Johnson1993 Application of The Tourism Life Cycle

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Application of the tourism life cycle

concept in the greater Yellowstone
region
a b
Jerry D. Johnson & David J. Snepenger
a
Department of Political Science , Montana State
University , Bozeman, MT, 59717
b
College of Business , Montana State University , Bozeman,
MT, 59717
Published online: 21 Nov 2008.
To cite this article: Jerry D. Johnson & David J. Snepenger (1993) Application of the tourism
life cycle concept in the greater Yellowstone region, Society & Natural Resources: An
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Application of the Tourism Life Cycle Concept

in the Greater Yellowstone Region
JERRY D. JOHNSON
Department of Political Science
Montana State University
Bozeman, MT 59717
DAVID J. SNEPENGER
College of Business
Montana State University
Bozeman, MT 59717
Abstract Tourism development in the greater Yellowstone region is examined using

the tourism life cycle concept. This concept postulates that, over time, tourism desti-
nations experience known and ordered stages of development. The stages include
exploration, involvement, development, consolidation, stagnation, and then a series
of choices ranging from rejuvenating to decline. Few empirical assessments of the
tourism life cycle concept exist for federally managed resources. Four dimensions
provided data for monitoring the tourism life cycle. They are visitation trends, growth
of the service economy in the region, host residents' perceptions of current tourism
development, and current biological indicators of the ecosystem. These four sources
of information indicate that tourism development in the greater Yellowstone region is
more intricate than the life cycle concept would suggest. The information reveals that
development is not at a specific stage in the cycle. Development and its attendant
impacts on the resource are uneven with local residents, the business community, and
visitors exhibiting development stage characteristics and the biological indicators
suggesting the region is in the consolidation stage. Policy implications for future
management of tourism development in the greater Yellowstone region are discussed,
along with a commentary on the methodology needed to assess development using the
tourism area life cycle concept.
Keywords Tourism life cycle, rural economic development, tourism, greater Yel-
lowstone ecosystem, Yellowstone National Park, ecosystem management.
The region known as the greater Yellowstone ecosystem incorporates Yellowstone Na-
tional Park, Grand Teton National Park, and a complex network of state public and
private lands located in three states (Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming). The region is
identified as a scientific construct based largely on the borders of grizzly bear habitat,
and includes perhaps the largest intact ecosystem in the world's temperate zone (Con-
gressional Research Service, 1987; Craighead, 1979; Keiter, 1989). Comprehensive
management of tourism activities in the greater Yellowstone region is formidable. The
number and diversity of tourists; suppliers of tourism experiences; the nature of the host
Received 12 May 1992; accepted 12 October 1992.
127
128 J. D. Johnson and D. J. Snepenger
communities; the overlapping jurisdictions of local, state, and federal agencies; and the
disparate ecological resources of the region all contribute to the difficulties of protecting
ecosystem sustainability.
The Tourism Destination Life Cycle
This article examines the impacts of tourism activities within the greater Yellowstone
region utilizing the tourism destination life cycle model developed by Butler (1980).
Butler's (1980) conceptualization of the destination life cycle suggested that tourism
planning of any attraction or resource cannot be viewed as static. The tourism destina-
tion life cycle hypothesizes that, over time, destinations experience known and ordered
stages. He stated, "The classic, well-established tourist areas of the world . . . fre-
quently reveal evidence of having passed through all of the postulated stages" (Butler,
1980, p. 11). The postulated stages include: exploration, involvement, development,
consolidation, stagnation, and then a series of choices ranging from rejuvenating to
decline (Butler, 1980; Crompton, Reid, and Uysal, 1987; Haywood, 1986; Martin and
Uysal, 1990; Plog, 1974). The tourism destination life cycle is illustrated in Figure 1.
A brief explanation of the stages of the tourism life cycle follows. Exploration, the
earliest stage, has few tourists of nonlocal origin who are served by local facilities. The
level of visitation has no effect on the social and cultural milieu of the area. During the
involvement stage, there is increased visitation to the area and some local promotion.
The community is beginning to adapt to the tourist trade through minimal planning
efforts, and a true tourist season is being identified.
B
STAGNATION STAGE '
CRITICAL RANGE OF ^ X REJUVENATION STAGE

ELEMENTS OF CAPACITY / V V V -' D
CONSOLIDATION STAGE ' ' ' ' • B

Biological Component
DEVELOPMENT STAGE
Visitor Component
Supplier Component
Host Component
INVOLVEMENT STAGE
EXPLORATION STAGE
Figure 1. Stages of tourism attraction life cycle and placement of greater Yellowstone region
tourism system components. Adapted from Butler, 1980.
Yellowstone Tourism 129
The development stage is identified by a well-defined tourist market and a peak

