Dark Yoga

Psychology of Women
Section Review
Volume 15 Number 2
Autumn 2013
ISSN: 1466-3724
Aims and scope
T HE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN SECTION
REVIEW has been established to provide
a forum for discussion of issues and
Editorial Group
Jane Callaghan, Editor
Division of Psychology, Boughton Green Road,
debates around all aspects of the Northampton NN2 7AL.
psychology of women in research, teaching Email: editor.powsr@gmail.com OR
and professional practice. It aims to jane.callaghan@northampton.ac.uk
Jemma Tosh, Assistant Editor (Agora)
promote and support academic research Manchester Metropolitan University,
and debate on issues related to the Faculty of Health, Psychology and Social Care,
psychology of women and encourage the Gaskell Campus, Hathersage Road,
Manchester M13 OJA.
development of theory and practice Email: jemma.tosh@googlemail.com
concerning gender and other social Helen Owton, Assistant Editor (Book Reviews)
inequalities. In particular, it also seeks to Washington Singer Laboratories, Psychology,
encourage contributions from individuals College of Life and Environmental Sciences,
University of Exeter, Exeter EX4 4QG.
at all stages of their careers – including Email: ho223@exeter.ac.uk
undergraduate and postgraduate students Advisory Group
– as an appropriate forum to provide Betty Bayer Hobart and William Smith Colleges,
feedback on new ideas and first Geneva, New York, USA.
publications. It promotes a reviewing Erica Burman Manchester Metropolitan University,
UK.
process where positive and constructive Virginia Braun University of Auckland,
feedback is provided to authors. New Zealand.
Rose Capdevila Open University, UK.
The Psychology of Women Section Review Karen Ciclitera Middlesex University, UK.
aims to publish: Pippa Dell University of East London, UK.
Kathy Doherty Sheffield Hallam University, UK.
l theoretical and empirical papers; Hannah Frith University of Brighton, UK.
Nicola Gavey University of Auckland,
l reviews of relevant research and books;
New Zealand.
l special issues and features; Alexa Hepburn Nottingham Trent University, UK.
Sue Jackson Victoria University, Wellington,
l observations, commentaries, interviews, New Zealand.
short papers and original or non- Helen Malson University of the West of England,
UK.
traditional submissions in the ‘Agora’ Anastasia Maw University of Cape Town,
section; South Africa.
Paula Nicolson Royal Holloway,
l correspondence. University of London, UK.
It is produced by the Psychology of Women Lindsay O’Dell Open University, UK.
Ann Phoenix Open University, UK.
Section of the British Psychological Society, Wendy Open University, UK.
and mailed free of charge to all members of Stainton Rogers
the Section. It is available on subscription to Janet M. Stoppard University of New Brunswick,
Canada.
non-members of the Section. Libraries, Jane Ussher University of Western Sydney,
organisations and individuals can subscribe Australia.
Valerie Walkerdine University of Cardiff, UK.
at a rate of £15 per year (£5 for students) – Sam Warner Manchester Metropolitan University,
please send cheques payable to The UK.
Psychology of Women Section care of the Ann Weatherall Victoria University, Wellington,
New Zealand.
Editor at the address inside the back cover. Margaret Wetherell Open University, UK.
Issues can be purchased individually at a cost Sue Wilkinson Loughborough University, UK.
of £5 (back copies may also be available). Marcia Worrell Roehampton College,
University of Surrey, UK.
For details on charges for advertising space, Suzanne Zeedyk University of Dundee, UK
please contact the Editor.
Editorial
Jane Callaghan
W
ELCOME to the Autumn edition of and cisgenderism, Natacha suggests that
the Psychology of Women Section transexclusionary practices (including tran-
Review. We on the Editorial Team sexclusionary feminist practices) effectively
are feeling refreshed and enthused by the function in a transphobic manner. She goes
fantastic POWS Annual Conference which on to outline how psychological research on
was held at Cumberland Lodge in July this transgender often reproduces and
year. We are delighted to include in this entrenches transphobic attitudes by failing
edition a collection of papers from both the to take into account the culture of cisgen-
2012 and the 2013 annual conference. derism within which psychological difficul-
Important news from the POWS ties are constituted. In her paper reflecting
Committee is that, in 2014, in addition to our on her keynote address to the 2013 POWS
wonderful POWS Annual Conference, we Annual Conference, Meg Barker blends
will also be hosting a one-day student confer- academic biography and theory to explore
ence at the University of Northampton on the development of her thinking around
25 July 2014. Please do encourage under- gender and kink, arriving at a sex-critical
graduate and postgraduate students to attend position. Ruth Cross explores how young
and to present their work in a supportive and women construct the ‘risky behaviour’.
encouraging environment. Further details Using a Q-methodological approach, she
will appear in the Spring edition of POWS-R, highlights how women might consider risk
and will also appear soon on the POWS taking as positive, and the construction of
website. risk taking as agentic in women’s representa-
Many of the papers in this edition focus tions of risk and healthy behaviours. 2013
on the exclusionary and inclusionary poten- POWS Postgraduate Prize Winner Helen
tials of language and discursively constituted Winter explores the implications of the adult
social practices. Drawing on both interview diagnosis of ADHD for women. Stephen
data, and a documentary analysis, 2012 Symons, 2013 POWS Undergraduate Prize
POWS Postgraduate Prize Winner, Rebecca Winner presents a discursive analysis of the
Swenson, explores how gender neutral labels accounts of UK swingers, exploring notions
like ‘queer’ and ‘gay’ function for lesbian of free choice and the construction of
women. She explores how the term ‘lesbian’ gender in their stories.
has become highly stigmatised, and acknowl- In the first of our focus pieces on feminist
edges how more gender neutral terms might methodology, Megan Chawansky explores
enable women to position themselves in the significance of intersectionality in femi-
creative ways in relation to these construc- nist methodology in sports studies, illus-
tions, but also warns of the risk of an obfus- trating her argument with an example from
cation of women as lesbians Natacha sport for development and peace research.
Kennedy focuses on the difficulties a cisgen- In the ‘Commentary’ and ‘Event Reviews’
derist culture produces for young trans- sections, Zowie Davy gives an informative
gender people. She argues that the weakly and challenging account of her reflections
saturated discursive nature of cisgendered on the ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’
culture renders its assumptions taken for conference in Cambridge, UK, 4–5 July
granted and often poorly articulated. 2013. Helen Owton reports on her atten-
Drawing a distinction between transphobia dance at ‘Interfacing with older LGBT
Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 1

© The British Psychological Society ISSN 1466–3724
Jane Callaghan
citizens Two-day Masterclass: Challenging We are still interested to receive pieces

discrimination’, at Bournemouth University, on feminism and methodology, for our
17–18 April 2013. special focus. If you would be interested in
In the ‘Book Reviews’ section, Iona writing either a full article or a commentary
Tanguay review’s Svend Brinkman’s The Self on any methodological area, we would be
at the Centre of a Reflective Approach: A Qualita- delighted to hear from you.
tive Inquiry into Everyday Life, and Chloe Law
reviews Fat, by Deborah Lupton. The Sage Jane E.M. Callaghan
Handbook of Visual Research Methods is Editor
reviewed by Emma Rich, Jayanthiny
Kangatharan reviews The Psychology of Women
by Margaret Matlin, and Nollaig Frost
reviews Rutherford et al.’s Handbook of
International Feminisms: Perspectives on
Psychology, Women, Culture and Rights.
Autumn’s the time for Harvest Festivals!
2 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Keynote Address
Cultural cisgenderism: Consequences of
the imperceptible
Natacha Kennedy
At the 2012 POWS Annual Conference, Natacha Kennedy delivered a powerful and challenging keynote
on cultural cisgenderism. Her talk is reproduced here.
Introduction: An inadequate metaphor culture of cisgenderism in what they identify
T
HE FILM COMEDY I Was A Male War as an ‘invisible college’. They characterised
Bride (Hawks, 1949) depicted a newly- this type of cisgenderism as:
married Frenchman played by Cary ‘…a prejudicial ideology, rather than an
Grant attempting to accompany his individual attitude, that is systemic, multi-
American wife to the US at the end of World level and reflected in authoritative
War Two. However, the US congress had only cultural discourses. […] Cisgenderism
foreseen that American soldiers would be problematises the categorical distinction
men and would be likely to marry European itself between classes of people as either
women. When an American servicewoman ‘trans-gender’ or ‘cisgender’ (or as
falls in love with a French soldier her efforts ‘gender variant’ or unmarked) […]
to ensure he can accompany her to America We consider cisgenderism to be a form of
result in a huge, and in this instance, quite ‘othering’ that takes people categorised
comic struggle with both bureaucracy and as ‘transgender’ as ‘the effect to be
cultural expectations. As an illustration of explained.’ (p.5)
the nature of cultural cisgenderism, it illus- The distinction this paper intends to draw is
trates a similar kind of problem but in terms between the type of cisgenderism Ansara
of extent is not nearly an adequate and Hegarty describe, which appears to func-
metaphor, but it does represent an illustration within a particular esoteric domain, and
tion of the difficulties faced by transgender cisgenderism within society as a whole. To do
people in a culture simply not constituted to this I will need to refer to two sociological
account for our existence. The conse- concepts, that of institutionalisation and that
quences of the War Brides Act 1945 are not, of discursive saturation (Dowling, 2009).
however, even remotely comparable with the In essence institutionalisation refers to
very serious, and sometimes deadly, conse- the extent to which a practice is regular
quences of cultural cisgenderism. Nonethe- and widespread; a highly institutionalised
less, as a metaphor it is probably the closest practice is one that occurs in a similar way
available, a point that in itself suggests that each time, whereas a weakly institutionalised
cisgenderism is a concept that will not be practice occurs differently each time or is less
easy for many to understand. regular in the way it is manifested. It is this
that serves to distinguish cisgenderism from
Situating cultural cisgenderism transphobia, since transphobia represents an
This paper intends to draw on and develop individual attitude rather than a cultural
the research by Ansara and Hegarty (2012), process or ideology and as such can be char-
which demonstrated how a group of acterised as weakly institutionalised. This will
psychology researchers have developed a be explored in a little more detail below.

Natacha Kennedy
Figure 1: Anti-trans processes.
Institutionalisation
Discursive Saturation Strong institutionalisation Weak Institutionalisation
(I+) (I–)
High discursive saturation (DS+) Professional cisgenderism Organised transphobia
Low discursive saturation (DS–) Cultural cisgenderism Reactive transphobia
Discursive saturation basically refers to in people having to explain their actions and
the extent to which the principles of an as such put them into words. There follows
activity may be expressed in language. A one such example. In Denmark in 2010, the
highly discursively saturated practice is Danish Red Cross was running, as it still does
dependent primarily, if not almost exclu- at the time of writing, temporary accommo-
sively, on language for its functioning; an dation for asylum-seekers in Denmark for the
example of this would be mathematics. A Danish government at the Sandholm refugee
weakly discursively saturated practice camp, near Copenhagen. They received a
requires little or no language for it to func- new asylum seeker from Latin America who
tion, for example, street football. It is this was a transgender woman. However, despite
distinction that is crucial to the way cultural presenting as female and declaring a female
cisgenderism functions. identity they accommodated her in a single
As is shown in the relational space in room in a mens’ dormitory. As a result she
Figure 1 above, the main differences between was repeatedly raped and eventually fled the
professional cisgenderism and cultural camp after being gang-raped. When later
cisgenderism are the relative levels of discur- questioned about this the head of the Danish
sive saturation. Professional cisgenderism, in Red Cross asylum services told reporters
Ansara and Hegarty’s analysis, is relatively the following;
highly discursively saturated; the discourse of ‘Basically a transgender woman is likely to be
the invisible college was revealed, by detailed placed in a male dormitory but in a single
textual analysis, to represent an ‘authoritative room. But we would not place her in a
cultural discourse’. So how is that different women’s dormitory because that is definitely for
from the culture of cisgenderism outside the women, where we cannot permit ourselves to
practice of psychology? place a man.’
In this case cultural cisgenderism repre- Modkraft, Denmark. August 2012.
sents a practice which has a similar level of My own translation.
institutionalisation but which has a relatively Here there is no evidence that the head of
low level of discursive saturation. This is a asylum services intended deliberately to
culture or ideology (Geertz, 1973) which is harm the victim by placing her in a
predominantly tacitly held and communi- dangerous situation where she would be
cated. It represents a systemic erasure and raped. However, it does represent an
problematising of trans people, an essential- example of cultural cisgenderism. It repre-
ising of gender as binary, biologically deter- sents a confusion about gender resulting
mined, fixed at birth, immutable, natural from the erasure of trans people in European
and externally imposed on the individual. culture. The Danish Red Cross, because it is
Of course, something characterised as a an organisation existing in Western Europe,
tacit ideology or culture is difficult to is affected by this cisgenderist culture. The
describe or analyse, but occasionally exam- above quotation reveals many of the features
ples can be found where circumstances result of cultural cisgenderism described above:

Cultural Cisgenderism: Consequences of the Imperceptible
l the systemic erasure and problematising become organised and share a highly institu-
of trans people; tionalised internal culture of hatred, fear
l the essentialising of gender; and hostility, these groups are relatively small
l the gender binary; in number. By way of example, within some
l the immutability of gender; religious groups and Trans Exclusionary
l the external imposition of gender. Radical Feminists (TERFs) transphobic
The problem for the victim is that, in this cultures exist which represent internally
case the result would almost certainly have highly institutionalised transphobic cultures.
been the same if the head of asylum services In these cases there exists a discourse of
at the Danish Red Cross had been trans- transphobia, which, in some cases, is
phobic. It is likely that in many cases, trans- required for the maintenance of their
phobia and cisgenderism have the same internal cohesion and in order to attempt to
results. provide a rationalisation (Stone, 1991;
In particular it would appear that one of Kaveney, 1979) for what appears to be little
the most central elements of cultural cisgen- more than an emotional and irrational fear
derism is the way it places the responsibility and hatred of trans people. This contrasts
for determining gender on the observer with what may be regarded as reactive trans-
rather than the individual. In other words, in phobia, which exhibits low discursive satura-
the culture of cisgenderism, gender is some- tion, which represents individuals whose
thing we do to other people, not something fear, and consequently hatred, of trans
people do for themselves. This external people is openly based on the emotional and
imposition of gender can be characterised as the irrational without drawing on the veneer
a lifelong process, one which, in most cases, of rationalisations. It is likely that this is a
begins at birth with gender assignation, and result of the exclusionary nature of cisgen-
continues throughout life with gender attri- derism and may often be attributed to
butions. portrayals of trans people in the media.
This external imposition of gender can However, in both these cases transphobia
now be regarded as extended to transgender represents an individual attitude that stems
people with a bureaucratisation of gender from a fear and hatred of trans people.
transition, as transgender and transsexual It should be made clear that this is not
people are referred to a psychologist or cisgenderism, indeed TERF transphobia
psychiatrist to have their new gender exter- largely represents a culture which mytholo-
nally confirmed. It is worth comparing this gises a disguised essentialisation of gender,
with the culture in which two-spirits were but only as far as trans people are
accommodated in native American culture concerned, presenting members of this
(Williams 1992) where children who may group with rationalisations for what, in prin-
identify as a gender other than the one ciple can only be described as shared
assigned at birth had access to a symbolic emotional responses. As such a self-perpetu-
ritual in which they were in effect, able to ating culture of hatred based on self-decep-
decide their own gender. tion is maintained.
So cisgenderism is different from trans-
Transphobia vs. Cisgenderism phobia, in that transphobia represents an
As I mentioned above it is necessary to distin- individual irrational hatred and fear (which
guish cisgenderism from transphobia. The in some circumstances may develop into its
relational space situates transphobia in rela- own micro culture as a means of justifying
tion to cisgenderism. Since it represents an itself) whereas cisgenderism represents a
individual attitude rather than a culture, it much wider cultural process which in most
cannot be regarded as strongly institution- cases is tacitly communicated. It is important
alised, although some transphobes have to make this distinction.

Natacha Kennedy
Interaction of professional and cultural appearance, particularly those that are

cisgenderism outside the social norms of their gendered
By way of an illustration of how cisgenderism community of practice (Paechter, 2007).
can function on a variety of levels, I would The restricted nature of social groupings in
now like to present an analysis of one primary and most secondary schools, and
instance in which cultural cisgenderism the lack of alternative social groupings avail-
results in unwarranted data and problematic able to those excluded from the school or
assumptions, and to suggest that most class group, means that social exclusion is a
research in psychology or neurology relating very real threat to them if they fail to
to trans people, cannot be reliable unless it conform to group norms. As such the deci-
takes account of cultural cisgenderism. sion by the majority of trans children to
Kraemer et al. (2005) and Landen and conceal their gender non-conformity repre-
Rasmussen (1997) have suggested that there sents a rational one given the information
is a comorbidity between being transgender available to them at the time. The tendency
and being on the Autistic Spectrum (AS). of trans children to conceal or suppress their
Further studies have noted a higher instance gender identities (Kennedy, 2012) appears
of AS people who are trans (De Vries et al., to arise, to a significant extent, from their
2010; Jones et al., 2011; Strang et al., 2012) perception of this tacitly expressed culture.
but have gone no further than noting that a However, there is one group of children
larger percentage of trans people are also for whom this tacit culture is either unde-
AS. Although these articles clearly indicate a tectable or unimportant: AS children. In
correlation, one might read into these most cases AS children would probably be
studies an inference that there may be a unable to detect this tacit ideology; a process
causal link. that results in most trans children
There are two (related) problems with concealing or suppressing their gender iden-
these studies and the first of these is that they tities. Yet it is also probable that even if they
fail to account for the effects of cultural did realise that it was socially unacceptable,
cisgenderism. As a highly institutionalised most would be unlikely to be able to conceal
culture, cisgenderism’s effects are relatively it or to perceive the need to conceal. This
constant and uniform in most areas of presents us with an apparent paradox in
society. However, as a culture that exhibits which cultural cisgenderism is either not
low discursive saturation cisgenderism is also perceived or not perceived as important by
tacitly communicated. This means that in AS children who are trans, whereas it affects
most cases people come to internalise it non-AS children who are trans to a far more
without realising they are doing so. It is a set significant extent. This results in those trans
of beliefs which are usually picked up by children who are AS becoming apparent
children as a result of their finely tuned and much more readily than non-AS children
sensitive social radar. because of the differential effects of cultural
The work of economist H.A. Simon processes and social relations, in this case
(1976) is relevant here; he argued that, caused by cisgenderism. In effect cultural
contrary to orthodox characterisations of cisgenderism, because of its low discursive
human behaviour most people are not in the saturation, does not affect most AS children
position to make objectively rational deci- in the same way as it affects non-AS children.
sions about their lives and usually people The second problem would appear to be
make decisions on the basis of inadequate that the effects of professional cisgenderism
and incomplete information. Trans children, have functioned in the instances cited above,
like other children, understand that it is to exclude from consideration by those
usually likely to be socially unacceptable to carrying out the research the possibility that
adopt certain behaviour, preferences or this cultural process might have an effect on

their data, with the result that a comorbidity 1985). Repeated studies have asserted that
between being trans and being AS is argued anything between 70 per cent and 98 per
or inferred. In effect cisgenderism has pre- cent of trans children do not become trans
empted the researchers from asking the adults. However, this is difficult to argue
most elementary question most researchers when the effects of cultural cisgenderism are
need to ask when a particular effect is considered. Kennedy (2012) argues that the
observed; ‘What is this an instance of?’ overwhelming majority of trans children
(Dowling, 2009). By situating trans people as conceal or suppress their gender non-
inherently problematic, and through its conforming natures. Furthermore
function of essentialising gender as Sedgewick’s (1990) essay ‘Epistemology of
immutable, fixed at birth and binary, cisgen- the Closet’ demonstrated how difficult it is to
derism appears to preclude researchers from come out as lesbian, gay or bisexual, yet
perceiving the need even to ask this question applying the same epistemology of the closet
or consider that there might be other causal to trans children the effects of cisgenderism
links. So we can see how cisgenderism oper- probably represent a much more significant
ates on two levels; within the group of people hurdle for trans children than heteronorma-
who are subjects of study, and by excluding tivity. For the majority of trans children not
important variables from consideration by only is the fear of social exclusion evident,
part of the academic community studying but cisgenderism also results in a lack of
them. vocabulary being available for them to
The apparent attribution of a comor- understand and communicate their experi-
bidity between gender non-conformity and ences. This means that those children who
autism/Asperger’s can be thus be attributed do become apparent and available to
to a function of cisgenderism on two levels; researchers, are very unlikely to be represen-
professional cisgenderism and cultural tative of trans children as a group. It can be
cisgenderism. Of course, it is also likely that speculated that they may be subject to selec-
this also represents the effect of the tion by at least three filters; becoming
restricted gaze of mainstream or quantitative apparent to their parents, their parents not
psychological research and neurological being happy to give their child the uncondi-
research failing to account for social and tional love they need to seek ‘treatment’ and
cultural influences either on their research subsequently being sufficiently determined
participants or on their own epistemological to have a cisgender or heterosexual child to
assumptions as researchers. wish to subject them to psychologically coer-
Of course, there are other instances of cive pressure to conform to the gender orig-
the effects of cisgenderism resulting in inally assigned to them at birth.
researchers obtaining results that are prob- Of course, cultural cisgenderism should
ably unwarranted. Once again cisgen- be regarded as part of society’s perception of
derism’s function has precluded asking the gender as largely essential. Messner’s (2000)
question ‘What is this effect an instance of?’ observations of the way socially constructed
with the possibility at least acknowledged gender differences in young children were
that there may be additional causal influ- attributed as essential by adults suggests that
ences on the data. This is significant in the the majority perception of gender as essen-
case of the substantial volume of research tial persists quite strongly, indeed even trans
suggesting that the majority of trans or people who campaign for trans human
gender-non-conforming children do not rights appear to consider essentialism as one
grow up to be trans adults (e.g. Drescher & of the core reasons for the existence of trans
Byne, 2012; Drummond et al., 2008; Zucker, people:

Natacha Kennedy
‘There are probably many reasons for the further by arguing that this element of
increase in prevalence, including ‘forcibility’ is present for all genders not
the increased dumping of environ- merely for feminine ones. Furthermore
mental pollutants known as endocrine cisgenderism’s binary gendered coercive
disruptors…’1 functioning results in those whose gender is
Dana Beyer, Executive Director of different from that assigned at birth
Gender Rights Maryland, 7 July 2013. becoming delegitimised, unintelligible to
The effects of cisgenderism, and in particular others and to themselves and often systema-
one of its constituent elements, essentialism, tically prevented from expressing their
represent one of the many further hurdles genders in any way at all. It is important to
for trans children and young trans people to recognise that cultural cisgenderism is some-
overcome in addition to the problems that thing that affects everyone both in terms of
Sedgewick argues LGB people are likely to coercive restrictions on their own behaviour
face in coming out. Of course, the above and appearance, and coercive misgendering
quotation suggests that trans people are also and delegitimisation of those whose genders
affected by cisgenderism, even as adults, and are not conventionally consistent with those
so, as children, it is likely to be much more attributed at birth.
difficult to become intelligible to oneself It is imperative, therefore, that profes-
given the veiled nature of this process. sional communities, whether teachers,
However, it is also important to consider psychologists, doctors or others, acknowledge
the effects of the cultural feedback loop professional cisgenderism within their
created by the influence of professional communities of practice and start to chal-
cisgenderism on cultural cisgenderism. The lenge its negative influence. The culture of
perception given by this research, that, in cisgenderism within the wider community
most cases gender non-conforming behav- represents a more profound issue, and one,
iour in children is considered a ‘phase’ which cannot be so easily addressed. However,
suggests that the misconceptions propagated identifying cultural cisgenderism as a weakly
by some psychologists and neurologists are discursively saturated culture/ideology may
likely to form part of the wider cisgenderist represent a means by which to resolve this
culture and as such could be argued to issue. Weak discursive saturation represents
represent a threat to the well-being of most one of its most significant characteristics so
trans children through its contribution to the obvious question to raise would be
the maintenance of cultural cisgenderist whether or not it can exist as a relatively
ideology in wider society. strongly discursively saturated practice. In
It is also particularly important to reit- other words if cisgenderism becomes an issue
erate that cisgenderism is a culture/ideology that is talked about more widely, will that in
that affects everyone. It affects the percep- itself result in it becoming less of a problem?
tions of trans people by others, and it dispro- In any case the concept of cisgenderism and
portionately appears to affect trans children how it affects both transgender people and
and young trans people. However, Butler’s cisgender people needs to be more widely
characterisation of femininity as ‘the forcible discussed, and instances of cisgenderism
citation of a norm.’ (Butler 1990) represents more clearly identified, in particular where
an indication that cisgenderism also affects they result in specific problems or disadvan-
those who do not identify as transgender, but tages for individual trans people or groups of
which also acts to introduce a systemic trans people. In a school context for example
element of coercion into the way women it is not sufficient for teachers to act to
have to behave. Cisgenderism takes this prevent transphobic bullying; one of the
1
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dana-beyer/gender-transition-in-children_b_3530335.html

issues that is starting to be considered more, l Schools providing staff training on

schools need to consider how cisgenderism lesbian, gay and bisexual issues but not
affects their treatment of trans children. trans issues.2
Recent examples of cisgenderism in All of the above examples of trans children
schools in the UK have included the being treated less favourably represent
following: examples of discrimination against trans
l Lining up children in separate girl-boy children that have occurred in primary or
lines. secondary schools in the UK. Of course, it is
l Refusing to allow trans girls to use the possible that some of this represents direct
toilets of their choice or forcing them to transphobia on the part of senior staff in
use a toilet adapted for people with schools. However, it would appear that trans
disabilities. children occupy one of two default positions
l Teachers refusing to address transgender in relation to school. Firstly, the circum-
children by the name of their acquired stances of the majority of trans children is
gender, even when it is their legal name. that they are non-apparent, and no-one in
l Headteachers refusing to discuss, with the school is aware that they are trans.
the legal representatives of the parents, Because they are unable to be themselves
allowing transgender children the right and feel a strong sense of guilt and possibly
to express their gender in school. self-hatred because they are trans this is
l Trans children who are bullied not being unlikely to be a good situation to be in from
supported adequately by the school. an educational perspective and is likely to
l Trans children who come out as trans result in their underperformance in school.
being regarded as the problem. Secondly, the circumstances of those who are
l Schools refusing to recognise trans openly trans is that they are likely to be
children’s human rights under the UN unable to remain in school because of a
Convention of the Rights of the Child. combination of cisgenderism and trans-
l Parents of other children abusing trans phobia. Either way the UK education system
children and the issue not being taken would seem to be failing trans children on a
up by the school. huge scale. This failure is compounded by a
l Separate school uniforms for girls and lack of recognition that this failure is occur-
boys preventing trans children from ring, and that action needs to be taken to
dressing in their real gender. remedy it.
l Schools trying to remove from the school Trans children, as with all children, are
roll trans children who no longer come supposedly protected by the UN Convention
to school because of bullying. on the Rights of the Child (United Nations
l Schools treating trans children 1989), to which the UK is a signatory, yet
significantly differently from other their human rights are routinely denied, in
children of their gender. particular Principles, 1, 2, 9 and 10. As an
l Schools attempting to force trans indirect result of these breaches, principle 7
children to present and behave in the (the right to an education) would also
manner of a different gender. appear to be regularly breached. If this were
l Schools not adhering to the spirit and/or occurring to any other groups there would
the letter of the Equality Act 2010. be a huge outcry.
l Schools not having equality and diversity
policies that include gender reassign-
ment.
2
Unfortunately it is not possible to reveal the exact details of these occurrences without breaching the individual
children’s rights to privacy, however, they have all occurred between 2008 and 2013 in schools in the UK.

Natacha Kennedy
Conclusion transphobic or to harm trans people. Just as

The weakly discursively saturated nature of Cary Grant had to struggle against a system
cultural cisgenderism results in it being a not designed for his individual circum-
culture or ideology that is difficult to recog- stances, but which clearly was not intended
nise. This in turn renders it hard to under- to discriminate against heterosexual couples
stand its effects. However, it would seem that and prevent them from getting married, so
cisgenderism affects young trans people and cisgenderism represents a system against
trans children to a greater extent than most which trans people, especially trans children,
others in that it prevents the majority of have to struggle. The difference is that the
them from becoming intelligible to them- sexist nature of the War Brides Act is easily
selves and to those around them. The exposed and relatively harmless. This is not
strongly institutionalised nature of cisgen- the case for cisgenderism. It’s influence is
derism combines with this to make it difficult very widespread, difficult to identify and its
for most people to understand that things consequences can, and very often do, blight
they have considered to be taken from the entire lives of trans people, or worse.
granted and to be naturally occurring are in
fact socially constructed and harmful or Correspondence
exclusionary for trans people, even though Natacha Kennedy
there is no direct or overt intention to be Goldsmiths, University of London.

