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The Second Fitna or the Second Islamic Civil War was a period
Second Fitna
of general political and military disorder and conflicts in the
Islamic community during the early Umayyad caliphate.[note 1] It Part of the Fitnas
followed the death of the first Umayyad caliph Mu'awiya I in 680
and lasted for about twelve years. The war involved the
suppression of two challenges to the Umayyad dynasty, the first by
Husayn ibn Ali, as well as his supporters including Sulayman ibn
Surad and Mukhtar al-Thaqafi who rallied for his revenge in Iraq,
and the second by Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr.
The roots of the civil war go back to the First Fitna. After the
assassination of the third caliph Uthman, the Islamic community
experienced its first civil war over the question of leadership, with
Territorial control by the three contenders to the
the main contenders being Ali and Mu'awiya. Following the
caliphate during the peak of the civil war (686)
assassination of Ali in 661 and the abdication of his successor
Hasan the same year, Mu'awiya became the sole ruler of the Date 680–692
caliphate. Mu'awiya's unprecedented move to nominate his son, Location Arabian Peninsula, Syria, Iraq
Yazid, as his heir sparked opposition and tensions soared after
Result Umayyad victory
Mu'awiya's death. Husayn ibn Ali was invited by the pro-
Alids[note 2] of Kufa to overthrow the Umayyads but was killed Belligerents
with his small company en route to Kufa at the Battle of Karbala in Umayyads Zubayrids Alids
October 680. Yazid's army assaulted anti-government rebels in Commanders and leaders
Medina in August 683 and subsequently besieged Mecca, where
Yazid I Abd Allah ibn Husayn ibn Ali
Ibn al-Zubayr had established himself in opposition to Yazid. After
Muslim ibn al-Zubayr (680) †
Yazid died in November, the siege was abandoned and Umayyad
Uqba (692) † Sulayman ibn
authority collapsed throughout the caliphate except in certain parts
Umar ibn Mus'ab ibn al- Surad (685) †
of Syria; most provinces recognized Ibn al-Zubayr as caliph. A
Sa'ad (686) † Zubayr (691) † Mukhtar al-
series of pro-Alid movements demanding revenge for Husayn's
Marwan I Ibrahim ibn al- Thaqafi
death emerged in Kufa beginning with Ibn Surad's Penitents
Abd al-Malik Ashtar (691) † (687) †
movement, which was crushed by the Umayyads at the Battle of
Ubayd Allah Muhallab ibn Ibrahim ibn al-
Ayn al-Warda in January 685. Kufa was then taken over by
ibn Ziyad Abi Sufra Ashtar
Mukhtar. Though his forces routed a large Umayyad army at the
(686) † (Defected) (Defected)
Battle of Khazir in August 686, Mukhtar and his supporters were
Husayn ibn
slain by the Zubayrids in April 687 following a series of battles.
Numayr
Under the leadership of Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, the Umayyads
(686) †
reasserted control over the caliphate after defeating the Zubayrids
Hajjaj ibn
at the Battle of Maskin in Iraq and killing Ibn al-Zubayr in the
Yusuf
Siege of Mecca in 692.
Abd al-Malik made key reforms in the administrative structure of the caliphate, including increasing caliphal power, restructuring
the army and Arabizing and Islamizing the bureaucracy. The events of the Second Fitna intensified sectarian tendencies in Islam
and various doctrines were developed within what would later become the Sunni and Shi'a denominations of Islam.