season for visitation. Heavy advertising targets visitors to the destination from large
urban areas. Imported labor and services staff the elaborate and up-to-date facilities. As
the attraction declines in popularity and the rate of increase of visitation falls, the attrac-
tion enters the consolidation stage. At this point, there are efforts to extend the tourist
season for the now well-defined tourist resort area. Tourist spending is a major part of
the local/regional economy, and there is some degree of antitourist sentiment as negative
effects of tourism are perceived in the community. Some limits may be recognized in
terms of carrying capacity or what Butler (1980) called the "Critical Range of Elements
of Capacity."
When the attraction has entered the stagnation stage of the life cycle, it is within the
limits of carrying capacity of the resource. The attraction is no longer fashionable to
visit, and significant social, environmental, and economic impacts to the local commu-
nity are visible. The development of artificial tourist attractions now supersedes the
natural attraction and visitation to the area has peaked. Convention traffic accounts for
much of the activity as well as repeat visitation.
During the decline stage, the area cannot compete with other attractions, there is
high property turnover, and many tourist facilities are replaced with nontourist facilities.
There is a possible complete loss of touristic attraction for the area except for day
visitors and some weekend traffic. Butler (1980) suggested there can be a rejuvenation
stage if the attraction managers can identify a new attraction or repackage the existing
resource. The addition of a new presentation can enable the area to reenter the cycle at
some stage and renew the tourist economy.
It should be stressed that the concept of the tourism life cycle is conceptual in
nature. Although the theoretical foundation for the development of a tourism area over
time has been articulated by Butler (1980) and others for more than 30 years, investiga-
tors have not clearly operationalized variables that would pinpoint stages of the life
cycle. Much discussion is anecdotal in nature. One notable exception is Choy (1992) in a
study of tourism destinations in the Pacific Islands. Visitation rates to several destination
islands were used to identify three alternative destination life cycles. The article empha-
sized alternative life cycle curves, rather than articulating specific stages of development
of a tourism area. Choy (1992) suggested, however, that the S-shaped curve is the most
applicable to describing the tourism product life cycle.
The common conception or misconception of the cycle has been, to date, to view the
attraction as a whole operating within a narrow range of the life cycle curve. Following
Martin and Uysal (1990), the attraction may be more effectively understood as a system
of tourism components operating concurrently at several points along the curve at any
given moment. The researchers also suggested that each component possesses a carrying
capacity threshold that, if exceeded, will define the decline stage in the life cycle of the
destination. The point exceeding the carrying capacity will be different depending on
what component of the resource is examined.
Several authors have developed various notions of carrying capacity for tourism
areas. Havinen (1982) and Mathieson and Wall (1982) defined carrying capacity in
terms of the maximum number of visitors that can be tolerated without causing excessive
environmental degeneration or diminished visitor experience. O'Reilly (1986) and
Mathieson and Wall (1982) considered that visitation carrying capacity is reached when,
in addition to environmental degradation, it negatively affects the host population. Other
discussions of carrying capacity have focused on the environmental resource and its
ability to tolerate visitation (Shelby and Heberlein, 1986; Wagar, 1964). These studies
argued that biological definitions of carrying capacity are not sufficient for determining
the correct level of recreational use of an area, rather societal values dictate the thresh-
olds of carrying capacity (Schreyer, 1979). Stankey, McCool, and Stokes (1984) ex-
pressed this indeterminate condition of carrying capacity in terms of Limits of Accept-
able Change (LAC): "LAC involves identifying desired social and resource conditions
[then] management is oriented toward maintaining or restoring those conditions" (p.
195). Finally, Martin and Uysal (1990) suggested, "If the concept of carrying capacity
for tourist areas is ever to become a useful one, then it needs to be considered from a
more comprehensive viewpoint" (p. 329). They suggested the life cycle concept may be
a useful model for managing for "total carrying capacity."
Both Wall (1983) and Haywood (1986) pointed out that the life cycle model has
limitations as a policy planning tool. However, the conceptual power of envisioning
several interactive components of a tourism system at various points of development
make it a useful framework for model building and research.
Monitoring the Tourism Destination Life Cycle