References
Ansara, G. & Hegarty, P. (2011). Cisgenderism in Messner, M. (2000). Barbie girls versus sea monsters:
psychology: Pathologising and misgendering Children constructing gender. Gender and Society,
children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology & 14(6).
Sexuality, 3(2), 137–160. Paechter, C. (2007). Being boys, being girls: Learning
Butler, J. (1990). Gender trouble. New York: Routledge. masculinities and femininities. Maidenhead:
Drescher, J. & Byne, W. (2012). Gender Dysphoric/ Open University Press.
Gender Variant (GD/GV) children and Sedgewick, E. (1990). Epistemology of the closet.
adolescents: Summarising what we know and Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
what we have yet to learn. Journal of Homosexuality, Simon, H. (1976). From substantive to procedural
59(3), 501–510. rationality. In S. Latsis (Ed.), Method and appraisal
De Vries, A., Noens, I., Cohen-Kettenis, P., Van in economics. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Berckelaer-Onnes, I. & Dorelijers, T. (2010). Press.
Autism spectrum disorders in gender dysphoric Stone, S. (1991). The empire strikes back: A post-
children and adolescents. Journal of Autism and transsexual manifesto. In K. Straub & J. Epstein
Developmental Disorders, 40(8), 930–936. (Eds.) (1992), Body guards: The cultural politics of
Drummond, K., Bradley, S., Peterson-Badali, M. & gender ambiguity. New York: Routledge.
Zucker, K. (2008). A follow-up study of girls with Strang, J. et al. (2012). Increased rates of gender identity
gender identity disorder. Developmental Psychology, issues among children and adolescents with autism
44, 34–45. spectrum disorders. International Society for
Dowling, P. (2009). Sociology as method: Beyond the Autism Research.
forensics of culture, text and knowledge. Rotterdam: https://imfar.confex.com/imfar/2012/
Sense. webprogram/Paper10934.html
Geertz, C. (1973). Ideology as a cultural system. United Nations (1989). United Nations Convention on
In C. Geertz, Interpretation of cultures: Selected the Rights of the Child.
essays. New York: Basic Books. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/
Hawks, H. (1949). I Was A Male War Bride. ProfessionalInterest/Pages/CRC.aspx
Jones, R., Wheelwright, S., Farrell, K., Martin, E., Williams, W. (1992). The spirit and the flesh: Sexual
Green, R., Di Ceglie, D. & Baron-Cohen, S. diversity in American Indian culture. New York:
(2011). Brief report: Female-to-Male transsexual Beacon.
people and autistic traits. Journal of Autism and Zucker, K. (1985). Cross-gender identified children.
Developmental Disorders, 42, 301–306. In B.W. Steiner (Ed.), Gender dysphoria:
Kaveney, R. (1979). Janice Raymond: The transsexual Development, research, management (pp.75–174).
empire. Originally published in Gay News. New York: Plenum Press.
http://rozk.livejournal.com/173751.html
Kennedy, N (2012). Transgender children: More
than a theoretical challenge. Updated version
2012 – originally published in Graduate Journal of
Social Science, 7(2).
http://transkids.synthasite.com/resources/
NatachaKennedy%20(2010)%20-%20
updated%20version.pdf

2012 Postgraduate Prize Winner
Assimilation or invisibility:
Lesbian identity, representation and the
use of gender-neutral terms
Rebecca Swenson
This paper examines what currency the term ‘lesbian’ has in a contemporary cultural context, and how the
use of different terms, and their perceived meanings, impact on the sense of self of women who define as
lesbian. It also explores whether assimilation through the use of gender-neutral terms, such as ‘gay’,
‘homosexual’ and ‘queer’, represents an inclusion of lesbian identity with gay male identity, or whether it
signifies a ‘non-seeing’ of lesbian identity.
A mixed methodological approach was used; semi-structured interviews were conducted with six women
who defined as having a same-sex attraction, alongside a content analysis of The Guardian and
The Times over a 12-week period to explore representation of lesbians and the use of gender-neutral terms.
An Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis approach was used to analyse the interviews. Across the two
newspapers, there were 23 per cent explicit references to lesbians, 31 per cent to gay men and 46 per cent
gender-neutral references. However, a closer examination of the articles revealed that 41 per cent of the
gender-neutral terms referred solely to men. The five master themes revealed a complex negotiation and
policing of the term ‘lesbian’ and that while gender-neutral terms can represent a way for lesbians to
assimilate into heteronormative environments, they can render lesbian specificity invisible.
Whilst gender-neutral terms such as ‘queer’ and ‘gay’ can deflect focus from the stereotypes and
sexualisation of lesbian identity, it is vital that consideration should be given to what the consequences are
for lesbian representation and visibility and whether there is a need for strategic essentialism of lesbianism
to ensure political efficacy.
D
ISCOURSES, including those of accounted for only 21 per cent of the total
pathology, politics and desire, have all portrayal of gay people (Guasp, 2010).
been employed to explain and repre- In the 1970s, lesbian feminists advocated
sent the essence of lesbian identity. Yet it has for a move away from the gender-neutral
been argued that lesbian sexuality is signi- term ‘gay’ to the gender-inclusive term
fied not through its visibility but through the ‘lesbian’ to ensure that lesbian specificity was
multiple forms of silence that exist around it not ignored (Marinucci, 2010). However,
(Halberstam, 1998). Indeed, the absence of this has not necessarily resulted in a parity of
lesbianism from historical criminal codes representation, for example, a study of the
pertaining to homosexuality exemplifies New York Times revealed that gay men
how the discursive representation of received twice as much coverage as lesbians
lesbianism has been more regulated than its (Ragusa, 2005). Gender-neutral terms
actual practice (Ussher, 1997). Such incon- appear to prevail, more recently with the
spicuousness is also apparent in cultural employment of ‘queer’ as an umbrella term
representations; a study of almost 40 hours for marginalised sexualities (Jagose, 1996).
of BBC 1 programmes noted 29 seconds of Queer, as a term and as a theory, arguably
programming referencing lesbians, which further complicates and problematises

Assimilation or invisibility
lesbian visibility by critiquing the very notion 12-week period (14 June 2010 to
of identity itself. In arguing that gender, like 5 September 2010) using content analysis.
sexuality, is socially constructed, the queer Articles were coded by section and the terms
theorist Butler (1990) questioned the very used to represent sexual orientation, such as
notion of lesbian identity as being a stable ‘lesbian’ and ‘gay man’ and gender-neutral
identity that can be subscribed to. terms including ‘gay’ and ‘homosexual’. If
For some women, ‘queer’ provided liber- gender-neutral terms referred only to men,
ation from the essentialist view that a lesbian this was also recorded.
identity was fixed and furthermore, in Inter-rater reliability was obtained by
critiquing the notion of gender, it provided a using a second coder; using Holsti’s formula
non-gender specific identity category (Neuendorf, 2002), reliability was .96
(Halberstam, 1998). Ironically, such an (35 per cent of sample).
emphasis on gender-based politics has called
into question whether ‘lesbian’ as an identity Interviews
category is ‘queer’ enough to qualify for An Interpretative Phenomenological Ana-
admission within the collective of margin- lytical (IPA) approach was used to enable an
alised sexualities that ‘queer’ represents in-depth understanding of how women who
(Humphrey, 1993). Yet Grosz (1995, p.250) have a same-sex sexual orientation perceive
argues that ‘queer’ should acknowledge the their sexuality and how this impacts on their
specificity of gender, and to ignore it is to do sense of self, specifically within the context
so at its ‘own peril’. However, rather than of gender-neutral terms such as ‘queer’ and
ignoring gender, it has been purported that ‘gay’. Women were recruited through oppor-
‘queer’, like the gender-neutral ‘gay’, actually tunistic sampling and through an advert sent
conceals a generic masculinity (Castle, 1993). to volunteers at a lesbian and gay charity.
Walker (2009) argues that the ‘queer utopian The only inclusion criteria was that women
project’ has not yet rendered the need for identified as having same-sex sexual desire
separate identity groups obsolete and calls and lived in the south-east of England. All six
for more research into lesbian communities participants were Caucasian, aged between
given that how they are currently envisioned 32 and 63 years, and represented a suffi-
will be shaping the future constitution of ciently homogenous sample for the purposes
lesbianism. Given the precarious position of of IPA (Smith et al., 2009). Semi-structured
lesbian identity in terms of its visibility and interviews were conducted to explore
acceptance within ‘queer’, therefore, the perceptions of self and identity, terminology
question is posed of whether gender-neutral used and their views on how their sexuality is
terms such as ‘gay’ and ‘queer’ mark an described culturally, alongside a sentence
assimilation of female sexuality or an erasure completion task (Padesky, 1994) to obtain an
of it. Furthermore, attention needs to be paid overview of cognitions concerning self,
to how lesbians negotiate their identity within others and the world in relation to their
such complex parameters (Farquhar, 2000). sexual orientation. Interviews lasted 45 to 60
minutes and were tape-recorded for
Method verbatim transcription and analysis. Emer-
A mixed methodological approach was used gent themes were listed and clustered
to explore how lesbians negotiate their sexu- according to commonalities. The study
ality and the level of visibility afforded to received ethical approval from the university
lesbians. and informed consent was obtained from
participants, who have been given pseudo-
Newspaper analysis nyms to ensure confidentiality.
The Guardian, The Observer, The Times and My identity as a lesbian, as well as my femi-
The Sunday Times were analysed over a nist beliefs, shaped not just my interpretation

Rebecca Swenson
of the participants’ accounts but also the Like Emma, Vicky and Sue also described
questions asked during the interviews. To how they changed their terminology
support the themes identified an inde- depending on who they were with. Some felt
pendent researcher reviewed the themes a sense of responsibility for the impact
extracted. I knew of some of the participants coming out has on others. For example, Kate
prior to interview and am mindful that this stated she did not use the term ‘lesbian’ with
could have tempered participants’ responses. straight friends as ‘I know that I might make
them feel a bit awkward’. In contrast, Sarah saw
Analysis it as a political necessity to come out as a
Analysis of interviews lesbian, though felt that she was in a
The master themes identified from the inter- minority of women who use the term:
views were: (1) lesbian identity; (2) wider S: […] whatever happened to lesbians – I am
lesbian stereotypes and self; (3) sexuality and a lesbian […] Why is the word ‘lesbian’
identity formation; (4) self in relation to so unacceptable? […] I don’t understand it
gender-neutral terms; and (5) representa- at all.
tion in the media. For the purpose of this There was a sharp incongruity between the
paper, selected examples have been used confidence that the participants had in
from the data. describing their sexuality and how they
believed it would be negatively construed by
Lesbian identity others. This was consistent with previous
This theme captures the participants’ rela- research that has highlighted a schism
tionship to the term ‘lesbian’. To different between how lesbians perceived themselves
extents, the participants felt that their sexu- and how heterosexuals perceived lesbians
ality was a significant part of their identity, (Markowe, 1996). The stigmatised stereo-
and responses to the completion task, types employed by participants when
‘Lesbians are…’, suggested a positive sense describing how ‘the world’ perceived
of self-identity. Responses included lesbians (‘sexless’, ‘unattractive’, ‘dull’, ‘boring’)
‘wonderful’ (Sarah), ‘fantastic […] interesting’ influenced how all but one of them negoti-
(Sue) and ‘happy, strong […] funny […] really ated their sexuality with others.
powerful’ (Emma). Kate had a more critical Four of the women interviewed stated
response of ‘difficult’. that when describing their sexuality to others
they would use the term ‘gay’ rather than
Wider lesbian stereotypes and self ‘lesbian’. The term ‘gay’ was unanimously
This theme captures the participants’ rela- viewed by all but one of the participants as a
tionship to the term ‘lesbian’ and the way in ‘softer’ term than lesbian (Sarah, Emma and
which they appropriate it to describe their Vicky) and Kate described it as ‘sexier’ and
sexuality. Whilst most participants positively elaborated that ‘lesbian’ has ‘too much
self-identified as a lesbian, their feelings political stuff behind it’. Farquhar (2000) has
around the use of the term appears more contested that the term ‘gay’ is embraced by
complex in that it has a potential to disrupt lesbians as it is perceived to erase gender.
in a way ‘gay’ would not. Emma suggested This study suggests, however, that it was not
that it was the reaction of others that so much that ‘gay’ was believed to represent
deterred her from describing herself as a a gender-neutral way of describing
lesbian to others: lesbianism, rather, it was seen to counter the
E: I think it’s quite a hard word to go in and masculinity associated with the stereotype of
it’s a word I love and I use it all the time but the lesbian. The butch lesbian tended to be
I think sometime one has to work your way to perceived as ‘other’ and significantly,
acceptance and acceptance is not like slapping a number of the participants assumed
people in the face with something. a pseudo-heterosexual vantage point when

discussing the issue, for example, by quali- Three of the participants described their
fying that they had a ‘straight’ look. Even sexuality in essentialist terms, however, all
Sarah, who had a strong attachment to the the women interviewed described their sexu-
term ‘lesbian’, described ‘lesbian’ as having ality in spatial terms that orientated them,
been ‘off-putting’ when she initially came out for example, a ‘journey’ (Vicky) or a ‘path’
because of its butch connotations. This was (Kate, Rachel) and Sarah described how her
also evident in the responses to the comple- sexuality has developed in a specific ‘direc-
tion task, ‘Other people see lesbians as…’, tion’. Sue described coming out as a ‘positive
which largely reflected the stereotype of the feeling to know where I was’. Such a construc-
sexless, masculinised lesbian: tion cannot happen in seclusion, with the
E: […] oh um women in sensible shoes who sense of self emerging from many forms of
have cats and drink lots of tea. language exchanges (Burr, 2003). Indeed,
K: […] unstable, (laughs) um, kind of stout all participants highlighted the significance
and […] sensible shoe wearing. of cultural signposts in defining their sexu-
Many participants expressed their anxiety at ality and a number discussed the role other
their sexuality being read through their lesbians played; Sarah asked other lesbians if
appearance. Rachel described how her she were a lesbian and Vicky reflected on
colleagues would have ‘more of a problem’ with how she may have come out earlier had she
her sexuality if she conformed to the lesbian known other lesbians.
stereotype. Kate described how she felt self- Kate described how she is ‘more aware’ of
conscious about looking like a lesbian and her sexuality when in a heterosexual envi-
that her inability to ‘pass’ resulted in a loss of ronment and Rachel noted her colleagues
control as people could read her sexuality ‘definitely think I’m unusual’. However, Sarah
‘whether I chose to disclose it or not’. This felt that the problematic relationship she
suggests the butch figure visibly personified perceived others had with the term ‘lesbian’
a perspective of lesbianism rendered ‘other’ negated her sense of self:
by society to such an extent that even S: I’m not meant to have any sexuality, to be
lesbians want to distance themselves from it an older lesbian is to be non-sexual. I do a
(Healey, 1996) and lends further support to wipe-out of myself when I say I’m a lesbian.
suggestions that there is a policing of sexu- I don’t have any impact on the world.
ality from within a lesbian constituency itself Sarah felt that her lesbian identity was given
(Farquhar, 2000). meaning through her association with other
To avoid stigmatisation, gay men and lesbians. In describing how she now
lesbians often attempt to ‘pass’ as hetero- socialised with women who described them-
sexual (Kaufman & Johnson, 2004), however, selves as ‘queer’, Sarah spoke of a sense of
the participants largely did not employ such loss and how ‘she found it very hard’. Vicky felt
tactics. Rather, they adapted the way that they that the lack of lesbian community was
disclosed their sexuality by using the term reflected in the dearth of lesbian venues in
‘gay’ rather than ‘lesbian’ when coming out. comparison to gay men (‘what have we got?’).
This fits with Markowe’s (1996, p.86) argu- Emma felt that the diversity of identities on
ment that in order to minimise the ‘threat- the gay scene is ‘an interesting challenge’ for
ening position of being a lesbian’, a coping lesbians as that, rather than there being one
strategy such as compromising the way in community, there are now multiple.
which identity is defined may be employed by
lesbians when coming out. Self in relation to gender-neutral terms
The term ‘queer’ was perceived to be
Sexuality and identity formation gendered male, recalling Castle’s (1993)
This theme explores how the participants suspicion that ‘queer’ actually conceals a
understood the formation of their sexuality. generic masculinity. The identities that

Rebecca Swenson
‘queer’ purported to represent were seen as In other words, the specificity of her
diluting the political efficacy, and clarity of gender and sexual orientation can be veiled
sense of self, that came with lesbian identity. through the abstruse identification of
Arguably, the political non-conformity of ‘queer’. This affording of privacy was a
‘queer’ and its ‘fighting to protect differ- theme identified by Ussher and Mooney-
ence, rather than conformity’ (Claassen, Somers (2000, p.193), whose research into
2005) also presented, for some participants, narratives of members of the Lesbian
a barrier to the assimilation they desired. Avengers revealed ‘the lack of sexual privacy
Although Emma believed the term was associated with taking up a lesbian identity
‘pushing the community forward’ in how it […] as a justification for not coming out’.
represented a wider range of identities such
as transgender, it was not a term she identi- Representation in the media
fied with. Similarly, Rachel saw ‘queer’ as The theme of ‘otherness’, with lesbians
representing people whose sexualities are viewed as ‘outsiders’ (Vicky) and ‘invisible, irrel-
‘further away on the spectrum’ than her own evant’ (Vicky), was reflected in how partici-
and as such prevented her from identifying pants viewed the media representation of
with it since it seemed to ‘encompass more lesbianism. Invisibility was a significant
things than I think I am’. This view that ‘queer’ theme, with participants remarking that
can be perceived to be exclusionary by the lesbians are ‘largely ignored’ (Kate) and that
identities it intends to represent is resonant the level of representation is ‘pathetic’
of Weiss’s (2004) argument that transgender (Sarah). Rachel spoke of the need to ‘to seek’
and bisexual people also purport to feel lesbian representation out and the obliga-
excluded from the term. Queer’s perceived tion she felt to watch any representation.
fluidity of identity was in many cases incon- There was also a general feeling that gay
gruous with the stabile sense of self that men are represented more frequently than
participants felt that they had through lesbians and that within the written press,
lesbian identification. In this sense, queer’s gender-neutral terms only represented men:
resistance to identity categories seems to be K: I think you do see that in the press though
at odds with lesbian feminism which disre- the word ‘gay’ will be used but actually as you
garded difference between women in order continue to read what they’re actually talking
to represent a cohesive and shared experi- about is gay men so it can be quite frustrating
ence (Segal, 1999). Stein (2010) notes that and feel as though it’s talking about gay people
‘queer’ advocates the provisional nature of as a group but actually it’s just focused
identities, however, this too seems to be on men.
incompatible with the metaphors from the Kate believed that the camp sensibility
participants’ accounts of lesbian identity adopted by certain entertainers was a more
representing a route or conclusion of a acceptable form of gay representation,
journey that orientated a sense of self. stating ‘that camp sort of fancying everyone thing
Some participants were attracted by is part of those male acts’. However, she felt that
queer’s non-specificity regarding gender and a lesbian entertainer ‘playing up her sexuality
sexuality binaries. For one participant, Kate, […] would not wash as well’.
queer identity had the potential to be liber- It is challenging for lesbians to escape
ating because she viewed it as not defining abjection through cultural representation,
her by who she was attracted to, or had either through stigmatised and offensive
sexual relations with: representation or through, as Halperin and
K: […] it’s sort of looking at sexuality and not Traub (2009) argue, the unrealistic and
just saying it’s about who you fancy and sleep overly glamorous representations of lesbians
with but also feeling like it’s something that can also cause abjection through the
separate from the norm and convention. non-identification they engender. There was

a feeling that stories that included lesbians per cent generic references. The question
invariably focused on their sexuality; Sarah remains of how such invisibility and wider
felt that representation did not go much negative perceptions of lesbian identity
beyond ‘two women who have a relationship’. impact on sense of self. This is arguably
Kate felt that lesbian characters would end reflected in the participants’ lack of confi-
up sleeping with a male character so their dence in articulating their lesbian identity,
sexuality was ultimately not even ‘part of their something that Kate identified when she
identity’. The representation of lesbians was queried whether her reluctance to use the
seen to be unrealistically glamorous with few term ‘lesbian’ was due to internalised homo-
‘proper looking’ lesbians. It was noted that phobia.
there were few representations of butch Gender-neutral terms across all newspa-
women and, if there were, it was for ‘comedic pers comprised 46 per cent of all references
value’ (Kate). The absence of butch lesbians about sexuality; this was higher than expli-
suggested that the media are unsure how to citly gay male or lesbian references. On
represent positively a figure so susceptible to closer examination of the context, however,
stigmatisation. For example, Ron Liddle’s 41 per cent of these references were refer-
column in The Times (25 July 2010) wrote ring solely to men (see Table 1). For
about ‘turning’ lesbians and lesbians ‘who example, newspaper reviews for the film
wear dungarees and don’t wash’. Similarly, in Gay Sex in the 1970s contained the gender-
The Sunday Times, Gill described a lesbian neutral term ‘gay’, referring to ‘gay promis-
television presenter in pejorative terms such cuity’ in The Sunday Times (‘DVD release’,
as a ‘dyke’, ‘muscular’ and ‘a big lesbian’ 2010) and ‘gay documentary’ in The Observer
(25 July 2010). Such representation (‘DVD release’, 2010), yet when the film’s
reflected the participants’ belief that news content was explored further, it was clear the
stories about lesbians were ‘back-stabbing’ film and reviews were referring to gay men.
(Emma), ‘derogatory’ (Vicky) and ‘negative’ This finding fitted with participants’
(Sue, Rachel). accounts of how they would read the terms
‘gay’ and ‘homosexual’ as referring to men.
Content analysis of newspapers It is unclear whether, in such instances, jour-
The participants’ belief that lesbians were nalists are unaware of the gender-neutral
poorly represented or ignored in the press, quality of the term ‘gay’, or that the repre-
and that gay men were represented more sentation of women is ignored, or indeed,
frequently was reflected in the analysis of the that it is a combination of both. Gamson
newspapers; of the references pertaining to (1998) suggests that various hierarchies,
gay people 23 per cent were explicit refer- including gender and sexuality, are cultur-
ences to women, 31 per cent to men and 46 ally maintained through invisibility and
Table 1: Breakdown of gender-neutral references.
The Times and The Guardian and

The Sunday Times (%) The Observer (%)
Total references within articles 313 370
Total gender neutral references 139 (44.4) 174 (47.1)
Actual gender-neutral references 79 (56.8) 105 (60.3)
References in gender neutral terms 60 (43.2) 69 (39.7)
that refer to men

Rebecca Swenson
references the argument for strategic essen- views, with participants describing how
tialism within the context of cultural repre- gender-neutral terms enabled them to assim-
sentation. With the specificity of lesbian ilate into heteronormative environments. As
experience being ignored, lesbians arguably such, the study is arguably resonant of
face possible discrimination based on Markowe’s (1996) assertion that the lesbian
gender as well as sexuality. figure has an agency that can unsettle
heteronormative beliefs and systems.
Conclusion Further, such findings recall the argument of
Language, as understood through the theo- whether a strategic essentialism is needed to
retical lens of social constructionism, consti- ensure specificity an cultural visibility
tutes a social reality (Burr, 2003) and this (Gamson, 1998).
study has highlighted the need to be The implications of gender-neutral
cognisant of the affordances and constraints language and cultural visibility on lesbian
that gender-neutral, or more inclusive terms identity warrant further study. It would be
such as ‘queer’, have on women who identify interesting to expand the scope of the study
as lesbian, and the importance of improved in terms of media analysed, including
media visibility. It does not, given the find- lesbian and gay media. It would also be bene-
ings of this study, seem fanciful to speculate ficial to interview a more diverse sample of
whether ‘lesbian’ as a term will become so participants, namely a broader range of age
steeped in stigma and usurped by gender- and cultural backgrounds, in order to elicit
neutral terms that may provide linguistic effi- distinctly different perceptions of sexuality
cacy, but ultimately privilege male sexuality, and identity.
that it could fade from use. The analysis of
newspapers revealed a general exclusion of Correspondence
lesbians, with the use of gender-neutral Rebecca Swenson
terms serving to mask this invisibility. The Birkbeck College, University of London.
assimilation of female sexuality at the cost of rebeccaswenson@hotmail.com
its specificity was also apparent in the inter-

References
Burr, V. (2003). Social constructionism (2nd ed.). Markowe, L.A. (1996). Redefining the self: Coming out as
London: Routledge. a lesbian. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Butler. J. (1990). Gender trouble (2nd ed.). New York: Neuendorf, K. (2002). The content analysis guidebook.
Routledge. California: Sage.
Castle, T. (1993). The apparitional lesbian: Female Padesky, C.A. (1994). Schema change processes in
homosexuality and modern culture. New York: cognitive therapy. Clinical Psychology and
Columbia University Press. Psychotherapy, 1, 267–278.
Claassen, C. (2005). Whistling women. A study of the Ragusa, A.T. (2005). Social change and the corporate
lives of older lesbians. New York: The Haworth construction of gay markets in the New York Times’
Press. advertising business news. Media, Culture &
Farquhar, C. (2000). Lesbian in a post-lesbian world? Society, 27(5), 653–676.
Policing identity, sex and image. Sexualities, 3, Segal, L. (1999). Why feminism? New York: Columbia
219–236. University Press.
Gamson, J. (1998). Publicity traps: Television talk Smith, J., Flowers, P. & Larkin, M. (2009).
shows and lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Interpretative phenomenological analysis. London:
visibility. Sexualities, 1(1), 11–41. Sage.
Gill, A.A. (2010). TV review. The Sunday Times, Stein, A. (2010). The incredible shrinking lesbian
25 July. world and other queer conundra. Sexualities,
Grosz, E. (1995). Space, time and perversion. London: 13(1), 21–32.
Routledge. The Observer (2010). ‘Gay sex in the 1970s’ (DVD
Guasp, A. (2010). Unseen on screen: Gay people on youth release), 4 July.
TV. London: Stonewall. The Sunday Times (2010). ‘Gay Sex in the 1970s’ (DVD
Halberstam, J. (1998). Female masculinity. London: release), 4 July.
Duke University Press. Ussher, J.M. (1997). Framing the sexual ‘other’:
Halperin, D.M. & Traub, V. (2009). Beyond gay The regulation of lesbian and gay sexuality.
pride. In D.M. Halperin & V. Traub (Eds.), In J.M. Ussher (Ed.), Body talk: The material and
Gay shame, gay shame (pp.2–40) London: discursive regulation of sexuality, madness and
The University of Chicago Press. reproduction (pp.131–158). London: Routledge.
Healey, E. (1996). Lesbian sex wars. London: Virago. Ussher, J.M. & Mooney-Somers, J. (2000).
Humphrey, J.C. (1993). To queer or not to queer a Negotiating desire and sexual subjectivity:
lesbian and gay group? Sexual and gendered Narratives of young lesbian avengers. Sexualities,
politics at the turn of the century. Sexualities, 2, 3(2), 183–200.
223–246. Walker, B. (2009). Imagining the future of lesbian
Jagose, A. (1996). Queer theory: An introduction. community: The case of online lesbian
New York: New York University Press. communities and the issue of trans. Continuum,
Kaufman, J.K. & Johnson, C. (2004). Stigmatised 23(6), 921–935
individuals and the process of identity. Weiss, J.T. (2004). GL vs. BT: The archaeology of
The Sociological Quarterly, 45(4), 807–833. biphobia and transphobia in the US lesbian and
Liddle, R. (2010). ‘Your big mistake, Mr Huhne, was gay community. Journal of Bisexuality, 3, 25–55.
not being gay.’ The Sunday Times, 26 July.
Marinucci, M. (2010). Feminism is queer: The intimate
connection between queer and feminist theory.
London: Zed Books.

Keynote Address
Gender and BDSM1 revisited:
Reflections on a decade of researching
kink communities
Meg Barker
Editor’s Comment: At the 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual Conference, Meg Barker
gave a thought-provoking account of the complexities of consent in sexual relationships.
In this paper, she reflects on how her thinking around issues relating to gender and sex have
changed through her decade of work in this area.
This paper reflects upon the ways in which my understandings of BDSM and gender have shifted over the
past 10 years of studying kink communities. I begin with my early work on women who identified with both
BDSM and feminism, and how they presented their positions. Then I touch upon ethical issues of how we
research precarious communities, and our role as researchers in making certain narratives available or not.
Following this, I summarise an analysis of a BDSM blog which complicates common views of female
domination, and raises important questions about gender in kink communities. Finally I mention my most
recent work on shifting understandings of consent within kink communities, and how these are in line with
certain strands of feminist thought, pointing to important directions for future research. Throughout the
paper I endeavour to draw out implications both for research practice and for how we understand the
operation of gender and power in kink communities and beyond.
Keywords: BDSM; kink; feminism; gender; power; consent.
T
HIS YEAR I was deeply flattered to be I attended before my own referenced the
invited to present a keynote talk at the first research publication that Ani and
Psychology of Women Section (POWS) I produced based on our kink study (Ritchie
Annual Conference, speaking about my & Barker, 2005). Jemma Tosh presented a
work on consent in Fifty Shades of Grey and very thoughtful paper about feminist
the BDSM blogosphere (Barker, forth- perspectives on BDSM (Tosh, 2013) which
coming, 2013). Looking back I realised that cited that publication a couple of times.
the last time I spoke at a POWS conference I found myself smiling wryly at the simplistic
was in 2004 in Brighton when Ani Ritchie understandings of agency and gender which
and I presented some of our qualitative work I’d held back then, but also – thankfully –
on women in sexual communities. Doing a still feeling proud of the quote which Jemma
rough calculation I figured this meant that reproduced from that article.
I started researching these areas back in Hopefully the current paper will be a
2003: a full decade ago now. useful summary of the territory around
It seemed a good time to reflect on how gender and BDSM for those who are unfa-
my understandings, and research practices, miliar with this area, and an interesting
in these areas have shifted over the past reflection on researching these matters for
10 years. This was brought home to me those – like me – whose focus is on studying
particularly at POWS 2013 when the talk that such sexual communities.
1
BDSM stands for Bondage and Discipline, Dominance and Submission, and Sadomasochism.

Gender and BDSM revisited
Choice and fantasy/reality: ‘sex wars’ of the 1980s, which still bubble on
Defending women BDSMers today (Barker, 2013). BDSM was one of the
Back in 2003 the prevailing culture was one key points of contestation in these ‘wars’
of pathologisation, stigmatisation, and crimi- (Sullivan, 2003). Images and films from
nalisation of BDSM. None of these things BDSM communities were often used by ‘anti-
have gone away entirely, however, things porn’ feminists, out of context, to demon-
have certainly shifted in the last 10 years. strate perceived problems with pornography
The new edition of the American Psychiatric as a whole (Vance, 1984). Linden, Pagano,
Association Diagnostic and Statistical Manual Russell and Star’s (1982) collection Against
(DSM-5) has retained sadism and masochism Sadomasochism argued that BDSM was inher-
as categories but has delineated, much more ently anti-feminist, that it was rooted in patri-
clearly, between general BDSM practitioners archy, and that it supported rape culture
and those who are regarded as ‘disordered’ through its eroticisation of the power differ-
because their interest in sadism or ences between the genders. Even lesbian
masochism causes distress or impairment2. BDSM was regarded as perpetuating such
Legally, people can still be convicted in the problematic dynamics and as reflecting
UK for taking part in BDSM which causes internalised homophobia. On the other side
injury that is more than ‘transient and of the debate, activists and academics like
trifling’ (Weait, 2007)3. However, BDSMers Pat Califia and Gayle Rubin argued for a
charged under the new extreme pornog- ‘sex-positive’ feminism which embraced
raphy legislation have been acquitted BDSM, given the numbers of women
(Green, 2012). Finally, as we all know, the BDSMers. They also criticised ‘anti-porn’
massive success of the Fifty Shades of Grey feminists for setting up new sex hierarchies
series has, at least somewhat, brought BDSM which were as oppressive as the ones they
into mainstream cultural acceptance, were fighting against (Rubin, 1984).
although lines may still be policed between Our research on women BDSMers chal-
acceptable ‘kinky fuckery’ and ‘real BDSM’ lenged the perception of BDSM as inherently
(Barker, forthcoming, 2013). anti-feminist in similar ways to the female
As an activist-academic, my early writing participants in Taylor and Ussher’s (2001)
on BDSM focused on challenging common previous critical psychological research on
myths and assumptions about BDSM (e.g. BDSM. Women spoke directly to the anti-
Barker, 2005; Barker, 2007; Barker, Gupta & BDSM feminist position highlighting:
Iantaffi, 2007; Barker, Iantaffi & Gupta, 1. the active and empowered position of
2007), and both my research participants dominant women in BSDM, counter to
and I were clearly concerned with giving the heteronormative sexual script;
voice to experiences which demonstrated 2. their sense that submitting in BDSM was
the problems with such views. an active choice and that the submissive,
The focus group discussions that Ani or bottom, held the power in the
Ritchie and I conducted (Ritchie & Barker, exchange through actively consenting
2005), attempted to address, specifically, and being able to stop at any time;
common perceptions of women members of 3. the differences between BDSM as a
sexual communities: particularly in relation fantasy which plays with power dynamics,
to feminist debates in this area. The back- and the reality of structural gender
drop to this was, of course, the feminist inequalities in the world; and
2
For more details of why even including sadism and masochism as paraphilias in the DSM is problematic see
Kleinplatz and Moser (2007).
3
This is the case for both tops (those who provide sensation in the BDSM encounter) and bottoms (those who
receive it). The latter can be convicted of aiding and abetting assault (on themselves).

