Townscape and Human Needs:

Urban Design Meets the People

Brian Goodey

Joint Centre for Urban Design, Oxford Brookes U.

Invited keynote lecture to the Asia Pacific International

Conference on Environment-Behaviour Studies, Famagusta,North

Cyprus, 7-9 :XII:2011

……………….

With the paper archaeology that comes from growing older in the

electronic age I find that I last wrote on this topic in 1975, so it is

clearly time for an update! In designing cities, and more especially

the appearance of parts of cities, where do human needs and the

quality of life fit?

So much has happened – personally, nationally, internationally -

in the ensuing period with such terms as globalism, sustainability

… even ‘democracy’ framing new understandings and

misunderstandings. 1975 marked almost the start of my family, a

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move to the same house on the same street where I now live, and a

long association with the Joint Centre for Urban Design at Oxford

Polytechnic., now Brookes University.

It was, and remains, essential to roam widely from the satisfying

cocoon that is Oxford, a city of ‘dreaming spires’ whose townscape

is part of world media iconography. Just as it has been essential to

recognize that Oxford is a ‘special’ place, designed and managed

by a unique set of, deeply entrenched, principles through the

actions and investments of an ancient university, so we must

always realize that its’ ‘townscape’ is in few ways typical of other

places.

1. What is Townscape?

Townscape is the three, and more, sensed experience of town or

city, at once a scenic backdrop or setting to human activity, a

prompt to memories, a stimulus to thinking forward, and a setting

for individual and group activity.

Although often taken to represent and reflect a select group of

aesthetic values (a message conveyed by Cullen (1961) in his

persisting text of the same name) townscape should not carry any

aesthetic or abstract notion of ‘quality’.

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Townscape is the sensed product of individual and group activity

in a shared built environment. Yes, it is the High Street in Oxford,

and Grand Canal in Venice, but equally and more to the point, it is

the suburban strip and the Edgelands (Farley & Roberts,2011). It

presents itself in an occupied square in the centre of Cairo, in the

burnt-out shops of post-riot London (Falk & Simmons,2011), and

indeed the shattered heart of Mistrata, each attesting to human

uses where aesthetics were not the highest priority.

These recent examples are now townscapes to be mended, tidied

or redeveloped, aesthetically or socially unacceptable, no longer

evidence of the harmonious context to which the majority and

especially the design professionals are presumed to aspire. But,

‘…conversations with users revealed that people do not

necessarily fixate on aesthetic touchstones when they try to relate

positively to why they enjoy places. Unlike professionals …the

everyday user viewed design quality as a backcloth, only

recognized or commenting on quality aspects when they were

underprovided. Another common thread was the widespread

appreciation of animated space’ (Pugalis, 2009, 283)

Trained, at least in part, to impose their sense of order, designers

have long implied that there are good and bad townscapes. For

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Cullen (1961, 7) the designed order was of loose fit parts with

theatrical purpose:

‘In fact there is an art of relationship just as there is an art of

architecture. Its purpose is to take all the elements that go to create

the environment: buildings, trees, nature, water, traffic,

advertisement and so on, and to have them together in such a way

that drama is released.’

Perhaps this was a positive 1960’s reaction to the modernist dogma

expressed by Le Corbusier (1925):

‘A Town is a tool. Towns no longer fulfill this function. They are

ineffectual; they use up our bodies, they thwart our souls. The lack

of order to be found everywhere in them offends us; their

degradation wounds our self-esteem and humiliates our sense of

dignity. They are not worthy of our age; they are no longer worthy

of us.’

Despite the mention of ‘souls’, Le Corbusier was little bothered by

those who experienced his cities, save to mould them in his image

of future man. His world was one in which the expert and

authority imposed standards on the city user.

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But although our architectural and townscape models have

usually been drawn from Europe, and especially from the

climatically endowed South, the major recent influences on

townscape and Urban Design (UD) have been from the USA, not

from historic absolutes or philosophical visions, but from the

cultural melting pot of a consumer society.

I value a brief summary on design by Raymond Loewy (1893-

1986), a lifetime product designer whose icons included the

Greyhound bus, the Coca-Cola bottle and Lucky Strike packets. To

him ‘good design keeps the users happy, the manufacturer in the

black and the aesthete unoffended’. This interpretation you may

think is a dumbing-down to keep the consumer, the

manufacturer/owner and the expert in the ring. In large part these

are the forces that direct design today.