Building on Butler's (1980) conceptualization, Martin and Uysal's (1980) idea of several
components composing the tourism system, and Choy's (1992) initial empirical opera-
tionalization of the tourism life cycle, several indicators were employed to monitor
tourism development in the greater Yellowstone region. These indicators provide infor-
mation on several components of a tourism system including demand, supply, and setting
(Gunn, 1988).
The components were selected to represent the dimensions of a traditional market
structure. Supply and demand are integral parts of all traditional economic relationships;
they also are well represented in the tourism literature (Chow, 1988; Davis, Allen, and
Cosenza, 1988; Deaton and Muellbauer, 1980; Duffield, 1982; Eadington and Redman,
1991). Demand is reflected by visitation to Yellowstone National Park and consumption
levels of tourism services in the 20 counties comprising the greater Yellowstone area. In
addition, tourist expenditures of selected activities also are utilized. Visitor types are
delineated by examining visitor survey data after the large forest fires of 1988 in the
park and surrounding lands. Tourism supply is identified here as those actors in the
system who are direct suppliers of tourism services. The indicators are tourist sectors
earnings based on Bureau of Economic Analysis data.
The setting for the tourism economy in the greater Yellowstone region is placed in
the context of the host residents of the communities of the region and the environmental
dimension. Identification of host resident perceptions is critical, because any policy
aimed at increasing the incidence of tourist visits or at mitigating the negative effects of
tourism must include those who are expected to work, invest, and live in the local tourist
economy (Gunn, 1988). A survey of host residents' perceptions of current tourism
development was conducted and is used as the indicator of that component.
Yellowstone National Park, Grand Teton National Park, and the surrounding na-
tional forests of the area are considered to be an intact biological ecosystem. The spec-
tacular nature of the parks and forest lands is the primary motivation for tourist visita-
tion. Chase (1986) suggested some degree of environmental degradation of Yellowstone
National Park is due to increased tourism. Because the natural ecological and biological
features of the area are what compel visitation to the greater Yellowstone region, it is
critical to understand what environmental impacts, if any, tourism has on the parks and
surrounding land. A selection of current biological signals within the ecosystem are
utilized as indicators within the biological component. Table 1 identifies the system
component, indicators of the component, the years monitored, and data sources for
each.
In an effort to compare changes over time, a more effective view of tourism devel-
opment is provided by longitudinal data (Land, 1983). Note that some of the indicators
are cross-sectional, whereas others are longitudinal. Krugman (1973) and Snepenger and
Ditton (1985) proposed that past survey data and reports may "hold hidden social indica-
tors which might provide insight into behavioral trends" (Snepenger and Ditton, 1985,
p. 300). Following their logic, trends in economic activity, visitation trends, and histori-
cal trends inferred from management documents serve as valuable indicators of tourism
trends in the greater Yellowstone region. Combined together, these data offer a compos-
ite of the tourism activity within the greater Yellowstone region. In addition, other
qualitative data were utilized to capture the macro shifts within the regional tourism
system. For instance, conflicts over statewide wilderness debates in Montana and Idaho,
public policy debates over planning and zoning, and limits of growth within the gateway
communities offer rich insights.
Findings
Visitors
Visitation as a measure of development of a tourism resource is a common measure of

demand and is central to conceptualizing the life cycle model (Butler, 1980; Choy, 1992;
Martin and Uysal, 1990; Mings and McHugh, 1992). Visitation to the greater Yellow-
stone region has increased steadily since 1971. Figure 2 presents a trend analysis of the
rate of growth for the last 20 years. Declines in visitation were due to two oil shocks and
resulting energy crises in the 1970s and the forest fires of 1988.
In addition to visitor counts, the life cycle theory postulates that tourist types will
change systematically over time. Plog (1974) theorized three types of visitors to attrac-
tions: allocentric, midcentric, and psychocentric. These are outlined in Table 2. Note
that allocentrics are more likely to characterize visitor populations during the initial
stages of the life cycle. Later midcentrics will populate the destination throughout the
development stage; and, finally, psychocentrics will characterize the visitor profile dur-
ing the consolidation/stagnation stage (Butler, 1980; Gunn, 1988).
The importance of such a tourist profile is significant if one places the effects of
tourism into the natural setting of Yellowstone Park as mandated by the Organic Act of
1916. The National Park Service (NPS) Organic Act of 1916 states, in part, that the
mission of the NPS is to "promote and regulate the . . . national parks . . . by such
means and measures as to . . . conserve . . . the natural and historic objects and the
wildlife therein and to provide for the enjoyment of the same in such a manner and by
such means as will leave them unimpaired for the enjoyment of future generations" (16
U.S. Code). Unresolved in the Act is the ambiguity between the "conserve and protect"
and the "provide for the enjoyment" clauses. In short, the statute can and has been
interpreted to support both a "natural management" philosophy for the parks and com-
mercial development. Further amendments in 1970 did little to ameliorate the issue. To
date, little study has been done regarding the motivations, satisfaction, or even basic
demographic and socioeconomic information of park visitors (Mings and McHugh,
Table 1
Components, Indicators, and Measures of the Tourism System in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem
System Measurement
Component Indicator (Year/Type) Source
Visitors (demand) Visitation rates 1970-1990 Yellowstone National Park

Overnight stays 1970-1990
Suppliers of tourist Tourist service income 1970-1990 Bureau of Economic
services (supply) (SIC 581, 701-704, Analysis
s 791-799)
Montana Bed Tax 1989-1990 Montana Department of
Revenue Commerce
Host community residents Host resident perceptions 1987 Original survey data
(setting) of the economic, social,
and environmental
impacts of tourism
Environmental (setting) Human-Grizzly 1987 Congressional Research
confrontations Service
Fisherman user days 1990 National Park Service
Winter use plan 1990 National Park Service
Millions of Visitors
1971 1976 1981 1986 1991

Year
Figure 2. Visitation to Yellowstone National Park trend analysis: 1971-1991. Source: Yellow-
stone National Park, Visitors Services, 1992.
Table 2
Identification and Attraction Preferences of Tourist Types
Tourist Type Attraction Preference
Allocentric Nontouristy areas

Exotic/novel destination
Willing to travel (fly)
High activity level
Adequate hotel and food service
Midcentric Less adventuresome
Quasimainstream attractions
Psychocentric Mainstream, highly developed attractions
Destinations they can drive to
Familiar atmosphere
Tour packages
Low activity level
Source: Adapted from Plog (1974) and Gunn (1988).