Meg Barker
4. the potential of BDSM to expose and emerging ‘healing narratives’ within BDSM
undermine heteronormativity and communities whereby some BDSMers found
gender inequality through a kind of play their play to be therapeutic, or healing. For
or parody. example, some people used BDSM to revisit
Research participants acknowledged that abusive or oppressive situations of the past in
gender imbalances were present everywhere, order to gain power over those situations and
including in BDSM communities, and the their impact. Others felt that BDSM
BDSM was by no means inherently feminist. dynamics enabled them to try on new roles
However, they argued strongly that the fact and experiences which were personally
that women can be dominant, that submis- growthful. Some pointed to the stress
sive women choose to submit, and that BDSM relieving potentials of sensation play, or the
play is distinct from reality, meant that it was release of control in BDSM. And some spoke
possible to be a kinky feminist. about BDSM practices as a positive alterna-
It seemed that we had successfully busted tive to self-injury, akin to the trajectory in the
the myth that BDSM was antithetical to femi- film Secretary (an aspect of our data that Ani
nism. However, a set of challenges lay in wait wrote about in detail – Ritchie, 2008).
for me which would have me questioning Darren rightly pointed out that there was
many of my own assumptions: about the a risk that such ‘healing narratives’ could
value of myth-busting, and about simple reinforce one of the common problematic
understandings of agency and choice. assumptions about BDSM: that all BDSMers
were mentally disordered. If BDSM was
The ethics of BDSM research: healing, didn’t that suggest that BDSMers
An interlude from gender required healing? This led us into a much
Following the publication of a few papers on wider conversation about the ethics of
BDSM, my relatively new friend and conducting research with sexual communi-
colleague, Darren Langdridge, suggested ties, given the potential and power of such
that we co-edit a book on BDSM (Barker & research to (unwittingly) either resist or
Langdridge, 2007). This was the start of a reinforce destructive narratives (Barker &
long and fruitful set of collaborations on Langdridge, 2009). This was particularly an
sexuality projects which continues to this day. issue in relation to research on precarious
Darren and I frequently disagree on communities, like BDSM communities,
things and we both get a lot out of our which have yet to gain any real kind of citi-
dialogues about these matters. This time the zenship, recognition or rights (Langdridge,
focus of our disagreement was ‘healing narra- forthcoming, 2013).
tives’ of BDSM. As previously mentioned, one On reflection, perhaps our conversations
of the main things that I was publishing also relate to wider problems with the ‘myth-
about BDSM at this time was a set of papers busting’ form of academic/activist writing. In
and chapters – often aimed at therapists and her new book on bisexuality, Shiri Eisner
other practitioners – which explicitly chal- (2013) suggests that the strategy of going
lenged the circulating myths around BDSM. through each ‘myth’ about a sexual commu-
Such writing would, for example, present an nity and pointing out why it is incorrect is
overview of the research literature coun- problematic because it implicitly accepts the
tering common claims that BDSM was assumptions behind each myth. For example,
abnormal, abusive, dangerous, anti-feminist, to argue that bisexuality isn’t a confusion, or
or a sign of mental illness (Barker, Gupta & promiscuous, or a phase, is to suggest that
Iantaffi, 2007; Barker, Iantaffi & Gupta, there is something wrong with being
2007). One of the ways in which myself – and confused, promiscuous, or in process rather
my fellow authors – countered the idea that than having a fixed identity. Perhaps there
BDSM was pathological was to point to are similar problems inherent in BDSM

myth-busting. Certainly Darren and self-disclosure around sexuality slipping into

I recognised the risk that myth-busting could a confessional which reproduces the sense
reinforce a binary between BDSM as harmful that something is requiring of explanation,
versus healing, and pathological versus as well as the notion of fixed sexual identities
healthy (i.e. suggesting that it could only be (Barker, 2006). Lisa was excited about a blog
one thing or the other). We will see shortly she’d come across – at a time when blogs
that myth-busting responses to the accusation were a fairly recent phenomenon – called
that BDSM is anti-feminist, or inherently Bitchy Jones’s Diary. In this blog a dominatrix,
abusive, may be similarly problematic, in that Bitchy, wrote about her experiences and also
the creation of a binary (totally true or totally about the problems she saw with the wider
untrue) may serve to conceal problematic BDSM community which she was part of.
gender dynamics and/or abuse behaviours. Lisa suggested that we put together a Critical
Such reflections and conversations also Sexology seminar and related journal special
got me thinking carefully about my research issue reflecting on this blog in various ways.
practices in these areas. I noticed a tendency I suggested to Ros Gill that we might
of some critical psychological, and sociolog- write something together on this topic. I was
ical, research around sexual communities to aware of Ros’s work around sexual subjectifi-
swing from being highly celebratory (as in my cation: her word for recent shifts in main-
earlier writings) to highly critical. For stream culture towards women’s sexuality
example, writing on bisexuality, trans*, and being presented as autonomous and empow-
non-monogamies seemed to either celebrate ering, despite appearing much like previous
the radical potentials of such sexualities, representations of women as the objects of
genders, or relationship structures, or to crit- men’s fantasies (Gill, 2003, 2006). This idea
icise them, for example, for maintaining had provided a very useful challenge to my
exclusions or aspects of normativity (Barker, previous assumptions that people – women
Richards & Bowes-Catton, 2012). Around this in particular – had easy and transparent
time I noticed some problematic features of access to their desires, and straightforward
BDSM communities in my engagement with agency to choose what to do sexually. The
them, but I did not want to be another idea that these things are more complicated,
academic swinging from celebratory to with pressures limiting our freedoms in
critical. Also I was very mindful of the points various ways alongside a neoliberal impera-
Darren had raised about the ethics of writing tive to demonstrate that we are freely
critically about precarious communities. choosing, fitted much more with my own
It was around this time that an opportu- experiences, and with those of the women
nity came along which enabled me to write I was working with clinically in sex therapy
about BDSM and gender in just the balanced around this time (Barker, 2011).
manner which I had been looking for. It seemed that Bitchy was saying some-
thing similar to Ros, so the two of us had a
Female domination: Just for me(n)? 4 discussion about our thoughts on the blog –
I had been organising the Critical Sexology 5 rather like that one that Darren and I had
seminars with Lisa Downing for some years had about healing narratives – and wrote this
at this point. Like Darren, Lisa is another up as a paper. I was coming at it from a
person who has challenged me in useful ways broadly pro-kink feminist perspective, and
which have transformed my thinking. For Ros from her approach of noticing the issues
example, she pointed out to me the risks of around sexual subjectification.
4
This subheading comes from the excellent paper by Dee Amy Chinn on post-feminist media which echoes
many of Ros’s arguments (Amy-Chinn, 2006).
5
www.criticalsexology.org.uk

Meg Barker
Bitchy’s reflections on the kink commu- Complicating consent:

nities which she was accessing challenged Kink communities on abuse
the point which I had thought was relatively This brings us to the work which I presented
unproblematic in my previous research: that at POWS 2013 (Barker, forthcoming, 2013).
dominant kink femininities were clearly Following the paper with Ros I became
feminist and subverting of conventional aware of an explosion of interest on the
gender roles and heteronormativity. Bitchy BDSM blogosphere in issues of abuse and
points out, over a series of passionate and consent6. People were saying something very
amusing blog posts, the ways in which different to the previous BDSM stance on
women in her kink communities (submissive this: that BDSM was not (ever) abuse, and
or dominant) are expected to beautify them- that all BDSM was consensual. They were
selves in ways that men (submissive or domi- arguing that in defending against accusa-
nant) are not. She suggests that the practices tions of abuse (by anti-porn feminists in
that dominatrices mostly engage with are particularly) BDSM communities had
those that are desired by submissive men prevented people who did have experiences
rather than those they want themselves. And of abuse from speaking out. Also, BDSM
she argues that the idea of female sexual mantras such as Safe, Sane, Consensual
fluidity reproduces the idea of women (SSC) and Risk Aware Consensual Kink
responding to men’s desires rather than (RACK), failed to recognise the complexities
having desires of their own: that their only around consent negotiations, particularly
allowed pleasure is in being desired. She links where social power dynamics were present
this to the way in which women who are paid (such as differences in gender, age, race,
for sex (pro dommes and escorts) have class, etc.).
become the cultural role models of what As with Bitchy Jones’s Diary, I felt able to
empowered female sexuality should look write about these issues academically now
like, both within and outside her community. that they were being discussed publicly by
Reflecting on these matters with Ros left people within the communities who were
me with a much more cautious take on able to hold a tension between celebrating
matters of choice and agency. It also gave me what was good about their communities and
a new research focus in terms of data: the criticising what was problematic. I also felt
blogosphere. Ros and I reflected that blog- that I could write about this in a way that
gers like Bitchy – embedded as they are in continued my activist-academic project of
the communities they write about – focusing on what everyone could learn from
frequently resist polarisation into the sexual communities (as opposed to the
simplistic celebratory or critical stances that conventional psychology project of trying to
concerned me in some of the academic explain sexual ‘abnormalities’). It seemed
writing around BDSM (Barker, 2012). This, that the conversations about consent
then, seemed an ideal form of data for the happening on the BDSM blogosphere had
kinds of things that I wanted to say about much to offer wider conversations about
BDSM, and other, communities. abuse which were springing up in the wake
of the Jimmy Saville case as well as news
reports regarding abuse in care homes and
the like. Mindful of the concerns that
Darren and I wrote about in relation to
academics reproducing damaging narratives
6
As with the communities that Bitchy Jones was writing about, it is important to say here that the issues are not
reflective of all BDSM communities. For example, in both Barker and Gill (2012) and Barker (forthcoming,
2013) we mention Robin Bauer’s work on the dyke+queer BDSM communities in Germany who have
recognised and addressed these issues around consent, gender and social power dynamics for many years.

around precarious sexual communities, which impact on the degree of agency that
I determined that these narratives were individuals have, as well as everyday modes of
already in the public domain, and that those relating which are non-consensual and
who were writing about them were keen that involve people acting in positions of power
they reach wider audiences because of the over one another. Within such a culture
previous problems around secrecy and communities need to work to create capaci-
silence in these areas. ties to consent, and recognise the limitations
Reading through the blogs I was able to around these.
track shifts from consent being located
within autonomous, bounded individuals to Conclusions and further directions
communities which take collective responsi- In conclusion the position I have reached –
bility for creating consent cultures. Standard for now at least – in my research on sexual
victim blame narratives were challenged by communities is something akin to Lisa
shifting responsibilities onto perpetrators, Downing’s notion of ‘sex-critical’ engage-
and by focusing on consent as the key issue ment. Being sex critical is offered as an alter-
rather than the extent of trauma suffered by native to either sex-positive or sex-negative
the survivor. But there was also a challenging (e.g. anti-porn) positions. It refuses
of the idea that only certain people perpe- polarised dichotomies of structural forces
trate abuse, to a sense that everybody could versus free choice in favour of an under-
engage in non-consensual practices, and that standing of agency as operating within
everyone was responsible, collectively, for multiple intersecting power dynamics. In
reflecting on their own behaviours, for addition there is a position that all sexual
calling out others, and for creating cultures practices and identities should be addressed
in which it was possible to speak openly similarly, through a sex critical perspective,
about abuse, to get support, and to educate rather than attention being focused (as in
others on consensual practice. much traditional psychological work) on
I also noticed how the operation of marginalised (‘abnormal’) communities or
consent shifted from a focus on whether or experiences, with normative sexualities not
not sex/play is enjoyed (in which case it is requiring such scrutiny. But equally sexual
fine, consensual or not) to a no-means-no communities and experiences are not
version of consent whereby anything is okay assumed to be without problematic practices
unless the bottom or submissive says ‘no’ or or assumptions by virtue of their being
gives a safeword. This then shifted to yes- marginalised. In this way a polarised celebra-
means-yes model of enthusiastic consent tory/criticising (rather than critical) binary
whereby consent and play was negotiated is avoided in academic writing, which may be
relationally between people with equally damaging to those who are being written
valued desires who needed to both/all about (Richards et al., forthcoming, 2014).
enthusiastically decided to take part. And In terms of research practice, I would
finally this developed into understandings invite other sexuality and gender researchers
which take account of intersecting social to consider the potential value of blogs and
power dynamics which limit people’s agency other social media (Twitter, Facebook,
and capacity to say ‘no’ or ‘yes’. Storify, tumblr, and the like) as both data
Finally I charted how the coverage of and as means of conducting and dissemi-
consent opened up from sex, to wider inti- nating research (Barker, 2012). Particularly
mate relationships, to everyday micro I see great potential in research which
dynamics, to macro structures and wider focuses on these conversations that seem to
culture in general. The idea here, again, is bubble up and take hold of community
that wider culture is ‘consent toxic’ with and/or public attention for a while. A great
many inequalities between social groups example of this, from POWS 2013, was

Meg Barker
Bridgette Rickett, Gill Craig, and Lucy Acknowledgements

Thompson’s research on class and trans- Many thanks to my various companions
phobia in the media storm around Suzanne along this journey, without whom this work
Moore and Julie Bindels’ articles and tweets would have been impossible: Ani Ritchie,
about trans earlier this year. Pragmatically Alex Iantaffi, Camel Gupta, Darren Lang-
such research requires us to leave space in dridge, Ros Gill, Trevor Butt, Emma Turley,
our already busy research lives for moments Antony Whitehead, Vanessa Hinchcliffe, Lisa
when such stories and debates hit in our Downing, Alex Dymock, Christina Richards,
research areas. Also, the possibilities for and Kitty Stryker – as well as all the other
funding such research would seem to be very bloggers who have been involved in the
limited. However, the potentials for psychol- consent culture conversations.
ogists to be speaking directly to issues of
public/community concern, and for them to Biography
learn about what is currently at stake in Meg Barker is a senior lecturer in psychology
popular discourse, is immense. at the Open University and a practising
Finally, I hope that my work, particularly therapist specialising in sex and relationship
that with Darren, Ros, Lisa and others, has therapy. With Darren Langdridge, Meg
demonstrated the value of opening up published one of the main academic collec-
dialogue between different perspectives. The tions on BDSM, Safe, Sane and Consensual
history of feminist work in the areas of sexu- (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). They also co-
alities and sexual media has been marked by edit the journal, Psychology and Sexuality with
polarisation and a refusal to engage across Taylor & Francis, and contributed material
differences of opinion (Barker, 2013). The on BDSM to the British Psychological Society
POWS 2013 conference was, for me, an guidelines on working with sexual and
immensely supportive, co-operative environ- gender minorities. Meg co-organises the
ment in which to present my work and, Critical Sexology seminar series and has
I would imagine, if any space could enable published on representations of BDSM (with
more open, respectful, and productive Alex Iantaffi and Camel Gupta) and
dialogue on such matters, that would be it. constructions of dominant women (with
There is much to be gained in open dialogue Ros Gill), and is part of a current project
upon the very things that we feel most exploring the lived experience of submissive
vulnerable and defensive about – academi- men (with Trevor Butt, Antony Whitehead,
cally, politically, and personally. But it also Emma Turley and Vanessa Hinchcliffe).
takes a good deal of compassion and Meg’s previous research on sexualities and
courage to engage in this way, as well as a relationships has been published in several
(consensual) culture to enable that. Such journals and books and has culminated
cultures are not common in academia (Gill, recently in a general audience book
2010; Williams, 2002), but I hope that – Rewriting the Rules (Routledge, 2012)
across the BPS Psychology of Sexualities and (www.rewriting-the-rules.com). Meg is also
Psychology of Women’s Sections at least – lead author of The Bisexuality Report and
we might be able to foster them. founder member of BiUK (www.biuk.org),
and has researched and written about openly
non-monogamous relationships (Under-
standing Non-monogamies, Routledge, 2010)
and sex and relationship therapy.
Email: meg.barker@open.ac.uk

References
American Psychiatric Association (2013). American Barker, M., Richards, C. & Bowes-Catton, H. (2012).
Psychiatric Association Diagnostic and Statistical Visualising experience: Using creative research
Manual 5 (DSM-5). Accessed 23 July 2013, from: methods with members of sexual communities.
http://www.dsm5.org/Pages/ In C. Phellas (Ed.), Researching non-heterosexual
RecentUpdates.aspx sexualities (pp.57–80). Farnham: Ashgate.
Amy-Chinn, D. (2006). This is just for me (n). How Bauer, R. (forthcoming, 2013). Dyke+queer BDSM as
the regulation of post-feminist lingerie exuberant intimacy – Exploring intimate difference and
advertising perpetuates woman as object. Journal power. PhD thesis, University of Hamburg.
of Consumer Culture, 6(2), 155–175. Downing, L. (2012). What is ‘sex critical’ and why
Barker, M. (2005). Experience of SM awareness should we care about it? Sex Critical (27 July).
training. Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 6(3), Accessed 22 October 2012, from:
268–273. http://sexcritical.blogspot.co.uk/2012/07/
Barker, M. (2006). Sexual self-disclosure and outness what-is-sex-critical-and-why-should-we.html
in academia and the clinic. Lesbian & Gay Eisner, S. (2013). Bi: Notes for a bisexual revolution.
Psychology Review, 7(3), 292–296. Berkeley, CA: Seal Press.
Barker, M. (2007). Turning the world upside down: Gill, R. (2003). From sexual objectification to sexual
Developing a tool for training about SM. subjectification: The resexualisation of women’s
In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane bodies in the media. Feminist Media Studies, 3(1),
and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on 99–106.
sadomasochism (pp.261–270). Basingstoke: Gill, R. (2006). Gender and the media. London: Polity
Palgrave Macmillan. Press.
Barker, M. (2011). De beauvoir, Bridget Jones’ pants Gill, R. (2010). Breaking the silence: The hidden
and vaginismus. Existential Analysis, 22(2), injuries of the neoliberal university. In R. Ryan-
203–216. Flood & R. Gill (Eds.) Secrecy and silence in the
Barker, M. (2012). Special issue on sex blogging. research process (pp.228–244). London: Routledge.
Psychology & Sexuality, 3(1), 1–4. Green, D.A. (2012). The shameful and nasty
Barker, M. (2013). Studying pornography. Rewriting the prosecution of Simon Walsh. The New Statesman,
rules. Accessed 23 July 2013, from: 8 August. Accessed 23 July 2013, from:
http://rewritingtherules.wordpress.com/ http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/
2013/06/01/studying-pornography david-allen-green/2012/08/shameful-and-nasty-
Barker, M. (forthcoming, 2013). Consent is a grey prosecution-simon-walsh
area? A comparison of understandings of Kleinplatz, P. & Moser, C. (2007). Is SM pathological?
consent in Fifty Shades of Grey and on the BDSM In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane
blogosphere. Sexualities. and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on
Barker, M. & Gill, R. (2012). Sexual subjectification sadomasochism (pp.55–62). Basingstoke: Palgrave
and Bitchy Jones’s Diary. Psychology & Sexuality, Macmillan.
3(1), 26–40. Langdridge, D. (2013, forthcoming). Sex-Sexuality-
Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (2009). Silencing Citizenship: Beyond the boundaries of belonging.
accounts of already silenced sexualities. In R. New York: Oxford University Press.
Ryan-Flood & R. Gill (Eds.), Secrecy and silence in Langdridge, D. & Barker, M. (Eds.) (2007). Safe, sane
the research process: Feminist reflections (pp.67–79). and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on
London: Routledge. sadomasochism. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
Barker, M. Gupta, C. & Iantaffi A. (2007). The power Linden, R.R., Pagano, D.R., Russell, D.E.H. & Star,
of play: The potentials and pitfalls in healing S.L. (Eds.). (1982). Against sadomasochism:
narratives of BDSM. In D. Langdridge & M. A radical feminist analysis. San Francisco: Frog in
Barker (Eds.). Safe, sane and consensual: the Well.
Contemporary perspectives on sadomasochism Richards, C., Barker, M., Lenihan, P. & Iantaffi, A.
(pp.197–216). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. (forthcoming, 2014). Who watches the
Barker, M., Iantaffi, A & Gupta, C. (2007). Kinky watchmen? A critical perspective on the
clients, kinky counselling? The challenges and theorisation of trans people and clinicians,
potentials of BDSM. In L. Moon (Ed.), Feeling Feminism & Psychology.
queer or queer feelings: Counselling and sexual cultures Rickett, B., Craig, G. & Thompson, L.O. (2013).
(pp.106–124). London: Routledge. ‘Bad wigs and bed wetters’: Constructions of gender
and class in trans-popular discourse. Presentation to
the 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual
Conference, Cumberland Lodge, Windsor,
10–12 July.

Meg Barker
Ritchie, A. (2008). Harming or healing? The Taylor, G.W. & Ussher, J.M. (2001). Making sense of
meanings of wounding among sadomasochists S&M: A discourse analytic account. Sexualities,
who also self-injure. In V. Burr & J. Hearn (Eds.), 4(3), 293–314.
Sex, violence and the body: The erotics of wounding Tosh, J. (2013). Fatal fantasies: What does the desire to die
(pp.71–87). London: Palgrave Macmillan. mean for feminist psychology? Presentation to the
Ritchie, A. & Barker, M. (2005). Feminist SM: 2013 Psychology of Women Section Annual
A contradiction in terms or a way of challenging Conference. Cumberland Lodge, Windsor,
traditional gendered dynamics through sexual 10–12 July.
practice? Lesbian & Gay Psychology Review, 6(3), Vance, C. (Ed.). (1984). Pleasure and danger: Exploring
227–239. female sexuality. London: Routledge.
Rubin, G. (1984). Thinking sex: Notes for a radical Weait, M. (2007). Sadomasochism and the law.
theory on the politics of sexuality. In C. Vance In D. Langdridge & M. Barker (Eds.), Safe, sane
(Ed.), Pleasure and danger: Exploring female and consensual: Contemporary perspectives on sado-
sexuality (pp.267–319). London: Routledge. masochism (pp.63–82). Basingstoke: Palgrave
Sullivan, N. (2003). Sadomasochism as resistance? Macmillan.
In N. Sullivan (Ed.), A critical introduction to queer Williams, C.L. (2002). Sexual harassment and
theory (pp.151–167). Edinburgh: Edinburgh sadomaochism. Hypatia 17(2), 99–117.
University Press.

Article
Young women’s constructions of
risky health practices:
A Q-methodological study
Ruth Cross
As noted by several authors, risk has received increasing attention in health promotion and public health
in the past few decades. This paper will present and discuss data from a Q-methodological study which
explored young women’s constructions of risky health practices. Fifty-seven young women aged 18 to 24
years completed Q sorts containing 43 statements about health and risk. The Q sort statements were derived
from interviews with other young women of the same age range and similar demographics. Data are
presented that demonstrate the different ways in which the young women constructed ideas about risky
health practices. This paper presents three factors which represent alternative, contrasting constructions of
risk and health that challenge mainstream discourse. An interpretation of these factors is given. The factors
have been given the titles ‘Risk-taking can be positive’, ‘Health is privileged over risk-taking’, and
‘The right to take risks’ respectively. Each factor is critically considered within the context of relevant theory
and research with specific reference to feminist perspectives.
T
HIS PAPER discusses different ways in risk-taking within neoliberal ideology is
which risk in health is constructed by generally lauded and, outside of the realm of
young women. The notion of risk has health, the contemporary neo-liberal subject
been explored within a range of social scien- is often exhorted to actually take risks (Gill &
tific literature resulting in the broad and Scharff, 2010).
persuasive conclusion that it has become a From a feminist perspective, risk and risk-
major socio-cultural concept which has taking can be viewed traditionally as ‘mascu-
permeated much of modern life (Beck, line’ space (Humberstone, 2000). In
2007; Douglas, 1992; Giddens, 1998). contrast, the regulation of normative femi-
A number of writers have commented on ninity and prescribed conditions for femi-
this in relation specifically to health promo- nine performance dictate that risk should be
tion and public health (for example, see avoided and that safe guarding health is a
Lupton, 2003; Nettleton, 2006; Peterson & feminine imperative (Crawford, 2006; Hyde,
Lupton, 1996). The resulting focus on risk in 2007; Moore, 2008a, 2010). There is a partic-
health has led to a range of individual behav- ular focus in public, professional and
iours (or social practices) being identified as academic circles on young women’s health
‘risky’ (Robertson, 2000) which must, there- behaviour as problematic. The troubling of
fore, be avoided. This emphasises personal young women’s behaviour is not new as is
responsibility for health and the duty to clearly illustrated in Jackson and Tinkler’s
manage it by reducing risk (Wilkinson, (2007) paper examining media representa-
2004). Consequently, mainstream constructions of young women in 1918–1928 and
tions of risk in health tend to be negative 1995–2005. They specifically highlight how
and position risk-taking as being necessarily young women’s behavioural practices are
evaded or, at the very least, minimised rendered problematic through construc-
(Austen, 2009). In contrast to this, however, tions of the historical ‘modern girl’ and

Ruth Cross
contemporary idea of the ‘ladette’. For a standings by highlighting positive aspects of

number of reasons, however, increasing taking risks. Descombe and Druquer (1999)
attention is being paid to young women’s argue that risk taking which results in serious
so-called risky health behaviours. A range of threats to health can lead to learning. They
so-called risky health practices are increas- refer to ‘critical incidents’; serious health
ingly, and sometimes frequently, engaged in related events that are constructed by young
by young women as evidenced by: rises in people in a way which subsequently (posi-
sexually transmitted infections (The UK tively) influences their health behaviour
Collaborative Group for HIV & STI Surveil- choices. There is, in addition, a small but
lance, 2007; Health Protection Agency, growing body of work offering alternative
2010); so-called ‘binge drinking’ (Institute perspectives on the phenomenon of binge
of Alcohol Studies, 2010); and smoking drinking which position this practice as
(Office for National Statistics, 2009). An leisure time out (Measham & Brain, 2005)
increased focus on risk in health alongside and harmless fun (Guise & Gill, 2007).
an increase in young women’s risky behav- Szmigin et al. (2008) contend that binge
iours is interesting and worth exploring drinking is often framed in positive ways and
using a feminist perspective. call for it to be reconsidered as calculated
The general literature and research on hedonism. This supports Parker and Stan-
risk taking highlights how lay perspectives worth’s (2005) arguments that risk taking
draw on discourses of biomedical and profes- can function in a positive way.
sional expertise (Bourne & Robson, 2009) Writers such as Mielewczyk and Willig
and highlight the requirement to pursue (2007) argue for a move away from an indi-
health (Peterson & Lupton, 1996). There is vidualistic focus on specific behaviours
an emphasis on risk perceptions, the choice which characterises the socio-cognitive
involved in taking risks (Alaszewski & approaches seen to dominate mainstream
Burgess, 2007) and the ability to control risk health psychology. Instead, they argue that it
through rational decision making processes is more important to better understand the
(Crossley, 2002; Rodham et al., 2006). The meaning which certain practices have and
influence of others on risk taking practices is purposes or function which they serve. In
also apparent (Murray & Turner, 2004). keeping with this perspective this paper
Although literature specific to young examines alternative ways in which risk-
women’s risky health behaviours is limited, taking in health is constructed by young
related work can help develop under- women and considers how these can provide
standing in this area. Lyng (1990, 2005) has insight into why risk-taking takes place.
researched voluntary risk-taking and
explored why some people actively seek out Method
risk. Lyng developed the concept of ‘edge- Q-methodology is an approach which does
work’ exploring the spatial concept of not aim to test hypotheses but instead seeks
boundaries in risk-taking and how the to explore subjectivity and subjective experi-
margins between safety and danger are nego- ence. It has, therefore, been described as an
tiated. However, Lyng’s work was carried out ‘essentially exploratory technique’ (Stenner
in the context of high-risk sports activities et al., 2003, p.218). Barry and Proops (1999,
such as sky diving. It also focused on men’s p.339) explain that Q-methodology is a
experiences of risk taking noting that men ‘qualitative but statistical approach to enable
take more physical risks than women. the discovery of a variety of discourses’. The
Lupton and Tulloch’s (2002) work on method lends itself to exploring different
pleasure in risk-taking considers risk more perspectives or views about a given issue or
generally within everyday life. It offers an subject. This study is concerned with under-
alternative perspective to mainstream understandings in relation to health and risk –

Young women’s constructions of risky health practices: A Q-methodological study
‘why things are the way they are’ (Stainton- The procedure
Rogers et al., 1995, p.250). Q has been used Taking part in a Q-methodological study
in several studies exploring meaning and involves ranking a set of statements
understandings, for example, in relation to according to the extent of agreement or
smokers’ accounts of their smoking (Collins disagreement (Brown, 1996), for example,
et al., 2002). It has a specific history in femi- along a continuum from ‘Least like me’
nist research (Snelling, 2004) largely estab- to ‘Most like me’ (Kitzinger, 1987) (see
lished by Kitzinger’s (1987) work on the Figure 1). This is customarily done in the
social construction of lesbianism. For a more pattern of a forced quasi-normal distribution
detailed account of Q-methodology, see (Peritore, 1989). It is a self-directed process
Stenner, Watts and Worrell (2009) or Watts in which the each participant follows a
and Stenner (2005). specific set of instructions.
In order to undertake the sorting process
The Q set the young women were asked to reflect on
The Q set consists of a number of items their understandings of health and risk and
participants sort that are broadly representa- the meaning of these to them. They were
tive of the subject under exploration invited to give open-ended comments on this.
(Stenner et al., 2003). These can be wide They were advised to first sort the statements
ranging and may derive from many different into three piles (most like me, not like me,
sources. In this study the items were derived neutral) in order to aid the sorting process.
from interview data consisting of 22 verbatim They then had to read through the 43 state-
transcripts in which young women were inter- ments and sort them according to a fixed
viewed about health and risk. This method of distribution pattern from –4 (representing
generating items is commonly used (Barry & ‘Least like me’) through to +4 (representing
Proops, 1999). An initial number of 106 state- ‘Most like me’) (see Table 1). Once the parti-
ments representative of the discourse within cipants were happy with their statement posi-
the young women’s talk were extracted from tions they were required to write the numbers
the interview data. Guided by the themes of the statements onto a response grid.
identified in the interview data, in consulta-
tion with four pilot participants, and through Data analysis
the removal of any ambiguous or repetitive Q-methodology ‘employs a particular form
statements, the number of statements was of multivariate analysis in order to identify
reduced to a final set of 43. and describe the different ‘stories’ that can
be told about a particular topic or issue’
The participants (Stainton-Rogers et al., 1995, p.248).
In Q methodology the participants are often Q-methodology examines the relationships
purposively selected on the basis of their between the participants by identifying,
presumed interests, the purpose being to through the process of analysis, groups of
‘sample the range and diversity of views participants who have sorted their state-
expressed rather than to make claims about ments in similar ways (Senn, 1993). This was
the number of people expressing them’ done using a dedicated computer package
(Kitzinger, 1986, p.84). The participants for (PQMethod) into which each of the 57
this study were drawn from young women in participant Q sorts were entered by hand.
further education. Fifty-seven young women The factors were extracted using Principal
volunteered to take part in the study and, Component Analysis. Varimax rotation was
although all were within the age range 18 to then performed. Factors with eigenvalues in
24 years, their demographics reflected a excess of 1.0 and which had at least two
range of socioeconomic backgrounds and Q sorts which correlated significantly with it
ethnicities. only were selected for interpretation

Ruth Cross
Figure 1: The process of Q sorting.
Table 1: Summary of the fixed distribution pattern.
Least like me – Most like me

Rating –4 –3 –2 –1 0 +1 +2 +3 +4
No. of responses 3 4 5 6 7 6 5 4 3
(Watts & Stenner, 2005). This process factors will be discussed. These have been
resulted in a seven factor solution, each selected on the basis of being most concep-
factor representing a group of perspectives tually different or distinguishable from one
or viewpoints (Q sorts) which were highly another. In the analysis and interpretation of
correlated with one another. These corre- each factor the characterising or distin-
lated sorts were merged, using weighted guishing statements which appear at the
averages, to produce a factor which best extremes of each – at the –3, –4 and +3, +4
characterised the viewpoints represented positions are considered as well as statement
(Brown, 1980, 1993). This resulted in a ‘best positions across the whole factor. This is in
estimate’ (Barry & Proops, 1999) for each order to consider the relationship between
factor which looks like a single completed the statements, to achieve a holistic account
Q sort. The factors were then interpreted of each factor and to enable comparisons
with reference to the relative positioning of across the factors (Wallis et al., 2009). The
the individual statements within them and to statement positions within each factor are
the qualitative information gathered along- detailed in Table 2. The three factors are
side the Q sort in the form of participant labelled ‘Risk-taking can be positive’, ‘Health is
comments. privileged over risk-taking’ and ‘The right to take
risks’ respectively. The labels are intended to
Factor interpretation provide a summary of the key position
A detailed exploration and interpretation of presented by the factor and to give a sense of
all seven factors is beyond the scope of this the different constructions of health and risk
paper due constraints of word limit. There- within each factor.
fore, only three of the seven emergent

Table 2: Statement scores table.
Statement Factor
1 2 3
1. Sleeping with someone without using anything… it’s putting yourself –2 4 –3
at risk when there is no need to.
2. I don’t understand how people can smoke even though there is –3 4 4
something on the packet that says ‘smoking kills’ – it’s like you’re
wasting your life.
3. I just think people aren’t being very responsible. People go out and –3 2 –3
get drunk and then lose all their morals.
4. There are those people who just don’t know when to stop and I just –1 0 1
think they’re making themselves so vulnerable.
5. Your friends, the people around you will influence what you do. 1 3 1
6. I don’t really take risks. –4 –3 1
7. I think that you should be sensible about risks because some risks 0 3 –1
are just not worth taking.
8. I’d say that if someone were going to take a risk to do with their 2 2 3
health then they should be look at whether it is worth it or not.
9. Risk is about something that could go wrong later on or something 0 –2 –1
that has already taken place – something that could potentially
go wrong due to being unhealthy or over healthy.
10. I think not maintaining a healthy and good balance in terms of 2 –2 2
nutrition and physical activity can be a risk to some extent.
11. I don’t exercise so much, I don’t have time. I do know that it’s –2 0 0
important but I just don’t have time for it really.
12. Health for me is feeling well, related to well-being, the way you look, 4 0 3
the way you feel yourself.
13. I think that risk is only linked to negative impact. There is not that –3 –4 –4
much risk you can take that will have a good impact on your health.
14. I’m not exercising and that is a risk. –3 –4 –4
15. Health is just to feel alive kind of thing, you don’t have to force –1 0 –2
yourself to do anything, you’ve got energy.
16. You know the risk of things but you still do them don’t you? 3 –4 –2
17. It’s a big risk when you take drugs as one time you might be fine 1 4 –1
but next time you might get a dodgy one, or it just could affect you
totally differently. It’s a risk not worth taking in my opinion.
18. There’s so much attention on the bad risks you never think about the 0 0 0
risks that are worth taking at all.
19. I don’t always do what I intend to do. 1 2 –2
20. Taking a risk is doing something you wouldn’t usually do. –1 1 –2
21. I’ve got my own mind and I don’t do things I don’t want to do. 3 1 4
22. You appreciate being healthy more when you’re ill. 1 2 2