Townscape may be ranked and evaluated, especially in the context

of conservation policies (see R.Shipley et.al. 2004: A. Reeve, B.

Goodey & R. Shipley 2007). For most it provides a backdrop to

assessment and scene setting. We develop our, often fairly instant,

decisions on the basis of what we see and experience. Our scale

may be simple – an axis between order and chaos, with a

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presumption that order and tidiness imply social concern and

aspiration.

Listen to this description of New Urbanism:

‘Couffignal’s main street, paralleling the beach, has the usual

bank,hotel,moving-picture theatre, and stores. But it differs from

most main streets of its size in that it is more carefully arranged

and preserved. There are trees and hedges and strips of lawn on it,

and no glaring signs. The buildings seem to belong beside one

another, as if they had been designed by the same architect, and in

the stores you will find goods of quality to match the best city

stores.’ (Hammett, 1925).

Florida’s Seaside, under the New Urbanist hands of Duany Plater-

Zyberk in 1980? No. Scene setting by the father of American hard-

boiled crime fiction, Dashiell Hammett (1894-1961) in the pulp-

fiction days of the 1920’s ;a quality townscape with implicit values

to be disturbed. Our understandings of townscape have always far

exceed the designed products on the ground. Our place experience

evokes, takes us to images remembered, and prompts linkages,

like meeting an old acquaintance:

‘Famagusta reminded me irresistibly of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer’s

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back lot at Culver City. There, under the high fog of the Pacific, one

used to wander between the facades of Romeo and Juliet’s Verona

into Tarzan’s jungle, and out again, through Bret Harte, into Harun

al-Rashid and Pride and Prejudice. Here, in Cyprus, the mingling of

styles and epochs is no less extravagant, and the sets are not merely

realistic – they are real. (Huxley, 1956 in 1960).

Another California link, the author Aldous Huxley (1894-1963)

embracing the townscapes of Famagusta, his references in the

1950’s, like ours increasingly today, the movies.

Since the 1920’s we have operated in multi-dimensional and multi-

sensory worlds where electronic media have complemented and

supplanted our direct experience of place. Townscape has been

available as a major source of inspiration and creativity,

professionals may seek to control it, but it continually leaks into the

daily experience of those who can manipulate the image, if not

control the substance.

2.Quality of Life

Definitional complexity increases a hundredfold. How do we define

and measure life quality? This is an area that has been hijacked by

the headline seekers. One city vies with another for the best quality

indices. International agencies report that a country has slipped in

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its quality of life ratings. The clear implication is that there are life

qualities that are essential, that they are in no way culture bound,

and that statistical aggregations should cause joy or depression for

those involved.

At this aggregate scale I am a quality of life cynic. I am viewing a

recent assessment of European countries (Uswitch, 2011) and find

the United Kingdom at the bottom of the list – income, working

hours, holidays, education and health spending are some key

variables.

It’s a limited vision perhaps, but my view of the quality of life

emphasises access through mobility and media, to essential matters

such as water, fuel and food and then the whole array of qualities

that encourage thought, stimulation, entertainment and sociability.

Such matters seldom seem to reach the Quality of Life indicators ,

being socially, locationally and culturally constrained, .A more

comprehensive approach might consider Donnison’s early thoughts

on ‘the good city’ (Donnison,1973) and I find Maslow’s concept of

human needs useful here.. How do we relate these to UD and the

resultant townscape?

3. Urban Design & Human Behaviour

The intrusion of the public, as thinking individuals, into the

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professional world of UD, is comparatively recent. Sharp's post-war

classic The Anatomy of the Village (1946) may have mentioned

psychology, but the approach was strictly in the tradition of plan

manipulation.

Something happened in the early 1960’s to introduce perceptions,

psychology and behaviour into the loose mix of skills which were to

add up to UD – specifically Cullen's Townscape (1961 and see

Gosling,1996), Jane Jacobs The Death and Life of the American City,

(1961) and especially, Kevin Lynch's The Image of the City (1960)

were all published. Three substantially different texts, but each

probing previously ignored areas - perception of urban aesthetics,

sociology and economics related to urban form, and popular

perceptions of the city. A planner, Lynch's pioneer work excited

most interest and has left a legacy of structuring devices (see

Goodey & Gold,1987 and Bannerjee & Southworth,1990). Their

approaches were applied to the mid 20th century city where:

‘Urban design is part of the larger process of city building, urban

planning, or whatever an appropriate title might be. The process is a

never-ending, constantly changing one, and reflects the continued

change in our social institutions and technological state; the way in

which we behave in, and react to, our environment ; and our

relationships to one another’ (Hoppenfeld, 1962, 3)

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In this complex and ever-changing context, one of the seeming

inevitabilities of some fifty years of UD is that it takes a

deterministic stance with regard to human behaviour. We seek

research evidence to inform our designs, are encouraged to people

the places we are involved in as we design, consult widely and, too

often, promote our designs in terms which predict an improvement

in the human condition through the manipulation of urban form.