1992; National Park Service, 1988; Snepenger and Karahan, 1990). Mings and McHugh
(1992) stated that most study has focused on occasional case studies, whereas surveys by
Machlis and Dolsen (1988) and Littlejohn, Dolsen, and Machlis (1988) have been pro-
duced to investigate and improve visitor services.
Mings and McHugh (1992) studied travel patterns of visitors to Yellowstone Na-
tional Park and provided valuable insights to traveler behavior. If the level of tourist
service consumption is considered in addition to the findings of Mings and McHugh
(1992), many recent visitors to Yellowstone National Park fall within the psychocentric
tourist category.
A variant of the visitor topology is suggested by examination of the impact on
visitation of the Yellowstone fires of 1988. Snepenger, Peterson, and Bench (1989) found
that the fires impacted future visitation of particular types of tourists. Based on inter-
views conducted both on and off site of the park, they found that the fires were consid-
ered an interesting ecological attraction by local and nonlocal visitors alike. Further,
local, frequent visitors to the park did not perceive those effects as positive for the
enjoyment of the park and its resources. Nonlocal, infrequent visitors believed the fires
were generally a positive ecological experience. Snepenger and Karahan (1990) reported
that curiosity about the fires was the third most mentioned reason for visiting Yellow-
stone after vacation and viewing nature. Frequent visitors were more likely to visit to
view the effects of the fires. Table 3 indicates the frequency of both types of visitors to
the park following the fires.
The previous discussion indicates that the fires have created an attraction that allo-
centric visitors find appealing. To understand the biological function of fire in natural
settings, the visitor must follow interpretative trails, visit museums, and be willing to
educate him- or herself about the role of fire in the Yellowstone region. The future
implications of visitation will be influenced, to a degree, on future changes in the park,
such as the wolf restoration program, the success of grizzly recovery programs (and
increased sightings that should result), and future natural disasters. These changes will
create shifting conceptualizations of the visitor on the life cycle curve. The role of
natural events serve as a rejuvenation function and will, over time, encourage continued
visitation by the adventuresome allocentric even though most visitors will be mid- or
psychocentrics.
A survey of issues facing the communities of the greater Yellowstone region would
identify a diverse range of potential problems associated to some degree with increased
tourism development. The increased demand for wilderness in the surrounding states, as
evidenced by the recent wilderness debates in Montana and Idaho, has attracted national
level debate and considerable statewide discussion. Part of the discussion is the recrea-
tional uses of roadless lands and whether they would be more effectively utilized under a
multiple-use forest plan. Increased commercial development in the communities, as indi-
cated by the growing economic effects of tourist service sectors, acts as a catalyst for
discussion of planning and zoning of business growth. In addition, limitations on growth
in some communities are discussed as subdivisions, driven in part by tourism, which
strain community water supplies. The Congressional Research Service (1987) docu-
mented an increased demand for camping spots and other forms of recreation throughout
the greater Yellowstone area. The report identified a range of real and potential issues
associated with increased recreation. The pressure of development of tourist services
will threaten natural resources as demands are met for the psychocentric tourist popula-
tion as opposed to the allocentric tourist. For instance, in the Yellowstone area, in
environmentally sensitive areas (e.g., around hot pots, eroded trails), there is a tendency
Table 3
Comparison of Infrequent and Frequent Visitors to Yellowstone
National Park on Fire Attitudes
Future Visitation
Infrequent Frequent
Attitude Statement (N = 41) (N •= 59) P
The fires are one of the most

exciting ecological events
of the century. 3.61 2.73 .000*
The recent fires have not

created a new attraction. 2.19 2.76 .021*
Driving through the park
would be horrifying. 2.02 2.51 .033*
Recreational activities are
not as inviting now. 2.63 3.39 .002*
I now pay more attention to
articles about national parks. 2.98 3.00 .925
Visiting the fire damage
contains educational value. 4.09 3.85 .136
Source: Snepenger, Peterson, and Bench (1989).

•Significant t test at alpha - .05.
to "harden" the attraction to accommodate increased and changing visitor use (Farrel
andRunyan, 1991; Sax, 1980).
In short, tourism use in the greater Yellowstone region continues to grow, as do real
and potential conflicts between visitors, park planners, community members, and the
wildlife (Mantell, 1990). From the point of view of steadily increasing visitation num-
bers, developing conflicts between tourists, and conflicts between tourists and the re-
sources within the park and surrounding area, the visitor dimension within the greater
Yellowstone tourism system is placed at the development stage of the life cycle curve in
Figure 1.
A traditional view of Butler's (1980) conceptualization of the tourist attraction life
cycle and Plog's (1974) model of tourist profiles suggests changing patterns of use and
development in Yellowstone. As the park ages and development seeks to address chang-
ing demands of the clientele, one should observe changing visitation patterns and rates,
and shifting patterns of utilization of resources. Instead, one observes visitation contin-
ually increasing and user groups of all types competing for recreational experiences.
Suppliers
Tourism in the Montana portion of the greater Yellowstone region, as measured by