Ruth Cross
Table 2: Statement scores table (continued).
Statement Factor
1 2 3
23. You get told you can’t even eat too much fruit cos it’s gonna kill you, –2 –2 –3
you can’t eat too much of this cos it’s going to kill you, what can you
do anymore?
24. I think if someone wants to do something I think they should be in 3 1 4
their right to do what they want like.
25. I think there are too many risks now. –4 –1 –1
26. I love a challenge so if there’s a risk there I’ll take it. 2 –1 2
27. Risk is putting your life in danger – just not treating your body right. –2 –1 0
28. I think it’s just the lifestyle these days – people aren’t really caring –1 –1 0
so much for themselves.
29. I think they always look at the negative sides rather than the positive 0 0 3
when you hear the word risk.
30. Risk means doing things that aren’t necessarily good for you, that –1 –1 0
won’t necessarily be the best thing to do.
31. It’s not as bad as they say it is, it might be somewhere else but I’ve –2 –3 –3
never seen anything like that.
32. Risk can be a good and a bad thing, depends on the situation I think. 4 0 2
33. It’s only if I’ve had drink inside me I’ll take a risk cos I’m very closed 0 –3 –2
off. I won’t take chances, but when I’ve got drink inside us I take risks.
You think ‘what the hell, why not?’ I think everyone, the majority of
people go that way as well.
34. You could risk your health by not doing certain things like not going 0 3 –1
to the doctors if something is bothering you that’s a risk cos you
haven’t got anything checked, like if you had a lump or something.
35. I’ve took risks because it gave me a buzz. 2 –2 1
36. I suppose there’s a risk to your health whatever you do isn’t there? 0 –2 3
37. You can risk your health just walking across the road, there’s a risk 1 1 1
that you could be knocked over.
38. Some people take risks for fun. They love it and find enjoyment in 2 1 2
them, like jumping out of planes.
39. I think it’s too easy to go out and get really drunk so I just think –1 –3 –4
sometimes it’s too easy for you to know when to stop.
40. I think you could learn a lot from taking a risk, if something happened 4 –1 –1
to you I think it would make you think twice before doing it.
41. If you don’t look after your health then your health is at risk. 1 3 0
42. If someone’s health is at risk and they’re aware of it I think that’s a 3 2 1
good thing because people can make changes or things can be done.
43. I always do see risk as a negative thing. –4 1 0

Factor analysis by Austen (2009) in which she found what

Factor 1: ‘Risk-taking can be positive’ she terms ‘risk neutrality’. This construction
The account constructs risk and risk-taking is not neutral but resonates more with what
as positive rather than negative (43: –4, Jackson and Tinkler (2007) term ‘the
25: –4, 13: –3, 29: 0, 18: 0, 23: –2). Risks are pleasure seeker’, highlighting enjoyment
taken (6: –4; 16: +3) and experienced as a and fun echoing pleasure discourse associ-
‘buzz’ (35: +2), enjoyment and fun (38: +2) ated with risky health practices found else-
and ‘challenge’ (26: +2) rather than as where in the literature. In keeping with
danger (27: –2); they are seen as good as well findings by Szmigin et al. (2008), risky behav-
as bad (32: +4, 30 –1). Qualitative comments iour is framed as something positive particu-
confirm this – risk ‘is something that can make larly with regards to learning something
a change to your life in a good or bad way’ and from taking risks. Constructing risk-taking in
‘is something you take which could be good or bad this way draws on humanistic discourse with
for you’. Risking your health is sometimes an emphasis on the learning and develop-
worth it (8: +2) however, not maintaining ment which can take place through risk-
health can be a risk (10: +2). Classic risk- taking and has similarities with the notion of
taking practices (which usually carry nega- critical incidents proposed by Denscombe
tive associations) such as getting drunk, and Drucquer (1999). In addition, however,
smoking, sleeping with someone without this might also be interpreted as
protection are not viewed as risky (3: –3, constructing risk-taking as ‘transformative’
2: –3, 14: –3, 1:–2, 11: –2, 28: –1, 39: –1, and meaningful. Risk awareness is a good
4: –1). In contrast, however, drug taking is thing but this does not stop risks from being
viewed as risky and not worth doing (17: +1). indicating a sense of agency. The acknowl-
A lot can be learned from taking a risk; edgement and (unique) ownership of risk-
if something happened it would make a taking in health in this factor indicates a
person think twice (40: +4). Risk is ‘perhaps sense of agency which supports Lyng’s
putting yourself in danger, again mentally or (2005) proposition of the ‘voluntary’ risk-
physically but it could be risking something that taker. With regards to a range of practices
could be good for you for example, taking a risk of identified as risky to health only drug taking
instinct and it being right or for the better’. is viewed as risky, suggesting a more
An awareness of health risk can be a good libertarian position on the other types of
thing because action can be taken (42: +3). so-called risky practices or an empathy for
A person has a right to do what they want those whose take risks with their health
(24: +3) and has their own mind (21: +3). (for example, by smoking).
Health is related to feeling well, well-being
and the way a person looks and feels Factor 2: ‘Health is privileged over risk-taking’
(12: +4). This account constructs risk and risk-taking
This account constructs risk-taking in in health in a more negative way (43: +1).
health in an optimistic way emphasising the There were many qualitative comments from
more positive aspects of risk-taking such as the participants whose Q sorts correlated
providing challenge and thrill (Moore, highly onto this factor which support this.
2008). This challenges the gender-bound Risk was defined as ‘danger’, ‘something bad
assumption that women do not take risks happening’, ‘something which can cause harm to
(Walklate, 1997) and contrasts with findings someone’ and ‘something which jeopardises
in the wider literature on risk in health health’. A more cautious account of risk and
which emphasises the negative aspects of risk risk-taking in health is represented. Risk is
and risk-taking. It also contradicts results of ‘doing something a person doesn’t normally do
research on the social construction of risk by and could lead to consequences’ (the implication
young people (men and women) carried out being that such consequences would be

Ruth Cross
negative). Sleeping with someone without avoidance as being the responsibility of the
using anything is viewed as putting yourself individual and the duty to self-care and self-
at risk when there is no need to (1: +4). With monitor (Robertson, 2000; Wilkinson, 2004).
reference to other classic risky health behav- Drawing on a feminist perspective here the
iours, smoking is viewed as wasting your life duty to control the self and look after your
(2: +4); taking drugs is viewed as a big risk health supports the idea of women as
not worth taking (17: +4); and people should wardens of health (Holmila & Raitasalo,
be responsible rather than getting drunk 2005; Moore, 2008a, 2010) and this factor
and losing their morals (3: +2). This general can, therefore, be interpreted as constructing
idea is also underpinned by the qualitative ideas about health and risk in this more tradi-
data; health ‘is also making sure our body is in tional way. This factor construction reflects
good condition by watching what you eat and mainstream discourse within public health
doing exercise’. Risks are not taken if they are and health promotion which is concerned
known about (16: –4). Health is at risk if it is with minimising risks to health (Arnoldi,
not looked after (41: +3; 34: +3) so, for 2009) and it emphasises the health conscious
example, exercise is carried out (14: –4). citizen (Fusco, 2006). It draws on biomedical
People should be sensible about the risks expertise (Bourne & Robson, 2009) about
they take – some are not worth taking (7: +3) risky practices enforcing the prescription of
however, it should be determined whether healthy lifestyles (Gastaldo, 1997), particu-
the risk is worth it or not (8: +2). Risk is not larly the imperative to health (Peterson &
simply linked to negative outcomes (13: –4). Lupton, 1996). These are, as Moore (2008a)
Other people have an influence on what you contends, notions that are more closely asso-
do (5: +3). Sometimes intention does not ciated ideas of femininity
translate into action (19: +2). As in the first
factor, risks are taken (6: –3) however, not Factor 3: ‘The right to take risks’
under the influence of alcohol (33: –3). The The account constructs risk and risk-taking
buzz or challenge associated with risks is not in health more in terms of independence
a motivator to take them (35: –2, 26: –1) and autonomy. People have got their own
however, some people might take risks for minds and do what they want (21: +4). If
fun and enjoyment (38: +1). someone wants to do something then they
This more negative and cautious should be able to (24: +4). It is not too easy
construction of risk and health contrasts to go out and get drunk (39: –4) and the
somewhat with the account within the first influence of alcohol does not make risk-
factor. There is no need to put oneself at risk, taking more likely (33: –2). Sleeping with
particularly at the expense of health. If there someone without using anything is not
is any cognisance or awareness of risk then it viewed as putting yourself at risk (1: –3) nor,
should be avoided. This account presents a similarly to the first factor, is getting drunk
strong position that if you do not look after viewed as being irresponsible (3: –3). Lack of
yourself then your health is at risk. Qualita- exercising is not viewed as a risk (14: –4).
tive comments which would seem to support Intention is viewed as sometimes leading to
this included that ‘health is being fit, eating action (19: –2) further constructing ideas of
responsibly and exercising regularly’. The avoid- being in control although there is some
ance of risk-taking in health is an important agreement with the idea that other people
feature of this factor construction. This can will influence what you do (5: +1). Risks are
be seen as being consistent with gendered taken because they give a buzz (35: +1); for
practice around risk-taking (Gustafson, fun or enjoyment (38: +2) or for the chal-
1998). This factor can also be interpreted as lenge (26: +2). There is disagreement with
drawing on neoliberal discourse. It empha- the statement that things are done even
sises autonomy and control; health and risk when risk is known about (16: –2) again

invoking ideas about control. If risks are Factor consensus

taken with health then people should There was some consensus across the three
consider whether it is worth it or not (8: +3). factor constructions which reflects dominant
Risk can be good as well as bad (32: +2, 42: discourses about health and risk. Risk is not
+1) as indicated by the qualitative data – constructed within any of the factors as
‘doing something where the outcome isn’t definite being linked only to negative impact. The
so you could come out of it better or worse’. Risk is right to be able to do something if you want
not just linked with negative outcomes to highlights a neoliberal emphasis on
(13: –4, 23: –3, 31: –3, 43: 0, 18: 0) or some- personal freedom (Gill & Scharff, 2010).
thing that can go wrong (9: –1) although it This replicates Rodham et al.’s (2006) find-
generally has negative connotations (29: +3). ings whereby adolescents perceived that they
There is a risk to health whatever you do (36: had control over whether or not to engage in
+3; 37: +1) and not maintaining your health risky health behaviours. It emphasises the
is a risk to some extent (10: +2). importance of personal independence
This factor constructs risk-taking in found elsewhere in the literature on
health differently to the first and second research into the health and lifestyles of
factors giving greater emphasis to independ- adolescents. There is also agreement,
ence, autonomy and control. Similarly to the however, about the influence of others which
first factor risk taking is constructed in a highlights the importance of social context
more positive way. For example, the function on risk-taking and the influence of peers
of risk-taking as potentially positive is also a noted by, for example, Murray and Turner
feature of this factor (Parker & Stanworth, (2004). In general alcohol use is constructed
2005). This construction, however, draws as less problematic and is not seen as leading
more strongly on agentic notions of risk- to greater risk-taking. Interestingly this
taking in health emphasising what Crossley contrasts with evidence that alcohol
(2002) calls the rational actor and the consumption increases risky practices
notion of having an independent mind (Measham, 2004).
which is not influenced by others. Interest-
ingly this account emphasises not wanting to Conclusion
be told what to do and having the right to do Ideological constructions of femininity
what you want to. It echoes similar findings portray women, for the most part, as neces-
in relation to men and health such as those sarily risk-averse. This study, however, has
by Gough and Conner (2006) and found a greater diversity in the discourse
Robertson and Williams (2010). Taking risks around health and risk than has been previ-
is, therefore, about making a choice ously appreciated. It contributes to the
(Alaszewski & Burgess, 2007). The strong general literature on health and risk as well
sense of independence and the right to take as specifically adding to the empirical work
risks whatever the outcome rejects negative around young women and risky health prac-
appraisals of risk as found by, for example, tices. There are some interesting issues
Austen (2009). Similarly to Factor 1 this which challenge existing ideas around risk-
account highlights the pleasure that volun- taking in health and the more negative ways
tary risk-taking might give (for fun) as found in which young women’s social practices (or
by Tulloch and Lupton (2003). Unique to health behaviours) are viewed. Whilst some
this construction, however, is the idea that of the young women do strongly cohere
taking risks in health is unavoidable which around a construction of risk-taking in
lends some support to Denscombe and health as something which should be
Drucquer’s (1999) position that health risks avoided as seen in Factor 2 ‘Health is privi-
are seen as endemic in contemporary leged over risk-taking’ this is only one of the
society. ways in which

Ruth Cross
risk-taking in health is constructed. Factor 1 framed and subsequently communicated to

‘Risk-taking can be positive’ positions risk- young women. There are also implications
taking in a more positive way and Factor 3 for further research here in terms of
‘The right to take risks’ presents a more exploring young women’s experiences of
independent and agentic construction risk-taking, the meaning of risk-taking in
around risky health practices. Exploring health and the multiple functions which it
young women’s constructions of risk-taking may serve.
in health is important in terms of developing
understanding which might better inform Correspondence
policy and practice in public health and Ruth Cross
health promotion and the way in which Leeds Metropolitan University.
messages about risk-taking in health are r.m.cross@leedsmet.ac.uk
References
Alaszewski, A.M. & Burgess, A. (2007). Risk, time and Fusco, C. (2006). Inscribing healthification: Govern-
reason. Health, Risk and Society, 9(4), 349–358. ance, risk, surveillance and the subjects and
Arnoldi, J. (2009). Risk: An introduction. Cambridge: spaces of fitness and health. Health & Place, 12,
Polity Press. 65–78.
Austen, L. (2009). The social construction of risk by Gastaldo, D. (1997). Is health education good for
young people. Health, Risk and Society, 11(5), you? Re-thinking health education through the
451–470. concept of bio-power. In A. Peterson &
Barry, J. & Proops, J. (1999). Seeking sustainability R. Bunton (Eds.), Foucault: Health and medicine.
discourses with Q-methodology. Ecological London: Routledge.
Economics, 28, 337–345. Giddens, A. (1998). The third way: The renewal of social
Beck, U. (2008). World at risk. Cambridge: Polity democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Press. Gill, R. & Scharff, C.M. (2010). New femininities:
Bourne, A.H. & Robson, M.A. (2009). Perceiving risk Post-feminism, neoliberalism and subjectivity.
and (re)constructing safety: The experience of Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
having ‘safe’ sex. Health, Risk & Society, 11(3), Gough, B. & Conner, M.T. (2006). Barriers to healthy
283–295. eating among men: A qualitative analysis. Social
Brown, S.R. (1980). Political subjectivity: Applications of Science and Medicine, 62(1), 387–395.
Q-methodology in political science. New Haven, CT: Guise, J.M. & Gill, J.S. (2007). Binge drinking?
Yale University Press. It’s good, it’s harmless fun. A discourse analysis of
Brown, S. (1993). A primer on Q-methodology. accounts of female undergraduate drinking in
Operant Subjectivity, 16(3/4), 91-138. Scotland. Health Education Research, 22(6),
Brown, S. (1996). Q-methodology and qualitative 895–906.
research. Qualitative Health Research, 6(4), Gustafson, P.E. (1998). Gender differences in risk
561–567. perception: Theoretical and methodological
Collins, P., Maguire, M. & O’Dell, L. (2002). perspectives. Risk Analysis, 18(6), 805–811.
Smokers’ representations of their own smoking: Health Protection Agency (2010). HIV in the United
A Q-methodological study. Journal of Health Kingdom: 2010 Report. London: Health Protection
Psychology, 7(6), 641–652. Agency.
Crawford, R. (2006). Health as meaningful social Holmila, M. & Raitasalo, K. (2005). Gender
practice. Health, 10(4), 401–420. differences in drinking: Why do they still exist?
Crossley, M.L. (2002). The perils of health Addiction, 100, 1763–1769.
promotion and the ‘barebacking’ backlash. Humberstone, B. (2000). Her outdoors: Risk, challenge
Health, 6(1), 47–68. and adventure in gendered open spaces. Eastbourne:
Denscombe, M. & Drucquer, N. (1999). Critical Leisure Studies Association.
incidents and invulnerability to risk: Young Hyde, S. (2007). Half the human experience: The
people’s experience of health-related incidents psychology of women. New York: Houghton Miffin.
and their willingness to take health risks. Health, Institute of Alcohol Studies (2010). Binge drinking –
Risk and Society, 1(2), 195–207. nature, prevalence and causes. St Ives: Institute of
Douglas, M. (1992). Risk and blame: Essays in cultural Alcohol Studies.
theory. London; Routledge.

Jackson, C. & Tinkler, P. (2007). ‘Ladettes’ and Robertson, A. (2000). Embodying risk, embodying
‘Modern girls’: ‘Troublesome’ young political rationality: Women’s accounts of risks
femininities. The Sociological Review, 55(2), for breast cancer. Health, Risk and Society, 2(2),
251–272. 219–238.
Kitzinger, C. (1986). Introducing and developing Q Robertson, S. & Williams, R. (2010). Men, public
as a feminist methodology: A study of accounts of health and health promotion: Some critical
lesbanism. In S. Wilkinson (Ed.), Feminist social perspectives considered. In B. Gough & S.
psychology: Developing theory and practice. Robertson (Eds.), Men, masculinities and health:
Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Critical perspectives. Basingstoke: Palgrave
Kitzinger, C. (1987). The social construction of Macmillan.
lesbianism. Bristol: Sage. Rodham, K., Brewer, H., Mistral, W. & Stallard, P.
Lupton, D. (2003). Medicine as culture: Illness, disease (2006). Adolescent’s perception of risk and
and the body in Western societies. London: Sage. challenge: A qualitative study. Journal of
Lupton, D. & Tulloch, J. (2002). ‘Life would be pretty Adolescence, 29, 261–272.
dull without risk’: Voluntary risk-taking and its Senn, C.Y. (1993). Women’s multiple perspectives
pleasures. Health, Risk and Society, 4(2), 113–124. and experiences with pornography. Psychology of
Lyng, S. (1990). Edgework: A social psychological Women Quarterly, 17, 319–341.
analysis of voluntary risk taking. The American Snelling, S.J. (2004). Q-methodology and the
Journal of Sociology, 95(4), 851–886. political opportunity of feminist psychology.
Lyng, S. (2005). Edgework: The sociology of risk taking. Feminism & Psychology, 14(4), 519–521.
New York: Routledge. Stainton-Rogers, R., Steener, P., Gleeson, K. &
McKeown, B. & Thomas, D. (1988). Q-methodology. Stainton-Rogers, W. (1995). Social psychology:
Iowa: Sage. A critical agenda. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Measham, F. (2004). The decline of ecstasy, the rise Stenner, P., Watts, S. & Worrell, M. (2009).
of ‘binge’ drinking and the persistence of Q-methodology. In C. Willig & W. Stainton-
pleasure. Probation Journal, 51(4), 309–326. Rogers (Eds.), The Sage handbook of qualitative
Measham, F. & Brain, K. (2005). ‘Binge’ drinking, research in psychology. London: Sage.
British alcohol policy and the new culture of Stenner, P.H.D., Cooper, D. & Skevington, S.M.
intoxication. Crime, Media, Culture, 1, 262–283. (2003). Putting the Q into quality of life;
Mielewczyk, F. & Willig, C. (2007). Old clothes and the identification of subjectives constructions
an older look: The case for a radical makeover in of health-related quality of life using
health behaviour research. Theory & Psychology, Q-methodology. Social Science and Medicine, 57,
17, 811–837. 2161–2172.
Moore, D. (2008). Erasing pleasure from public Szmigin, I., Griffin, C., Mistral, W., Bengry-Howell,
discourse on illicit drugs: On the creation and A., Waele, L. & Hackley, C. (2008). Re-framing
reproduction of an absence. International Journal ‘binge drinking’ as calculated hedonism:
of Drug Policy, 19, 353–358. Empirical evidence from the UK. International
Moore, S. (2008a). Gender and the ‘new paradigm’ Journal of Drug Policy, 19, 359–366.
of health. Sociology Compass, 2, 268–280. The UK Collaborative Group for HIV and STI
Moore, S. (2010). Is the healthy body gendered? Surveillance (2007). Testing times: HIV and other
Toward a feminist critique of the new paradigm sexually transmitted infections in the United Kingdom.
of health. Body & Society, 16, 95–118. London: Health Protection Agency.
Murray, C. & Turner, E. (2004). Health, risk and Tulloch, J. & Lupton, D. (2003). Risk and everyday life.
sunbed use: A qualitative study. Health, Risk and London: Sage.
Society, 6(1), 67–80. Walklate, S. (1997). Risk and criminal victimisation:
Nettleton, S. (2006). The sociology of health and illness A modernist dilemma? British Journal of
(2nd ed.). Cambridge: Polity Press. Criminology, 37(1), 37–45.
Office of National Statistics (2009). Smoking habits in Wallis, J., Burns, J. & Capdevila, R. (2009).
Great Britain. Newport: Office for National Q-methodology and a Delphi poll: A useful
Statistics. approach to researching a narrative approach to
Parker, J. & Stanworth, H. (2005). ‘Go for it!’ therapy. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 6,
Towards a critical realist approach to voluntary 173–190.
risk-taking. Health, Risk and Society, 7(4), 319–336. Watts, S. & Stenner, P. (2005). Doing Q-methodology:
Peritore, P.N. (1989). Brazilian party left opinion: Theory, methods and interpretation. Qualitative
A Q-methodology profile. Political Psychology, Research in Psychology, 2, 67–91.
10(4), 675–702. Wilkinson, S. (2004). Feminist contributions to
Peterson, A. & Lupton, D. (1996). The new public critical health psychology. In M. Murray (Ed.),
health: Health and self in the age of risk. Critical health psychology. London: Palgrave
St. Leonards, Australia: Allen & Unwin. Macmillan.

2013 Undergraduate Prize Winner
Discursive constructions of UK swingers'
self-identities and practices in a
culturally gendered mononormative
context
Stephen Symons
In Western culture, romantic love is typically understood, defined, and normalised as both sexually and
emotionally monogamous through discourses of ‘mononormativity’. From a select review of critical
psychology literature, it is demonstrated how, culturally and academically, mononormative discourses are
often reproduced entwined with normative gender discourses, rendering both discourses as potentially
inseparable. This presents a problem for celebratory discourses – which often present non-monogamous
relationships as liberatory and revolutionary challenges to mononormativity – because they fail to account
for the potential influence of gender discourses. Gender discourses may have implications for ways non-
monogamous relationships are practiced, thus the aim of this paper is to explore the potentially complex
intersections of non-monogamy and gender. It is, therefore, asked: how are swingers’ self-identities and
practices discursively constructed within a culturally gendered mononormative context, and what are the
implications? Eight face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with five female and three male
UK swingers. A feminist informed critical discourse analysis (Alldred & Burman, 2005) is used as the
analytic framework. From this analysis, the paper concludes that when normalised monogamy is
challenged, the potential for liberation offered by non-monogamous sexual practices can be constrained by
hegemonic notions of masculinity and femininity that circulate in talk about non-monogamous sexual
practices. These discourses of masculinity and femininity carry power dynamics which restrict men’s and
women’s autonomy to varying degrees, limiting the capacity of swingers to be ‘free’. In turn, this produces
a set of contested identities which celebratory discourses of non-monogamy fail to account for.
I
N WESTERN CULTURE, romantic love is ‘prohibited’ relational practice, ‘swinging’,
typically understood, defined, and where couples retain emotional monogamy,
normalised as both sexually and emotion- but reject sexual monogamy in favour of
ally monogamous. This paper interrogates consensual, and mostly recreational extra-
this dominant and omnipresent discourse of dyadic sex (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).
‘mononormativity’ (Barker & Langdridge, Swinging is distinct from polyamory –
2010a, 2010b) by examining intersections of a practice which rejects all monogamy, and
gender and non-monogamy. Foucault aims to ‘maintain intimate and sexual rela-
(1981/1976) argues that sexual normalisa- tionships with multiple partners simultane-
tion occurs through expert discourses which ously’ (Haritaworn, Lin & Klesse, 2006,
set boundaries for agency by permitting and p.515). Previous research on non-monogamy
legitimating particular sexual practices, and has mainly focused on polyamory (e.g.
prohibiting others. Foucault (1991/1975) Barker, 2005; Finn & Malson, 2008; Harita-
also argues that people then self-regulate to worn et al., 2006; Klesse, 2006; Ritchie &
such discourses, which socially reinforces Barker, 2006) with only limited research on
them. This paper focuses on one such swingers. Therefore, swingers offer potential

Discursive constructions of UK swingers’ self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered…
for new insights into our understanding of monogamous relationships may appear to
intimate relationships. challenge dominant mononormative social
Within critical psychology, mononorma- practices, creating a sense of sexual libera-
tive discourses have often been entwined tion, in this paper, I seek to consider these
with traditional constructions of gender. relationships through a discursive and femi-
For example, in her early paper on Western nist lens, to consider how gendered
relationships and gender, Hollway (1984) constructions might function in non-mono-
identified three discourses which shape gamous relationships, particularly swinging.
heterosexual and monogamous relation- My interest is in exploring the potential of
ships. The ‘male sex drive’ discourse is swinging to disrupt mononormative social
embedded in evolutionary discourses on practice, but also to consider the potential
sexuality (e.g. Buss, 1999, 2008) and suggests constraints on such potential disruptions.
males are continually driven by uncontrol- Here, I attempt to set aside celebratory
lable bio-sexual urges. This reproduces men discourses, because they overlook potential
as predatory and animalistic, and women as complexities which may arise at intersections
implicit passive receptors to male sexuality, of non-monogamy and gender, and instead
which to an extent, is a dehumanising and I attempt to examine these complexities
over simplistic dichotomy. The ‘have-hold’ directly.
discourse dichotomises femininity by repro- The aims of this paper, therefore, are to
ducing ‘whores’ that men only ‘have’ sex explore possible complexities at intersec-
with, or ‘wives’ that men ‘hold’ onto for tions between swinging and gender, and how
more meaningful and permanent relation- gender discourses may influence swinging
ships. This discourse establishes monoga- identity, practice, and subjectivity, and to
mous marriage as ‘the proper context’ for consider the implications of this. This paper,
expressions of feminine desire, as does the therefore, asks: how are swingers’ self-identi-
‘permissive’ discourse which permits female ties and practices discursively constructed
promiscuity, but only pre-marriage. In socio- within a culturally gendered mononormative
cultural terms, gendered mononormativity is context, and what are the implications?
reproduced, for example, through advice
columns (Wilbraham, 1997) where women Methods
are positioned within their marriages as To enable me to explore how gender is
emotional labourers who are to restore the (re)produced in people’s accounts of
‘crisis’ of their husband’s infidelity. The swinging, I used individual interviews, which
‘crisis’ is constituted in relation to how were analysed using a feminist informed
marriage is socially constructed around Foucauldian discourse analysis (FDA)
gender norms and monogamy. Such posi- (Alldred & Burman, 2005). FDA enabled me
tionings function to establish gendered to consider intersecting and interwebbed
norms which then influence gendered discourses, and to consider issues of govern-
subjectivities (Hollway, 1984). From this mentality and production in relation to
close knit entanglement of monogamy and participants’ accounts of swinging. This is
gender, one question that might be asked is useful in this study because, as Parker (1992)
whether these gender constructions have suggests, FDA is political in nature and,
implications when they meet non- therefore, more suitable for politically
monogamy. repressed populations, such as swingers
Celebratory discourses have attempted to (Roberts, 2003).
highlight the liberatory and revolutionary I sent 20 emails to the administra-
potential of non-monogamous relationship tors/managers of 10 swingers’ websites,
arrangements (e.g. deVisser & McDonald, eight swingers’ clubs, one swingers’ hotel,
2007; Jackson & Scott, 2004). But while non- and one co-author of a recent study, asking

Stephen Symons
permission to recruit participants through views, I try to capture both the content and
their facilities. Only website administrators context of the interviews, to consider the
responded – one banning me immediately, implications of these kinds of differences in
the other three granting advertising permis- the operation and production of power in
sion. From the advertisements, the research.
I received nine responses all from one
website. From 16 potential interviewees from Doing discourse analysis
the website, one was too far away, four FDA emphasises the omnipresent power
responses came too late for inclusion in the relations embedded within discourses or
study, and four stopped communication discursive practices (Parker, 2005); this
after the initial contact. Eight self-identified includes the production of objects, for
swingers (seven through the website, and example, ‘delinquency’, and related agentic
one through personal contact) aged 37 to 55 subjects, for example, ‘delinquents’.
participated in individual interviews. Inter- Through such functions, FDA also empha-
views lasted 38 to 93 minutes, and were sises who legitimates these discursive
conducted in various UK locations; six in constructs, who self-regulates to them, and
participants’ homes and two in a hotel lobby. ultimately which social institutions are
From the three men and five women, there supported and subverted by them (Parker,
were three married couples, and two women 1992). Foucault (1981/1976) argues power
whose male partners were unavailable for is bi-directional, and subjectivities are consti-
interview. tuted in relation to dominant discourses in
I developed an interview guide drawing both resistant and conforming ways. To
on key points and absences in the literature, deconstruct these dynamics, I used FDA to
covering questions about social acceptance, identify if and how my participants self-regu-
monogamy, commitment, romantic love, late, reproduce, resist, produce, and re-regu-
and rules and boundaries. In each interview, late discourses, and how these functions
a broad question asked about how partici- construct self-identities and connect to wider
pants decided to start swinging. I transcribed social institutions. Whilst being mindful that
my interviews verbatim using a denaturalised indentifying political ‘knowledge’ itself
approach where involuntary vocalisations produces political knowledge (Gillies &
and intonation are omitted, but accurate Alldred, 2012) I followed Alldred and
substance, meaning, and the ‘maneuverings of Burman’s (2005) analytic steps, and
power’ (Oliver, Serovich & Mason, 2005, p.5) included Willig’s (2001) step in which
are retained. This is why Oliver et al. recom- subjectivity is considered.
mend this approach for critical discourse
analysis. Parker (2005) argues that research Ethics
interviews are always semi-structured All British Psychological Society (2009)
because they perpetually carry ‘the traces of ethical guidelines were strictly followed, and
patterns of power’ (p.53) that allow participant the ethics committee board at the University
resistance. I found in several of the inter- of Northampton reviewed this study’s appli-
views, such traces were clearly evident – for cation and granted approval. All participants
instance, Lindsay (37) seemed hesitant in were informed with an information sheet
the interview encounter, giving brief and and opportunity to ask questions at both
unelaborated responses that seemed to initial interest, and interview, at which point
suggest discomfort with being ‘researched’. written consent was obtained. Interviewees
In contrast, Bill, an older man who saw were debriefed post-interview both verbally
himself as well established in the swinging and with literature, which contained my, and
community tended to dominate and shape my supervising tutor’s contact details for the
the interview. In my analysis of these inter- purpose of withdrawal. Also, relevant

support group contact details were given in B: ‘I don’t envy the vanilla world. I think they
the event distress was triggered. After tran- ought to wise up and accept nature.
scription, to protect participant’s identities, Int: Which is?
audio recordings were destroyed, and pseu- B: Human nature, we’re an animal
donyms (used in this paper) were used Int: Which means?
within transcripts. Consent forms were B: It means the female genuinely prefers the
locked separately from data to protect confi- larger male with a larger male genitals because
dentiality. she is programmed to believe he will be the best
seed for her offspring, and that is what drives
Analysis and discussion us to have sex, end of. So it’s true, women do
In this analysis, I explore possible complexi- prefer bigger willies [Int: (laughs)] erm, and
ties at the intersections of swinger and it’s his job to displace the other male you know?
gendered subjectivities, exploring how The strongest and fittest wins through, it’s
gender discourses are implicated in the what we are, the woman is designed to be
construction of ‘swinger identities’, and how promiscuous. That’s what she does, it’s in her
swinging constitutes gender. This paper, nature to be what men in the vanilla world
therefore, asks: how are swingers’ self-identi- nowadays would call a slut, trollop, you name
ties and practices discursively constructed it, because she is designed to be that way, and
within a culturally gendered mononormative the male is designed to go around and sow his
context, and what are the implications? The seed everywhere, he can, it’s nature, it’s what
following analysis shows that though we’re designed to do.’ (553–565)
swinging couples challenge mononorma- Bill’s opening statement positions his
tivity, their accounts also often involve repro- swinging as having ‘freed him’ from a
ductions of gender norms and the constraining ‘vanilla world’. By suggesting
deployment of the construct of ‘free choice’. others should ‘wise up and accept nature’
This presents a tension with celebratory Bill positions himself as an insightful expert
discourses that emphasise the liberatory and about human relationships. He naturalises
disruptive potential of swinging and other his own interpretation of human sexuality as
poly-relational practices. I will illustrate this an obvious truth in which anyone who
argument with two examples from my inter- disagrees should ‘wise up’. Bill uses biological
views that demonstrate a common discourses to achieve this by claiming ‘we’re
patterning across the accounts. an animal’. When prompted for meaningful
Bill’s interview was nearly ending and explanation, Bill engages evolutionary short-
I asked if he had anything to add to our term mating discourse (Buss, 1999) which in
discussion. I asked this to all interviewees itself attempts to explain female promiscuity.
because open platforms often reveal sponta- However, this discourse also constructs
neous insights from beyond the constraints females as ‘ejaculate manipulators’ (Baker &
of my questions, thus lessening my institu- Bellis, 1993), an objectifying construction,
tional power. Bill began explaining how which renders female sexuality as a function
soap-opera characters are typically adul- of male ejaculatory needs, and locates
terous, and how a current character is women as essentially passionless – simply
coping with his wife’s infidelity. He then ‘manipulating male ejaculate’, rather than
expresses relief at not being ‘there anymore, engaging in active and pleasurable sexual
and never will again’ (533–534), and that he practices. In Bill’s talk women’s agency is
does not ‘live in that world anymore’ (544). limited to their capacity to choose ‘bigger
This suggests swinging is an honest accept- willies’. For males, Bill reproduces existing
ance of inevitable non-monogamy, and the evolutionary masculinity in which men ‘sow
ongoing discussion follows similarly: [their] seed everywhere’ and strive to be the
‘strongest and fittest’. Thus, Bill’s talk legiti-

Stephen Symons
mates subject positions for male promiscuity is not fulfilled, which in itself critiques the
in a competitive context because it is a man’s definitiveness of the ‘male sex drive’
‘job to displace the other male’ to ‘win’ females. discourse. Here, Lindsay explicitly articu-
Here, females lose their limited agency, and lates her desire, and her enjoyment of sex in
are implicitly objectified as passive trophies a manner inconsistent with the more reac-
for male celebration. Through Bill’s rejec- tive sexuality previously described by Bill.
tion of monogamy, and by exclusion of I already knew Lindsay attends a swingers’
polyamory, swinging, which by Bill’s account club without her partner, so referring to that
is framed as active male competition, is, I asked ‘Do you go to the club to satisfy that?’
therefore, implicitly ratified as more reflec- (410) and Lindsay said yes. I ask a little more
tive of ‘normal’ relationships. about this: ‘Where, how?’ (412), she replied:
Overall, though Bill resists mononorma- ‘In the club, in rooms, erm, go in a room with
tivity through the construction of ‘the vanilla them, it’s just based on sex, there’s no kissing is
world’ as deluded and deceptive (denying allowed. Allowed to caress my body, use
the obvious ‘truth’ of human, what I will protection [Int: yeah] and them are the rules
term here, ‘poly-nature’), he deploys prob- also, they all, you know, use protection as well.
lematic gender constructions to achieve this So there is quite a few rules and regulations in
resistance. Women can choose sexual part- what I can do and what I can’t do also.
ners, but cannot choose promiscuity because Int: What do you mean by that?
they are constructed as both ‘innately’ L: My partner, he wouldn’t like me kissing
promiscuous (for reasons of biology, not with another guy.’ (413–418)
pleasure), and passive in relation to male Lindsay’s self-positionings are complex
sexuality. Similarly, men cannot choose because she slips between two relational
monogamous relationships due to their contexts, both of which appear patriarchal.
‘innate’ competitiveness for multiple female In one context, Lindsay objectifies herself in
mates. Through these entrenchments, impli- relation to male sexuality, and male subjects,
cations arise for both swinging practice and where she privately ‘goes in a room’ where they
gender identity. In terms of gender, legit- ‘caress [her] body’. She is clearly positioned as
imised sexual competition continues to priv- an agent here, articulating what is and is not
ilege males in the sexual sphere for as long allowed, and her narrative explicitly high-
as females are ‘trophies’. Moreover, by re- lights a focus on her own enjoyment. Her
regulating feminine sexuality discourses to sexual encounters are governed by ‘rules
legitimate compulsory promiscuity, women’s and regulations’, to which men must adhere.
autonomy is lessened. The implications for However, when questioned further, it tran-
swinging practice means its competitive spires these are not her rules. Though she
framing inhibits community ideals that can choose to go clubbing, apparently as a
infuse polyamorous ideology, and contra- free sexual agent, her sexual behaviour
dicts principles of sharing. The main issue whilst there is restricted and regulated by
here is that through Bill’s subjectivity – her partner. She rapidly shifts between
arguably influenced by traditional gendered subject and object positioning – a powerful
discourses – the liberal logic of swinging is at agent, who dictates the rules, and a passive
tension with the gendered way choice is recipient of male regulatory power. Her
constrained. This complexity continues to partner permits her sexual freedom, and this
construct contested identities which celebra- is constrained by him, even in his absence,
tory discourses fail to appreciate. through her own accession to his rules.
In another interview, my discussion with These rules protect something implicitly
Lindsay became focused on her partner. sacred, which arguably is a relationship
I asked whether she was happy with him, and based on mononormative ideals, thus privi-
though she was, her ‘great hunger for sex’ (390) leging couple identity.