The growth in deterministic solutions to physical and social

problems was marked by the defensible space research of Newman

(1972) and Coleman (1984). Walls, barriers, control, surveillance and

monitoring devices were accepted by the professions that mattered

(including the police) and by an increasingly atomised public as the

price to be paid for living in urban areas. The majority of UD

interventions are not undertaken by the design professions, but by

engineers and managers intent on protecting property, or the

person, through devices which reduce the immediate problem,

whilst often diverting it elsewhere.

When determinism developed through German and French

geography at the beginning of the last century, the dangers of

restricting judgements on the basis of physical form soon became

evident and were countered by the proposals for possibilism which

suggested that each physical context presented a number of

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possibilities, mediated through social and psychological factors.

Possiblism thrives on alternatives and options, on human creativity,

on flexibility and on the less than obvious economic decisions. After

a period when the initial sensitivity of UD has evolved into

deterministic, pattern-book, masterplans we need to consider

possibly in UD, with spaces and places designed to allow for

manipulation, occupation and evolution through activity over time (

see Donnelly,1975).. In my experience, this flexibility, this 'loose fit',

is neither being pursued nor taught sufficiently. Yet, I would

suggest, it is the only option for an imprecise art which can never

prescribe for all current user profiles, let alone those of the future.

4. Human Needs

Regardless of affluence, electronic communication, the pace of life

and the merging of town and countryside, regardless of the ebb and

flow of community, or of urban and national identity, a set of

human needs, related closely to our physical and psychological

well-being, survive. Many of you will know these from Abraham

Maslow's 'Hierarchy' (1943) which still provides a useful; starting

point.

Working from these, I propose a list of key factors which should be

considered in any UD scheme, for which guidelines might be

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produced, but which are essentially clues to set alongside the

physical analysis of an area.

They all refer to the complexities of a local resident, user and visitor

population and will be prioritised differently depending on age,

family position, gender, cultural background, mobility and life-style.

Clearly we can never consult a local resident population in sufficient

detail, or contact the undetermined future users sufficiently to

obtain precise evidence. But we keep our minds open, read and

observe where we are able, and retain possibilities in what we

design and manage.

There may well be a new hierarchy here, but as with Maslow's list,

the absence of adequate food or shelter (at the top of his list) does

not preclude a concern for the aesthetic (at the bottom):

4.1. Physical Safety

A place should be free from threat, of tripping, traffic, and mugging

both day and night. There are limits to what physical design, even

with the ubiquitous CCTV, can achieve here without management

and staffing, but even tripping and traffic issues are often outside a

recognised UD brief.

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4.2. Freedom from Intimidation

Different forms of intimidation for different groups. Some security

measures intimidate most users, others only a few. The presence of

men in certain positions and postures intimidate single women.

Teenagers intimidate the elderly, who are also threatened by speed

and the pace of physical change. There is important evidence with

regard to the dimensions of spaces and visibility (as in Burgess,

1995), and for public information on future change here. Attention to

‘space orchestration’, surely at the root of UD, is essential here.

4.3. Personal Comfort

Here is an issue which few urban designers are happy to recognise.

Being committed to traditional’ town centres, I spent a day split

between the Trafford Centre and Central Manchester. In the latter it

was raining, there were puddles; traffic, and construction noise,

people bustled, wrapped against the weather. In the Trafford Centre

the pace was more regulated, strolling, the clothes were lighter; the

faces brighter, people were comfortable. What the malls offer is a

level of basic physical and psychological comfort which is largely

unpredictable in traditional urban centres.

Yes, there may have been cafe tables in Copenhagen winters for

thirty years. Yes, I may have eaten (and been legally required to

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smoke) outside a London pub in February with a heat blower at my

back. Until we begin to recognise the basic comforts provided in the

majority of malls, our fight for the shared vitality of urban centres

will be in vain.