lodging tax revenue, is growing at a rapid rate. When the rest of the state experienced
8% growth, the Yellowstone Country (a state-defined tourism region) experienced 16%

growth from 1989 to 1990 (Montana Department of Commerce, personal communica-
tion, 1991). In that same period, West Yellowstone, Montana, saw 38% growth in
lodging tax revenues. There has been no change in the rate of taxation. This growth is
happening at a time when tourism is growing at a rate of only about 4% nationwide
(Montana Department of Commerce, personal communication, 1991).
The economy of the greater Yellowstone area is changing. The traditional resource
economy is declining in importance, whereas the producer and consumer service sector
of the economy is exhibiting healthy growth (Power, 1991). Although industries such as
mining (including oil and gas) experienced negative growth ( - 6 0 % ) and manufacturing
grew at 32%, the combined local service sector experienced an average growth of 28%.
Services, as depicted in Table 4, are defined as in Rasker, Tirrell, and Kloepfer (1991)
and Power (1991). Tourist-related services are included in, but do not make up all of, the
local service sector. Table 4 illustrates growth for the 20 greater Yellowstone counties for
the years 1980 and 1989. A complete examination of the greater Yellowstone economy
can be found in Rasker et al. (1991) and Power (1991).
The impact from this activity is most easily seen in economic terms. Recent total
economic values for several hunting and fishing activities are shown in Table 5. Other
economic data for the last two decades indicates a continued growth trend. Tourism
services income for the 20 counties of the greater Yellowstone region from eating and
drinking establishments, hotels and lodging establishments, and amusements and recre-
ation establishments is presented in Figure 3. If the effects of the large forest fires of
1988 are discounted, the growth trend is continually upward. Indeed, the rate of growth
after the fires shows rapid recovery from the sharp decline in 1988.
The current condition throughout the region is characterized by continued identifica-
tion and exploitation of market niches in the tourism economy. West Yellowstone, Mon-
tana, is considering expanding the borders of the town to include a 90-acre combination
IMAX theater, grizzly bear park, and hotel accommodation. Jackson, Wyoming, has
been forced to place a moratorium on growth until its city plan can adapt to the increas-
ing demand. Other cities and towns also are expanding their business sectors.
The suppliers of touristic services are at the development stage of the life cycle
curve in Figure 1. Growth of the tourist service business sector continues to be in a
growth phase, and data indicate the trend will continue for the near future as the market
expands and opportunities are identified. Related to the growth of the local economy is
the issue of growth of new businesses and inmigration to the area. As the population of
the region continues to increase, we expect more entrepreneurial activity and more
locally owned businesses (Rasker et al., 1991; Power, 1991), but not all will be tourism
businesses. Johnson and Rasker (1992) suggested much of the business growth in the
region is because the quality of life acts as an attractant to businesses that are willing and
capable of moving to rural America to live and do business. The growth of such locally
owned businesses contributes to a diversified regional economy.
Hosts
The following discussion examines data from a survey conducted in the Montana portion
of the greater Yellowstone. It investigated three tourism impact areas: the perceived
economic effects of tourism, the perceived social effects of tourism, and the perceived
environmental effects of tourism. (An in-depth review of the current tourism impact
literature can be found in Var and Kim, 1989.) The sample for the discussion was drawn
Table 4
Profile of Businesses in the 20 Counties of the Greater Yellowstone
by Standardized Industrial Classification Categories
Numbers of Businesses
1980 1989 % Change
Classification Category
Unclassified establishments 464 810 74
Agricultural services, forestry,
fishery, and other 72 137 90
Mining (including oil and gas) 279 109 -60

Construction 891 955 7
Manufacturing and wood products 376 499 32
Transportation and public utilities 348 452 29
Wholesale trade 582 620 6
Total 3012 3582 18
Local Service Sector

Retail trade 2200 2538 15
Finance, insurance, real estate 565 630 11
Producer and consumer services 1990 3037 52
Total 7585 9725 28
Source: Bureau of the Census (1991).
from a 1987 survey of the five largest tourism counties in Montana as measured by
tourism tax revenues (i.e., bed tax; Snepenger and Johnson, 1991). The data under
discussion include the towns of West Yellowstone, Gallatin Gateway, and Bozeman. All
lie within Gallatin County, Montana. Socioeconomic and demographic characteristics of
the sample suggest the region under discussion is characteristic of the greater Yellow-
stone region (Jobes, 1991). Results presented in Table 6 indicate overall agreement with
questions concerning the perceived economic benefits of tourism.
An interesting observation from the previous data is that, although strong positive
Table5
Total Economic Impacts of Selected Tourist Expenditures
Location Category Expenditure
Jackson Hole, Wyoming Nonresident fishing $6.8 mil (1985)