Lindsay ultimately reproduces mononor- especially feminist activist groups. My inten-

mativity through discursive self-regulation, tion is neither to reproduce gender, nor to
which appears to be influenced by patriar- pathologise swinging, but to illustrate how
chal power. From this, the implication means the omnipresence and potency of gender
she must practice swinging in a particularly discourses create complexity at intersections
monogamous way, which constrains her of swinging and gender. The lynchpin to this
autonomy. This image resonates with complexity is the question of who is
Young’s (1980) ‘double hesitation’ concept choosing what? when couples challenge
in which Young argues there are notable monogamy.
embodied gender differences: males move In conclusion, I argue that when domi-
with confidence, whereas females are more nant mononormative practices are chal-
restrained. For example, when girls throw, lenged, the ideology of sexual liberation
they throw hesitantly, which does not neces- presented by various forms of poly relation-
sarily reflect less strength, but low confi- ships faces considerable challenge from the
dence stemming from social messages about entrenchment of gender discourses, which
the gendered use of bodies. So Lindsay is restrict men’s and women’s purported
free to swing, but simultaneously inhibited. autonomy and sexual freedom to varying
The main issue here is that through degrees. In turn, contested identities are
Lindsay’s subjectivity, which is influenced by constructed which celebratory discourses fail
male regulatory power, the liberal logic of to consider. This paper is important because
swinging is at tension with the gendered way it highlights some of the more intricate and
female autonomy is constrained, which problematic complexities that arise within
constructs contested identities. Consistent what appears to be a liberatory style of
with Bill’s narrative, this is also a complexity relating. Bringing these to light may inform
which celebratory discourses fail to appre- further research, or help inform relationship
ciate. therapists who encounter difficulties in
In sum, Bill reproduces evolutionary swinging couples. However, a limitation of
discourses of masculinity and femininity this paper is that participants are between
which naturalises swinging as an arena for ages 37 to 55, so I may have a cohort effect
male sexual competition in which males are which reflects more modernist views. Much
sexually privileged. He also engages evolu- younger swingers may have more post-
tionary discourse to produce females with modern views on gender, and may be some-
some, but limited agency, which ultimately what less influenced by traditional gendered
restrains female autonomy. Lindsay positions discourses. Therefore, future research could
herself within two patriarchal structures in focus on younger swingers to explore
which she initially objectifies herself in rela- whether and how gender discourses influ-
tion to masculine sexuality, and then subjects ence the construction of their swinger self-
herself to her partner’s authority. In socially identities.
wider terms, the discursive constructions
here support institutions of marriage and Correspondence
the family, and patriarchal ideology, but Stephen Symons
subvert advocates of liberal sexuality, University of Northampton.

Stephen Symons
References
Alldred, P. & Burman, E. (2005). Analysing children’s Gillies, V. & Alldred, P. (2012). The ethics of
accounts using discourse analysis. In S. Greene & intention: Research as a political tool. In T.
D. Hogan (Eds.), Researching children’s experience. Miller, M. Birch, M. Mauthner & J. Jessop (Eds.),
Approaches and methods (pp.175–198). London: Ethics in qualitative research (2nd ed.; pp.43–60).
Sage. London: Sage.
Baker, R.R. & Bellis, M.A. (1993). Human sperm Haritaworn, J., Lin, C. & Klesse, C. (2006).
competition: Ejaculate manipulation by females Poly/logue: A critical introduction to polyamory.
and a function for the female orgasm. Animal Sexualities, 9(5), 515–529.
Behaviour, 46, 887–909. Hollway, W. (1984). Gender difference and the
Barker, M. (2005). This is my partner, and this production of subjectivity. In J. Henriques,
is my… partner’s partner: Constructing a W. Hollway, C. Urwin, C. Venn & V. Walkerdine
polyamorous identity in a monogamous world. (Eds.), Changing the subject (pp.227–262).
Journal of Constructivist Psychology, 18(1), 75–88. London: Methuen.
Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (2010a). Whatever Jackson, S. & Scott, S. (2004). The personal is still
happened to non-monogamies? Critical political: Heterosexuality, feminism and
reflections on recent research and theory. monogamy. Feminism & Psychology, 14(1),
Sexualities, 13(6), 748–772. 151–157.
Barker, M. & Langdridge, D. (Eds.). (2010b). Under- Klesse, C. (2006). Polyamory and its ‘others’:
standing non-monogamies. New York: Routledge. Contesting the terms of non-monogamy.
Bergstrand, C. & Williams, J.B. (2000). Today’s Sexualities, 9(5), 565–583.
alternative marriage styles: The case of swingers. Oliver, D.G., Serovich, J.M. & Mason, T.L. (2005).
Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, 3. Retrieved Constraints and opportunities with interview
from: transcription: Towards reflection in qualitative
http://www.ejhs.org/volume3/swing/body.htm research. Social Forces, 84(2), 1273–1289.
British Psychological Society (2009). Code of Ethics and Parker, I. (1992). Discourse dynamics: Critical analysis
Conduct: Guidance published by the Ethics Committee for social and individual psychology. London:
of the British Psychological Society. Retrieved from: Routledge.
http://www.bps.org.uk/sites/default/files/ Parker, I. (2005). Qualitative psychology: Introducing
documents/code_of_ethics_and_conduct.pdf radical research. Maidenhead: Open University
Buss, D.M. (1999). Evolutionary psychology: The new Press.
science of the mind. Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Ritchie, A. & Barker, M. (2006). ‘There aren’t words
Bacon. for what we do or how we feel so we have to make
Buss, D.M. (2008). Evolutionary psychology: The new them up’: Constructing polyamorous languages
science of the mind (3rd ed.). London: Pearson in a culture of compulsory monogamy. Sexualities,
Education. 9(5), 584–601.
deVisser, R. & McDonald, D. (2007). Swings and Roberts, M. (2003). Related to bigotry: The repression of
roundabouts: Management of jealousy in swingers in early 21st century Britain. London:
heterosexual ‘swinging’ couples. British Journal of Libertarian Alliance. Retrieved from:
Social Psychology, 46(2), 459–476. www.libertarian.co.uk/lapubs/socin/
Finn, M. & Malson, H. (2008). Speaking of home socin028.pdf
truth: (Re)productions of dyadic-containment in Wilbraham, L. (1997). The psychologisation of
non-monogamous relationships. British Journal of monogamy in advice columns: Surveillance,
Social Psychology, 47, 519–533. subjectivity and resistance. In A. Levett,
Foucault, M. (1981). The history of sexuality. Volume 1: A. Kottler, E. Burman & I. Parker (Eds.), Culture,
An introduction. New York: Vintage Books. power and difference: Discourse analysis in South
(Original work published 1976). Africa (pp.65–82). London: Zed Books.
Foucault, M. (1991). Discipline and punish: The birth of Willig, C. (2001). Introducing qualitative research in
the prison. London: Penguin. (Original work psychology. Maidenhead: Open University Press.
published 1975). Young, I.M. (1980). Throwing like a girl:
A phenomenology of feminine body comport-
ment motility and spatiality. Human Studies, 3(1),
137–156.

2013 Postgraduate Prize Winner
ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’.
The marketisation of ADHD to
adult women
Helen Winter
Drawing on the traditions of discursive psychology and critical discourse analysis this study examined the
marketisation of ‘ADHD’ to women in a small sample of online ‘YouTube’ videos. Of specific interest was
the constructed and constructive nature of discourse at a ‘micro’ level, with a particular focus on the
reification and commodification of the ‘ADHD-product’; and the discursive strategies used to persuade
women of the potential benefits of ‘ADHD’ diagnosis and ‘treatment’. The video material analysed
represented a combination of first person testimonies from the ‘sufferer’, and the sharing of ‘expertise’ by
‘professionals’. The analytic categories generated told a ‘story’ of the construction and commodification of
the ‘ADHD-product’, unproblematically positioned within the biomedical discourse; followed by the active
promotion of ‘ADHD’ to women, with strong endorsements for the use of stimulant medication to ‘enhance
performance’ and ‘increase one’s potential’. Implications for feminist practice are discussed in light of the
analysis.
A
‘ TTENTION-DEFICIT/HYPER- the diagnosis’ reputation and most data in
ACTIVITY DISORDER’ (ADHD)1 is a children, it may be assumed that the adult-
diagnosis which divides opinion and ADHD demographic would be predomi-
ignites debate. Some have fought for its recog- nately male. However, many studies have not
nition as a legitimate medical disorder (e.g. supported this prediction.
Asherson, 2013); others have contested its Simon et al. (2009) conducted a meta-
existence and refer to it as a cultural construc- analysis of studies looking at the prevalence
tion (e.g. Timimi & Leo, 2009). Regardless, of ADHD amongst adult populations. Their
reported prevalence rates continue to general conclusions suggest that, diagnosis
increase amongst the child and adolescent and prescription rates are more equally
population (Getahun et al., 2013); whilst the distributed in adulthood, with some
incorporation of more adult-inclusive criteria countries diagnosing more women than
into the DSM-5 ‘sets the stage’ for the adult men. For example, in Italy and New Zealand
diagnosis to follow suit (Whitely, 2011). the ADHD population is made up of 86 per
According to the DSM-IV (APA, 1994, cent and 83 per cent women, respectively.
p.85), the essential feature of ADHD is In an earlier study, Castle et al. (2007)
a ‘persistent pattern of inattention and/or analysed a large sample of American phar-
hyperactivity-impulsivity that is more fre- maceutical data. The results indicated that,
quently displayed and is more severe than is between 2000 and 2005, women demon-
typically observed in individuals at compa- strated the highest annual prescription
rable level of development’. On the basis of growth rate of any demographic group.
1
Although I use ‘ADHD’ with ‘critical’ intentions, for ease of reading, inverted commas have not been used past
this point.

Helen Winter
Some authors have attributed this demo- ‘social acceptability’. As these discourses are
graphic-shift to previously undiagnosed cases hidden they are unquestionable and often so
in childhood and the presentation of limiting that some have suggested they
‘pseudo-new’ cases in adulthood (Simon et provide the explanation for many of the
al., 2009, p.209). This hypothesis is informed ‘female disorders’, such as postpartum
by the assumption that males display ‘their’ depression (Knudson-Martin & Silverstein,
ADHD through externalising behaviour 2009); as well as the over representation of
whereas girls present with internalising women in many mental health diagnoses
behaviour. As such, females only become (Ussher, 2010).
‘symptomatic’ with the introduction of adult According to Ussher (1991), if we do not
stressors such as family, work and study attend to the gender differences in psychi-
(Bren, 2004). atric diagnoses, then conventional explana-
An alternative viewpoint examined soci- tions will continue to be used automatically
etal discourses in relation to mental health to ‘categorise, to compartmentalise, to
and women. Moncrieff et al. (2011, p.18), control’ (p.104).
citing Ussher (1991), suggest that ADHD
may be the ‘latest framework offered to Selling sickness: Marketing a medical
women through which to express their understanding
distress and dissatisfaction’. The authors There’s a lot of money to be made in telling
support this by highlighting the increase in healthy people they’re sick.
promotional material aimed at women. Moynihan et al. (2002, p.886)
Moncrieff et al. (2011) also discuss the According to Moynihan (2005); ‘the first
construction of adult ADHD in relation to step in promoting a blockbuster drug is to
the market drive of pharmaceutical indus- build the market by raising public awareness
tries and the medicalisation of behaviour. about the condition the drug is designed to
Specifically they refer to Rose’s (1998) target’ (p.192). This process appears to have
concept of the ‘neurochemical self’ and the begun in relation to the promotion of
tendency for psychopharmacology research ADHD to women (Moncrieff et al., 2011).
to provide only biological explanations for Indeed, Conrad and Potter, (2000) have
variations from the norm; thus encouraging related the expansion of the ADHD category
people to adopt purely biological descrip- to ‘new markets’ (p.575), popularised via the
tions of themselves and ways to act upon rapid transmission of information through
themselves. If this is so it may be that women television, internet, and popular literature.
are less inclined to consider external soci-
etal/relational/familial pressures and The current study
instead look for ‘biomedical’ problems Thus far there has been minimal research
within themselves. into the construction of the ‘ADHD-woman’
or the multi-media mechanisms through
Mental health and women which the ‘disorder’ has been ‘sold’ to
Discourses of femininity have been women (Moncrieff et al., 2011). Thus, the
described as: aim of this study is to examine on a local
(…) sets of shared cultural beliefs and level (cf. McHoul & Rapley, 2005) how
practices that construct the meaning of ADHD is being turned into a commodity and
‘woman’, what it is to be a woman, and marketed to women via publically accessible
experiences of subjectivity in women. online videos. In the course of making trans-
Stoppard, (2000, p. 23) parent these processes I hope to encourage
So described, these discourses define and further questions (Foucault, 1977); thus
constrain femininity; laying down invisible contributing to ‘social change through
barriers in the guise of ‘normality’ and critical analysis’ (Wooffitt, 2005, p.139).

ADHD: ‘Because you’re worth it’. The marketisation of ADHD to adult women
Methodology subsidiary of Google (Woog, 2009), YouTube

Epistemology and methodology currently gains over 800 million new users
The analysis was conducted from a micro- each month, with over one trillion views in
social-constructionist stance; viewing 2011 (YouTube, 2012).
construction as ‘taking place within everyday The data was collated using the simple
discourse between people in interaction’ search term ‘ADHD Women’ to ensure the
(Burr, 2003, p.21). videos were easily accessible to the general
Following the lead of McHoul and Rapley public. The videos selected for analysis were
(2005), a hybrid version of discursive those which appeared most consistently
psychology (DP) was used; incorporating within the top seven results during the
critical discourse analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, census period (September 2011 to July
1995) into a DP framework (Edwards & 2012). The corpus of data represented testi-
Potter, 1992). monies of ‘sufferers’ and ‘professionals’
CDA and DP possess broad similarities, discussing the emerging social phenomenon
such as a critical stance toward traditional of ‘adult-ADHD-in-women’.
psychological research methods (Wooffitt, The full corpus of data was analysed as
2005). However, they also possess subtle yet part of a 28,000 word doctoral thesis.
significant differences which may be seen as However, due to the pragmatic limitations of
complementary of one another. Specifically, this paper, extracts from three of the videos
DP is primarily concerned with ‘how people are presented for analysis here.
use discursive resources in order to achieve
interpersonal objectives in social interaction’ Procedure
(Willig, 2001, p.91, italics in original). In The data was analysed in line with the phases
contrast, CDA aims to make transparent the proposed by Potter and Wetherall (1987).
relationships between discourse practices, Phase one centred on the identification of
social practices and social structures; rela- ‘systemic patterns in the data’ and phase two
tionships that might be opaque to the focused on a search for ‘functional effects
layperson (Fairclough, 1992). As such, CDA and consequences’ (Tuffin & Howard, 2001,
‘adopts an overt political stance, in terms of p.203).
both the kinds of topic it studies and the role The aim was thus to identify the partic-
it sees for the results of the research’ (Woof- ular micro-level rhetorical devices that had
fitt, 2005, p.139). Thus CDA complements been used whist also attending to the
this study as it adds to the ‘how’ by asking themes, concepts and power relations
whose interests are being served. In this way embedded within the text (Fairclough,
it has been said to function as an interven- 1992).
tion ‘on the side of dominated and
oppressed groups and against dominating Analysis and initial discussion
groups’ (Fairclough & Wodak, 2004, p.358). As previously described, the material
presented constitutes part of a larger
Description of sample analysis. However, for the purposes of this
The internet is now seen as fundamental in paper the analytic subcategory, ‘Increase
helping to deliver messages, sell products Your Potential’ has been selected due to its
and promote action; making it a valuable particular relevance to the ‘psychology of
avenue of analysis (Conrad & Potter, 2000; women’.
Norris & Lloyd, 2000). As such I elected to This analysis focuses on women’s promo-
maintain a focus on electronic resources; tion of stimulants as a means via which one
choosing to select my corpus of data from may ‘increase potential’ and ‘enhance
the online video search engine YouTube performance’. The focus on drugs was an
(www.youtube.com). Operating as a integral component in the marketisation-of-

Helen Winter
ADHD-to-women, which also included: (1) the describe having the flu; it possesses a physical
biomedical construction of the ‘ADHD- disease status (Szasz, 1971) and encourages
woman’; (2) persuasion to view performance the action of getting ‘medicated’ (line 3).
through the lens of ‘attentional deficits’; (3) Medication is consequently promoted as
a ‘realisation’ of the ‘life-improving’ qualities life-changing and positive for business. These
of ADHD; and (4) the fight for diagnosis. descriptions draw on the rhetoric of extreme-
The data represents testimonial extracts case-formulations (Pomerantz, 1986), which
of three ‘ADHD-sufferers’; ‘Luciana’ (a self- are designed to be dramatic and persuasive
proclaimed business woman), ‘Brooke’ as they construct an outcome as significantly
(a college student) and Dr Walker different from the norm.
(a ‘psychotherapist’ and ‘ADHD expert’)2. In Extract 2, Luciana uses the rhetorical
device of active voicing (Hepburn, 2003;
Increase your potential Wooffitt, 2005) to present the views and
The testimonies presented in the extracts all impressions of her colleagues as corrobo-
support the dominant biomedical discourse rating her depiction of the difficulties she
of ADHD; as well as the need for medical faced pre-medication. This also creates a shift
intervention to alleviate the ‘symptoms’. The in footing (Dickerson, 1997; Potter, 1996), as
witnessing of the ‘benefits’ of ADHD diag- Luciana becomes merely the reporter of her
nosis and treatment is aided by the rhetoric employee’s opinions; which helpfully corrob-
of category entitlement (Potter, 1996). This orate her own story.
device works to enhance the reality and truth
of a claim, as the narrator is seen to speak Extract: 2
from a position of assumed knowledge 16 ‘hey, you know, Luciana, you need to
and/or experience. get some ADHD
Luciana talks with energy and enthu- 17 medicine, because you can’t focus on
siasm about the positive effects of the stimu- what you want us to
lant drug ‘Adderall’ (Extract 1). However, a 18 do, and, y-you have a hundred things
link from her YouTube-page redirects the going at the same time,
audience to a website for ‘Adderall-alterna- 19 and em, you can’t, err, channel all your
tives’; raising questions over Luciana’s posi- energy so…’
tion as a ‘neutral consumer’. Luciana
Luciana also explicitly connects her
Extract: 1 increased ‘potential’ with taking the drug.
2 And, today I’m gonna talk about
Attention Deficit Disorder, Extract: 3
3 because I definitely have it. And, 26 I feel like my potential has sky-rocketed
I finally got medicated, now that, erm,
4 which is something that has really 27 I’m on medication.
changed my life. And has, Luciana
5 erm, been very positive for my Luciana constructs her difficulties within the
business. dominant biomedical discourse providing a
Luciana narrative of abnormality. The rhetorical
Luciana begins her blog by succinctly and device of a narrative form of accounting (Potter,
unproblematically presenting ADHD in its 1996) can also be seen to be at work here.
reified form; ‘I definitely have it’ (line 3) This involves the linking together of events
(Potter, 1996). Her description of having into a sequence, in a way that implies
ADHD is synonymous with the way one may causality. This device works to increase the
2
All names have been anonymised.

plausibility of an account. Luciana’s argu- to facilitate concentration, but avoid caffeine

ment runs thus (Harper, 2004): at other times due to migraines. There are
I have ADHD > I had difficulty focussing and also parallels here with recreational drug
channelling energy > employees noticed and use, whereby the user is not ‘addicted’ but
commented on this > employees provided rather they are pursuing a ‘temporary but
encouragement to get ADHD medication > potent altered state of consciousness’ (Page
I finally got medicated > medication changed & Singer, 2010, p.9).
my life > medication has been positive for my Below, Dr Walker speaks about her own
business > my potential has sky-rocketed. experience of ADHD and the positive impact
The taken-for-granted assumption inherent the medication has had on her home life.
in this narrative is that ADHD exists as a legit-
imate medical disorder. Proof of this Extract: 5
construction is taken from the reported 24 Erm, I also noticed that, if I cook, coz I
improvements in Luciana’s symptoms after love to cook, I can
taking Adderall. However, correlation does not 25 actually clean the kitchen afterwards,
imply causation (Utts, 2004) and it would, which has been, like
therefore, be circumstantial to make such a 26 monumental, because I cook and I just
claim (McKay, 2000). As discussed by Leo and like leave it because,
Lacasse (2009), it is well documented that 27 y’know I don’t like to do all the
ADHD stimulants improve attention span, detailed work. Erm, also I can
along with other stimulant drugs like 28 read through something all the way
caffeine; but there is little evidence that they through the first time and
have beneficial effects in the long-term, or 29 know what it says. And before I would
effects on any presumed underlying read a paragraph,
pathology that is independent of these estab- 30 have to go back and read it again,
lished psychoactive effects (Moncrieff, 2009). because by the time I got
Similarly to caffeine, however, there is a 31 to the end of the page I was like what
discourse surrounding ADHD medication did I just read?
that would imply one could use the drugs in 32 So medication’s really helped in those
a similar way. For example, Brooke, in aspects of life
Extract 4 states: Dr Walker
Dr Walker, within her professional remit as a
Extract: 4 ‘psychotherapist’, writes and broadcasts for a
125 And I only take it on days that are very popular ADHD magazine. Hence the rhetor-
academically ical device of category entitlement (Potter,
126 demanding. Because there are side- 1996) is relevant, not only due to her
effects and they’re presumed knowledge in the area as an
127 not fun. ‘ADHD-patient’; but also as a ‘doctor’
Brooke specialising in ADHD. Thus, it may be
In comparison to a ‘typical’ relationship to hypothesised that a key concern for Dr
prescription drugs for a ‘biomedical condi- Walker would be to establish the legitimacy
tion’; Brooke suggests here that the drugs of ADHD and the positive effects of the
are a ‘means to an end’. They help her with medication, in order to protect her ‘identity’
her academic work; enhancing performance as well as her career and credibility as a
on ‘days that are very academically known ‘ADHD-expert’. This is achieved in
demanding’ (lines 125–126). However, Extract 5 via the use of the rhetorical device
because she does not like the side effects, she of contrast (Boyett, 2008) whereby Dr Walker
chooses when to take the drugs; in a similar favourably compares her medicated life with
manner as one might choose to drink coffee her life pre-diagnosis and treatment.

Helen Winter
Dr Walker chooses examples which, by I propose that the adult-female-population

their ubiquity, effectively democratise access may also be critically conceptualised as
to the ADHD label; needing to re-read para- ‘requires medication to achieve ‘super-
graphs as one’s mind has wandered (line woman status’’. Thus, in the same way that
31); feeling reluctant to clean up the kitchen stimulants have been used to increase
after cooking (line 27); each example, children’s academic standards (Leo &
demonstrating how ADHD medication can Lacasse, 2009); women may now be
provide a ‘quick-fix’ ‘in those aspects of life’ medicated to ensure they demonstrate
(line 32). Indeed, in the ‘comments’ section optimum performance in every area of their
of this video one user writes: ‘the dishes! OH lives.
MY GOD! it’s always the dishes!’ (sic) to Feminist authors have written about the
which Dr Walker responds: relationship between a patriarchal society
I have to unload and load the dishwasher and women’s use of substances (Ettorre,
today, and I have done everything else on my 1994). If women fail to qualify as ‘super-
‘to do’ list except that. lol Maybe ‘dishwasher woman’ then they are encouraged to look
dysfunction’ should be added to the DSM for a solution; the material used in this study
diagnostic criteria for ADHD. would suggest the clandestine marketing of
The ADHD ‘product’ appears to have been stimulant medication has offered an
marketed to women via personal endorse- appealing resolution to such ‘deficiency’ in
ments and testimonials of both ‘profes- performance.
sionals’ and ‘sufferers’. Contrary to what may
typically be thought of as science; ‘the world Implications for feminist practice
of facts’ (Potter, 2006, p.17) with a reliance Empowering and educating women
on evidence-based practice; this analysis would In discussing the discourses of femininity,
suggest ADHD may be more appropriately Stoppard (2000) described the way women
defined by the context of its emergence, as a continue to be judged against old ideas of
commercial ‘product’ with an identified what it is to be ‘female’ as well as now
female ‘market’. The impact of this is needing to be successful career-women and
explored in more detail below. look eternally young and attractive. Ussher
(1991) also described the ‘discourse of
Further discussion and conclusions madness’ which ‘serves to divert attention
‘Desperate Housewives’ vs. ‘Superwomen’ away from the problems within society,
‘Failing to finish household chores’, appears focussing attention onto the individual, who
in the DSM-5 as a symptom of adult-ADHD is suffering only as a direct result of societal
(APA, 2012, p.1). In the videos, medication pressures’ (p.148). As long as these
was promoted as a way overcoming such discourses are hidden they also remain
difficulties, as well as supporting academic unquestioned. By consistently engaging
and occupational success. In the UK, 69 per women in conversations as outlined above,
cent of women are in paid employment these limiting discourses may be brought to
(Office for National Statistics, 2012); the surface, deconstructed and challenged.
however, 92 per cent still complete all the Some would argue, however, that this
household tasks. Gill (2007) suggests that, work should move away from individual
for women, ‘carrying out a double-day is conversations, placing more emphasis on a
rendered invisible by the superwoman drive for social action (Ettorre, 1994).
imagery’ (p.97) of ‘having it all’.
In relation to ADHD, the child popula- Lobbying for change and political action
tion has been critically conceptualised as: ADHD is consonant with the consumerist
‘Requires medication to progress academi- and competitive values of a late capitalist
cally’ (Rogers & Mancini, 2010, p.87). society. It both pathologises underperfor-

mance (Conrad & Potter, 2000) and under- Final reflections

productivity; and offers a solution in the This paper has highlighted some of the
form of stimulant drugs. Moreover, the rhetorical tropes used to persuade women of
ADHD-model appears to produce an identity the ‘currency’ of ADHD in helping to
that favours the interests of both the ‘conquer’ the multiple demands and respon-
psy-complex and pharmaceutical companies. sibilities of the modern-day ‘superwomen’
In bringing such discourses and devices to (Wilkinson & Kitzinger, 1996). ADHD has
the surface, they may subsequently be chal- been offered, indeed promoted, to women
lenged and revealed as ‘a ‘practical moral as a formulation of their ‘underperfor-
enterprise’ (Coulter, 1979, p.151), that mance’ and a ‘key’ to the solution (Conrad
requires democratic participation and & Potter, 2000).
control’ (Moncrieff, 2010). Szasz (1971) argues that it is the classifi-
According to Ettorre (1994), an impor- cation and diagnosis of behaviours that
tant focus for action would be to raise public result in the individual being ‘scapegoated’
awareness of the relationship between patri- by an oppressive society. Moreover, with
archal society and women’s use of ‘treatment’, potentially stigmatised women
substances. A starting point might then be to are promised a means via which they may be
begin publishing relevant critical literature brought back into the fold. Issues of social
in more high-profile, mainstream journals or inequalities and power are notably absent in
popular media outlets (Leo & Lecasse, each of the videos, with only the ‘neuro-
2009). We could also take a more assertive chemical self’ (Rose, 1998) left available for
approach in utilising social media and manipulation and modification.
networking platforms (e.g. YouTube, Face- It has been particularly remarkable to
book, Twitter) to disseminate alternative note that a ‘disorder’ which was once consid-
discourses of female distress. This could ered almost entirely limited to boys (Timimi,
involve constructing alternative YouTube 2005), is now being readily applied to
material, about ‘ordinary’ pressures and women. This further reinforces the notion
‘ordinary’ responses; devoid of the need for that ADHD is serving as yet another means
labels, medication or the involvement of the via which women may reframe their discon-
‘psy-complex’. tent (Moncrieff et al., 2011). Meanwhile,
More generally, attention needs to be stimulants look ready to compete with anti-
paid to lobbying websites such as YouTube; depressants as the next chemical panacea, or
requesting stricter regulations on the covert ‘mothers-little-helper’.
promotional material used, noting the ille-
gality of Direct to Consumer Advertising in Correspondence
the UK (WHO, 2009). Helen Winter
helen_winter84@hotmail.com

Helen Winter
References
American Psychiatric Association (APA) (1994). Getahun, D., Jacobsen, S., Fassett, M., Chen, W.,
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders Demissie, K. & Rhoads, G. (2013). Recent trends
(4th ed.). Washington, DC: APA. in childhood attention-deficit/hyperactivity
American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2012). disorder. JAMA Pediatrics, 1–7.
DSM–5 Development: 06 Attention Deficit/ Gill, R. (2007). Gender and the media. Cambridge:
Hyperactivity Disorder. Rationale for Changes in Polity Press.
ADHD in DSM–5. Arlington, Virginia, USA. Hansen, S., McHoul, A. & Rapley, M. (2003). Beyond
Retrieved June 2012, from: help: A consumers’ guide to psychology. Ross-on-Wye:
http://www.dsm5.org/ProposedRevisions/ PCCS.
Pages/proposedrevision.aspx?rid=383# Harper, D. (2004). Storying policy: Constructions of
Asherson, P. (2013). ADHD in adults: A clinical risk in proposals to reform UK mental health
concern. In C. Surman, ADHD in adults. Boston, legislation. In B. Hurwitz, T. Greenhalgh &
MA: Humana Press. V. Skultans, Narrative research in health and illness.
Boyett, J. (2008). Won’t get fooled again. New York: Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell.
AMACOM. Healy, D. (2004). Shaping the intimate: Influences
Bren, L. (2004). ADHD: Not just for kids anymore. on the experience of everyday nerves. Social
FDA Consumer Magazine, 38(6). Studies of Science, 34, 219–245.
Burr, V. (2003). Social constructionism. East Sussex: Hepburn, A. (2003). An introduction to critical social
Routledge. psychology. London: Sage.
Castle, L., Aubert, R., Verbrugge, R. & Khalid, M. Knudson-Martin, C. & Silverstein, R. (2009).
(2007). Trends in medication treatment for Suffering in silence: A qualitative meta-data-
ADHD. Journal of Attention Disorders, 10(4), analysis of postpartum depression. Journal of
335–342. Marital and Family Therapy, 35(2), 145–158.
Conrad, P. & Potter, D. (2000). From hyperactive Leo, J. & Lacasse, J. (2009). The manipulation of data
children to ADHD adults: Observations on the and attitudes about ADHD: A study of consumer
expansion of medical categories. Social Problems, advertisments. In S. Timimi & J. Leo (Eds.),
47(4), 559–582. Rethinking ADHD: From brain to culture
Coulter, J. (1979). The social construction of mind. (pp.287–312). Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.
London: Macmillan. McHoul, A. & Rapley, M. (2005). A case of attention-
Dickerson, P. (1997). ‘It’s not just me who’s saying deficit/hyperactivity diagnosis: Sir Karl and
this…’ The deployment of cited others in Francis B slug it out on the consulting room
television political discourse. British Journal of floor. Discourse and Society, 16(3), 419–449.
Social Psychology, 36, 33–48. McKay, T. (2000). Guidelines for critical thinking:
Edwards, D. & Potter, J. (1992). Discursive psychology. Reasons, explanations and decisions. Canada:
London: Sage. Wadsworth.
Ettorre, E. (1994). What can she depend on? Miller, T. (2010). Ritalin: Panic in the USA. Cultural
Substance use and women’s health. In S. Studies Review, 14(2), 103–112.
Wilkinson & C. Kitzinger, Women and health Moncrieff, J. (2009). The myth of the chemical cure:
(pp.85–101). London: Taylor & Francis. A critique of psychiatric drug treatment. Hampshire:
Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Palgrave Macmillan.
Cambridge: Polity Press. Moncrieff, J. (2010). Psychiatric diagnosis as a
Fairclough, N. (2001). Critical discourse analysis. political device. Social Theory & Health, 8(4),
In A. McHoul & M. Rapley, How to analyse talk in pp.370–382.
institutional settings: A casebook of methods Moncrieff, J., Rapley, M. & Timimi, S. (2011). The
(pp.25–40). London: Continuum. construction of psychiatric diagnoses: The case
Fairclough, N. & Wodak, R. (2004). Critical discourse of adult ADHD. Journal of Critical Psychology
analysis. In C. Seale, Social research methods: Counselling and Psychotherapy, 11(1), 16–29.
A reader. London: Routledge. Moynihan, R. & Cassels, A. (2005). Selling sickness.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of New York: Nation Books.
the prison. New York: Pantheon. Moynihan, R., Heath, R. & Henry, D. (2002). Selling
Fox, S. (2011). Health Topics: 80% of internet users look sickness: The pharmaceutical industry and
for health information online. Pew Research Centre, disease mongering. British Medical Journal, 324,
Pew Internet and American Life Project. 886–891.
California: California Healthcare Foundation. Norris, C. & Lloyd, G. (2000). Parents, professionals
and ADHD: What the papers say. European Journal
of Special Needs Education, 15(22), 123–137.