Contents
Background
Yazid's succession
Revolts against Yazid
Revolt of Husayn ibn Ali
Opposition in Mecca and Medina
Counter-caliphate of Ibn al-Zubayr
Struggle for control of Syria
Eastern provinces
Dissensions
Pro-Alid movements
Tawwabin uprising
Revolt of Mukhtar al-Thaqafi
Victory of the Umayyads
Aftermath
Administrative changes
Tribal rifts
Sectarian and eschatological developments
Notes
References
Citations
Bibliography
Background
After the third caliph Uthman's assassination by rebels in 656, the rebels and the townspeople of Medina declared Ali, a cousin
and son-in-law of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, caliph. Most of the Quraysh (the grouping of Meccan clans to which
Muhammad and all the three caliphs belonged), led by Muhammad's prominent companions Talha ibn Ubayd Allah and Zubayr
ibn al-Awam, and Muhammad's widow A'isha, refused to recognize Ali. They called for revenge against Uthman's killers and the
election of a new caliph through shura (consultation). These events precipitated the First Fitna (First Muslim Civil War). Ali
emerged victorious against these early opponents at the Battle of the Camel near Basra in November 656, thereupon moving his
capital to the Iraqi garrison town of Kufa.[4] Mu'awiya, the governor of Syria, and a member of the Umayyad clan to which
Uthman belonged, also denounced Ali's legitimacy as caliph and the two confronted each other at the Battle of Siffin. The battle
ended in a stalemate in July 657 when Ali's forces refused to fight in response to Mu'awiya's calls for arbitration. Ali reluctantly
agreed to talks, but a faction of his forces, later called the Kharijites, broke away in protest, condemning his acceptance of
arbitration as blasphemous.[5] Arbitration could not settle the dispute between Mu'awiya and Ali. The latter was assassinated by a
Kharijite in January 661, after Ali's forces had killed most of the Kharijites at the Battle of Nahrawan.[6] Ali's eldest son Hasan
became caliph, but Mu'awiya challenged his authority and invaded Iraq. In August, Hasan abdicated the caliphate to Mu'awiya in
a peace treaty, thus ending the First Fitna. The capital was transferred to Damascus.[7]
Yazid's succession
The treaty brought a temporary peace, but no framework of succession was established.[8][9] As it had in the past, the issue of
succession could potentially lead to problems in the future.[10] The orientalist Bernard Lewis writes: "The only precedents
available to Mu'āwiya from Islamic history were election and civil war. The former was unworkable; the latter had obvious
drawbacks."[9] Mu'awiya wanted to settle the issue in his lifetime by designating his son Yazid as his successor.[10] In 676, he
announced his nomination of Yazid.[11] With no precedence in Islamic history, hereditary succession aroused opposition from
different quarters and the nomination was considered the
corruption of the caliphate into monarchy.[12] Mu'awiya
summoned a shura in Damascus and persuaded
representatives from various provinces by diplomacy and
bribes.[9] The sons of a few of Muhammad's prominent
companions including Husayn ibn Ali, Abd Allah ibn al-
Zubayr, Abd Allah ibn Umar and Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi
Bakr, all of whom, by virtue of their descent, could also lay
claim to the caliphal office,[13][14] opposed the nomination.
Mu'awiya's threats and the general recognition of Yazid
throughout the caliphate forced them into silence.[15]
Ibn Uqba died on the way and command passed to Husayn ibn Numayr, who besieged Mecca in September 683. The siege lasted
for several weeks, during which the Ka'aba caught fire. Yazid's sudden death in November 683 ended the campaign. After trying
unsuccessfully to persuade Ibn al-Zubayr to accompany him to Syria and be declared caliph there, Ibn Numayr left with his
troops.[28]
Eastern provinces
About the time of caliph Yazid's death, the Umayyad governor of Sijistan Approximate map of areas under Ibn
(present-day eastern Iran), Yazid ibn Ziyad, faced a rebellion of the Zunbil in the al-Zubayr's influence after the death
eastern dependency of Zabulistan, who captured Ibn Ziyad's brother Abu of Mu'awiya II
Ubayda. Yazid ibn Ziyad attacked the Zunbil but was defeated and killed. His
