguistic manifestation of heteronormativity

and, connected with it, binary gender and sexual identity discourses (Bing and Bergvall 1996).

“Linguistic” manifestation may in principle pertain to both language use and language system as

places of discursive materialization. From a Queer Linguistic point of view, the binary distinction

between language use and system must be questioned because discourses (including

heteronormativity) affect both, although they exhibit different degrees of discursive

materialization (Motschenbacher 2008). When analyzing language use, a Queer Linguistic

approach assumes that (sexual/gendered) identities do not exist pre-discursively but are

constructed socially in the very moment of speaking or writing. Thus identities become

orientation points in processes of inter- and intra-contextual identity negotiation. The relevant

question then is no longer “How do gay and heterosexual men speak?” but rather “How are

sexual identities linguistically constructed in particular contexts?”. Instead of asking how the

binary macro-categories differ in their speech behavior, one would rather ask which differences

are to be found within these categories and whether not a large amount of similarity between the

two can also be identified. This is significant for gender studies at large, which used to

concentrate on the documentation of female-male differences, while research findings pointing to

gender similarity were frequently not seen as worthy of attention or publication. Research

practices that only highlight inter-gender or hetero-/ homosexual differences may have a certain

commercial value, but they strengthen heteronormative discourses (Motschenbacher 2008).

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 At the core of sociolinguistics is the fact that human societies are internally differentiated,

whether by gender, age or class.

A sociolinguistic approach to problems of language and interaction target the aspects of

social problems that give people a common basis to understanding and communicating with each

other (Chambers, 1995; Fasold, 1984). The origins and uses of initial language implementation

have as great of an effect on social problems and inequality as do the perceptions around, and

stereotyping resulting from the linguistic (i.e. tonal, phonetic, semantic, etc.) variations of

genders, races or sexualities (Fasold, 1984; Myhill, 2004; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000).

Language remains the most important aspect of intercultural and transcultural

communication. It also guides the intergenerational and transgenerational production and

reproduction of knowledge, norms and values (Downes, 1998; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000). The

legacies of histories can be found in the sociolinguistic structures and language patterns of

individuals, communities and nations. The social strata, class structures, gender roles and

stereotypes of domesticity are reflected in the language and patterns of social interaction that are

derived from the experience of yesterday (McConnell-Ginet, 2011). We are faced daily with the

strength of the inequality and oppression of days gone by, each memory a result of a word, a

concept, a piece of legislation that permitted, forced or guides the actions of a social being. We

cannot take language away from interaction if we desire to fully grasp the realm of political,

social, economic and cultural dynamism. The ways in which language and people change open

areas for improvement, bring about hope for an equal tomorrow and challenge the present to look

towards a brighter future. It may be that a day will come when we no longer talk about sex or

gender, race or ethnicity, sexuality or normative behavior, because the indifference in which we

should treat socially constructed hierarchies will be no more; Identities will come from within and

we will have the chance to define and redefine, time and time again, the relevant meanings of all

things in an every changing world.

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 The most widely-used term for gay or homosexual male in the Philippines is the Tagalog

bakla or Sugbuhanon bayot. Both however are regarded as pejorative and demeaning, abusive

even to the point of being a stigma (Garcia, “Male Homosexuality in the Philippines”; 13). The

more acceptable ones are bading or badette, marse, or atey, which are, when qualified, mere

euphemisms to the supposed to be neutral term bakla but otherwise having achieved negative

connotation. Words in any language depend on the context for meaning. Although the term bakla

is also attributed to cowardice, in the literary Pasyon, where it is quoted as “Si Jesus ay nabacla.”

on the part when he was tempted by the devil, the term signifies having doubts, confusion, or

second thoughts. Its connection possibly relies on being confused or having second thoughts

about ones gender or sexual orientation.

While the language Filipino has been stuck on its seedling stage rather than its fruition

and struck with controversies and trivialities, swardspeak has been an active language, by being

an amalgam of many different languages used across the country – balaychina, from Visayan

balay, jombagin from Hiligaynon sumbagon1, and matud and daot from Sugbuhanon – and even

from Asian language such as Nippongo otoko, nomu, sukoshi and European languages with

achtunggak from German achtung, Janno Gibbs from English give, and Ombre Miles from the

Spanish hombre. The diversity and richness of the assemblage of terms that are collected and

used to create the pool of swardspeak is as diverse as the langue naturelle of Filipinos. True to its

form, swardspeak may verily be a national language – one that binds a people, is a combination

of different vernaculars and languages, is understood by its users in a magnanimous scope.

