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Tourism has been examined by economists on both the left and the right,
geographers, political scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists. There are
more than a dozen journals in English alone dedicated to tourism research,
most which have been established since 1990 (Pearce, 1999: 2). The World
Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank, other area banks, and the
United Nations are among the bodies that have sponsored research on tourism
and funded tourism projects throughout the underdeveloped world in general
and Latin America in particular (Jenkins, 1999: 55; Clancy, 2001: 41, 53;
Lumsdon and Swift, 2001: 34), For example, the Inter-American Development
Bank lent US$800 million to Brazil in 1994 to develop tourism in the Northeast,
then US$150 million in 2004 for the development of tourism in the South; a
total of US$34.1 million to Argentina to develop tourism in the province of Salta;
and US$300 million to Mexico in 1993 to develop its tourism infrastructure. It
has also approved loans for tourism development in Bolivia, Chile, the Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Panama, and Peru and has proposed loans
for this industry for Guayana, Honduras, and Paraguay (Inter-American
Development Bank, 2004).
The theoretical works on tourism that I have perused tend to utilize a cost-
benefit analysis when examining the effects of the tourism industry. As might
be expected, neoclassical approaches—those that welcome “globalization”—
underscore the benefits of tourism, whereas neo-Marxist and dependency
approaches—which view globalization as a new form of imperialism—focus
on its costs. Unfortunately, most studies neglect regional differences within
the same country. Some locales are indeed the recipients of benefits, at least to a
point, while others—perhaps most—are impacted negatively. In most places there
are both positive and negative impacts, though this black-and-white distinction
overlooks shades of grey. For example, the increased employment opportunities
provided by tourism development help to solve unemployment and under-
employment problems, but many of the jobs created are relatively unskilled,
low-waged, and lacking in opportunities for advancement, similar to the jobs
in hotels, restaurants, and maintenance work held by Mexican immigrants to
the United States. Furthermore, the negative (and the positive) impacts should
be assessed in relation to the impact of possible alternatives to tourism in any
development program or balance-of-payments initiative. For example, would
industrial development have more positive or more negative impacts than
tourism development?
Tamar Diana Wilson is a research affiliate of the University of Missouri, St. Louis, and an asso-
ciate editor of Latin American Perspectives. The collective thanks her for organizing this issue.
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 160, Vol. 35 No. 3, May 2008 3-20
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X08315760
© 2008 Latin American Perspectives
3
Downloaded from http://lap.sagepub.com at UNIV OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE on February 4, 2010
4 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
Tourism impacts can be felt at national, regional, and local levels and by dif-
ferent communities within any given locality. Different classes will be affected
differently, with the national and local elites gaining more than others (Britton,
1989; 1982). Inequality is usually deepened as some become beneficiaries and
others victims of the tourist industry. As Mowforth and Munt (2003 [1998]: 99)
note:
Some of the negative effects of tourism in the past have included the opening of
previously non-existent social divisions or the exacerbation of already existing
divisions. These can appear in the form of increasing differences between the
beneficiaries of tourism and those who are marginalized by it, or of the creation
of spatial ghettos, either of the tourists themselves or of those excluded from
tourism.
ECONOMIC IMPACTS
World (Britton, 1982: 345; 1989: 112; Crick, 2002 [1996]: 22; Lea, 2001 [1988]: 23),
intermeshes with its satellite industries in a way reminiscent of that described
by dependency theorists. Thus Cardoso and Faletto (1979: xvi) speak of “coin-
cidences of interests between local dominant classes and international ones,”
a phenomenon common in tourism development (Britton, 1982: 345; 1989:
111). The following passage from Frank’s (1969: 313) description of elites in
Latin America, written more than 30 years ago, resonates with what is hap-
pening in tourist development in countries such as Mexico (cf. Clancy, 2001):
The nationalist industrial or industrial nationalist policy of the 1930s and 1940s
is no more; more and more Latin American industrialists already have become—
or in the near future will become—associates, partners, bureaucrats, suppliers,
and clients of mixed foreign–Latin American enterprises and groups, which
becloud and obscure Latin American national interests and—more important—
which increasingly tie the personal economic interests of the individual Latin
American bourgeois industrialist tail to the metropolitan neo-imperialist dog.
