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Traditions of exegesis
frances m. young
It is clear that in the fourth century the so-called ‘Antiochenes’ reacted against
allegorical interpretation, criticising Origen in particular. The question is
whether this suggests, as has been generally supposed, that divergent traditions
of interpretation are represented by different schools which may be named
Alexandrian and Antiochene. The first part of this chapter argues that too great
a binary opposition obscures the reality of debate within common traditions,
and also creates a model that fails to encompass the exegesis not only of those
outside these supposed schools, such as the Cappadocians or the western
fathers, but also of some who might be supposed to belong to one or other
of them, such as Cyril of Alexandria; to treat such commentators as having a
‘hybrid’ approach is less than satisfactory.
Traditions of interpretation there certainly were. Sometimes these suggest
methodological differences, but more often they reflect debates about refer-
ence which accumulate around specific texts. In the second part, a particular
case study will illuminate the continuities and flexibilities within exegetical
traditions.
1 See especially Greer, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and The Captain of Our Salvation.
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Traditions of exegesis
2 But see Joseph Trigg, ‘Eustathius of Antioch’s Attack on Origen’, Journal of Religion 75 (1995),
219–38, for a contrary view.
3 M. Wiles, ‘Theodore of Mopsuestia as Representative of the Antiochene School’, in P. R.
Ackroyd and C. F. Evans (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Bible. Vol. 1: From the Beginnings to
Jerone (Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 489–509, at pp. 489–90.
4 ‘Antiochene Interpretation’, in R. J. Coggins and J. L. Houlden (eds.), A Dictionary of Biblical
Interpretation (London: SCM Press, 1990), pp. 29–32. Cf. Simonetti, Biblical Interpretation, p. 59.
5 R. M. Grant, with David Tracy, A Short History of the Interpretation of the Bible, 2nd edn revised
and enlarged (London: SCM Press, 1984), p. 63; Simonetti, Biblical Interpretation, p. 60; Trigg,
Biblical Interpretation, p. 31.
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Traditions of exegesis
who take great pains to twist the sense of the divine scriptures and make
everything written therein serve their own ends. They dream up silly fables
in their own heads and give their folly the name of allegory. They misuse the
apostle’s term as a blank authorisation to abolish all meanings of the divine
scripture.’ Theodore insists that the apostle does not do away with ‘history’.
He suggests that similarity cannot be established if the comparison is made
between things that do (or did) not in fact exist; the statement that Hagar
‘corresponds with the present Jerusalem’ implies parallel realities across time.
The allegorists with their ‘spiritual interpretation’ reduce it all to ‘dreams in
the night’, claiming that ‘Adam is not Adam, paradise is not paradise, the
serpent not the serpent.’ They end up by undermining the whole story of
salvation.
So if Paul did not mean the allegory of the allegorist, what was his intention?
Theodore states that what Paul wants to show is that the events surrounding
Christ’s coming are greater than anything contained in the law. So he points
out that there are two covenants, one through Moses and one through Christ.
He explains how, under the first, righteousness came through keeping the
law, but in Christ justification is given by grace. Now in speaking of Sarah
and Hagar Paul indicates that one gave birth according to nature, the other
by grace. ‘Paul mentions the two women in order to demonstrate by their
comparison that even now the justification coming from Christ is far better
than the other, because it is acquired by grace.’ So ‘Here we have the reason for
the phrase, “this is said by way of allegory.” Paul used the term “allegory” as a
comparison, juxtaposing events of the past and present.’ Theodore is probably
dependent on Diodore for this way of interpreting the passage, for we find
it discussed in the locus classicus for Antiochene discussion of allegory, the
preface to a Commentary on the Psalms attributed to Diodore of Tarsus, along
with the particular preface to the commentary on Ps. 118 (LXX enumeration;
119 in English Bibles).11 Here the author insists that what the apostle means is
insight into the way one narrative mirrors another, both being real and true.