Swardspeak, coined by Nestor Torre (Alba, “The Filipino Gayspeak”), is the language of

Filipino gay men. However, with its current user base, it is not exclusive to the mentioned

population. Even women these days are known to have been using swardspeak. The use of

swardspeak has become prevalent even among women; those who are referred to as babaeng

bakla (Garcia, Philippine Gay Culture; 105), also known as fag hag, as early as four decades ago.

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Aside from this, gayspeak is also adaptive. A set of gay vocabulary is determined by the social

class the user belongs to, since many if not all of the words created or modified in gayspeak is

from another language. Thus, diction is affected by either the profession, orientation, principles,

or even environment of the Filipino gay individual. Those from with extensive education

background and considered part of the upper working class stratum, would have a different set of

words used compared to those of the lower strata (e.g. Penicillin and nochikels both pertain to

phallus). The spectrum of users of this language based on age also enjoys a wide range just by

inference on how the 1970s Philippine societal scenario was teeming and was, flamboyantly

active. But, Garcia may have posited that swardspeak, a sublanguage, “provided gays symbolic

purchase into sexuality” (121). Furthermore, the said author added

Aside from sex, the other concerns which swardspeak apparently addresses are identity,

community-formation, and the outing of someone whom the swardspeaker thinks is ‘one of the

tribe. (109)

With this, Garcia may have unconsciously positioned swardspeak under a major,

acceptable and accepted language when he added that it is “less an actual language” (109);

thereby solidifying the very structure of oppression that the language is trying to dismantle.

On the contrary, quite on the rise recently is the usage of words in many different media –

in film, radio, television, and even in print. Mass media, more particularly television, has been

pivotal in the proliferation and dissemination of the words currently being used. The range of

terminologies churned out by swardspeakers has become massive and extensive that almost all

words can have equivalents or derivatives. Remoto qualifies this as swardspeak is “continuously

updated” (“On Philippine gay lingo”). This, directly negates Garcia’s mention of the limited

scope of vocabulary swardspeak had, which was, unfortunately more focused on the physical and

sexual overtones (SA, Catacutan, 1998).

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 There has been no widely accepted document that details the rules in creating terms to be

used in swardspeak. Although lately, through the technology available these days, there have

been attempts by many to list down commonalities and repetitive usages in various instances

which may well constitute in the future the Baklarila or Baklang balarila (gay grammar). This

absence of accepted rules to form conversational messages in spoken language could possibly be

the message content itself. Swardspeak was born into the world to defy the rules that have been

set in place to suppress the rights a particular sector of the society. It would then be ironic for the

progenitors to use that very same reason – which could be detrimental, counter-ethical, and

anachronous. In creating the common tongue among Filipino gay men, the biggest consideration

is for the message to be concealed. Tagalog Gay Lingo 101 (va.michaelangelo) presents the most

common alterations to popular terms, giving birth to a new set of communication pattern (SA,

Catacutan, 1998).

Quoting Castro in Introduction: Gender, language and translation at the crossroads of

disciplines, “language is a political act of mediation and communication which either perpetuates

or challenges existing power structures within wider social and cultural contexts” (5). The birth of

a common language among gays clearly and explicitly defies the culture that the Philippines has

had. It had tried to break away from the dualistic perspective of life – heaven and hell, black and

white, man and woman. Swardspeak was the weapon that Filipino gay men used to connect with

other gays – those who are discriminated, oppressed, and ridiculed and belittled.

Swardspeak as a language regards hierarchies as a means to exploit gender. Although

arguably, users of gayspeak do not have terms for ditse, sanse, diko, sangko, and bunso. The

general term for a male is kuyey and for the female, atey (and its variants, e.g. teh, ateng,

acheng). Bakla, baklush, badette can be used interchangeably between the two sexes, particularly

for female acquaintances. “Language is an example of a control and conditioning factor in the

over-all thought of what gender is. Precedence of masculine over feminine words denotes

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dominance and superiority.” (Catacutan, 2012) The aforementioned Tagalog words for siblings

“employ a hierarchy and distinction to refer to older brothers and sisters. Although some would

contend that these show a culture of respect, nevertheless, these unconsciously inculcate in an

individual, submission to the “ruling” strata.” (Catacutan, 2012) In contrast, swardspeak does not

look at age and sex as a means to exploit or impose power over another individual.