Writing of the globalization process, Petras and Veltmeyer (2001: 88) describe
those “15–20 percent of Latin Americans who share a ‘First World’ lifestyle”
and “form part of the international circuit of the new imperial system.”
Underscoring the social polarization inherent in the development of this class,
Nef (2002: 64) argues:
In both tourist-sending and -receiving countries, this new global elite is often
involved in the tourist industry.
Relating dependency theory to patterns of tourism development, Britton
(1982: 334) points out that national policies are subordinate to “foreign pressure
groups and privileged local classes” while the needs of other classes are
ignored. Elsewhere (1989: 111) he says:
POLITICAL IMPACTS
Crick (2002 [1996]: 24) has pointed out that “international tourism . . . is
conspicuous consumption in front of the deprived.” The tendency for the
deprived to resent or desire to take part in this conspicuous consumption is
known in the critical literature as the “demonstration effect” (de Kadt, 1979: x,
65–66; Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 142–143; Nettekoven, 1979: 140). It may
include resentment against the expatriates involved in tourist occupations
(Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 145), whether as employees or as small business
owners. One of its effects is international migration for employment in core
countries (Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 145; Nettekoven, 1979: 140).
Seaton (1997: 310) has reconceptualized the demonstration effect in terms of
the concept of relative deprivation, the tendency to evaluate one’s own socioeco-
nomic conditions with reference to the conditions of others. Seaton hypothesizes
that the magnitude of relative deprivation felt depends on the differences in
rewards received by the group vis-à-vis other groups in society (e.g., locals or
expatriates employed in economically remunerative positions in the tourist
industry) and with reference to tourists, the visibility of such differences, and
“the perceived legitimacy of these differences in relation to the professed
moral order of the social system in which the differences are observed to
exist.” Tourism is especially visible because of the special provisions in terms
of lodging, food and liquor consumption, and recreational facilities that a
low-waged local population cannot hope to enjoy.
Feelings of relative deprivation cause resentment directed either at the
tourists themselves or against the government; which one is the target
depends on the local socioeconomic ideology. According to Seaton (1997: 311),
in egalitarian, socialist societies such as Cuba, resentment will most probably be
directed against the government, seen as responsible for the lower standards
of living of the local population. In pluralistic, laissez-faire societies such as
Mexico, where individual responsibility for one’s economic position is
stressed, resentment will be deflected from the government and directed toward
the tourists, perceived as “advantaged groups” (Seaton, 1997: 312). The increasing
social and economic polarization noted by many scholars of tourism (e.g.,
Britton, 1989: 103; 1982: 335; Crick, 2002 [1996]: 23–24; Enloe, 1989: 34; de Kadt,
1979: 48; D. Nash, 1989: 45; Reid, 2003: 28; Shaw and Williams, 2002 [1994]: 44;
Turner and Ash, 1975: 203) can only lead to deepening feelings of relative
deprivation, perhaps including resentment also against local elites who profit
from tourism. In the context of international competition, social polarization
is either reinforced or increased along with pressures toward reduced wages in
the labor-intensive tourism industry. Concerning socioeconomic polarization,
Turner and Ash (1975: 203) note: “It may be taken as a general rule that any
economic boom (resulting from the rapid development of tourism and other
industries) occurring within unjust social and political structures can only
serve to increase the injustices of those structures.” The injustice of social
polarization can translate into feelings of relative deprivation, and tourists—
often spending far more than they would in their home countries—present a
visible contrast with local poverty. Socioeconomic inequality is inherent in the
tourism industry: “If the tourist is to pursue peculiarly touristic goals, others
must perform more utilitarian functions. To put it more succinctly, others must
serve while the tourist plays, rests, cures, or mentally enriches himself” (D. Nash,
1989: 45). Such a servile relationship to conspicuous consumers can only increase
feelings of relative deprivation, especially in the context of a polarized economy
in which most of the low-waged workers’ income may be spent on low-quality
housing in squatter settlements and on basic foodstuffs in stark contrast to the
luxury accommodations and foodstuffs consumed by tourists.