Allegorists ‘pretend to “improve” Scripture’, and ‘wise in their own conceit’
are ‘careless about the historical substance’. But it is alright to compare Cain
and Abel with the synagogue and the church, for this method ‘neither sets
aside history nor repudiates theōria’ (often translated ‘contemplation’, this is
11 Quotations below are given in the English version of Froehlich, Biblical Interpretation, pp.
82–94; the Greek text is found in L. Mariès (ed.), ‘Extraits du commentaire de Diodore de Tarse
sur les Psaumes. Préface du commentaire – prologue du Psaume CXVIII’, RSR 9 (1919), 79–101;
and Diodorus Tarsensis. Commentarii in Psalmos. Vol. i: Pss. I–L, ed. J.-M. Olivier, CC Series
Graeca 6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1980).
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frances m. young
He understands Hagar as Mount Sinai but Isaac’s mother as the free Jerusalem,
the future mother of all believers. The fact that the apostle ‘theorizes’ in this
way does not mean that he repudiates the historical account . . . With the
historical account as his firm foundation, he develops his theōria on top of it;
he understands the underlying facts as events on a higher level.
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Traditions of exegesis
goes on to suggest that the talking serpent in Genesis is such an ‘enigma’. The
devil, of course, acted through the serpent.
So, in the psalm which he is about to interpret, parts are meant to be taken
literally but others are figurative expressions, parables or enigmas. There is
no allegory. There may be a kind of transcendent meaning: ‘In predicting
future events, the prophets adapted their words both to the time in which
they were speaking and to later times.’ He suggests that in the former context
the words may appear hyperbolic, only to become ‘fitting and consistent at
the time when the prophecies were fulfilled’. It is interesting that Adrianos
devotes far more space to the figure of hyperbole than to that of allegory, and
here Diodore is at pains to give examples, such as Ps. 29 fitting Hezekiah, but
even more ‘all human beings when they obtain the promised resurrection’.
So Ps. 118 is ‘a statement adaptable to many situations according to the grace
of him who gives it power’. This is what theōria is all about.
So two things emerge as important. One is the proper identification of
figures of speech, not treating all metaphor as an excuse for allegory; and
the other is respect for the narrative coherence of the text. The concern
with narrative flow had already proved crucial in Eustathius’ treatise On the
Witch of Endor and against Origen;12 both are explicit in Adrianos’ discussion
of methodology.13 Here meaning is said to be grounded in the akolouthia
(sequence) of the text. Adrianos uses the analogy of a steersman – the inter-
preter is blown about if not fixed on a goal. One must begin with the normal
sense of words, but one gets a sure and certain outcome by paying attention to
scriptural idioms – the figures, tropes and so on – and by taking the akolouthia
seriously. The dianoia (mind/sense) of the words must be earthed in the order
found in the body of the text and the theōria must be grounded in the shape
(schēma) of that body, and thus the limbs and their synthesis can be discerned
properly. The dianoia corresponds with the hypothesis of the wording, so that
the interpretation is according to the lexis (letter/reading): examples of the
application of this principle show that the prophetic meaning of a prophetic
text is the ‘literal’ meaning.
The Antiochenes were not modern historico-critics, even though it seems
natural to translate some of this as a concern with the literal! However, they
certainly were concerned about what seemed to be an undermining of the
12 PG, 18.613–74; cf. Young, Biblical Exegesis, pp. 163–5; and Frances Young, ‘The Rhetorical
Schools and Their Influence on Patristic Exegesis’, in Rowan Williams (ed.), The Making of
Orthodoxy. Essays in Honour of Henry Chadwick (Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 182–99.
13 The following description is borrowed from my article, ‘The Fourth Century Reaction’.
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14 Amirav, Rhetoric and Tradition, p. 46. 15 Amirav, Rhetoric and Tradition, p. 133ff.
16 Young, ‘The Fourth Century Reaction’. 17 Young, ‘The Rhetorical Schools’, pp. 182–99.
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Traditions of exegesis
18 Theodoret, Hypothesis (PG, 82.592) mentions that ‘some say’ Paul had not seen the recipients
on the basis of Col. 3.1, and advances the contrary view; Theodore makes the claim in the
Argumentum of his commentary on Colossians, cf. Swete, Theodore on the Minor Epistles, p. 254.
I am indebted to Paul Parvis for this observation.
19 Cf. Hom. Joh. 42, on John 6:1–15. 20 Young, Biblical Exegesis, pp. 172–3.
21 Neuschäfer, Origenes als Philologe.
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22 R. C. Hill, ‘Antiochene Exegesis of the Prophets’, Studia Patristica 39 (2006), pp. 219–31.