Language is an oppressive mechanism. Taboo words or terms such as regla, which refers

to menstruation, is treated as denigrating therefore euphemisms such as dalaw and meron are used

instead of the base term which is but natural for any healthy woman of age. Swardspeak is able to

send the same message across by using the suffix “–belle” and create reglabelle (or sometimes

Regla Bella Torres, a popular Brazilian volleyball player) (Suguitan, 8). Although some may

argue that this may still be a euphemism of the original term, the nature of swardspeak verily

proves that the new term for menstruation is common, natural, and acceptable as opposed to the

base term being regarded as improper and even, unclean. Language as part of culture can be used

by society as a means to maintain gender inequality, through power relations, which is both

repressive and oppressive. In this case, men, because of the patriarchal society, have always had

the upper hand.

Swardspeak is a mode of the many forms of social resistance. How some gays are drag

queens, flamboyantly displaying faux fur and donning makeup of extreme proportions and hues,

dressing up like the latest Barbie doll or beauty pageant title holder, swardspeak rebels against the

norm of syntactic rules but gives heavy emphasis on semantics through shared consciousness and

knowledge but more importantly, unconventional pragmatics. The outright intention in the use

and origin of swardspeak is to conceal the meaning of the conveyed messages in

communications. However, it is also a battle against the norm or the status quo. It does not adhere

to strict form, nor does it squarely follow structures which other forms of languages have.

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 Even in its earlier stages, swardspeak was the essential communication medium Filipino

gays used. According to Professor Beth Calinawagan of the UP Department of Linguistics in

Diliman, “Tago ang pagiging bakla noon. Gay lingo was their secret code.” (Opiña, “Experts

trace origins and evolution of gay language”) Rightfully, swardspeak can be classified as an argot

(Gianan, 3), a secret language. Even with its rising popularity these days, swardspeakers, through

wit, find new derivations of terminologies in order to conceal the true meaning of messages

conveyed.

The term swardspeak was born during the country’s darkest days – the Martial law era.

Talking bad against the government can put you to jail, or smite you and banish you from the face

of the Earth. It was about the same time that the Philippines, in the 1970s, coined the term jeproks

and repa (or repapips) by syllable invertion (Tan, “Tagalog slang”). What effected the sprouting

of these terms and communication modes could be attributed to the power exerted against free

speech. Swardspeak, on that regard is also an underground movement. It destroys the clout of

power being brandished to minorities, oppressing those who would speak truth, and gagging the

Filipinos preventing them to communicate efficiently and freely. Furthermore, it “reflects the

experiences and historical oppression of gay Filipino men.” (Manalansan, 49).

Gays have been using this mode to express themselves. From the time that freedom of

expression has regained its footing in the Philippines after the 1986 revolution, a lot has already

been founded. From the 80s to the early years of 2000s, two shows have been created by

Philippine television network GMA-7 which catered to gayspeak – Giovanni Calvo’s Katok mga

Misis and Out – both of which had segments that dedicated to explaining the meanings and

etymologies of gay terms. These shows have made the swardspeak experience transcend into

national awareness by means of mass media. In the more recent years, Vice Ganda of Showtime

was able to concoct terms that have gained national scope and usage with anyare and ansaveh, to

name a few.

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 This mode of expression has become pervasive, able to migrate from spoken to written

and now to hypertext. Compendiums or lexicons of gay terms abound in many sites in the Web.

In the popular social networking site Facebook, BEKINARY – The BEKIMON dictionary lists

gay terms along with its meanings, some with etymologies. Aside from this, the owner of the

account has also uploaded videos in Youtube (bernjosep), starting three years ago, with a couple

of them breaching the 100,000 hits mark. Aside from these, the Filipino gay individual has taken

steps to celebrate his coming out by recreating himself or his works in the virtual world. Bloggers

abound, many of them becoming “avenues for a more entertaining discussion on gayspeak. These

bloggers are gatekeepers and progenitors of gayspeak; they maintain the sanctity of their own

craft … as well as contribute to the development of this language” (Casabal, 80). The Filipino gay

rhetoric, from being a common tongue among many parloristas and baklang halimaw or tarat, has

been slowly introduced into mainstream Filipino usage through different media. It has

successfully, though not completely, hurdled waves of discrimination. It has transformed from

one medium of communication to another, able to adapt to challenges technologies have ushered

us in. With Bekimon and other sites, ‘professing’ and using it online for various purposes, in

different platforms, swardspeak is here to stay – everything that ever was - available forever

Catacutan, 2012).

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