Socioeconomic apartheid, as in Cuba, where Cubans are denied access to
hotels, bars, restaurants, and “dollar shops” unless accompanied by a foreigner
(Pattullo, 1996: 83), is common on many of the Caribbean and Latin American
beaches (de Kadt, 1979: 45; N. Evans, 1979: 311, 314). Pattullo (1996: 82) points
out that while in law beaches in the Caribbean are public, in practice hotel
security will deny locals access. This is also true in tourist centers such as
Cancún and Los Cabos, where the luxury hotels are aligned along the seashore
and prohibit entrance to locals, despite beaches’ being constitutionally guar-
anteed as public patrimony (see Wilson, this issue). De facto socioeconomic
apartheid is also reinforced in tourist centers in the less developed world in
general and Latin American and Caribbean countries in particular by the over-
whelming costs involved in enjoying tourist restaurants, bars, discotheques,
and other entertainment facilities. Low-waged locals are essentially locked out
of these tourist facilities by their lack of disposable income even if security
guards or business managers do not make them unwelcome. Land inflation is
also common, putting legally acquired property ownership out of the reach of
much of the local population (Pattullo, 1996: 35; Mathieson and Wall, 1982:
88), including the middle class.
Local hostility toward and resentment of the tourist industry is also
fomented by the displacement of peasants and fishermen to build hotels or
marinas (e.g., Clancy, 2001; N. Evans, 1979: 313–314; G. Evans, 1994: 841–842;
Reid, 2003: 32; Mowfort and Munt, 2003 [1998]: 236–242; Reynosa y Valle and
de Regt, 1979: 118–123; Wilson, this volume). Feelings of relative deprivation
bolstered by de facto socioeconomic apartheid and the dislocations of locals
from their properties, with or without fair remuneration, may become a basis
for local organizing against governments even in laissez-faire countries such
as Mexico.
SOCIAL IMPACTS
The national bourgeoisie organizes centers of rest and relaxation and pleasure
resorts to meet the wishes of the Western bourgeoisie. Such activity is given the
name of tourism, and for the occasion will be built up as a national industry. If
proof is needed of the eventual transformation of certain elements of the
ex-native bourgeoisie into the organizers of parties for their Western opposite
numbers, it is worth while having a look at what has happened to Latin America.
The casinos of Havana and Mexico, the beaches of Rio, the little Brazilian and
Mexican girls, the half-breed thirteen-year-olds, the ports of Acapulco and
Copacabana—all these are the stigma of this depravation of the national middle
class. . . . The national middle class will have nothing better to do than take on
the role of manager for Western enterprise, and it will in practice set up its
country as the brothel of Europe.
Turner and Ash (1975: 203) endorse this analysis: “When Fanon spoke of the
conversion of countries into brothels, he was not resorting to mere rhetorical
exaggeration. We have only to think of the Mexican border towns or Cuba
under Batista to see the truth of his assertion.” Although prostitution may
already exist prior to the advent of tourism, it appears to increase as tourism
increases and “is part and parcel of much tourism development in the Third
World” (Crick, 2002 [1996]: 29). Sex tourism in Latin American and Caribbean
countries is a growing phenomenon. In Mexican tourist centers the designation
of a “red light” district is common, while lap-dance and stripper clubs may be
found sprinkled among the discotheques, souvenir shops, and tourist restau-
rants in places like downtown Cabo San Lucas. In Southeast Asia, governments
may even turn a blind eye to prostitution because of the foreign currency it pro-
vides (Hall, 2002 [1996]). Prostitution may be engaged in because of feelings of
relative deprivation. This may be the case in Latin America as well.