4.4. Space of One's Own

Space/time of one's own, in work, leisure, and living, not always

achievable in the home, or accessible in terms of the expected green,

leisure space. Key ingredients are calm, quiet and a focus for

contemplation. Churches, galleries, libraries and historic buildings

are increasingly expected to pay for themselves with structured

activity, rather than calm. Because of our emphasis on the expected

democratic product of gathering we have hardly begun to look

again at rest and calm.

4.5. Spaces to Meet Others

The reverse. UD truly believes that it provides and maintains such

spaces, but does it? How many new spaces include a focus where

people can arrange to meet? And what if those 'people' are youths,

to be moved on, protestors who want to stay, or the elderly who find

no two seats facing?

We all need to meet others at a variety of levels, at very least for self-

validation through a glance, at most for an encounter which cannot

14
take place elsewhere. Do we really consider what 'meeting' means?

4.6. Ease of Access to Needs

Safer territory here, perhaps. The urban system should allow easy

access to sustenance, services, and to aesthetic stimulation, however

defined. We at least talk about pedestrian access, permeability, local

services and public transport. But many parts of the system - retail

activity, transport routes and interchanges – and have seemed

largely outside the UD remit. We can design a corner shop. but can

we activate it?

4.7. Opportunities for Personal Growth

Fundamental to our support for UD is that by coming together in

urban places we generate a synergy which enhances both personal

lives and our culture. Mumford, Lynch and many other writers have

endorsed the city as a 'learning experience'. New images,

commodities, sounds, refreshments, jokes and expressions may now

leap through the electronic media, but they find their feet in the city.

Only the density of urban users justifies experiment, display, even

validation of our own styles and ideas. UD must find room for

novelty, for experiment, for the innovation against all odds, for

glorious - but evaluated - failure. The designer, user and viewer all

benefit from such experiences.

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4.8. Temporal and Spatial Variety

This personal growth comes, in part, from the juxtaposition of

opposites which can occur in urban areas - if not designed out. On

foot, in a day, there should be affluence and poverty, design

experiment and heritage, the international and the local, the loud

and the quiet, the threatening and the calm. Only by experiencing

one, can we recognise the other.

'Our spatial environment is not only a product of thought, it

augments our thought processes. We use space to make us smarter.'

(Anders, 1998)

4.9. Shared Symbols of Identity

The need to belong. The land surface is finite, mobility will be

increasingly conditioned by fossil and human energy, A sense of

community, however defined, seems an essential human need, if

only to be able to validate one's presentation and perspective with

others of like mind or location. Local, regional and national cultures

may have changed - losing the comfortable imagery of pre-

industrial or industrial traditions - but new cultural elements are

quickly established in language, aesthetic taste and life style. How

can UD interventions enhance or materialise current cultural

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concerns? Is the ubiquitous 'public art' the only answer?

Can we rely on artists, alone, to divine or display those shared

symbols?

4.10. Personal Presence of Otherness

No, not an invitation to aggregate beliefs in a non-religious age, but

something which is as intangible, and practically impossible to

design for. My presence in, and identification of, a place relies, in

part, on my knowledge (however imperfect) of other places, real and

imagined. I rate my decision to be here on what is there, on what is

better or worse, on what to avoid or aspire to. This may not be a

residential or retail decision, but just a set of ill-formed images

which help hold me fast.

Thus each Urban Designer is not only designing for a place, but is

seeking to modify this ephemeral geography held by countless

others elsewhere. Can this fleeting quality of life be taken into

account in the design process?

5. Life Quality in the New Townscape

Let me conclude by focusing on three key areas where we have

knowledge, where UD claims to play a part, but where our full

potential is, as yet, unrealised - safety, comfort and access.

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5.1. Safety

More traffic, less local concern for place condition, a failure of the

bond between excess and regulation are all contributory factors, as

is a superficial liberalism in political life which lacks the will to

deliver solutions.

As urban designers we should be concerned that our efforts to

generate open public spaces are immediately compromised by

repressive physical security measures. But the real battle is for civic

education, a broader validation of personal roles and recognition

that urban places, though designed by urban designers, are

perceived as being inadequately managed by public authorities. It is

the local taxation system, the increasing irrelevance of local political

representation, and the lack of place commitment by officers which

is at the heart of the problem.

Nationally it is the media which headline events - child abduction,

accidents, and muggings - to a level where fear becomes general and

is then preyed on by manufacturers of security hardware. Though

totally without the subject, these are the real urban designers now.