Madison River, Montana Nonresident fishing $8.1 mil (1987)
Montana (state) Total elk hunt $15.2 mil (1987)
Yellowstone Park Total fishing value $67.3 mil (1989)
Source: Phillips (1987), Duffield (1988), and Jones (1988).
1970 1975 1980 1985 1990

YEARS
AMUSEMENTS/REC HOTELS/LODGING EATING/DRINKING
Figure 3. Tourism services income (1970-1990) in greater Yellowstone ecosystem. Source: Yel-
lowstone National Park, Visitors Services, 1992.
economic effects are perceived locally in terms of job creation and investment, the
overall standard of living in the area is not perceived to have increased very much due to
tourism. This suggests that the economic benefits of tourism are not shared equally. This
finding for the greater Yellowstone region is consistent with similar studies conducted
elsewhere in underdeveloped economies (Cater, 1988; Eadington and Redman, 1991;
Summary, 1987).
In terms of social impacts, the local attitudes toward tourism are also favorable.
Table 7 indicates there are few, if any, perceived significant social costs associated with
the tourist industry in the region.
As revealed in Table 8, residents perceive little environmental impact as a result of
tourism, but see some environmental good produced by visitors to the region.
Finally, respondents were asked to consider all the economic social, and environ-
Table6
Perceived Economic Impacts from Tourism
Statement % Agree
Positive
Provides more jobs 60.6
Attracts more investment and spending 68.7
Increases the standard of living 29.3
Negative
Causes increase of goods and service 25.3
Table 7
Perceived Social Impacts from Tourism
Statement % Agree
Positive
Meeting tourists is a valuable experience 91.0
Tourism encourages cultural activities 91.9
Tourism encourages cultural exchange that gives a better
understanding of the world 83.8
Negative
Local residents suffer from living in a summer tourism area 27.3
Tourists are inconsiderate to local residents 28.3
mental impacts of tourism. They agreed that overall the benefits to the region were
greater than the costs of summer tourism (86.8%). In reference to the life cycle thesis,
for the host population of the greater Yellowstone, the region is perceived to lie in the
development stage as described by Butler (1980) in Figure 1. Further, there are contin-
ued efforts to expand the summer and winter tourist seasons.
Several other factors that impinge on host residents are worthy of discussion. Some
tourism scholars have suggested that residents' attitudes toward tourism may be related
directly to the degree or stage of tourism development within the host community (Al-
len, Long, and Perdue, 1988; Butler, 1980; Cooke, 1982; Doxey, 1975; Getz, 1983;
Haywood, 1986). These studies suggest there may be an apparent "tourism backlash"
when a significant percentage of the local economy is dependent on tourism. As the
greater Yellowstone region moves away from dependence on traditional extractive indus-
tries, as Rasker et al. (1991) suggested it is, there is a chance the future economy of the
region will become dependent on tourism and its related service components as a domi-
nant primary industry. The effects of that dependence are well documented in less diver-
sified economies (de Kadt, 1979), and particularly those almost wholly dependent on the
tourist economy (Kariel, 1989). One may ask what happens if the local economy be-
Table8
Perceived Environmental Impacts from Tourism
Statement % Agree
Positive
There are more parks and recreational facilities 77.7
Tourism does not contribute to a decline in the ecological
environment of the area 52.5
Because of tourism, roads and other public facilities are
kept at a high standard 38.4
Negative
Tourism results in overcrowded lakes, trails, and parks 34.3
Tourism adds to traffic problems 52.5
comes dependent on tourism as the economic base. If the current state of knowledge is
valid, one can expect some degree of tourism backlash in the communities of the greater
Yellowstone region as residents' perceptions of tourism change.
Other issues related to economic and social impacts can intrude on the life cycle.
Fleming and Toepper (1990) suggested there are indirect costs, such as higher school
dropout rates when students take jobs in the tourism industry, higher drug use associated
with tourism workers, and increased crime associated with victimizing wealthy tourists.
There is no evidence that these dynamics are happening in the greater Yellowstone
region. These problems may be more a function of growth in general, rather than
specific to a tourism economy. Such issues could, if they develop, influence the percep-
tions of the host residents regarding tourism.
Finally, the issue of casino gaming in Montana is a potential issue for the Yellow-
stone region. It is feared that expansion of this industry could change the social nature of
the area and attract some of the well-documented negative impacts of full-scale casino
gambling (Dombrink and Thompson, 1990; Gaming Advisory Council, 1988). Montana
has a well-developed gaming industry, and the last two legislative sessions have seen
continued interest in bringing full-scale casino gambling to the state (Johnson and
Thompson, 1991).
These dynamics of social change would suggest eventual movement of the social
system over time from the current development stage to the consolidation stage and
widiin the "critical range" as identified by Butler (1980). Policy implications of such
evolution will, at a minimum, demand more planning to offset future economic disrup-
tion and to maintain a vibrant and diversified local economy. Anticipation and further
study of the issues are critical if the negative social and economic impacts of tourism are
to be minimized. Although the host residents are still in the development stage, tourism
study provides some predictive capacity to foresee inevitable change conceptualized in
the life cycle thesis. For the host dimension, only a recognition of and commitment to
addressing the issues by community leaders and residents will accommodate those future
impacts and provide incentives for implementing community planning schemes.
The Biological Component