Sex tourism, including sexual relations with boys and girls from the age of
10 or 12 to 18, has received scholarly and media attention with regard to Costa
Rica, the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Mexico, and Cuba (O’Connell
Davidson and Sánchez Taylor, 1995a; 1995b; 1995c; 1995d; Bremer, 2004; Iliff
and Case, 2004). The Dominican Republic ranks with Thailand and the
Philippines as a major destination for sex tourists from Europe and the United
States: all three are known for their “exploitative sex industries” (Pattullo,
1996: 90). Prostitution, including child prostitution, has returned to Cuba since
tourism was reintroduced (partly in response to the fall of the Soviet Union)
in the late 1980s; both tourism and prostitution had been absent since the
Revolution of 1959, after which the existing prostitutes had been trained for
other work in accordance with revolutionary ideals (Cabezas, 1998; Fernandez,
1999; O’Connell Davidson and Sánchez Taylor, 1995a).
Sometimes sex tourism shades into romance tourism, under which there is
no direct commercial transaction for sexual relations but gifts, including
money, may be supplied by the tourist over a relatively long time period. Male
sex/romance tourists are present in all the countries named above; women
sex/romance tourists have been documented not only in the traditional sites
of female sex tourism—Barbados and Jamaica—but also in Cuba, the Dominican
Republic, Venezuela, and among an indigenous group, the Otavaleños, in
Ecuador (Cabezas, 1999; Meisch, 1995; O’Connell Davidson and Sanchez
Taylor, 1995c; 1995d; Sánchez Taylor, 2000; Phillips, 1999; Pruitt and La Font,
1995). Homosexual sex tourism is not uncommon in these countries.
Both sex tourism and romance tourism impact local gender relations and
family structure. Those romanced often hope to immigrate, and some do visit
their clients abroad and marry them (or hope to do so) (Cabezas, 2003;
Phillips, 1999: 199; O’Connell Davidson and Sánchez Taylor, 1995b; 1995c). In
Jamaica (Pruitt and La Font, 1995: 432–433) and Barbados (Phillips, 1999: 198)
local women refuse to have relationships with men who have sought out
female tourists. Women who prostitute themselves are marginalized from
CULTURAL IMPACTS
ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS
Carrying capacity, with regard to tourism, has been defined as “the maximum
number of people who can use a site without an unacceptable alteration in the
physical environment and without an unacceptable decline in the quality of
the experience gained by the visitors” (Mathieson and Wall, 1982: 21). It is
essentially the point beyond which the addition of more people will lead to the
degradation of the environment. Saleem (1994) argues that this degradation
can have physical (including ecological as well as built-environment), social-
psychological, and economic dimensions (see also Mathieson and Wall, 1982:
21–22; Reid, 2003: 178–179). Economic carrying capacity is threatened as
tourist resorts add more and more visitors in the interest of profit making;
social-psychological carrying capacity is reached when the local population
feels overwhelmed by the numbers of tourists; physical and environmental
carrying capacity is breached when use begins to interfere with the environ-
ment’s capacity for regeneration (Reid, 2003: 178).
Mathieson and Wall (1982: Chap. 4) have examined the environmental
impacts of tourism at length and found them to be both positive and negative.
Among the positive are the conservation of natural resources though the
establishment, for example, of national parks, archaeological sites, and historical
monuments. This is apparent, for example, in the establishment of the 1.3-
million-acre Sian Ka’an Biosphere Reserve south of Cancún and the preservation
of Tulum and Chichén Itza, among other archaeological sites, in Mexico. Negative
impacts on flora and fauna, as well as air and water pollution, problems of
sewage and trash disposal, and erosion at campsites and along coastlines are
common. Among the destructive impacts on fauna are the disruption of breeding
patterns and of turtle eggs by ATV drivers in Cabo San Lucas and of the coral
reefs in Cancún and in Belize (see also Brown, 2000 [1998]: 48). At Machu
Picchu, Peru, which 300,000 tourists visit each year, there has been increasing
litter, damage to buildings, and erosion of footpaths: one reaction has been to
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