With a primary generation driven to school, it may take twenty or

thirty years before any effective environmental awareness is re-

established.

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5.2. Comfort

We all know when we are comfortable, a quality of life made up of

physical sensations. To sublimate what our bodies tell us, or to

hypocritically drive to the mall then advocate town centres is

wrong. Yes, there are those who cannot access the malls, but they are

seldom also practising or evangelistic urban designers.

We can make our town centres more comfortable. More shelter,

more heating systems, more friendly transport interchanges, more

resting places, even a more carefully managed mix of retail and

service outlets. Roofed streets - already in Vienna and in Sweden -

and skywalks - evident in North American 'winter cities' - may be

inevitable if we want to keep the retail, rather than the heritage,

image of our centres alive. But it is effective, friendly, public

transport which will help us turn the corner.

5.3. Access

Here personal welfare and public transport are the key elements.

With an ageing population, reduced personal circumstances and

more people taking on the travel/cost equation there will be more

demand for local services, not entirely to be met in the next twenty

years by electronic shopping.

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6. Conclusions

On paper, at least, it is here that the urban designer can make a

mark - community, mixed-use, compact settlements all suggest a

suitably deterministic solution to urban expansion and

intensification. But too often it is the traffic engineer, the transport

operator, the retailer and the advertiser that make the real

difference.

There has never been a period in the past when the dominant UD

interventions in any culture were guided by the clearly stated

conclusions of studies into human behaviour in, or aspirations for,

such spaces.

Whilst we can identify specific studies which, through their

timeliness or promotion, had a significant impact on aspects of UD

most behavioural or psychological research has only glanced off the

UD process. An exception may be the small number of, largely

unpublished, evaluative or site specific studies undertaken for

developers, professional interest groups or academic institutions.

Still, in our hearts we often feel that there must be findings which

will inform our designs, although too often we then ignore such

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basic feelings in delivering a scheme informed as much by ideology

as observed, or experienced, evidence.

It is the problem of ideology and patterned solutions within

governments and professions that continually diverts attention from

the urban experience, from users responding to, and being heard in

their interaction with townscape. The past twenty years in the U.K.

have seen a wholesale adoption of simplistic urban design principles

developed in academe and translated into the reports of advisory

bodies and government. ‘Do this and there will be positive results.’

But the simplification and the ability of society and place to change

suggest otherwise. Now, despite the unpropitious economic

circumstances we have another chance. Break through the

masterplans and decorative townscape solutions and consider,

again, how people use their cities through time

Piecemeal, subtle, individual changes to townscape are usually

indicators of change in the local relationship between culture (s) and

economic circumstance. In her essential reconsideration of change in

Jane Jacob’s New York, Zukin (2010) makes the case for authenticity

in place, and the role of bottom-up co-operative initiatives. Profit

making and place making are not mutually exclusive if change is

rooted in a discernable local area with participation by members of

two or three generations. (see Roszak, 2009 for the grey potential). In

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his research into the fractal analysis of townscape my colleague Jon

Cooper is on the edge of some very interesting findings with regard

to culture and townscape preference, findings which once and for all

may establish that different cultures and societies at different stages

of development have very different preferences.

Again, it’s time to recognise that the simple perimeter block UD

masterplan solution may offer security and public/private space

separation, but at the price of imposed inflexibility (see Theunissen,

2006). Time to take on board the realities of the evolving, rather than

the end-state, city (Porya & Romice, 2010) and a newer, less certain

but less doctrinaire, phase of UD may be to hand.

UD must thrive on diversity and creativity, generating possible

rather than deterministic, places. It requires practitioners who treat

any checklist with scepticism, relying on personal experience,

observation, and the desire to help shape the urban future, but most

important, an honest appraisal of why and how they establish their

knowledge and judgements of the public they serve.

Townscape will persist in all its forms. It will inspire, depress,

provoke and enchant as shared evidence of our physical and mental

contribution. Likewise we will gauge daily our quality of life,

tempering both our cultural demands and lifestyle expectations. The

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challenge for the urban designer is to engage in more than a

patterned and fixed response to such complexity, to ‘accept that

urban design is not a job for a few narrow specialists, but that it is a

cultural process in which you can have a genuine part to play.’

(Murray, 1997, 21)

This conference and the novel townscape setting in which we find

ourselves are very much part of this cultural process that we can

share. Rarely in this competitive academic world, there is a chance

to view our context, and to respond to the townscapes that we are

offered.

…………

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