Walter (1982) suggested that, as a destination attracts increasing numbers of tourists,
they will begin to destroy that which they came to see. There is some evidence that the
public is placing increasing stresses on that integrity from a biological point of view.
This is a critical determinate because the dominant underlying thesis of management for
the greater Yellowstone area, at a regional or ecosystem level, is to ensure biological
integrity of the region.
Camping has increased since the surge of interest in outdoor recreation in the early
1970s. Public and private campground overnight stays in Yellowstone National Park
have experienced extensive growth as illustrated in Figure 4.
Martinka (1981) has shown a positive correlation between the incidence of human-
grizzly bear confrontations and visitation hiking areas. The development of camping
facilities both in and out of the parks has been, in many cases, in those areas where
potential and real grizzly habitat are at a premium. The stories of Grant Village and
Fishing Bridge are well-known instances of conflict between humans and bears in histor-
ical bear habitat (Chase, 1986; Mattson and Reid, 1991). In the greater Yellowstone, the
conflict between visitors and bears is illustrated if one superimposes camping sites and
grizzly bear mortality sites (Congressional Research Service, 1987). In several areas
TOTAL
PARK CAMPGROUNDS
CONCESSION CAMPGRND
; / PARK BACKCOUNTRY
1979 1982 1985 1988
YEARS
Figure 4. Overnight stays in Yellowstone National Park: park and concession campgrounds and
backcountry. Source: Yellowstone National Park, Visitors Services, 1992.
where camping is popular in the park and surrounding region, significant grizzly bear
mortality events occur.
Grizzly bear mortality due to human conflicts is a clear policy problem when one
realizes the symbolic significance of the grizzly bear to the identity of the greater Yel-
lowstone ecosystem. Indeed, part of the reason the United States recognized the greater
Yellowstone as an International Biosphere Reserve was because of the significant sym-
bolic importance of the bear.
The National Park Service (NPS) and Montana Department of Fish, Wildlife, and
Parks have identified the threat to the native cutthroat trout population as a major event
in fishery planning. Catch and release fishing and lower possession limits have helped
slow the loss of native cutthroat trout as fishing has continued to growth as a recreational
sport. Data from 1973 to 1989 show an increase from 230,100 fishing days to 320,900
days in Yellowstone National Park (Jones et al., 1990).
Another environmental issue related to tourism in the greater Yellowstone region is
the proposed winter use plan of the park and the 370-mile snowmobile highway pro-
posed by the state of Wyoming. Completion of the highway would require using the
existing snowmobile designated roads in the parks and also grooming approximately 30
miles of trail along currently plowed roads. The impact of winter use in the park on
wildlife populations is of considerable concern to the Park Service. With the increased
traffic on the snowmobile highway and the plan to increase overnight visitor accommo-
dations in the park, there is every reason to expect increases stresses placed on the
wildlife. In the Winter Use Plan Environmental Assessment (U.S. Department of Inte-
rior, 1990), the NPS cites evidence of increased heart rates when a snowmobile passes
the animal (see Richens and Lavigne, 1978, as cited in the Plan, p. 12).
From an environmental point of view, the greater Yellowstone region is in the
consolidation phase of the life cycle curve. This area lies within the "critical range" as
described by Butler (1980). In other words, in this region of the curve, the managers,
hosts, and visitors will face some hard decisions about the future of the region if biologi-
cal integrity is to be preserved.
Summary of the Findings

The cumulative evidence from the cross-sectional, time-series, and qualitative indicators
reveal that the four components of the tourism system are located in two stages of the life
cycle curve. Visitors, suppliers, and hosts manifest characteristics found at the develop-
ment stage. This stage is characterized as having a well-defined tourist market area
where visitation will equal or exceed the permanent local population (Butler, 1980).
Currently, there are approximately 10 visitors for every greater Yellowstone resident.
Counter to Butler's (1980) conceptualization, the visitor population does not appear to be
shifting away from the allocentric or midcentric visitor type to exclusively psychocen-
trics. Instead, there appears to be a mix of all three visitor types within the region. The
supplier component indicators mirror those found for visitors. Growth rates continued to
increase with the exception of the postfire 1988-1990 period. From 1990 to 1991,
growth rebounded for amusements, hotels and lodging, and eating and drinking estab-
lishments. Host residents continue to view tourism activity as positive, which implies
that residents feel that tourism is still at the development stage. In contrast, the biologi-
cal components exhibit characteristics of the consolidation stage. There have been in-
creased confrontations between humans and grizzly bears, and the Yellowstone fishery
has undergone significant stress. The proposed winter use plan has the potential of
placing further biological pressure on the resource.
Tourism Life Cycle Implications