brother Salm, the Umayyad governor of Khurasan, which comprised present-day
northern Iran as well as parts of Central Asia and present-day Afghanistan, sent Talha ibn Abd Allah al-Khuza'i as the new
governor of Sijistan. Talha ransomed Abu Ubayda but died shortly afterwards.[41][42]
The weakening of central authority resulted in the outbreak of tribal factionalism and rivalries that the Arab emigrants of the
Muslim armies had brought with them in the conquered lands. Talha's successor, who was from Rabi'a tribe, was soon driven out
by the Rabi'a's tribal opponents from the Mudar. Tribal feuds consequently ensued, which continued at least until the arrival of
the Zubayrid governor Abd al-Aziz ibn Abd Allah ibn Amir at the end of 685. He put an end to the inter-tribal fighting and
defeated the Zunbil rebellion.[41][42] In Khurasan, Salm kept the news of caliph Yazid's death secret for some time. When it
became known, he obtained from his troops temporary allegiance to himself, but was soon after expelled by them. On his
departure in the summer of 684, he appointed Abd Allah ibn Khazim al-Sulami, a Mudarite, as governor of Khurasan. Ibn
Khazim recognized Ibn al-Zubayr but was overwhelmed by the Rabi'a–Mudar feuds. The Rabi'a opposed Zubayrid rule due to
their hatred of the Mudarite Ibn Khazim, who ultimately suppressed them, but soon after faced rebellion from his erstwhile allies
from the Banu Tamim.[43][44] The inter-tribal warfare over control of Khurasan continued for several years and Ibn Khazim was
killed in 691.[45] Ibn al-Zubayr's authority in these areas had been nominal, particularly in Khurasan where Ibn Khazim ruled
with virtual independence.[46]
Dissensions
During his revolt, Ibn al-Zubayr had allied with the Kharijites, who opposed the
Umayyads and the Alids. After claiming the caliphate, he denounced their religious
views and refused to accept their form of governance, which led to the breakup of their
alliance.[47] A group of Kharijites went to Basra, the rest to central Arabia, and began
destabilizing his rule.[48][49][note 5] Until then he had been supported by the pro-Alid
Kufan nobleman Mukhtar al-Thaqafi in his opposition to Yazid. Ibn al-Zubayr denied
him a prominent official position, which they had agreed upon earlier. In April 684,
Mukhtar deserted him and went on to incite pro-Alid sentiment in Kufa.[53] Sasanian-style dirham of Ibn
al-Zubayr
Pro-Alid movements
Tawwabin uprising
A few prominent Alid supporters in Kufa seeking to atone for their failure to assist Husayn, which they considered a sin,
launched a movement under Sulayman ibn Surad, a companion of Muhammad and an ally of Ali, to fight the Umayyads. Calling
themselves the "Tawwabin" (Penitents), they remained underground while the Umayyads controlled Iraq. After caliph Yazid's
death and the subsequent ouster of Ibn Ziyad, the Tawwabin openly called for avenging Husayn's slaying.[54] Although they
attracted large-scale support in Kufa,[55] they lacked a political program, their chief objective being to punish the Umayyads or
sacrifice themselves in the process.[56] When Mukhtar returned to Kufa, he attempted to dissuade the Tawwabin from their
endeavor in favor of an organized movement to gain control of the city. Ibn Surad's stature prevented his followers from
accepting Mukhtar's proposal.[57] Out of the 16,000 men who enlisted, 4,000 mobilized for the fight. In November 684, the
Tawwabin left to confront the Umayyads, after mourning for a day at Husayn's grave in Karbala. The two armies met in January
685 at the Battle of Ayn al-Warda in the Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia). The battle lasted for three days during which most of the
Tawwabin, including Ibn Surad, were killed, while a few escaped to Kufa.[58]
Having secured Iraq, and consequently most of its dependencies,[note 7] Abd al-Malik sent his general Hajjaj ibn Yusuf against
Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, who had been cornered in the Hejaz by another Kharijite faction led by Najda.[52] Najda had
established an independent state in Najd and Yamamah in 685,[29] captured Yemen and Hadhramawt in 688 and occupied Ta'if in
689.[49] Instead of heading directly to Mecca, Hajjaj established himself in Ta'if and bested the Zubayrids in several skirmishes.