Office for National Statistics (2006). The Time Use Timimi, S. & Leo, J. (2009). Rethinking ADHD: From
Survey: 2005. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery brain to culture. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.
Office. Tuffin, K. & Howard, C. (2001). Demystifying
Office for National Statistics (2012). Labour Market discourse analysis. In A. McHoul & M. Rapley
Statistics. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery (Eds.), How to analyse talk in institutional settings:
Office. A casebook of methods (pp.196–205). London:
Page, B. & Singer, M. (2010). Comprehending drug use: Continuum.
Ethnographic research at the social margins. Ussher, J. (1991). Women’s madness: Misogyny or mental
New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. illness. Hertfordshire: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Parker, I. (2005). Qualitative psychology: Introducing Ussher, J. (2010). Are we medicalising women’s
radical research. Maidenhead: Open University misery? A critical review of women’s higher rates
Press. of reported depression. Feminism Psychology, 20,
Pomerantz, A. (1986). Extreme case formulations: 9–35.
A new way of legitimating claims. Human Studies, Utts, J. (2004). Seeing through statistics. California:
9, 219–230. Duxbury Press.
Potter, J. (1996). Representing reality: Discourse, rhetoric Wilkinson, S. & Kitzinger, C. (1996). Women And
and social construction. London: Sage. health: Feminist perspectives. London: Taylor &
Potter, J. & Wetherell, M. (1987). Discourse and social Francis.
psychology. London: Sage. Willig, C. (2001). Introducing qualitative research in
Rogers, R. & Mancini, M. (2010). The discursive psychology: Adventures in theory and method.
pathways of ADHD. In C. Dudley-Marling & A. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Gurn (Eds.), The myth of the normal curve (Vol. 11, Wooffitt, R. (2005). Conversation analysis and discourse
pp.87–103). New York: Peter Lang Publishing. analysis: A comparative and critical introduction.
Rose, N. (1998). Inventing ourselves: Psychology, power London: Sage.
and personhood. Cambridge: Cambridge Woog, A. (2009). YouTube. Chicago: Norwood House
University Press. Press.
Simon, V., Czobor, P., Balint, S. & Meszaros, A. World Health Organisation. (2009). Direct-to-
(2009). Prevalence and correlates of adult consumer advertising under fire. Bulletin of the
attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder: Meta- World Health Organisation, 87(8), 565–644.
analysis. British Journal of Psychiatry, 194, 205–211. Retrieved from:
Stoppard, J. (2000). Understanding depression: Feminist http://www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/
social constructionist approaches. London: 87/8/09-040809/en/index.html
Routledge. YouTube (2012). YouTube: Press statistics. Retrieved
Szasz, T. (1971). The myth of mental illness. London: 31 July 2012, from:
HarperCollins. http://www.youtube.com/t/press_statistics
Timimi, S. (2005). Naughty boys: Antisocial behaviour,
ADHD and the role of culture. Hampshire: Palgrave
Macmillan.

Article
Should I stay or should I go?
Intersectionality, feminist methodologies
and research on/with others
Megan Chawansky
The notion of intersectionality is considered to be one of the most important contributions made to social
theory by the discipline of women’s studies. Described variously as a theory, method, concept, lens, and
analytic, it contends that one ought to attend to the various ways in which multiple identity categories (e.g.
race, class, sexuality, and gender) interact to impact individual lives and the lives of similarly-situated
groups. Despite its relatively stable and widely-embraced premise, persistent debates and questions surround
intersectionality and continue to inspire critical attention by scholars of gender and women. This article
recounts some of the persistent debates and questions to inspire further consideration on intersectionality
within discussions of feminist methodology. It demonstrates the utility and tensions of the theory/method
through illustrative examples of how intersectionality operates within sport for development and peace
(SDP) research.
Keywords: Intersectionality; sport; methodology; development.
Frédérique Apffel-Marglin is Professor of Anthropology at Smith College, where she directs the Center
for Mutual Learning (CML). She has done fieldwork in Eastern India for 25 years, publishing several
books based on this work, but gave up fieldwork in 1992 for ethical/political reasons.
(Saunders, 2002, p.xi)
I
CAME ACROSS the biographical note Development and Peace’ (SDP) research
listed above as I prepared a grant applica- and work five years ago. The subset of sport
tion that requested funding to travel to programming that is considered a part of the
India and study a girl-focussed ‘sport for transnational SDP movement seeks to capi-
development’ programme. In a text on post- talise on the instrumental value of sport and
development thought, I was not surprised to to use sport as a means through which to
read that a scholar had decided to cease teach lessons on teamwork, goal-setting,
fieldwork in light of ethical concerns, but it respect, and conflict resolution. SDP
did make me pause and reflect on my situa- programmes usually, but not always, take
tion and research aspirations. The unre- place in lower-to-middle-income countries
solved questions I persistently struggle with (LMIC) and attempt to align with more
came to the forefront of my mind: Why did I traditional international development initia-
want to go to India? Was I ‘qualified’ to do tives. Despite limited evidence to document
research there with/on others? Was I suited success, the low-cost and UN-support of SDP
to represent the lives and stories given to me initiatives means that more come into exis-
by the girls in my proposed project? Why was tence every year. Increasingly, SDP seek to
I not researching the ‘underserved’ girls attend to the needs and issues faced by girls
within my own community? These particular in LMIC, and these programmes in partic-
questions and related ones troubled me ular raise a number of important questions
from the moment I entered into ‘Sport for for me, notably: what theoretical and

methodological tools are available to guide From theorising intersectionality to

my research questions and plans? doing intersectionality
When I began working in the SDP field, Kimberlé Crenshaw, UCLA Professor of Law,
I did not enter with unbridled enthusiasm is often credited as the originator of the term
about the possibility of sport for social good. intersectionality (McCall, 2005). Crenshaw’s
I had recently finished my PhD in the area of writing utilised an analysis of intersectional
sport, had degrees in women’s studies, and identities to examine and better understand
had meandered through the ups and downs the experiences of women of colour in
of my own high-level sporting career. employment (Crenshaw, 1989) and in
I (thought I) knew too much about the nega- domestic violence (Crenshaw, 1991). The
tives of sport, of gender politics, neocolo- term itself appeared in the title of Cren-
nialism, and tensions around the notion of a shaw’s (1991) article which explored the
global feminism to enter the field with any ways in which feminist or anti-racist models
false hopes of sport being a bridge across all and understandings of domestic violence left
social barriers. I was not naïve, but nor was women of colour out of the discussion, and
I unaffected when I faced criticism in light of subsequently bereft of services, policy, and
my American, Western woman, and mzungu theorising. Though considered a legal
(the White person) status. Despite the chal- scholar, Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectional
lenges, occasional ambivalence and uncer- analysis explored the ways in which the expe-
tainty I feel at times, I am committed to riences of women of colour were omitted in
better understanding the sports program- legal, as well as structural, political, and
ming that is being done in the name of girls’ representational contexts. As such, her work
empowerment. This inevitably requires me provided an example of the ways in which
to travel and meet with participants in a the theory or model of intersectionality
research setting. In this article, I attempt to could be utilised on multiple fronts. While
articulate the complexities my struggles as a Crenshaw (1991) claimed that ‘intersection-
scholar interested in researching (other) girls’ ality is not being offered [here] as some new
and women’s experiences with sport and totalising theory of identity’ (p.1244), recent
physical culture. I do this by turning atten- work by scholars writing in education (Cole,
tion to the SDP field to highlight issues of 2009), public health (Bowleg, 2008), ethnog-
gender, nation, sexuality, race, and Global raphy (Mazzei & O’Brien, 2009), political
North/Global South collaborations and science (Hancock, 2007; Yuval-Davis, 2007),
partnerships. I begin with a thorough discus- geography (Valentine, 2007), international
sion of the concept of intersectionality as a development (Baines, 2010), and psychology
way of locating the work I do within some (Warner, 2008), suggests that its utility as a
larger theoretical and methodological theory is still quite strong and straddles disci-
debates. The belief in the import of inter- plinary boundaries. Knapp (2005) notes that
sectionality underpins many of the concerns the staying power of intersectionality under-
I possess with respect to research on/with scores the way in which it offers ‘a way out of
others; I know that I may be linked to my the impasses of identity politics in theory
research participants by my gender and production while maintaining feminism’s
understanding of sport, but I am also sepa- political impetus’ (p.255). Its longevity can
rated by many other factors. The method- also be attributed to its ability to provide a
ological application of intersectionality is response to one of the foundational
less clear, and much of this article will offer concerns within feminism: how to acknowl-
more questions than a fixed answer to edge and address diversity among women
my question of how one ‘does’ SDP (Davis, 2008). Within sport studies, the
research with attention to the spirit of inter- premise of intersectionality is nearly fully
sectionality. embraced with scholars such as McDonald

Megan Chawansky
and Birrell (1999) (see also Birrell & subjects of research utilising intersection-
McDonald, 2000) arguing for and demon- ality. Does its origins in Black feminist
strating the utility of considering multiple thought, its inherent critique of research
axes of power within their work. Even those and theorising which leaves out women of
who do not necessarily ‘do’ intersectional color, and the understanding that most do
analyses at least see fit to purport that their not ‘regard intersectionality as a neutral
work attends to this theoretical premise. As term’ (McCall, 2005, p.1771) demand that
Knapp (2005) remarks, scholars often incor- intersectionality focus on foregrounding the
porate the ‘race-class-gender, etc., moral experiences of women of colour? Some
mantra’ into written work to communicate would answer in the affirmative, and as
that, ‘I’m well informed’ and ‘I’m politically Bruening (2005) argues, sport research still
correct’ without articulating how this partic- needs this cajoling because too often the
ular theoretical understanding of identities experiences of Black women are not
informs their work theoretically and included. In this instance, intersectionality
methodologically (p.255). This issue is can be imparted as both a political and
attended to in more detail below. analytical tool to speak to these omissions.
Foremost, however, it is important to Nash (2008), however, is concerned about
note that though Crenshaw (1989, 1991) the unintended consequences of intersec-
may have coined the term, many scholars tionality’s ‘theoretical reliance’ on Black
correctly note that the sentiment behind it women’s experiences (p.8). In particular,
appears in several important Black feminist Nash (2008) suggests that this reliance
texts from the 1970s and 1980s, most notably proves problematic on two fronts: it treats
the Combahee River Collective statement, Black women as ‘unitary and monolithic’
produced in 1977. The Combahee River subjects, obscuring differences ‘between
Collective statement, written by a collective Black women’, and it does little to advance
of self-identified Black feminists, critiqued Black feminist thought (pp.8–9). Further-
the inability of the ‘women’s’ movement to more, Nash (2008) suggests that intersec-
articulate a vision that accounted for and tionality projects ‘continue(s) in the
addressed multiple identities and the various tradition of Black feminism’ without articu-
realities of women. As such, it delivered a lating a clear understanding of how it differs
significant challenge to the utility of identity from previously completed work in the area
politics at the time and provided a new (p.9). In some ways, then, it may be seen to
conceptual model for considering and better stymie new theoretical evolutions within
understanding diversity among women. Black feminist thought.
Intersectionality’s connection to Black femi- Nash’s (2008) concerns raise additional
nist thought and its primary interest in the questions. If intersectionality’s over-reliance
intersection of race and gender demanded on Black women as subjects might
and created space for the experiences of contribute to ancillary problems, and if all
Black women to be included and theorised. people have intersections of identity, can any
For some, this over-reliance on Black women person or any group can be studied via inter-
as subjects/objects of intersectionality raises sectionality? Or must they be considered to
political, methodological, and theoretical possess marginalised identities to remain
issues. I summarise and review this issue and true to the politicised beginnings of inter-
several others below with the hope of better sectionality? These questions are necessarily
teasing out the tensions that exist around related to larger questions about more
intersectionality. recent forays into studies of Whiteness,
One of the persistent questions within masculinities, and heterosexual identities,
discussions of intersectionality relates to the and in the context of discussions on inter-
question of who or what can be objects/ sectionality, these types of questions persist

and require one to consider the larger the most significant ‘theoretical contribu-
political issues underpinnings of research tion’ by the field of women’s studies
questions and purpose. Within the literature (p.1771). Her work attempts to identify and
on sport studies, the question seems unre- describe three ways that scholars manage the
solved as scholars have used the premise of complexities of multiple analytical cate-
intesectionality (though not necessarily the gories within their research, calling them:
word itself) to explore both the white anticategorical, intracategorical, and inter-
masculinity of US baseball player, Nolan categorical. If imaging these three
Ryan (Trujillo, 2000) and the ethnicity and approaches on a continuum, McCall (2005)
heterosexuality of US golfer, Nancy Lopez places ‘intracategorical complexity’ in the
(Jamieson, 2000). middle, as it ‘acknowledges the stable and
Part of the issue refers back to the impre- even durable relationships that social cate-
ciseness of the term’s current use. Nash gories represent at any given point in time,
(2009) suggests that the term intersection- though it also maintains a critical stance
ality has moved from its original usage and toward categories’ (p.1774). Scholars
has since been used ‘as an anti-exclusion tool imparting this method for addressing the
that foregrounds the experiences of women complexities of identities frequently high-
of color, as a political strategy for combating light cases or groups that exist ‘at neglected
oppression, and as a sophisticated analytic points of intersections’ (ibid., p.1774).
grappling with how race, gender, class and Newhall and Buzuvis (2008) provide a recent
sexuality intersect to shape experiences of example of this strategy within the realm of
identity and oppression’ (p.588). Others see sport studies via their exploration of the
it as a ‘concept or heuristic device, and still Harris vs. Portland lawsuit wherein former
others see it as a reading strategy for doing Pennsylvania State University basketball
feminist analysis’ (Davis, 2008, p.68). In all coach, Rene Portland, was sued by a former
its myriad forms and incarnations, intersec- member of the university’s women’s basket-
tionality’s core offering remains consistent; it ball team, Jennifer Harris, who alleged that
critiques social theories which attempt to her dismissal from the team was tied to
understand difference and diversity via addi- sexual orientation discrimination and racial
tive or parallel models. Intersectionality discrimination by Portland. Newhall and
claims that these approaches fail to accu- Buzuvis (2008) examined media coverage of
rately capture the complexities and the real- the lawsuit and suggest that media’s consid-
ities of the lived experiences and suggests erable attention to the sexual orientation
that key elements of social identity are best angle of this case effectively erased both the
understood at their points of convergence, racial discrimination claim as well as discus-
so that the ways in which different systems of sions of race as they intersect and interface
social stratification commingle might be with expectations of gender and sexual
acknowledged, better understood, and orientation. They attempt to address this
addressed. In some ways, the ambiguity with oversight by examining how various sources
which intersectionality is understood and ‘address, both separately and together, issues
applied stunts not only the advancement of of sex and gender, sexual orientation, and
Black feminist thought but also any research race’ (ibid., p.346).
that endeavours a comprehensive and Despite McCall’s (2005) efforts, the prob-
complete analysis. lems with ‘doing’ intersectionality research is
Despite – or because of – the ambiguity that no one is quite sure exactly how to do it,
surrounding intersectionality, the theory or, for that matter, how to ‘do’ it well. This
continues to attract attention both within concern is one of the most frequently
and outside of women’s studies. McCall debated among feminist academics (Davis,
(2005) describes intersectionality as possibly 2008, p.75). Questions persist regarding how

Megan Chawansky
many and which particular identities must be larly engaging practitioners and scholars in
included within an analysis that rests upon the field) allows me to regularly confront
the tenets of intersectionality. Others situations that call for intersectional
wonder if an intersectional analysis must analyses. Further, I am keenly aware of the
necessarily focus on oppressive interplays or way in which the ‘nonprofit industrial
if it might be a useful construct from within complex’ encourages SDP practitioners to
which to theorise intersections that might be ‘package themselves [and their
beneficial. The debates over how to do inter- programmes] as slick, business-minded,
sectionality-informed research and analyses ‘culturally competent’ professionals’ to
exists primarily outside the realm of sport secure funding necessary for their continu-
studies, and therefore one of the aims of this ance (Luft & Ward, 2009, p.24). Much like
article is to bring these conversations to the scholars Knapp (2005) calls out for
examples within a transnational sport studies accessing the ‘race-class-gender, etc., moral
topic for further discussion and refinement. mantra’ (p.255) into their written work
In so doing, I invariably support Davis’s without a clear description as to how this is
(2008) assertion that the persistent ques- done, many SDP programmes lack a cohe-
tions and continuous scholarly engagement sive programme theory for how they actually
with intersectionality bespeaks its success as a deliver on their well-meaning intentions of
(feminist) theory. addressing intersectionality. My first sugges-
tion for incorporating intersectionality into
Intersectionality in SDP research the field of SDP research, then, is actually
The celebration of the possibilities of sport less about using it as a methodological
and of individual programmes is only begin- approach, and more about framing and
ning to be matched by critical engagement documenting the work that is already being
with the visions, outcomes, delivery, and done though this perspective.
management of such programmes. The The theory of intersectionality also allows
steadfast belief in the potential for SDP one to understand how certain identities or
programming reflects a primary and some- discourses can become subsumed within
times uncritical faith in the instrumental both understandings of individual and move-
value of sport that has been critiqued by ments as a whole. Within SDP academic liter-
scholars such as Black (2010) for replicating ature, the issue of sexual identity remains
errors found in other development initia- largely out of view, though I would argue
tives. My aim here is not to review previous that this is one of the fundamental themes
work on the topic, but instead to highlight that the movement as a whole seeks to
select research to not only illustrate the ways address. From SDP programmes that deal
in which intersectionality might be utilised with HIV/AIDS to those which seek to advise
within the field, but hopefully convince girls on sexual and reproductive health,
readers that bringing an intersectional curriculums on sexual behaviours is largely
approach to all elements of theorising in the visible, though the discussions of the ways in
SDP world is essential for thinking through which sexual identities merge with behav-
the complex issues the field presents. iours and intersect with other identities is
I understand that the current absence of limited. Therefore, I would encourage SDP
(formal) evidence of intersectionality within researchers and scholars to begin to unpack
SDP research does not necessarily suggest the ways in which discourses of ‘appropriate’
evidence of absence of the need for it. (hetero-) sexuality intersect with other iden-
Though intersectional analyses may not be tities to pervade the SDP movement, yet very
currently available within the extant SDP rarely appear in the literature (an exception
academic literature, my time in the field as a would be Forde, 2008). Further, I would
SDP practitioner (and as one who is regu- encourage those interested in the study of

interns/practitioners in the field to build on Intersectionality, the idea that ‘one

the important work of Darnell (2010) to cannot reduce identity to a summary of the
consider the ways in which the sexualities of social groups to which a person belongs’ and
individuals in the field intersect with their rather must examine the ways in which
racial and gendered subjectivities. Finally, ‘these social groups interact with each other
while the SDP movement as a whole has to create specific manifestations’ (Warner,
been studied and critiqued as a neo-colo- 2008, p.454) is understood on a theoretical
nialist and imperialist intervention, it has and practical level but less so on a method-
been less studied as a ‘gendered, racialised, ological level. This is likely related to the few
classed [and] heteronormative’ movement resources available which explore either how
(Baines, 2010, p.119). Intersectionality to ‘do’ or how to assess research that claims
reminds us that these elements are equally as to embrace intersectionality. The suggestions
relevant in shaping the aims, objectives and I offer above about how to include the
outcomes of the movement. premise of intersectionality within SDP
research offer several examples of how to use
Conclusion the theoretical underpinnings of the
Increasingly, research which aspires to better approach. That said, the practical ‘doing’ of
understand human subjects is not consid- intersectionality in the field remains a bit
ered complete unless it can demonstrate elusive for me and is not adequately
adequate attention to the interplay of identi- addressed within this review. If/when I travel
ties such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, to India to research girls’ experiences in
sexuality, and ability status. Similarly, articles sport for development programmes, I intend
and texts on conducting research and to return with more insights into the appli-
research methodologies within the realm of cation of intersectionality as a method. I will
sport studies, and outside of it, consistently also likely bring more political and ethical
remind scholars of the importance of issues that may convince me that it is better
attending to issues of multiple and inter- to stay than to go.
locking identities within their work.
Certainly attempting to understand the Correspondence
complex interplay of various social identities Megan Chawansky
as opposed to weighing their respective diffi- m.chawansky@brighton.ac.uk
culties or trying to ‘add up’ identities (e.g.
girls who are non-white and disabled are
doubly oppressed) is a relatively new contri-
bution to social theory, and one that still
warrants critical debate, attention, and
refinement from scholars located outside
the realm of sport sociology.

Megan Chawansky
References
Baines, D. (2010). Gender mainstreaming in a Knapp, G. (2005). Race, class, gender: Reclaiming
development project: Intersectionality in a post- baggage in fast travelling theories. European
colonial un-doing? Gender, Work and Organisation, Journal of Women’s Studies, 12(3), 249–265.
17(2), 119–149. Luft, R.E. & Ward, J. (2009). Toward an inter-
Birrell, S. & McDonald, M.G. (2000). Reading sport: sectionality just out of reach: Confronting
Critical essays on power and representation. Boston, challenges to intersectional practice. In V. Demos
MA: Northeastern University Press. & M. Segal (Eds.), Advances in gender research:
Black, D. (2010). The ambiguities of development: Perceiving gender locally, globally and intersectionally
Implications for ‘Development Through Sport’. (pp.9–37). Bingley, UK: Emerald Group
Sport in Society, 13(1), 121–129. Publishing Ltd.
Bowleg, L. (2008). When Black + Lesbian + Woman = Mazzei, J. & O’Brien, E.E. (2009). You got it, so when
Black Lesbian Woman: The methodological do you flaunt it? Building rapport, inter-
challenges of qualitative and quantitative sectionality, and the strategic deployment of
intersectionality research. Sex Roles, 59, 312–325. gender in the field. Journal of Contemporary
Bruening, J.E. (2005). Gender and racial analysis in Ethnography, 38(3), 358–383.
sport: Are all the women White and all the Blacks McCall, L. (2005). The complexity of inter-
men? Quest, 57, 330–349. sectionality. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and
Cole, B. (2009). Gender, narratives and inter- Society, 30(3), 1771–1800.
sectionality: Can personal experience McDonald, M.G. & Birrell, S. (1999). Reading sport
approaches to research contribute to ‘Undoing critically: A methodology for interrogating
Gender’? International Review of Education, 55, power. Sociology of Sport Journal, 16, 283–300.
561–578. Nash, J.C. (2008). Re-thinking intersectionality.
Crenshaw, K. (1989). Demarginalising the inter- Feminist Review, 89, 1–15.
section of race and sex: A Black feminist critique Newhall, K.E. & Buzuvis, E.E. (2008). (e)Racing
of anti-discrimination doctrine, feminist theory Jennifer Harris: Sexuality and race, law and
and anti-racist politics. University of Chicago Legal discourse in Harris vs. Portland. Journal of Sport &
Forum, 139–67. Social Issues, 32(4), 345–368.
Crenshaw, K. (1991). Mapping the margins: Saunders, K. (Ed.) (2002). Feminist post-development
Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence thought. London: Zed Books.
against women of colour. Stanford Law Review, Trujillo, N. (2000). Hegemonic masculinity on the
43(6), 1241–7129. mound. In S. Birrell & M.G. McDonald (Eds.),
Darnell, S.C. (2010). Sport, race and bio-politics: Reading sport: Critical essays on power and represen-
Encounters with difference in ‘Sport for tation (pp.14–39). Boston, MA: Northeastern
Development and Peace’ internships. Journal of University Press.
Sport and Social Issues. Valentine, G. (2007). Theorising and researching
Davis, K. (2008). Intersectionality as buzzword. intersectionality: A challenge for feminist
Feminist Theory, 9(1), 67–85. geography. The Professional Geographer, 59(1),
Forde, S. (2008). Playing by their rules. Kenya: Moving 10–21.
the Goalposts. Warner, L.R. (2008). A best practices guide to
Hancock, A. (2007). When multiplication doesn’t intersectional approaches in psychological
equal quick addition: Examining inter- research. Sex Roles, 59, 454–463.
sectionality as a research paradigm. Perspectives on Yuval-Davis, N. (2007). Intersectionality, citizenship
Politics, 5(1), 63–79. and contemporary politics of belonging.
Jamieson, K. (2000). Reading Nancy Lopez. Critical Review of International Social and Political
In S. Birrell & M.G. McDonald (Eds.), Reading Philosophy, 10(4), 561–574.
sport: Critical essays on power and representation
(pp.144–165). Boston, MA: Northeastern
University Press.