23 Lamberton, Homer.
24 Trigg, Biblical Interpretation, pp. 163ff.; Wiles, ‘Theodore of Mopsuestia’, provides fuller
treatment of his approach to the psalms and prophets.
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Traditions of exegesis
25 Frances Young, ‘Exegetical Method and Scriptural Proof. The Bible in Doctrinal Debate’,
Studia Patristica 24 (1989), pp. 291–304.
26 Preface to his Commentary on Jonah; Simonetti, Biblical Interpretation, pp. 69ff., which provides
also a fuller account of Theodore’s (non-)christological interpretation of the prophets and the
psalms.
27 The commentary does not extend as far as this, so this cannot be confirmed.
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located the psalms’ reference firmly in the era before the coming of Christ.
Any application to Christ is ‘secondary’.
The Antiochenes were not ‘a monolithic block’,28 nor were they wholly
out of line with the traditions of Christian exegesis in general. They certainly
developed objections to ‘philosophical’ allegory, but they sought moral and
ecclesial meanings by alternative means that were exemplary and typological,
calling it theoria. Prophecy remained fundamental to their understanding of
the Old Testament. So did their sense that the meaning of scripture was
contained in the overarching story of the rule of faith. So in what sense, if any,
can we speak of Antiochene exegesis being a different tradition?
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30 W. A. Bienert, Allegoria und Anagoge bei Didymos dem Blinden von Alexandria (Berlin: De
Gruyter, 1972); J. Tigcheler, Didyme l’Aveugle et l’exégèse allégorique, son commentaire sur Zacharie
(Nijmegen: Dekker & Van de Vegt, 1977).
31 On Worship in Spirit and in Truth, PG, 68. 32 Amirav, Rhetoric and Tradition.
33 Amirav, Rhetoric and Tradition, p. 230.
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occasioned another dispute which does not neatly divide along the supposed
‘school’ lines: Justin, Origen, Ambrose and Augustine thought Samuel did
appear to Saul; Tertullian, Eustathius, Ephrem, Gregory of Nyssa, Evagrius
Ponticus, Jerome and Ambrosiaster argued that a demon appeared in his guise.
John Chrysostom and Theodoret left the question open.34
So to sum up: it seems very unlikely that there were different independent
traditions as such; rather there was debate and interaction. The group
we call Antiochenes objected to allegory as practised by Origen and his
followers. They were anxious that allegory undermined salvation history,
and tended to imply a ‘docetic’ attitude towards the materiality of creation.
Theodore challenged more aspects of the common tradition, partly on
methodological grounds, having a firm commitment to the single skopos of
a text, partly on theological grounds, having a strong eschatological view of
two eras. Historicity or literalism did not primarily inform their approach –
like other Antiochenes, Theodore never questioned the idea that the literal
meaning of prophecy is its fulfilment, he agreed that some prophecies were
hyperbolic and so transcended their immediate reference, and he accepted
typology.
34 Trigg, ‘Eustathius’ Attack’, pp. 222–3, quoting K. A. D. Smedlik, ‘The Witch of Endor. 1
Samuel 28 in Rabbinic and Christian Exegesis till 800 AD’, VC 33 (1977), 160–79.
35 The material in this case study is published also in Frances Young, Brokenness and Blessing.
Towards a Biblical Spirituality (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 2007).
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Traditions of exegesis
This is the line taken over and over again: already in the second century, Justin
(Dial. 58) speaks of the angel who appears to Jacob as Christ, listing this story
with many others from the Jewish scriptures where the Lord appears. Cyril of
Jerusalem (Catechetical Lectures 12.16), Hilary of Poitiers (De Trinitate 4.31, 12.46;
De synodis 49), Leo the Great (Epistle 31) and the Apostolic Constitutions (5.20)
follow suit in the fourth and fifth centuries. It was a classic topos for proving
the pre-existence of the Son of God, in which features like the wrestling were
just ignored.