In the meantime, Syrian forces captured Medina from its Zubayrid governor, later marching to aid Hajjaj, who besieged Mecca in
March 692. The siege lasted for six to seven months; the bulk of Ibn al-Zubayr's forces surrendered and he was killed fighting
alongside his remaining partisans in October/November 692.[76][77] With his death, the Hejaz came under Umayyad control,
marking the end of the civil war.[78] Soon afterwards, the Najda Kharijites were defeated by Hajjaj. The Azariqa and other
Kharijite factions remained active in Iraq until their suppression in 696–699.[79]
Aftermath
With the victory of Abd al-Malik, Umayyad authority was restored and
hereditary rule in the caliphate was solidified. Abd al-Malik and his descendants,
in two cases his nephews, ruled for another fifty-eight years, before being
overthrown by the Abbasid Revolution in 750.[80]
Administrative changes
After winning the war, Abd al-Malik enacted significant administrative changes
in the caliphate. Mu'awiya had ruled through personal connections with
individuals loyal to him and did not rely on his relatives.[81] Although he had
developed a highly trained army of Syrians, it was only deployed in raids against
the Byzantines. Domestically he relied upon his diplomatic skills to enforce his First Umayyad gold dinar depicting
will.[82] The ashraf, rather than government officials, were the intermediaries Abd al-Malik
between the provincial governors and the public.[83] The military units in the
provinces were derived from local tribes whose command also fell to the
ashraf.[83] Provinces retained much of the tax revenue and forwarded a small portion to the caliph.[82][84] The former
administrative system of the conquered lands was left intact. Officials who had served under the Sasanian Persians or the
Byzantines retained their positions. The native languages of the provinces continued to be used officially, and Byzantine and
Sasanian coinage was used in the formerly Byzantine and Sasanian territories.[85]
The defection of the ashraf, like Dahhak and Ibn Khazim and various Iraqi nobles, to Ibn al-Zubayr during the civil war
convinced Abd al-Malik that Mu'awiya's decentralized system was difficult to maintain. He thus set out to centralize his
power.[80] A professional army was developed in Syria and was used to impose government authority in the provinces.[86]
Moreover, key government positions were awarded to close relatives of the caliph. Abd al-Malik required the governors to
forward the provincial surplus to the capital.[87] In addition, Arabic was made the official language of the bureaucracy and a
single Islamic currency replaced Byzantine and Sasanian coinage,[88] giving the Umayyad administration an increasingly Muslim
character.[79] He terminated the permanent pensions of the participants in the early conquests and established a fixed salary for
active servicemen.[89] Abd al-Malik's model was adopted by many Muslim governments that followed.[80]
Tribal rifts
It was during this period that the longstanding Qays–Kalb split between the Arab tribes of Syria and the Jazira developed
following the Battle of Marj Rahit. It was paralleled in the division and rivalry between the Mudar, led by the Banu Tamim, and
the Azd–Rabi'a alliance in Iraq and the eastern provinces. Together, these rivalries caused a realignment of tribal loyalties into
two tribal confederations or "super-groups" across the caliphate: the "North Arab" or Qays/Mudar bloc, opposed by the "South
Arabs" or Yemenis. These terms were political rather than strictly geographical, since the properly "northern" Rabi'a adhered to
the "southern" Yemenis.[90][91] The Umayyad caliphs tried to maintain a balance between the two groups, but their implacable
rivalry became a fixture of the Arab world over the following decades. Even originally unaligned tribes were drawn to affiliate
themselves with one of the two super-groups. Their constant struggle for power and influence dominated the politics of the