Commentary
The construction of Gender Dysphoria at
‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5 ’
Zowie Davy
O
N THE American Psychiatric Associa- from clinical care and training to clinical
tion’s (APA) website the Diagnostic and research (Zucker, 2010b). Moreover,
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Zucker’s conference talk, ‘The Science and
5th edition (DSM-5), is promoted as the ‘most Politics of DSM-5’ (Zucker, 2013) invoked
comprehensive, current, and critical these conceptual frameworks. Zucker’s
resource for clinical practice available to intriguing first presentation slide read:
today’s mental health clinicians and ‘Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac (Henry
researchers of all orientations’ (American Kissinger, 1973).’ This was followed by a slide
Psychiatric Association, 2012a). The manual illustrating the sum of publications Zucker
is ‘comprehensive,’ indeed; it has grown in and the other Chairs of the DSM-5 working
size since its first edition to over 900 pages in groups had published accompanied by
its current DSM-5 incarnation. We could Zucker’s remarks that these publications
argue as Farley, the former president of the were part of the reason why they were
American Psychological Association, does selected by the APA’s Board of Trustees
that the DSM authors are contributing to an (BOT) and as Chairs of their respective work
increase in ‘the relentless production of groups. This generated in me a sense that
disorders and pathologising of normal power and evidence were tangled, and that
extremes’ (Gornall, 2013, no page no.) and conflicting positions of power were being
the facilitating of mental illnesses. In played out in a number of domains, prof-
response to the publication of the DSM-5, a iting from many tactical partnerships
two-day conference at the University of (Foucault, 1998 [1984]): the BOT, the
Cambridge took place: ‘Classifying Sex: contributors to the working groups, the
Debating DSM-5’, at which discussants academe and in some cases the (parents of)
debated the potential impact of the manual’s patients themselves through data from the
criteria for pathological, paraphilic and by clinics.
default ‘normal’ sexualities, gender identi- Kissinger’s quotation was not spoken to
ties, and psychiatric practice. The delegates by Zucker; thus, I understood the first slide,
considered amongst many other topics the rightly or wrongly, simultaneously as an
role of power and evidence, at least that is admittance of the jouissance he sustains from
how I understood many of the contributions the relative power he has over the (gender
to the debate. and sexual) lives of many and an in-joke for
The panel that I was invited to contribute the benefit of his colleagues and allies. For
to featured Kenneth Zucker (Chair of the me the joke was at best veiled, banal, lasciv-
Sexual and Gender Identity Disorders work- ious humour. Zucker’s attempts at humour
group of DSM-5) to whom I was to critically lasted throughout his talk, sometimes
respond. In this reflective commentary succeeding, sometimes failing to arouse a
I would like to focus on power and evidence titter. Whilst the ‘humour’ flowed I was
because Zucker has previously described the consistently drawn to the fact that we should
DSM’s international influence as spreading not be laughing at these quips due to the

Zowie Davy
power that is constantly asserted over to be included in the final product. Whilst
people’s bodies by sexologists and psychia- this may be true, the influence of his and his
trists in conjunction with those influenced by colleagues’ work is visible between pages 423
and those in partnership with the DSM, such and 459 of the latest edition of the DSM
as the police, law courts, civil courts and so (American Psychiatric Association, 2013),
on. Those that laughed, to my mind, should even though there are no references cited.
have been more aware that the DSM in some In a dissenting piece about the BOT not
jurisdictions can act as an agent of law, with including hebephilia (sexual attraction to
grave potentials, as the ‘warning’ from pubescent children) in the DSM-5, Blan-
psychiatrist and APA historian Zilboorg chard (2013) also suggested that the power
suggests: of inclusion lay at the feet of the APA’s BOT.
‘a medical discipline which is still young He stated: that he had to remove from any
and vigorous and ambitious enough to be public forum an
adventurous, and yet is already mature ‘‘insider’s view’ of specific people, events,
enough to become a factor in almost or APA politics connected with that
every walk of our daily life: as human decision. All members of DSM-5 Work
beings, as citizens, as men-in-the-street Groups were required to sign an
and as leaders of others, as pupils at the agreement with the APA that prohibits
hands of life and as teachers under the them from divulging any ‘confidential
guidance of the laws of mental information,’ which was defined so as to
functioning, as prisoners of the law and include group discussions, internal
judges on the bench’ (Zilboorg, 1944, correspondence, or any other informa-
pp.vi–vii). tion about the DSM-5 development
This reminds us that those psychiatrists process’ (Blanchard, 2013: no page
representing what constitutes sanity can do number),
(symbolic) violence to the so-called insane, even though his data was scientifically ‘vali-
forcing them to fit into preconceived diag- dated.’ Moreover, allusions to different
noses, to play the patient role (Cooper, groups, academics and researchers being
1967) and perhaps attempt to divide femi- represented in the ‘consultation’ process
nist, queer and trans* continuities that are were iterated by Zucker without much
emerging in contemporary life. substantiation. An editorial published in the
Archives of Sexual Behavior, written by Zucker,
Complex power relations argued that the DSM-5 produced in the
I would like to borrow Raymond Williams’ internet age heralded a democratised
(1977, p.112) concept of ‘lived hegemony’ process with improved transparency
in which hegemony is a complex ephemeral (Zucker, 2013). Notions of validity, trustwor-
process of ‘experiences, relationships and thiness and rigour are invoked here;
activities’ to understand how ‘deviant’ sexu- however, we should not take this at face value
alities and genders are engendered in the and must review these contributions on the
DSM-5. Zucker illustrated this in his paper APA’s website.
when he attempted to shift the emphasis
away purely from his and work group Paradigmatic divisions
members’ power within the authorial Zucker’s paper (2013) did not appear to be
process and placed it firmly in the hands of something new. A repetition of previously
the APA’s BOT; their consolidated science articulated sentiments (see Tosh, 2011) was
and expertise act as axioms upon which evident, such as the paradigmatic division
another group of players deliberate. Zucker between (postmodernist/poststructuralist)
in his conference paper suggested that the philosophers and scientists (politics and
BOT of the APA had the final say in what was science respectively). This strategy could be

The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’
understood as functioning in a number of However, I would like to suggest that any

ways. Firstly, the repetition of a disciplinary attempt to draw a simple linear account of
divide can be seen to attempt to hide the power exerted from the DSM through
fallacy of academic citation practices that gender clinics, misunderstands the multi-
split the objective science from subjective plicity of practices in gender clinics (see May,
expert opinion. The scientific citations’ 2002; Wren, 2005) outside of North
value is increased through the author’s, like America. Nonetheless, it is widely known, at
minded colleagues’ and research partners’ least in my circle of researchers and activists,
and advocates’ citation practices so much so that Zucker’s ‘treatment’ is not accepted by a
that research evidence ‘demands’ the title of number of trans* health advocates. This
‘expert knowledge,’ ‘science,’ and in our stems from the rigidity of what constitutes
case, ‘evidence’ of trans* and sexual masculinity and femininity in his view and;
phenomena. At the same time we can ask moreover, his appeasement of misogynistic
what is not cited in a bid to keep the North American gender stratification
fallacy/narrative/discourse/fiction/para- (Serano, 2007). Some organisations
digm alive. According to Ansara and Hegarty (Winters, 2013) have suggested that Zucker’s
(2012), Zucker was the head of a powerful ‘reparative practices’ on gender non-
network of collaborating researchers who conforming children may well constitute
contribute to a cisgenderist diagnostic para- cruel and inhuman treatment if read against
digm–cisgenderism is a discriminatory criteria described by the United Nations.
ideology that delegitimises people’s own clas- The requirement to perform particular
sifications of their genders and bodies. If we behaviours that correspond to whether you
examine the literature reviews that have were born with a penis or vagina in stereo-
been published in a bid to reformulate the typical ways, to pacify societies’ bullies,
diagnosis for trans*, we can get an idea of undermines the Convention on the Rights of
how wide the democratised process was. the Child (UNICEF, 2013), which states that
Consulting the American Psychiatric Associa- respect for the views of the child alongside
tion’s website (APA, 2012b) we can witness a recognition of the human rights principles
distinct lack of attention to empirical work of equality and non-discrimination is central
outside of the journal Archives of Sexual to the consideration of gender equality.
Behavior and a number of included papers UNICEF has warned that gender-based
were ‘Letters to the Editor,’ Zucker himself. discrimination is one of the most ubiquitous
Little work from social sciences, health forms of discrimination that children face.
sciences and the humanities was considered. For instance, sexological diagnoses using the
Perhaps the psychiatric profession could DSM’s Gender Dysphoria would still rely on a
learn a bit from the constructivists and universalised and binary understanding of
trans* theorists Zucker summarily dismisses. behaviors and bodily aesthetics, which are
theorised as ‘masculinity’ and ‘femininity’ to
Disorder to Dysphoria augment essentialist claims about binary
Whilst my area of concern in this commen- sexes. Whilst this is problematic at one level
tary is with the inherent power that psychi- of ‘treatment’ because of the lack of consent
atric diagnoses sustain over people’s lives from the children being treated, this clears
generally, I take a heightened exception to the child’s carer(s) of any part in the
the power relations in my research area of process. For instance, it will be more likely
trans*. The shift in the diagnosis that asserts that parents who regard stereotypical behav-
that ‘Gender Dysphoria’ – the replacement iors natural rather than socially interpellated
diagnosis for Gender Identity Disorder – is a add to the ‘science’ of psychiatric sexology
better option for trans* people has been by providing the ‘data’ that contributes to
widely contested (see TGEU, 2012). the published materials in this area. The

Zowie Davy
atypical behaviour or gender distress that Responses from the trans*

people may experience is situational and the anti-pathologisation movement
result of societal standards, carers’ views in In an attempted shift from gatekeeper to
collaboration with a health system that uses facilitator, in contemporary models laid out
evidence that does not think beyond a binary in the Standards of Care, in its seventh version
framework and dated model of incongru- now, it stipulates that for people who desire
ence to ‘natural’ signifiers of masculinity and surgical interventions
femininity. My research (Davy, 2008, 2010, ‘it is important for mental health
2011; Davy & Steinbock, 2012) and many professionals to recognise that decisions
others (Cromwell, 1999; Hines, 2011; Stone, about surgery are first and foremost a
2006 [1991]) have illustrated that some client’s decision – as are all decisions
trans* do not fit neatly into these restrictive regarding health care. However, mental
binary ‘scientific’ models, which causes a health professionals have a responsibility
problem for the diagnoses and for the to encourage, guide, and assist clients
purported ‘cure.’ Hence, my paper ‘Will it with making fully informed decisions and
make a difference or is it just semantics?: becoming adequately prepared’ (World
Diagnosing trans people in the DSM-5’ Professional Association of Transgender
(Davy, 2013) addressed three complex ques- Health, 2012, p.27).
tions for the APA and Zucker: Myself and others have suggested that diag-
1. In what ways does changing the taxon- nostic criteria based on distress and impair-
omy in the DSM-5 lessen the already ment, rather than difference from cultural
stigmatised position of trans* people? gender stereotypes, may offer a path toward
2. Is it time for the DSM to better reflect physical transitioning goals; however, the
human diversity by shifting the emphasis trans* anti-pathologisation movement argue
away from the dated two-sex model? for a more radical paradigmatic shift. Self-
3. How does the trans* anti-pathologisation determination, according to some trans*
movement challenge DSM-5 recognition? advocates, is another way of making recogni-
None of the questions were adequately tion claims for those wanting technological
addressed. On the first question, Zucker interventions to change gender beyond a
responded to the question of stigmatising as psychiatric frame (Cuban Multidisciplinary
if there was a hierarchy of shame that those Society for Sexuality Studies, 2010; TGEU,
diagnosed with a ‘disorder’ should find it 2012). Transgender Europe situates self-
more amenable with the change to Gender determination within a human rights
Dysphoria amongst a number of other discourse. In this literature it emphasises
changes. Reflecting the somewhat anom- that every trans* person has a right to actu-
alous harm reduction model that asserts that alise their transition, as far as they wish it
Gender Dysphoria somehow lessens the should go.
stigma surrounding gender identities, Perhaps this position is more closely
gender expressions or bodies that do not aligned to some groups working towards the
conform to birth-assigned gender stereo- new World Health Organisation’s ICD-11
types, while at the same time providing some (Drescher, 2013; Drescher, Cohen-Kettenis &
kind of diagnostic coding for access to Winter, 2012), which supports a name
medical transition treatment for those who change of ‘Gender Incongruence’ to enable
need it is a position that is contentious and medically necessary treatments based on
according to legislative powers beyond the medical rather than psychological models of
North American borders is unnecessary. care. This approach is gaining weight in the
trans* anti-pathologisation movement
(TGEU, 2012), perhaps because of govern-
ments, such as the Argentinean one that

The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’
recently legislated on, arguably, the most for Sexuality Studies, 2010) within normal
progressive trans* recognition law in the extremes, moving beyond dualist notions of
world. The law allows people to alter their trans*. As one prominent group argues:
gender on official documents without first attempting to diagnose diversity is, they say,
having to receive a psychiatric diagnosis or ‘a pointless exercise’ (TGEU, 2012). Gender
surgery. In the New York Times online, Katrina Dysphoria should not be classified because
Karkazis, a Stanford University professor of ‘difference is not disease, non-conformity is
bioethics said that Argentina’s new law will not pathology, and uniqueness is not illness’
‘Not only […] give you the right to self-iden- (GID Reform Advocates, 2010, no page
tify, but for those who want medical inter- number). This debate is couched in the
vention, [it] require[s] public and private discourse of human rights and self determi-
providers to cover procedures for self-actual- nation. The claims from these trans* advo-
isation’ (Schmall, 2012, no page number). cates have started to erode the power of
The self-determination frame challenges psychiatry over trans* bodies without
health care professionals to work towards implying the dualist notions of body and
supporting trans* health interventions by mind and situate trans* gendering within
reducing the psychopathological framework notions of affect. From this self-determina-
in which trans* are viewed. In effect, these tion position they are redressing the notion
claims remove the need for psychiatric diag- of pathology for trans* and trans* politics in
noses of Gender Dysphoria. In 1991 Sandy which people can self-actualise their gender
Stone (1991) observed that for strategic (role) desires in whatever ways they wish.
reasons a liberal transsexual politics may
direct its energies towards the human rights Correspondence
of transsexuals rather than, for example, at Zowie Davy PhD
psychomedical constructions of transsexu- Senior Lecturer in Community Care,
ality. Here in 2013 we can see that human University of Lincoln, UK.
rights groups have refocused their energies
towards transsexuality and other trans* iden- ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5’ was held at
tities by showing that these aesthetic1 expres- ‘CRASSH’, in Cambridge, 4–5 July 2013.
sions of gender are ‘expressions of sexual http://www.crassh.cam.ac.uk/events/2076/
diversity’ (Cuban Multidisciplinary Society
References
American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2012a). Ansara, Y.G. & Hegarty, P. (2012). Cisgenderism in
American Psychiatric Publishing. Retrieved 17 July psychology: Pathologising and misgendering
2013, from: children from 1999 to 2008. Psychology and
http://www.appi.org/SearchCenter/Pages/ Sexuality, 3(2), 137–160.
SearchDetail.aspx?ItemId=2555# Blanchard, R. (2013). A dissenting opinion on
American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2012b). DSM-5 Pedophilic Disorder. Archives of Sexual
Publications from DSM-5 development. Retrieved Behavior, 1–4.
9 August 2013, from: Cooper, D. (1967). Psychiatry and anti-psychiatry.
http://www.dsm5.org/Research/Pages/ London: Tavistock Publications.
Publications.aspx Cromwell, J. (1999). Transmen and FTMs: Identities,
American Psychiatric Association (APA) (2013). bodies, genders and sexualities. Urbana: University
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of Illinois Press.
(5th ed.). Washington, DC: APA.
1
The term ‘aesthetic’ is ‘the expression of the formal qualities of sentience, like the visual, aural, tactile, and so
on, which transmit aesthetic affects, and the perception of such; simply stated, the experience of affects’
(Davy & Steinbock, 2012, p.268).

Zowie Davy
Cuban Multidisciplinary Society for Sexuality Studies Schmall, E. (2012). Transgender advocates hail law
(2010). Statement on depathologisation of transs- easing rules in Argentina. Retrieved 7 January
exualism. Retrieved 7 January 2013, from: 2013, from:
http://ilga.org/ilga/en/article/mg7Y7pB1Rg http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/25/world/
Davy, Z. (2008). Transsexuals’ body modification as americas/transgender-advocates-hail-argentina-
narcissistic self-regard. In Z. Davy, J. Downes, L. law.html?_r=0
Eckert, N. Gerodetti, D. Llinares & A.C. Santos Serano, J. (2007). Whipping girl: A transsexual woman
(Eds.), Bound and unbound: Interdisciplinary on sexism and scapegoating. Emeryville, CA:
approaches to genders and sexualities (pp.112–130). Seal Press.
Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Stone, S. (1991). The empire strikes back: A post-
Davy, Z. (2010). Transsexual agents: Negotiating transsexual manifesto. In J. Epstein & K. Straub
authenticity and embodiment within the UK’s (Eds.), Body guards: The cultural politics of gender
medicolegal system. In S. Hines & T. Sanger ambiguity (pp.280–304). New York: Routledge.
(Eds.), Transgender identities: Towards a social Stone, S. (2006 [1991]). The empire strikes back:
analysis of gender diversity (pp.106–126). London: A post-transsexual manifesto. In S. Stryker &
Routledge. S. Whittle (Eds.), The transgender studies reader
Davy, Z. (2011). Recognising transsexuals: Personal, (pp.221–235). New York: Routledge.
political and medicolegal embodiment. Aldershot: TGEU (2012). Diagnosing diversity is crazy – Trans
Ashgate. people are sane. Retrieved 7 January 2013, from:
Davy, Z. (2013). Will it make a difference or is it just http://www.tgeu.org/TGEU_PR_Diagnosing_
semantics?: Diagnosing trans people in the DSM-5. diversity_is_crazy_Trans_people_are_sane
Paper presented at the ‘Classifying Sex: Debating Tosh, J. (2011). ‘Zuck off’! A commentary on the
DSM-5’, University of Cambridge, 4 July. protest against Ken Zucker and his ‘treatment’ of
Davy, Z. & Steinbock, E. (2012). ‘Sexing up’ bodily Childhood Gender Identity Disorder. Psychology
aesthetics: Notes towards theorising trans of Women Section Review, 13(1), 10–16.
sexuality. In S. Hines & Y. Taylor (Eds.), UNICEF (2013). Convention on the Rights of the Child.
Sexualitites: Past reflections and future directions Retrieved 23 July 2013, from:
(pp.266–285). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. http://www.unicef.org/crc/
Drescher, J. (2013). Controversies in gender Williams, R. (1977). Marxism and literature. Oxford:
diagnoses. LGBT Health, 1(1), 9–13. Oxford University Press.
Drescher, J., Cohen-Kettenis, P. & Winter, S. (2012). Winters, K. (2013). GID reform weblog. Retrieved
Minding the body: Situating gender diagnoses in 7 April 2013, from:
the ICD-11. International Review of Psychiatry, 24, http://gidreform.wordpress.com/
568–577. World Professional Association of Transgender
Foucault, M. (1998 [1984]). The will to knowledge: Health (2012). Standards of care for the health of
The history of sexuality Vol. 1 (R. Hurley, Trans.). transsexual, transgender, and gender non-conforming
London: Penguin. people. Retrieved 11 December 2012, from:
GID Reform Advocates (2010). The vision of GID http://www.wpath.org/documents/
reform. Retrieved 6 June 2013, from: SOC%20V7%2003-17-12.pdf
http://www.gidreform.org/ Wren, B. (2005). Thinking post-modern and practicing in
Gornall, J. (2013). DSM-5: A fatal diagnosis? British the enlightenment: Managing uncertainty in the
Medical Journal, 346, f3256. treatment of transgendered adolescents. Paper
Hines, S. (2011). Sexing gender; gendering sex: presented at the ‘Clinical analogies: Thinking
Towards an intersectional analysis of embodied subjectivity across disciplines’,
transgender. In Y. Taylor, S. Hines & M. Casey University of Lancaster.
(Eds.), Theorising intersectionality and sexuality Zilboorg, G. (1944). Presenting this volume. In J.K.
(pp.140–162). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hall, G. Zilboorg & H.A. Bunker (Eds.),
May, C. (2002). Becoming women: Transgendered 100 years of American psychiatry (pp.xi–xv).
identities, psychosexual therapy and the New York: Columbia University Press.
challenge of metamorphosis. Sexualities, 5(4), Zucker, K. (2013, 4 July). The science and politics of
449–464. DSM-5. Paper presented at the ‘Classifying Sex:
Debating DSM-5’, University of Cambridge.

Event Review
POWS Craftivism Workshop
Kirsty Budd, Paula Singleton & Lucy Thompson
POWS Conference, 10–12 July, Windsor.
O
N THURSDAY 11 JULY, as part of the statement relating to gender inequality. The
POWS Annual Conference this year, idea is that the Barbie is then displayed in
and for the first time, we held a public in order to provoke thought about
Craftivism Workshop. We initially came up gender inequality issues in those passers by
with this idea as we were very interested in who notice her. All of the Barbies were fantas-
crafty things, but were new to recruiting craft tically thought-provoking and, to name a few,
as a means of activism and so wanted to included a Barbie stripped bare, and
explore what ‘craftivism’ was all about. declaring that she’s ‘still not asking for it’.
The term ‘craftivism’ was coined by Betsy Another Barbie was used to convey the prob-
Greer and describes ‘the practice of engaged lematic nature of a Turkish custom whereby
creativity, especially regarding political or social women who do not remain a virgin at
causes. By using their creative energy to help make marriage are instructed to wear a red ribbon
the world a better place, craftivists help bring about around their white wedding dress in order to
positive change via personalised activism’ (Greer, demonstrate their ‘impurity’. The protest
2007). Essentially, craftivism is a way of Barbie was dressed in a white dress with a
engaging in activism through the use of craft purple ribbon, and with a placard which asks
skills, such as knitting, sewing, collage and us to consider whether she’s ‘pure enough?’.
crochet. It is a way of participating in Helen Winter, who won the POWS postgrad-
political and social activism through craft. uate prize this year, used her Barbie to
In the workshop we attempted two critique the marketing of ADHD to women
craftivism projects: feminist bunting and and to express that the use of stimulants to
‘protest’ Barbies. These projects were become a ‘superwoman’ is not the answer.
inspired by some developed by Craftivist Yet another campaigned that menstruation
Collective, a UK-based craftivist movement should not be seen as a disorder and that it
founded by Sarah Corbett, which now has should not appear as such in the DSM. There
thousands of members all over the world. was also technology Barbie in a torn and dirty
Sarah dedicates time to spreading the word lab coat, carrying a placard announcing
about craftivism, co-ordinating projects, ‘Maybe there’s a reason we leave STEM
giving talks and running workshops, and she careers – look within your organisation’.
was very supportive about the workshop we What this workshop demonstrated is that
held at the POWS conference. craft can be a very effective, non-threatening
Delegates at the workshop helped us to way to engage in activism. It served as a
create our thoughtful bunting, which medium through which we had time and
adorned the slogan ‘Viva La Feminista’. space to discuss and debate issues and
Further, delegates each designed a ‘protest concerns we have as feminists and to express
Barbie’, which were, without a doubt, the star these through craft. Although this form of
of the show. Delegates gave their Barbies a activism is perhaps not for everyone, we
feminist ‘makeover’, decorated them and would recommend that you give it a go. You
created placards expressing a statistic, fact or don’t need fancy equipment or a great deal


of skill, just lots of ideas. It can be an empow- (The Times featured her as the leader of one
ering and fulfilling way of drawing people’s of their five ‘New Tribes’ of 2012). Sarah has
attention to social injustice or issues of worked with Tate, Hayward, cult jewellers
discrimination, and, what is more, it’s really Tatty Devine, TOMS Shoes, British Library,
good fun. Thanks to everyone who joined in Secret Cinema and Save the Children
the craftivism workshop at the POWS confer- amongst others. As well as collaborating with
ence and made it so memorable and such a charities and art institutions, she also sells
success! We encourage you to incorporate craftivism products, kits and commissions,
this community-building activity into your delivers workshops and talks and exhibits
next event; it is a great ice-breaker, and her own craftivism work around the world
combines talk around political and academic and is a craftivism columnist for Crafty Maga-
interests in an enjoyable and powerful way. zine. She has a craftivism book coming out in
October 2013 with Thames & Hudson and
Sarah Corbett part crowd-funded by 150 funders.
Sarah Corbett’s background is in engaging
people in global injustices working for Quote from Sarah Corbett:
Christian Aid, DFID and most recently Craft connects your heart, head and hands,
Oxfam. She started doing craftivism (craft + and when you relate that to justice issues,
activism) in 2008 as a hobby and reaction to it can be world-changing personally and
traditional forms of activism. Due to demand politically!
Sarah set up the global Craftivist Collective Our manifesto is: ‘To expose the scandal
in 2009 which now has thousands of of global poverty, and human rights injus-
supporters across the world. This hobby has tices though the power of craft and public
turned her into one of the leading spokes- art. This will be done through provocative,
people in the craftivism movement non-violent creative actions.’

We focus on ‘slow activism’ reflecting on For more information about craftivism, see:
global issues whilst stitching and creating http://craftivist-collective.com
small and beautiful creations to leave as http://craftivism.com
street art or give as gifts to influential people
to provoke thought and action on global Correspondence
injustices and encourage people to help Kirsty Budd
rather not harm the world. Craft is our k.budds@keele.ac.uk
method of campaigning but it is the political
and social change that is the priority for us in Paula Singleton
all that we do and produce. In the words of P.Singleton@leedsmet.ac.uk
one of our craftivists Rosa Martyn:
‘A spoonful of CRAFT helps the ACTIVISM Lucy Thompson
go down’. We hope to help people be the Lucy.Thompson@leedsmet.ac.uk
change they wish to see in the world by
offering products, services, projects and a Reference
platform for this community of like-minded Greer, B. (2007). ‘Craftivism’ Encyclopedia of Activism
and Social Justice. London: Sage.
people to feel supported and part of this
movement. Come join us!

Event Review
Interfacing with older LGBT citizens
Helen Owton
Two-day Masterclass: Challenging discrimination

Bournemouth University, 17–18 April 2013
O
RGANISED BY Kip Jones and Lee- was a three-year funded project as part of
Ann Fenge, who are researchers at the Research Councils UK-funded New
Bournemouth University, the two-day Dynamics of Ageing Programme (a unique
Masterclass was staged for 25 participants in collaboration between five Councils – ESRC,
order to be informed of new knowledge EPSRC, BBSRC, MRC, AHRC). It is evident
about growing older as gay or lesbian. that the Bournemouth team have all worked
A third member of the research team, extremely hard to obtain this funding and
Marilyn Cash, joined us on the second day. are impassioned about making a difference
In addition to the event being staged by by involving members of the community and
Bournemouth University, there was also a spreading, sharing knowledge to wider
fantastic array of food and drinks available communities.
for participants throughout the two days in Kip was invited to the stage where he
Bournemouth University’s Executive Busi- proceeded to talk about the development
ness Centre; a location that meant we had and the making of the film Rufus Stone and
the whole of the top floor with a breath- explained how diligent he wanted to be in
taking view overlooking Bournemouth town. representing the stories from the research
Prior to arriving Kip had sent out a paper accurately. Specifically, the stories of suicide
which helped inform us of what the day amongst older gay men were prevalent in
might involve: Collecting older lesbians’ and several of the accounts that participants gave
gay men’s stories of rural life in south-west them in the research. In addition, problems
England and Wales: ‘We were obviously gay of isolation, mobility, friendship and support
girls…(s) he removed his cow from our field’ networks, along with issues of lack of service
(Jones, Fenge, Read & Cash, 2013). provision, were all discussed amongst older
Lee-Ann started the presentation entitled gay men and lesbians, much in the same way
‘Perspectives for practice informed by that they are concerns for the larger hetero-
evidence from human experiences: partici- sexual ageing population, particularly in
patory approaches to explore ageing and rural areas. The story of Rufus Stone was
sexuality’ by proceeding to describe and created over a length of time using
explain the historical emergence of the composite characters and situations, all
projects that have joined interests together. unearthed in the Gay and Pleasant Land?
A description of the Gay and Grey project Project through in-depth biographical life
was followed by the Gay and Pleasant Land? story interviews, focus groups, and actual site
Project (Fenge & Jones, 2006), which visits to the rural locations where LGBT
explored the connectivity between ageing, citizens were living. Out of this project, a
rurality and sexuality and employed partici- dramatic arc was born. Kip Jones also used
patory methods that were built on insights his personal experiences and memories to
gained in the earlier Gay and Grey Project add richness to events. Listening to some of
(Fenge, Jones & Read, 2006). This project the responses from audience members, he

Helen Owton
was pleased (and seemed relieved) to hear piece. Everyone seemed to fully throw them-
that many of them felt that he had told their selves into these roles attentively, playfully
story too. Indeed, communicating stories in and purposefully. Whilst the second day was
this way seeks resonance with its audience. equally full of interactional play, it had a
Before we adjourned for lunch, more reflective tone and we opened up
Kip played the awaited and anticipated about some of our own prejudices that we
30-minute film which was evocative, experience in our own different worlds.
emotional, strong, touching, intelligent, Towards the end of the two days, I felt
uncomfortable and immensely sad at times. that I had a couple of new friends and we
I felt moved by the sadness of one of the were sent on our way with fantastic ‘party
characters crying, ‘I’m just so lonely’ and bags’ with the ‘Methods to Diversity’ deck
particularly enjoyed the fire scene where cards and an exclusive dvd copy of the film.
Rufus threw items of old furniture to burn as Many buzzed excitedly with the prospect of
a cathartic release. utilising the deck of cards for developing
During lunches, we were able to mingle practice with older lesbians and gay men as
with each other; there were many volunteers well as having exclusive copies of the Rufus
on the course who were equally strong and Stone film to take with them each to show to
impassioned about making a difference in their own communities. I plan to employ
the community. The most fun part about the both of these in my teachings, seek out some
two-day Masterclass was the amount of inter- viewing opportunities. I thoroughly recom-
action opportunities that were provided for mend these sorts of events to others who
us. On the first day, we were thrown into would like to provide students with a
role-playing and split into three groups; each rounder picture of research. Whilst showing
was given a particular scene of the film to re- deep gratitude to the project team for
play as if in the present day – how would it be staging such a successful and engaging
different? There were some evocative, event, I would also like to thank the National
emotive, brave, and humorous perform- Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engage-
ances on both of the days. On the second ment for funding me to attend this event.
day, we all seemed to be more in the flow,
and our group staged two performances Correspondence
creating a care home that was LGBT Dr Helen Owton
friendly: one was humorous and fun which University of Northampton.
was followed by a more thoughtful poetic Helen.Owton@northampton.ac.uk
References
Gay and Grey (2006). Lifting the lid on sexuality and Jones, K., Fenge, L., Read R. & Cash, M. (2013).
ageing: A research project into the needs wants, fears Collecting older lesbians’ and gay men’s stories
and aspirations of older lesbians and gay men. of rural life in south-west England and Wales:
Bournemouth: Help and Care Development Ltd. ‘We were obviously gay girls…(s) he removed his
Fenge, L. & Jones, K. (2011). Gay and Pleasant Land? cow from our field’. Forum: Qualitative Social
Exploring sexuality, ageing and rurality in a Research, 14(2). Retrieved 14 May 2013, from:
multi-method performative project. British h t t p : / / w w w. q u a l i t a t i v e - r e s e a r c h . n e t /
Journal of Social Work. doi:10.1093/bjsw/bcr058 index.php/fqs/article/view/1919
Fenge, L., Jones, K. & Read, R. (2010). Connecting
participatory methods in a study of older lesbian
and gay citizens in rural areas. International
Journal of Qualitative Methods, 9(4), 320–333.