The wrestling was taken up in exemplary readings. Clement of Alexandria
draws on this story in the Paidagogos (1.7). God appears as Jacob’s instructor or
trainer, wrestles with him and anoints him against evil. The face of God that
he saw was the Logos by whom God is manifested, that is, the pre-existent
Word which would be incarnate in Jesus. The Word acts as a trainer for
the athlete of God, giving him practice for contending against the powers of
evil. Clement’s successor, Origen, gives it a slightly different twist (On First
Principles 3.2.5): human nature is limited and powerless in the struggle against
evil powers, so the angel wrestled with Jacob, not in the sense of against him,
but rather alongside him. The angel is there to help Jacob in the struggle against
evil, wrestling against the principalities and powers that Paul says we have to
contend with. This is a spiritual fight, wrestling to endure sufferings, to avoid
being provoked into fierce anger, excessive sorrow, the depths of despair or
complaint against God. All this leads Origen into a discussion of the story of
Job. So the wrestling becomes a ‘type’ of human spiritual struggles, through
which we receive God’s blessing.
In his great work, The Preparation for the Gospel, Eusebius introduces another
way of turning the story into something useful for the spiritual life: ‘Israel
had formerly borne the name of “Jacob”, but instead of “Jacob” God bestows
upon him the name “Israel”, transforming the active and practical man into the
contemplative’ (P. E. 9.6.) This idea depends upon etymological interpretation
of the two names: Israel has a double name, because he was called Jacob when
‘exercised . . . in practical habits and modes of life, and experiencing troubles
on behalf of religion’, the name meaning ‘a man in training, an athlete’;
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Gregory of Nazianzus takes this approach a bit further. The theme of his
Second Theological Oration is the transcendence of God, the God who is beyond
our comprehension. During the discussion he mentions glimmerings of this
in scripture, including Jacob wrestling with God in human form. Gregory is
not at all clear what this wrestling means, but he notes that Jacob bore on
his body the marks of the wrestling and this signifies the defeat of the created
nature. Gregory acknowledges Jacob’s reward in the name change to ‘Israel’,
but the climax of what he says is this: ‘Neither he, nor any of his descendants
in the twelve tribes who made up the children of Israel, could boast that he
comprehended the whole nature or the pure sight of God.’ For Gregory the
story is about the human struggle to know God, and its ultimate failure. It is
only because God accommodates the divine self to our human level, through
the inevitably limited human language of scripture, and above all by accepting
the constraints of incarnation, that we have any chance of knowing anything
at all about God.
Exemplary readings may touch on the moral struggle: Jerome sees Jacob
as strengthened by God in his struggle for virtue (Dial. Pel. 3.8), and the limp
signifies that after this struggle with God his thigh shrank, he had no children
and achieved chastity (Ep. 22.11), a clear example of the kind of twisting of the
text for ascetic meaning that Elizabeth Clark has traced in Reading Renunciation.
Augustine, on the other hand, thinks the wrestling is to hold on to Christ,
which means the struggle to love one’s enemy – for if you love your enemy,
you do indeed hold Christ (S. 5.6).
Hilary of Poitiers (De Trinitate 5.19–20) makes Jacob an example to us
to help us in the struggle against the poisonous hissings of the serpent of
unbelief. Jacob prevails in wrestling with one who seems a human being,
but he eventually perceives it is God, receives God’s blessing and with this
vision of faith becomes Israel. Hilary hastens to explain that the weakness and
humanity of the supposed man with whom he struggled is no bar to his being
God. This is a ‘type’ anticipating truths taught by the apostles. He turns next
to the story of Jacob’s ladder, identifying the ladder as Christ, as the Gospel
36 P. E. 7.8.
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Traditions of exegesis
of John had done. The incarnation is what gives sense to these stories, and
Jacob becomes the type of a believer who responds to this human revelation
of God.
This example shows how christological readings that go beyond the simple
‘theophanic’ reference with which we began could grow out of the exemplary.