Umayyad caliphate, creating instability in the provinces, helping to foment the Third Fitna and contributing to the Umayyads'
final fall at the hands of the Abbasids.[92] The division persisted long after the Umayyads' fall; the historian Hugh Kennedy
writes: "As late as the nineteenth century, battles were still being fought in Palestine between groups calling themselves Qays and
Yaman".[93]
The Second Fitna also gave rise to the idea of the Islamic Messiah, the Mahdi.[105] Mukhtar applied the title of Mahdi to Ali's son
Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya.[105] Although the title had previously been applied to Muhammad, Ali, Husayn, and others as an
honorific, Mukhtar employed the term in a messianic sense: a divinely guided ruler, who would redeem Islam.[106][107] Ibn al-
Zubayr's rebellion was seen by many as an attempt to return to the pristine values of the early Islamic community. His revolt was
welcomed by a number of parties that were unhappy with Umayyad rule.[47][108] To them, the defeat of Ibn al-Zubayr meant that
all hope of restoring the old ideals of Islamic governance was lost.[108] In this atmosphere, according to historians Wilferd
Madelung and Saïd Amir Arjomand, Ibn al-Zubayr's role as the anti-caliph shaped the later development of the concept of the
Mahdi. Some aspects of his career were already formulated into hadiths ascribed to Muhammad during Ibn al-Zubayr's lifetime—
quarrels over the caliphate after the death of a caliph (Mu'awiya I), escape of the Mahdi from Medina to Mecca, taking refuge in
the Ka'aba, defeat of an army sent against him by a person whose maternal tribe is Banu Kalb (Yazid I), Mahdi's recognition by
the righteous people of Syria and Iraq[109]—which then became characteristics of the
Mahdi who was to appear in the future to restore the old glory of the Islamic
community.[106][110][111] This idea subsequently developed into an established doctrine
in Islam.[112]
Notes
1. The word fitna (Arabic: ﻓﺘﻨﺔ, meaning trial or temptation) occurs in the
Qur'an in the sense of test of faith of the believers, especially as a Divine
punishment for sinful behavior. Historically, it came to mean civil war or
Calligraphic representation of
rebellion which causes rifts in the unified community and endangers
the name of Mahdi as it
believers' faith.[1]
appears in the Prophet's
2. Political supporters of Ali and his descendants (Alids). The religious sect Mosque in Medina
Shi'a emerged from this party of Alid supporters.[2][3]
3. Oman was independently ruled by the Banu Juland, while the situation in
Hadhramaut is unclear.[29]
4. The Qaysites supported Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr out of opposition to Kalbite hegemony in Syria under the
Sufyanid caliphs.[35]
5. After deserting Caliph Ali (r. 656–661) on the basis that judgement belongs to God alone, the Kharijites went on
to reject any form of centralized government.[50] According to the historian Montgomery Watt, they wanted a
return to the pre-Islamic tribal society.[51] The Umayyad governors kept them in check, but after the death of
Caliph Yazid in 683, the resulting power vacuum caused the resumption of the Kharijites' anti-government
activities, which consisted of constant raids against settled areas. Internal disputes and fragmentation weakened
them considerably before their defeat by the Umayyad governor Hajjaj ibn Yusuf after the caliphate had been
reunited under Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685–705).[50][52]
6. Despite being awarded equality by Islam, most local converts were often treated as second-class citizens. They
paid higher taxes than Arabs, were paid lower military salaries and were deprived of war booty.[61]
7. The dependencies of Iraq constituted all of the northern and eastern provinces, including Arminiya, Adharbayjan,
Jibal, Khuzistan, Khurasan, Sijistan, Fars, and Kirman. The latter two remained under Kharijite control for some
time.[75]