Book Reviews
The Self at the Centre of a Reflective Approach: appraise an example of Brinkman’s research
A Qualitative Inquiry into Everyday Life conversations and identify questions, which
Svend Brinkman I was unable to resolve for myself in this
London: Sage, 2012. reading. Due to the restrictions of time and
Reviewed by Iona Tanguay space I am unable to consider fully t
he diverse examples of research, which
About the author Brinkman systematically describes, and
Svend Brinkman is a Professor of Psychology analyses.
at the University of Aalborg, Denmark. His
field of research and expertise includes Theoretical and methodological
philosophical, moral and methodological influences
issues in psychology and the social sciences. Brinkman favours theoretical and method-
Brinkman has written extensively about ological eclecticism and demonstrates that a
qualitative research and is a director of the range of conceptual tools and methods can
Centre for Qualitative Studies at the Univer- be constructively employed. Drawing on
sity of Aalborg. many aspects of grounded theory, Brinkman
employs inductive methods and suggests that
A Qualitative Inquiry into Everyday Life is it is useful to start any qualitative study
intended as a ‘survival guide’ for students and without a prior hypothesis or particular
experienced qualitative researchers who have analytical framework. Data collection should
an interest in turning the everyday resources inform the methods and theoretical
around them into research subjects. Each concepts applied. Although Brinkman
chapter includes in-depth theoretical and acknowledges the use of methods of
methodological discussions and examples of grounded theory such as journaling, ana-
Brinkman’s own qualitative research as case lytical writing, memo writing and coding of
study material. He urges the reader to engage data, he prefers to utilise these flexibly
with his text as a purposeful, creative process. according to the specific research situation.
Practical thought-provoking tasks are set, with Theoretically, Brinkman maintains that
the intention of getting the would-be his stance towards qualitative enquiry is
researcher writing. largely influenced by the pragmatism of
Brinkman sets out to demonstrate that Dewey and hermeneutics. Dewey’s concep-
small-scale investigative studies into everyday tion of ‘knowing’ as an active process that
life can create high quality research findings helps humans to cope with the world can be
that can in turn enrich our understanding of seen throughout Brinkman’s text. He
more general aspects of our cultural and describes Dewey’s pragmatism as an ‘anthro-
social lives. Utilising a range of theoretical pology of the human knower’ and he identi-
and methodological conceptual tools, fies this as an area of interest for qualitative
Brinkman demonstrates effectively that the researchers as the boundaries between
ephemera of everyday life is a rich source of ‘scientific knowing and human knowing in
material for the imaginative researcher. general are blurred.’ (Brinkman, 2012) This
In this short book review, I will outline is a key problem for me, as it leads me to
some of the theoretical and methodological question the status of knowledge produced
approaches, which Brinkman states inspire in qualitative studies of everyday life.
his approach, and engage with the text in an The hermeneutic philosophical tradition
active, reflective manner. I will critically was initially used as a method to interpret

Book Reviews
texts biblical texts, and in the 19th century, lying structural relationships which
human life itself. (Wilhelm Dilthey). influence behaviour.
According to Brinkman, Heidegger l Making the hidden dubious – Brinkman
extended the concept to include an onto- describes this as a deconstructive process,
logical perspective, which asks; ‘What is the which seeks to uncover taken for granted
mode of being of the entity that under- assumptions.
stands?’ (Brinkman, 2012)
Deconstructing a 40th birthday party
Knowledge as a situated human activity In an attempt to understand more clearly
In common with many proponents of quali- these interpretative techniques, I completed
tative research methods, Brinkman suggests one of Brinkman’s reflective writing exer-
that the researcher can never be fully objec- cises. I wrote a short piece about organising
tive. Citing Nagel, Brinkman concurs that my own 40th birthday party. I had identified
the ‘God’s-eye perspective’ or ‘view from the event as being a way of dealing with a
nowhere’, is not a scientific fact, but rather a high level of social and personal expecta-
situated human activity. Positivist and scien- tions and anxiety about the significance of
tific knowledge has often been privileged in this age. In trying to make the obvious
Western societies, often at the expense of the obvious, I found it difficult to describe
meaning, which research subjects attach to elements neutrally without engaging my
their experiences of the world. As Kincheloe, judgement and critical faculties. My ‘voice’
(2003) maintains, came across as somewhat wry and humorous.
‘Humans inevitably view the cosmos from It was easier to employ a less judgemental
a point resting within themselves. Indeed voice when writing in the third person, using
they converse about the world in a the subject ‘the celebrant’ rather than ‘I’.
language shaped by human experience.’ Rather than poetic, my attempts at phenom-
(Kichenloe, 2003, p.192) enology came across as humorous, perhaps
revealing my conflicted feelings.
Viewing the world differently I then tried to deconstruct taken for
It is essential for the qualitative researcher to granted assumptions, ‘making the obvious
develop what Brinkman terms ‘conceptual dubious.’ This was easier, as many of the
audacity’, in order to be able to interpret factors I suggested are well-known social
and allow the reader to view the world differ- rituals and activities that we collectively
ently (Brinkman, 2012, p.21) He sees the participate at birthday parties. Many of these
interpretative practice of qualitative research seem to fulfil particular social and psycho-
as akin to art and cites Noblit and Hare, logical functions. I noted how early guests
(1988) who stress the role of art in making were encouraged to help blow up and
the world unfamiliar. arrange balloons, which performed the func-
Brinkman discusses three analytical tion of helping to break the ice between
stances, which he uses to interpret and strangers, whilst also giving early guests
deconstruct research data. something constructive to do.
l Making the obvious obvious – this is I didn’t manage to re-write the text criti-
largely a phenomenological perspective, cally to ‘make the hidden obvious’. I could
which includes thick descriptions of the have looked at who was not invited to the
everyday world. For Brinkman this party and this would have involved looking at
approach can be poetic power relations, and any disharmony within
l Making the hidden obvious – this my family and friendship network. This
approach draws on Marxism and would have been an uncomfortable task, but
Foucault and critical theory. It stresses potentially revealing, depending on the
the power relations and hidden under- paradigm of the qualitative researcher. This

Book Reviews
also suggests potential problematic or no-go The researcher needs to think through any
areas, which researchers should be aware of, potential harm that could result from his or
when asking participants about personal her study. However, Brinkman points out
areas of their lives. that ethical issues are never ‘solved’ prior to
Following this short task, I felt I needed undertaking a study, even when the required
more time and guidance, to develop these approval from an ethics committee has been
conceptual tools to help me to analyse an granted. Brinkman proposes an ‘ethics of
everyday experience more critically and doubt’ in a bid to ensure that the researcher
closely. remains open and reflective about the
ethical problems and conflicts that they are
The self as subject and object likely to encounter in any study.
At the heart of Brinkman’s text is the para- The researcher needs to have a finely
doxical relationship of the researcher to his attuned ethical sensibility, and sense of
or her self, as positioned within the study. integrity together with ‘a commitment to
This is most evident in self-observation moral issues and action’ (Brinkman, 2012,
studies where the researcher is ‘both the p.55) The judgement about increasing a
subject and object in the process of observa- body of knowledge or respecting the privacy
tion’, (Brinkman, 2012). As Brinkman and rights of persons, will usually lie with the
acknowledges, self-observation in the social individual researcher. This seems to depend
sciences has often been seen as problematic largely on their own knowledge, commit-
as the question of how reliable and valid a ment and sense of honesty and fairness,
subjective, introspective account can be has which certainly may prove problematic.
often been raised. As Brinkman points out, in common with
Brinkman arrives at an answer of sorts by feminist researchers, there are ethically
drawing inspiration from the phenomeno- dubious ways that the researcher can use a
logical approach of Husserl, who sought to caring, committed dynamic to create a false
‘describe the essential structures of human sense of solidarity or friendship with the
experience from a first-person perspective’ subjects of their study to help to achieve
(Brinkman, 2012) by focusing on descrip- their research aims. Citing therapist-
tion, rather than analysis or enquiry, researcher (Fog, 2004) Brinkman concurs
Brinkman argues that a methodology that techniques which may be mutual and
that seeks to describe itself internally should legitimate in a therapeutic situation, such as
not be regarded as peripheral, but rather as interviews and empathic conversations may
a central methodology and technique to become problematic within a research situa-
access the meaningful realm of human tion.
subjects. Rather than being a conundrum for An experienced researcher’s knowledge
the researcher to solve, it transpires that of how to create rapport and get through
Brinkman views the self, observing itself, as a a participant’s defences may serve as a
necessary condition for accessing internal ‘Trojan horse’ to get inside areas of a
human experiences such as shame and guilt. person’s life where they were not invited.
According to Brinkman, these are experi- (Brinkman, 2012, p.56)
ences no scientific study that ignores the first
person perspective can adequately explain. Human reality as a conversational reality:
A conversation about post-secularism
Ethics In using conversations as a research method
As qualitative research is concerned with to interrogate everyday life, researchers are
personal details of people’s lived experi- involved in a process of situating themselves
ences, it is a given that ethical concerns as a particular kind of ‘self’, enacting roles in
should be a primary concern for researchers. relation to other selves.

Book Reviews
Brinkman uses his example of an inves- This is clearly demarcated and shows the
tigative conversation with an old friend, to reader that the research conversation is
investigate his own thoughts and feelings, separate from the interpretative analysis.
about post-secularism. He employed a It would be useful here for Brinkman to
‘Socratic questioning’ approach, in that he discuss more fully the ethics the researcher
sought to gently challenge his friend about must consider, when utilising a friendship
his beliefs. His friend, Thomas, had joined a and using a personal issue to resolve some-
spiritual community, called Tiger’s Nest, thing, in a research situation. He mentions
which borrows loosely from Buddhist and that he shared the transcript with his friend,
Christian teachings. Brinkman wanted to who requested that he amend certain parts,
investigate how a rebellious, analytically- but as a reader with no vested interest, I can’t
minded psychology student, could undergo help asking whether it is ever acceptable to
such a radical transformation. The question utilise a friendship for an external aim such
of their similar biographies and Brinkman’s as qualitative research.
admiration of his friend seems to underlie Brinkman frames his research intentions
Brinkman’s ‘breakdown’ of understanding differently in that he suggests that he used
and it seems that he was also seeking to the research focus as an excuse to look up an
resolve some of his own secular prejudices. old friend. However, a critical onlooker
This section begins with an ‘autoethno- would most likely see that the friendship was
graphic’ element as Brinkman wrote his own used as a ‘way in’ to a psychologically and
biography into the text. This personal story sociologically interesting research situation.
draws the reader into a more intimate rela- Although Brinkman is a reflexive and sensi-
tionship with the author, and his quest to tive researcher, in this situation, a more
resolve an area of his own life. The personal critical approach would be profitable, partic-
element of the research, engages the reader ularly as there could be unintended conse-
with its accessible narrative, and the enticing quences following the publication of this
oppositional tale of a lost young man, who is research.
charmed by an older female spiritual leader
and her offer of what appears to be an Conclusion
enlightening tantric education. Brinkman successfully achieves ‘conceptual
Following Denizin (2001) Brinkman audacity’ in his text. This text comes across
analyses the conversation and recognises, a as multi-layered, rich in description, and
moment of ‘epiphany’ in Thomas’ descrip- analysis, while at the same time providing a
tion of his meeting with the Tiger’s Nest’s valuable stock of qualitative theory, and
leader. He also interprets his friend’s subse- useful examples. In particular, Brinkman’s
quent complete immersion in the religious analytic reading of the Danish reality TV
community, as providing him with the show, Paradise Hotel, stands out. Brinkman
symbolic resources to frame and give an sees this as ‘an extreme version of post-
overarching meaning to his life. At the same modernity’ and applies deconstructive and
time he alerts the reader to his own internal critical readings effectively to his text, whilst
feelings that his friend Thomas has denied highlighting the importance of shame and
another part of himself, in his acceptance of the role of the self in the show.
a submissive role and rejection of his former One criticism is that a full-discussion of
analytical mode of being. the ways that the specific factors of the
It is helpful to the reader that Brinkman researcher’s gender, identity, class and race
has included large extracts of the original impact on any research situation, seems to
transcription of the conversation, rich with be missing from the sections about self-
the voice of Thomas, and also elements of analysis. This may be simply because this was
his own thoughts and asides within the text. not considered relevant to the paradigm,

Book Reviews
and the specifics of identity are capably l How can the aims of small-scale
considered elsewhere in the case study exam- qualitative research be effectively linked
ples. However, this is an inspiring textbook, to wider issues of social justice?
which would be useful to novice and experi-
enced qualitative researchers alike. Iona Tanguay
Questions that I have for further study, ionatangy@googlemail.com
are concerned with philosophical issues such
as the meta-analysis of the aims and status of References
qualitative research into everyday life. Brinkman, S. (2012). Qualitative inquiry in everyday
life: Working with everyday life materials. London:
l What is the status of knowledge that is
Sage.
produced in small-scale enquiries, for Glaser, B.G. (2012). Stop. Write! Writing grounded
example: one-to-one research conversa- theory. Grounded Theory Review, 11(1), 2–11.
tions and studies of self-analysis? Hammersley, M. & Atkinson, P. (1995). Ethnography:
l How can qualitative researchers in principles in practice (2nd ed.). London:
Routledge.
everyday research situations ensure that
Kincheloe, J.K. (2003). Teachers as researchers:
they cultivate an ethical sensibility, which Qualitative inquiry as a path to empowerment
questions whether a respect for persons is (2nd ed.). London: Routledge Falmer.
always fully considered?
Fat the size acceptance movement. Lupton’s

Deborah Lupton easy-going writing style making for an easy
London: Routledge, 2012. but compelling read for all students.
Reviewed by Chloe Law Fat looks at the fat body from a different
perspective to most other literature on this
Fat by Deborah Lupton is a relatively short topic, considering why the larger body is a
account, (approximately 100 pages) on the constant source of discussion. Most pieces of
relevance of fatness/obesity in today’s research look into how the fat body can be
society. Covering a wide range of topics from reduced down to socially acceptable sizes
different perspectives of persons viewing the instead of considering how it is to be a larger
fat body to how it feels to be ‘fat’, as well as person within today’s society. Health care
considering the politics of obesity and what professionals claim there to be an obesity
is being done to combat and alternatively, epidemic, which needs to be dealt with via
make our perceptions of fatness worse. public campaigns and sharing knowledge on
Lupton is a sociologist who specialises in how to diet effectively and the need to exer-
food, weight and obesity and has written over cise more. Lupton reviews all sides of the
100 articles on her specialist subject; argument, arguing that fatness is not a
allowing her to take a more critical yet disease, as more people are overweight rather
informed approach to the topic than than ‘normal’ anyway. She further states that
previous writers who are aiming to give a the psychological effects of the stigmatism
brief overview of the topic of ‘fatness’ in associated with being ‘fat’ is creating worse
today’s society. affects than the obesity itself, due to the
Fat is an informative, witty, comprehen- depression, self-repulsion and constant yo-yo
sive and yet concise introduction into dieting that these opinions can cause.
current writings and research on the fat In this way, Lupton’s book is a useful
body. This review of the literature draws introduction to the subject area for any
from research done within the social student, identifying the key theories involved
sciences, fact activists, and from work consid- within the obesity debate and summarising
ering the cultural issues that are affecting them in an easy to understand language.

Book Reviews
Lupton shows how fatness can be caused by the subject area, contrary to many other
health problems rather than causing them authors who only concentrate on the socially
itself, and gives well-presented information accepted view of fatness being an illness that
on the research and fat activist movement. must be prevented and reduced.
Lupton’s refreshingly different stance on the
fatness debate also gives you a chance as a Chloe Law
reader to learn a more well-rounded view on Chloe-law@hotmail.co.uk
The Sage Handbook of Visual Research Methods ‘sections’), the reader is invited to explore a
Eric Margolis & Luc Pauwels. range of perspectives on these issues.
London: Sage (2011). The first section of this book provides a
Reviewed by Dr Emma Rich useful background and overview to the field
of visual research and will be a helpful
One of the first things that struck me when starting point for those new to this approach.
reading The Sage Handbook of Visual Research It begins with the presentation of an ‘inte-
Methods was just how far the field has come in grated framework for visual social research’
recent years in terms of the range of media (Pauwels) exploring the options and oppor-
innovations and emerging technologies tunities available to those undertaking
which can now be utilised in social science studies involving visual input and/or output.
research. Over the last few decades there has The challenges of visual research are alluded
been a rapid growth in the use of and discus- to from the outset of this handbook and
sion related to visual methods in research weaved throughout remaining chapters. The
across a growing number of disciplines. nuances of looking as part of visual research
There is a great deal of diversity in terms of are explored in Chapter 2, as Richard
theoretical approach, methodological Chalfen examines how looking is a culturally
approach and the ways in which the visual is variable activity, whilst in Chapter 3 Wagner
‘represented’ within research. Such is the explores the complexities of framing visual
interest in visual methods that there are a studies as empirical social inquiry. Wagner
number of journals now dedicated to visual then goes on to examine different
methods including Visual Anthropology, Visual approaches to material culture, visibility and
Studies, and The Journal of Visual Culture. This visual research.
diversity is reflected in this impressive collec- Part 2 explores issues of visual research
tion of chapters, not only in terms of the which may be more familiar to a broad audi-
range of disciplines, but also through the ence, examining different ways of producing
range of empirical and methodological and processing visual data. These chapters
approaches explored. Authors write from a are a useful and exciting collection for those
range of disciplinary backgrounds and theo- beginning to explore the potential cutting
retical positions including, sociology, anthro- edge possibilities for collecting and
pology, communication studies, geography, processing visual data, including anthropo-
psychology, photography, film studies, logical filmmaking, repeat photography,
education, etc. The handbook is a good rephotography (e.g. re-photograph things
starting point for those wishing to venture previously documented) and techniques
into visual methodology, whilst also used in the design process. The incorpora-
exploring more in-depth contemporary tion of examples, whether as images
issues at the cutting edge of methodological included in the chapters or as references to
debate. Given the different backgrounds and visual material (such as the list of anthropo-
authors (some 37 chapters across seven logical films on page 112) provides reassur-

Book Reviews
ance of the potential of these approaches in The section begins with a chapter on multi-
terms of their final product. modality and multimodal research, exam-
Part 3 revisits some of the central ining the emergence of ‘new writing’, which
concerns which have been at the heart of is neither linear nor read sequentially, for
debates about research methods for some example through internet websites. The
time, through the examination of participa- multimodal nature of sites such as the
tory and subject-centred approaches. internet is further examined in the chapter
Dealing with such issues as reflexivity, by Pauwel, researching websites as social and
community based approaches, children cultural expressions outlining some of the
produced drawings, the photo diary, partici- key predicaments facing anyone using this
patory media production, these chapters approach. Batens and Surdiacourt exam-
highlight the potential of visual methods in ining the graphic novel, raise important
challenging ethical issues of power relations, questions about the relationships between
voice and participation in research. In doing image and text. Pink offers an engaging and
so, these new methodologies challenge tradi- innovative discussion of the multisensory
tional binaries such subject-object and methodology, arguing that visual images
researcher-researched which are sometimes need to be understood in relation to the
embedded in particular research practices. senses other than sight. This chapter adds
Part 4 brings together a collection of important insights about self-reflexivity and
chapters presenting analytical frameworks the process of image production, which Pink
and approaches. Whilst many students and argues is always ‘collaborative and situated’.
scholars might be aware of the potential for Collectively, this section speaks to some of
using visual approaches to collect data, or for the shifts in hcontemporary culture in terms
the visual to act as data, many feel less confi- of how individuals, communities and
dent about making sense of this material. cultures engage differently with image and
This section offers a collection of chapters to text.
guide researchers through some of the The text concludes with Part 7 exploring
potential approaches. options and issues for using and presenting
Part 5 deals with perhaps those less recog- visual research, including new multimedia
nised and emerging technologies used in opportunities, arts-based research and pres-
visual research, such as eye tracking, cartog- entation. This section expands under-
raphy, participatory geographic information standing of potential presentational
systems, visualisation in social analysis and practices and the various media available.
developments in qualitative data analysis Newbury’s chapter provides a unique discus-
software. These technologies can be used in sion pertaining to visual scholarship, making
ways to make research more participatory, calls for authors to think ‘carefully about
and can be variously deployed to collect, images are and how they may be used to
explore or display data (McKinnon). These communicate ideas and make arguments’.
chapters blur and confront constructed This provides a compelling read for those
boundaries between disciplines, for example grappling with the idea of including images
cartographic practices and georgraphic in their publication submissions. The
component might be grounded in geog- chapter by Gran explores the visual in the
raphy but generate visual practices and ques- context of the relationship between social
tions that are relevant to asking questions science and legal cases. The last two chapters
that might inform studies in other disci- in this section perhaps provide an essential
plines. read for scholars and students across a range
In Part 6, moving beyond the visual, some of disciplines and methodological back-
of the further complexities, challenges and grounds utilising visual methods. Wiles,
possibilities of visual methods are revealed. Clark and Prosser provide a useful overview

Book Reviews
of significant debates and practice related to tional and more cutting edge issues all of
visual research ethics. Visual resources can which seem necessary if research methods
be found across many different sites and the are to keep pace with the developments in
final chapter of this handbook attempts to contemporary society. In this sense, whilst
address some of the legal complexities of use this handbook gives an indication of some of
of such material. the contemporary challenges and possibili-
The development of interdisciplinary ties of visual research, it is a pity the book
research, innovations in technology and does not speculate over what other chal-
developments in our understandings of the lenges might confront visual methods in
potential of the visual in research make this years to come. Nonetheless, in bringing
text a timely contribution to methodological together such an impressive range of authors
literature. Technological advances in and interdisciplinary issues, it offers a
capturing everyday life (e.g. mobile tele- comprehensive handbook for anyone
phones) and the production of knowledge engaging with visual methods.
(e.g. through social media) has prompted
researchers to think more creatively about Dr Emma Rich
how they study social-cultural phenomenon. University of Bath.
This handbook covers a broad range of tradi- E.Rich@bath.ac.uk
The Psychology of Women clearly states in accord with this overarching

Margaret W. Matlin subject of the textbook that nobody should
London: Wadsworth, 2012. feel obliged to decide over women’s lives.
Reviewed by Jayanthiny Kangatharan Major changes in this new edition include,
for instance, updated discussions of women
What does it mean to be a woman? What are in the media, present research about lesbian
the attitudes towards women and how do relationships among Asian American and
they shape women’s lives? Have lives of Latina adolescents, research on sexual
women in the modern world changed from harassment and sexual assault of women in
what they used to be thanks to feminist the military and also new information about
movements and activism for women’s rights? the abuse of women in Asia, Latin America,
These are the questions that are addressed and Africa.
in the international edition of the academic This book is mainly aimed at students of
textbook The Psychology of Women by Margaret courses on the psychology of women in
W. Matlin. North America. It is divided into 15 chapters.
Already in its seventh edition, this book Consistent with the third aim of the book,
has the same goals it set out to fulfill in its each chapter ends with section summaries
first edition: first, to show the contradiction and review questions. Each chapter also
between investigations on women and contains several exercises such as demon-
gender and popular opinion; second, to strations and false-true statements that
include women’s narratives of their thoughts encourage readers to critically think about
and experiences; third, to create an educa- their own attitudes and preconceptions
tionally more effective tool for students. The about women in certain situations. This text-
fourth goal is especially close to her heart book captures research on gender and
that is the theme of social justice: motivated women in an evident and well-structured
by her activism for social justice during the manner, which is largely due to its effective
Vietnam War, Matlin expressed the observed organisation that combines life span-devel-
degradation of the lives of south-east Asian opmental order and topical approaches
people in a form that applies to gender. She within the 15 chapters. The first chapter

Book Reviews
covers general concepts and touches upon What I especially value about this text-
potential concerns regarding research book is that it also aims to tackle stereotypes
methods and biases that can occur in investi- and myths one might have about topics such
gations of women’s psychology. One such as the abuse of women, motherhood or
bias, for instance, is the holding of pre- gender. This goes with the first aim of the
existing emotions about gender issues, book that it set out to meet. Moreover, in
particularly in association with studies on addition to the presented facts and evidence
women who differ from old-fashioned femi- in each chapter, Matlin makes sure that
nine stereotypes. The second chapter topics are given a human touch by providing
explains how gender-related expectations accounts of women’s thoughts and experi-
and behaviour are shaped by stereotypes. ences of women-specific events such as the
Women’s development from infancy to menstrual cycle in form of quotations.
adolescence is presented in chapters 3 and 4 The most inspirational part of the book
while the next nine chapters circle around was the last segment of the last chapter
crucial parts of women’s lives before late ‘Moving onward’, in which Matlin encour-
adulthood such as cognitive and social ages women to think about feminist issues by,
gender comparisons, physical and psycho- for example, subscribing to a feminist maga-
logical health, women and work, and zine such as the Ms. Magazine or Canadian
violence against women. Woman Studies or by visiting various websites
One strong aspect of this book is that, if on feminist activism. The list on how to
topically possible, Matlin provides informa- speak out and how to become involved in
tion on not only White women but also feminist activism is endless. Matlin clearly
women of different ethnicities, and sexual shows that we can help to lead future change
orientations. When dealing with the subject in the right direction by becoming
of marriage in the chapter on ‘Love Rela- thoughtful and committed activists through
tionships’, for example, the subject is consid- our joint fight against negative representa-
ered from both the views of Latina women, tions of women.
Black women and Asian-American women. Whilst this book shows that women’s lives
Moreover, a separate section is devoted to have improved significantly on an economic
the psychological adjustment of Lesbians and social level over the last century, the
and Bisexual women. The diversity of the process of moving towards equality has only
social category ‘sexual orientation’ is illus- just begun. As Matlin points out, across the
trated through the concept of intersection- globe, women rarely have sizeable number
ality, which places importance on the joint of seats in national legislatures. Thus,
and not separate consideration of several women are a long way from equality
social categories. This is demonstrated in a regarding official positions in national
segment on Lesbian women of colour, in governments. Therefore, more campaigning
which ways, in which heterosexism is experi- needs to be done and more awareness needs
enced by lesbian women who are Latina, to be raised to ensure fully equal political,
Black, and Asian are considered. Another economic and social rights for women all
great example of how different ethnicities over the world. Thus, as long as there is no
are contemplated in this book is the reflec- social justice in this world, women cannot
tion of research on Native American and stop fighting. We can all get there when we
First Nation Women in addition to that on become part of the solution.
Latina, Black and Asian-American women
when discussing social relationships in older Jayanthiny Kangatharan
women’s lives in the chapter ‘Women and University of Brunel.
older Adulthood’. Jayanthiny.kangatharan@brunel.ac.uk

Book Reviews
Handbook of International Feminisms: European Countries and from Canada, the

Perspectives on Psychology, Women, US, South Africa, New Zealand, Sri Lanka,
Culture and Rights India, Pakistan, Brazil, Israel and China.
A. Rutherford, R. Capdevila, V. Undurti & Although the focus of the book is on femi-
I. Palmary (Eds.) nism in psychology, disciplines from which
London: Springer, 2011. authors write range from Psychology
Reviewed by Nollaig Frost through Philosophy, Pedagogy, Women’s
Studies, Human and Community Develop-
In the Handbook of International Feminisms ment, Psychiatry, Behavioural Sciences,
the editors, Rutherford, Capdevila, Undurti Migration and Society, and Technology; a
and Palmary, bring together a broad range span that in itself illustrates another of the
of readings that explore the history, context book’s aims: to analyse beyond gender and
and politics of feminism and psychology, and to include intersecting formations of class,
feminist psychology, around the world. The caste, ‘race’, ethnicity, sexuality, sexual orien-
editors of the book, and many of the contrib- tation, religion and politics to consider how
utors are keen to remind us that ‘feminist they affect women’s lives.
psychology’ is a term that they broadly The Introduction informs us that few
define, in order to acknowledge that the instructions were given to each author in an
discipline of psychology may or may not be effort to allow for the plurality of meanings
institutionalised in many of the regions that brought to feminist psychology around the
are represented in the book. The book world. Instead a set of questions was
discusses not the practice of feminist constructed and authors invited to address
psychology as such but the extent to which all or any of them. Authors were invited to
feminist scholars working under the broad consider topical, methodological and or
umbrella of feminist psychology are aware of theoretical themes that characterise feminist
and informed by developments outside their work in their region, and how this came into
local contexts. It does this by asking contrib- being, whether or not a self-conscious femi-
utors to write from their own definition of nist psychology has developed in their
feminism as it has emerged in their regional region, factors that have given rise to femi-
context. This results in the contributors nist work in the region, factors than have
writing of many forms of feminism, co- inhibited or enhanced the influence of femi-
existing, and sometimes competing, with nist work, the nature of any relationship
national contexts, and goes a long way to between organised women’s movements and
illustrating one of the book’s key aims to feminist ‘psychology’, the institutional status
‘tackle universalisation, overcome isola- of feminist psychology, and places of work of
tionism, increase international communica- feminists in psychology. With such an array
tion, forge transnationalism and enrich of foci available to authors many choose to
understanding of the challenges and exhila- draw on the history and development of
rations of the feminist process as it is being feminism, and in some cases psychology
enacted all over the world’ (p.3). itself, to consider its place in their region.
Whilst the contributors are drawn from This results in the book presenting multiple
all around the world, the editors express perspectives on women’s lives, and ways of
their regret at losing representation from understanding women’s lives, across the
several countries along the way. However, the world. It is, therefore, likely to be of interest
resulting collection provides an interesting to a diverse audience that includes activists,
and broad international span with perspec- researchers, academics, therapists, NGOs
tives from Turkey as well as from Western and advocates. The outcome is that the book
European countries including the Spanish can be used to access detailed information
State, Nordic Countries, Britain, Eastern on the history of feminist work in a partic-

Book Reviews
ular region and as a source from which to should be regarded as extremely provisional’
gain overall insight to the variety of chal- (p.12) the emphasis on ‘analysis of historical
lenges and triumphs that individuals have and political contexts’ of Part 2, ‘overt reflex-
celebrated in bringing feminist work to ivity’ in Part 3 and ‘thorough engagement
where it is today. As the editors point out in with specific issues’ in Part 4 allows readers
their Introduction, the focus on psychology to turn to the part of the book that is likely
also means that not all kinds of feminist work to be of most relevance to their interest
can be reflected in his volume. However, without resorting to simply seeking cross-
they usefully highlight that in efforts to regional comparisons.
attend adequately to differences between Overall this book works well to ‘illumi-
women, issues such as exclusion of an issue nate the diverse forms that feminist psycho-
of sexuality in one region, such as of lesbian logical and social scientific work takes
feminism in Britain, contrasts with the around the world’ (p.4). The contributions
complete lack of focus on women’s sexuality work to provide a detailed history of femi-
at all in most non-Western countries. With nism and also to inform us of the uniqueness
such insight questions are raised as to the of concerns and positions of women in
possibilities for the development of new different regions around the world. As such
feminist interventions within psychology. the book will be of interest to feminist
Despite its emphasis on flexibility of scholars of all disciplines but also to
meanings the book is divided into Parts, researchers with interests in the influence
each categorising the chapters within it as that history, geography and politics have on
either: ‘History, Politics, Context’, ‘Experi- the lives of those who both construct and live
ence’ or ‘Specificity’. The editors point to within cultural and institutional frameworks
the challenges and overlaps in constructing of everyday life.
these categories and I would concur with
them that many of the chapters would sit Nollaig Frost
easily in more than one Part. However, with Middlesex University.
the editors’ proviso that the ‘grouping n.frost@mdx.ac.uk

Notes

Notes

I
7–9 CC
M
201 ay
4
Annual Conference 2014
International Conference Centre, Birmingham
Our conference themes are:
● Psychology and war
● The psychology of family, parenting and caring
● The psychologist as expert
● New directions in human neuroscience
Plus ‘General’ category for work outside the above themes.
Deadlines
● oral presentations, workshops and symposium submissions
– 27 October 2013
● poster presentations
– 7 January 2014
Our keynote speakers for 2014 are
● Professor Sir Simon Wessely
King’s College London
● Ben Shephard
Military and Medical Historian,
Oxford University
● Susan van Scoyoc
Independent Practitioner
● Professor John Aggleton
Cardiff University
● Professor Marinus van IJzendoorn
Leiden University
Registration will open on 2 September 2013

For further details see www.bps.org.uk/ac2014

Notes for Contributors
1. All papers and submissions for the Agora section will be peer-reviewed.
2. Copies of all submissions should be sent by email attachment (in Word format) and/or three hard
copies to the Editor (or Assistant Editor where specified). A separate cover page should be provided
with the title of the paper, the author’s names, their institutions, addresses and email addresses clearly
marked. Authors are also invited to provide brief biographical information. Manuscripts should have
the title clearly marked on the first page, and pages should be numbered. However, authors’ names
should not appear on the manuscript itself.
3. All figures should be of reproducible standard. References should conform to Society style, which is
similar to the American Psychological Association (APA) system. The Society’s Style Guide can be
downloaded from www.bps.org.uk. (From the home page go to Publications/Policy and guidelines, and
then General guidelines and policy documents. Select ‘Society editorial style guide’ from the list of
documents.)
4. Papers should be between 3000 and 6000 words long, and submissions for the Agora between 200
and 2000 words. An abstract of up to 150 words should be provided with papers, however, no abstract
is needed for Agora submissions.
5. Book reviews and reviews of research papers will normally be commissioned by the relevant Assistant
Editors. Anyone interested in reviewing books or research papers should contact the Assistant Editor
directly.
6. Authors should avoid the use of any sexist, racist, heterosexist or otherwise discriminatory language.
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors, and not necessarily those of the organisations
or institutions that they work for.
Please send all correspondence to:
Jane Callaghan
Division of Psychology
Boughton Green Road
Northampton
NN2 7AL
Email: editor.powsr@gmail.com OR
jane.callaghan@northampton.ac.uk
Contents
1 Editorial
Jane Callaghan
3 Keynote Address
Cultural cisgenderism: Consequences of the imperceptible
Natacha Kennedy
12 2012 Postgraduate Prize Winner
Assimilation or invisibility: Lesbian identity, representation and the use of
gender-neutral terms
Rebecca Swenson
20 Keynote Address
Gender and BDSM revisited: Reflections on a decade of researching kink communities
Meg Barker
29 Article
Ruth Cross
40 2013 Undergraduate Prize Winner
Discursive constructions of UK swingers' self-identities and practices in a culturally gendered
mononormative context
Stephen Symons
47 2013 Postgraduate Prize Winner
Helen Winter
56 Article
Should I stay or should I go? Intersectionality, feminist methodologies and
research on/with others
Megan Chawansky
63 Commentary
The construction of Gender Dysphoria at ‘Classifying Sex: Debating DSM-5 ’
Zowie Davy
69 Event Review
73 Event Review
Interfacing with older LGBT citizens
Helen Owton
75 Book Reviews
St Andrews House, 48 Princess Road East, Leicester LE1 7DR, UK

Tel 0116 254 9568 Fax 0116 227 1314 E-mail mail@bps.org.uk www.bps.org.uk
© The British Psychological Society 2013

Incorporated by Royal Charter Registered Charity No 229642

Dark Yoga

Încărcat de

Informații document

Titlu original

Drepturi de autor

Formate disponibile

Partajați acest document

Partajați sau inserați document

Opțiuni de partajare

Vi se pare util acest document?

Este necorespunzător acest conținut?

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Dark Yoga

Încărcat de

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Psychology of Women

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 1

citizens Two-day Masterclass: Challenging We are still interested to receive pieces

Autumn’s the time for Harvest Festivals!

2 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Introduction: An inadequate metaphor culture of cisgenderism in what they identify

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 3

Figure 1: Anti-trans processes.

4 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 5

Interaction of professional and cultural appearance, particularly those that are

6 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 7

8 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

issues that is starting to be considered more, l Schools providing staff training on

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 9

Conclusion transphobic or to harm trans people. Just as

10 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 11

12 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 13

14 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 15

16 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Table 1: Breakdown of gender-neutral references.

The Times and The Guardian and

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 17

18 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 19

20 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 21

22 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

myth-busting. Certainly Darren and self-disclosure around sexuality slipping into

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 23

Bitchy’s reflections on the kink commu- Complicating consent:

24 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 25

Bridgette Rickett, Gill Craig, and Lucy Acknowledgements

26 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 27

28 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 29

contemporary idea of the ‘ladette’. For a standings by highlighting positive aspects of

30 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 31

Figure 1: The process of Q sorting.

Table 1: Summary of the fixed distribution pattern.

Least like me – Most like me

32 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Table 2: Statement scores table.

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 33

Table 2: Statement scores table (continued).

34 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Factor analysis by Austen (2009) in which she found what

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 35

36 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

invoking ideas about control. If risks are Factor consensus

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 37

risk-taking in health is constructed. Factor 1 framed and subsequently communicated to

38 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 39

40 Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013

Psychology of Women Section Review – Vol. 15 No. 2 – Autumn 2013 41