Ambrose provides another example. Characteristically he treats Jacob in an
exemplary way: in the De officiis he is described as a model of wisdom, who
saw God face to face and won a blessing, as well as an example of fortitude
in striving with God (1.120). In a sermon (Jacob and the Happy Life) which
specifically traces the lessons to be learned from Jacob’s life,37 he suggests that
‘to wrestle with God is to enter on the struggle for virtue, to contend with one
who is stronger and to become a better imitator of God than others are’. But,
he continues, it was ‘because Jacob’s faith and devotion were unconquerable’
that
the Lord revealed his hidden mysteries to him by touching the side of his
thigh. For it was by descent from him that the Lord Jesus was to be born of a
virgin, and Jesus would be neither unlike nor unequal to God. The numbness
in the side of Jacob’s thigh foreshadowed the cross of Christ who would bring
salvation to all men by spreading the forgiveness of sins throughout the whole
world and would give resurrection to the departed by the numbness . . . of
his own body.
The sun rising on ‘holy Jacob’ signifies ‘the saving cross of the Lord [which]
shone brightly on his lineage’; while ‘the Sun of Justice rises on the man who
recognises God, because He is Himself the Everlasting Light’.
Generally speaking, as here, the stranger is taken to be the ‘type’ of Christ,
Jacob standing for the believer; but Ambrose also took another approach
entirely – both here and in De officiis (1.120), he suggests we should imitate the
type of Christ in Jacob, linking the paralysing of the thigh with the passion,
the cross which achieved the future fellowship of human beings with the
angels, of which the ladder at Bethel was a sign. Heaven is open to virtue,
so we should follow the patriarchs, he concludes. Augustine, reverting to the
identification of Christ with the angel, provides another way of linking
the story with the passion (Civ. Dei 16.39): the fact that Jacob prevailed over the
angel represents the passion of Christ, depicting Christ as the ‘willing loser’,
who though he allows himself to be overcome and crucified, is yet the victor
over the powers of evil. This comment is intertwined among the usual points,
37 Ambrose, Seven Exegetical Sermons, trans. M. McHugh, Fathers of the Church 65 (Washington,
DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1972); see especially 2.7.30.
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giving them another dimension: Jacob receives a blessing from the angel he
defeated, implying that Christ blesses the human race which slew him; and,
as the name he is given means ‘seeing God’, so he receives in anticipation
the vision of God which is the reward for the saints at the end of the world.
This way of reading off truths from aspects of the narrative is reminiscent of
the kind of thing we have seen in John Chrysostom and associated with the
Antiochenes; clearly it was not simply a feature of their approach.
It is also clear now how typological and christological readings easily
encouraged the kind of allegory which linked meanings in the various details
of the narrative. Unlocking the text meant turning the key and finding the
whole mystery unveiled. Such interpretation also encouraged dispensational
reading, such as that of Augustine, who identifies Esau with the Jews and
Jacob/Israel with the church. Augustine’s pair of sermons on Jacob (5.4 and
5) dwells on the way the younger supersedes the elder: the law was given to
the Jews, but the law promises the kingdom, and so the blessing is taken from
Esau and given to Jacob. Esau’s hairiness is a sign of his sins; but the hair on
Jacob’s shoulders belongs to another – so the church, like Christ, bears the sins
of others. This general perspective is reinforced by the interpretation of many
details in the story. ‘Behold it is morning, let me go’ is expounded by reference
to the risen Christ telling Mary not to touch him, and Paul’s statement about
no longer knowing Christ according to the flesh: so the church finds spiritual
illumination by contrast with the darkness of night and carnality, the light of
truth and wisdom. But then we find a surprising twist, and a reminder that
Augustine was speaking in the context of the Donatist controversy. Jacob,
who represents the church, is not just blessed but limps. There are Christians
who live badly, and the touch of the Lord’s hand strikes as well as giving life.
Wheat and tares grow together until the final judgement. Conversely, in the
City of God, Jacob represents the Jewish people: the limp, and its outworking
in the food taboo, seemed to justify the suggestion that they were disabled
by their failure to accept Christ. Augustine (Civ. Dei 16.39)38 speaks of Jacob
as blessed and lame, blessed in those descendants who believed in Christ,
crippled in respect of those who did not believe. He quotes from the Psalms:
‘they limped away from their paths’ (LXX Ps. 18.45), referring it to the majority
of Jews. Christians thus become the true descendants of Israel, that is, the one
who saw the face of God in human form.
To turn from this to John Chrysostom is to find another way of
approach. None of the exegetical comments reviewed so far have come from
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