References
Citations
1. Gardet 1965, p. 930. 14. Hawting 2000, p. 46.
2. Donner 2010, p. 178. 15. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 141–145.
3. Kennedy 2016, p. 77. 16. Lammens 1921, pp. 5–6.
4. Donner 2010, pp. 157–159. 17. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 145–146.
5. Donner 2010, pp. 161–162. 18. Howard 1991, pp. 2–3.
6. Donner 2010, p. 166. 19. Howard 1991, pp. 5–7.
7. Donner 2010, p. 167. 20. Daftary 1992, p. 47.
8. Donner 2010, p. 177. 21. Wellhausen 1901, p. 61.
9. Lewis 2002, p. 67. 22. Daftary 1992, p. 48.
10. Wellhausen 1927, p. 140. 23. Daftary 1992, p. 49.
11. Madelung 1997, p. 322. 24. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 148–150.
12. Kennedy 2016, p. 76. 25. Donner 2010, p. 180.
13. Wellhausen 1927, p. 145. 26. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 152–156.
27. Donner 2010, pp. 180–181. 70. Gibb, H. A. R. 1960, p. 76.
28. Hawting 2000, p. 48. 71. Dixon 1971, pp. 126–127.
29. Rotter 1982, p. 84. 72. Dixon 1971, pp. 127–129.
30. Donner 2010, pp. 181–182. 73. Dixon 1971, pp. 92–93.
31. Rotter 1982, p. 85. 74. Lammens & Pellat 1993, pp. 649–650.
32. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 168–169. 75. Rotter 1982, pp. 84–85.
33. Wellhausen 1927, p. 182. 76. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 188–189.
34. Hawting 1989, pp. 49–51. 77. Gibb 1960, p. 54.
35. Wellhausen 1927, p. 170. 78. Donner 2010, p. 188.
36. Kennedy 2016, pp. 78–79. 79. Gibb, H. A. R. 1960, p. 77.
37. Kennedy 2016, p. 78. 80. Kennedy 2016, p. 85.
38. Kennedy 2016, p. 80. 81. Wellhausen 1927, p. 137.
39. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 185–186. 82. Kennedy 2016, p. 72.
40. Hawting 1989, pp. 162–163. 83. Crone 1980, p. 31.
41. Dixon 1971, pp. 104–105. 84. Crone 1980, pp. 32–33.
42. Rotter 1982, pp. 87–88. 85. Kennedy 2016, pp. 75–76.
43. Dixon 1971, pp. 105–108. 86. Hawting 2000, p. 62.
44. Rotter 1982, pp. 89–92. 87. Kennedy 2016, pp. 85–86.
45. Dixon 1971, p. 110. 88. Lewis 2002, p. 78.
46. Kennedy 2007, pp. 239, 241. 89. Kennedy 2016, p. 89.
47. Hawting 2000, p. 49. 90. Hawting 2000, pp. 54–55.
48. Hawting 1989, pp. 98–102. 91. Kennedy 2001, p. 105.
49. Gibb 1960, p. 55. 92. Kennedy 2001, pp. 99–115.
50. Lewis 2002, p. 76. 93. Kennedy 2001, p. 92.
51. Watt 1973, p. 20. 94. Lewis 2002, p. 68.
52. Kennedy 2016, p. 84. 95. Halm 1997, p. 16.
53. Dixon 1971, pp. 34–35. 96. Daftary 1992, p. 50.
54. Wellhausen 1901, pp. 71–72. 97. Hawting 2000, p. 50.
55. Wellhausen 1901, p. 72. 98. Daftary 1992, pp. 51–52.
56. Sharon 1983, pp. 104–105. 99. Wellhausen 1901, pp. 79–80.
57. Dixon 1971, p. 37. 100. Hawting 2000, pp. 51–52.
58. Wellhausen 1901, p. 73. 101. Kennedy 2016, p. 83.
59. Daftary 1992, p. 52. 102. Daftary 1992, pp. 59–60.
60. Dixon 1971, p. 45. 103. Daftary 1992, p. 62.
61. Daftary 1992, pp. 55–56. 104. Wellhausen 1927, pp. 504–506.
62. Donner 2010, p. 185. 105. Arjomand 2016, p. 34.
63. Hawting 2000, p. 53. 106. Madelung 1986, p. 1231.
64. Wellhausen 1901, p. 85. 107. Sachedina 1981, p. 9.
65. Dixon 1971, pp. 73–75. 108. Madelung 1971, p. 1164.
66. Hawting 2000, pp. 47–49. 109. Abu Dawood 2008, pp. 509–510.
67. Dixon 1971, pp. 59–60. 110. Madelung 1981.
68. Wellhausen 1927, p. 186. 111. Arjomand 2007, pp. 134–136.
69. Kennedy 2016, p. 81. 112. Hawting 2000, p. 52.
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