The human components of the greater Yellowstone tourism system—visitors, suppliers,
and hosts—have not reached the critical carrying capacity points. Meanwhile, environ-
mental indicators—human-grizzly confrontations, fisheries, and the impacts of recre-
ation in winter—appear to have reached critical levels for long-term sustainability. The
incongruence between the human and environmental indicators point toward potentially
crucial conflicts with regard to future tourism growth and development. Market forces
may continue to seek growth, whereas the ecological component will struggle to main-
tain integrity. The mandate set forth in the Organic Act of the National Park Service,
providing both a pleasuring ground and a natural preserve within one ecological system,
provides no guidance to solving the dilemma.
The problems associated with increased visitation must be addressed before the
economic, social, and environmental impacts enter the critical stage or carrying capacity
threshold. Each component could be managed independently, but regional sustainability
requires a comprehensive planning process.
The Role of State Governments

One solution is for state governments to reassess the role they play in promoting tourism
in the region. Overall, 56.6% of respondents of the 1987 Montana survey believe in
increased government expenditures for protecting the environment rather than promoting
more tourism. The three state boards of tourism in the greater Yellowstone region, the
entities with knowledge and incentive to manage the tourism industry, should be drawn
into the land use planning process. This would address two problems. First, it would
create a process for a three-state, cooperative comprehensive planning for tourism. For
example, they could assess the social, economic, and environmental impacts on the
tourist industry in the case of, for example, timber harvesting practices or a new tourist
attraction. If tourism is going to be a significant component of the local and regional
economies, it is logical to assess the impacts of development schemes on that tourism
economy. The second problem addressed is the fact that state tourism bureaus are typi-
cally focused on product development and increased visitation. By including them in the
planning process, they could become cognizant and responsible for the effects of tourism
on the entire maze of land use issues.
The Role of Public Land Managers

In the greater Yellowstone region, the multiple overlapping jurisdictions include 28
levels of government (Clark, Amato, Whittemore, and Harvey, 1991). The central regu-
latory actors are the three states of the greater Yellowstone (Idaho, Montana, and Wyo-
ming), and the U.S. Forest Service (USFS) and National Park Service (NPS). Together,
the two federal agencies manage 91 % of the lands in the greater Yellowstone area or
12,742,345 (est.) acres (72.7% and 18%, respectively; Congressional Research Service,
1987). These agencies manage, sometimes with little coordination, according to a large
body of public law, regulations, and for diverse goals (Keiter, 1989).
The fires of 1988 and resulting fire management plan, a new winter use plan, wolf
restoration debates, buffalo management problems, and other controversial issues have
brought considerable attention to NPS management policy in general and Yellowstone
specifically (Chase, 1986; Clark et al., 1991; Freemuth, 1989; Hummel, 1987; Mantell,
1990; Sax, 1980). Yet, the managers of public lands in the greater Yellowstone area have
made efforts to address each of these concerns.
As early as the 1960s, the managers of the two parks and six national forests
comprising the greater Yellowstone ecosystem formed the Greater Yellowstone Coordi-
nating Committee (GYCC) to improve management for the region. In 1990, public
hearings were held in Wyoming, Idaho, and Montana on the GYCC document entitled
"Vision for the Future: A Framework for Coordination in the Greater Yellowstone"
(also known as the "vision document"). Public debate over the draft vision document
included 8690 letters and 2079 public meeting participants (Greater Yellowstone Coordi-
nating Committee, 1991). However, political conflicts over the language of the final
GYCC planning document indicated an unwillingness on the part of the region's eco-
nomic and political interests to cooperate and articulate a vision of the future for the
greater Yellowstone region (Mintzmyer, 1991; Mumma, 1991). The final document was,
in the end, a much less valuable planning document than the draft. In short, the political
process is inhibiting the facilitation of management goals for the lands of the greater
Yellowstone ecosystem.
Recognition of the need to "conserve the sense of naturalness and maintain ecosys-
tem integrity" (Greater Yellowstone Coordinating Committee, 1990, p. 4-1) through an
intensive planning process would suggest the public lands managers involved in the
GYCC process recognize that the park and surrounding public land has entered an era of
significant biological exposure. Patten (1991) suggested the interaction of natural and
especially human-caused stresses in the balance of the ecosystem threatens its eventual
sustainability. The level of management activity, as evidenced by the GYCC planning
documents and other comprehensive planning efforts such as the Interagency Grizzly
Bear Committee and the Greater Yellowstone Bald Eagle Working Group, indicate the
managers are working to mediate the conflicts among users and residents and their
impacts on the environmental setting of the region. It implies they are cognizant of the
differing and conflicting user-group and ecological thresholds operating within the sys-
tem.
An important feature of the GYCC product was an emphasis on managing the
human elements more intensively than the natural elements. It is a significant attribute of
the document, because of the differing amount of flexibility in the existing system.
Tourist supply and demand can be more easily shifted than grizzly bear range, fishery
habitat, or naturally caused fires.
The state level and interstate level planning process should interface with GYCC
planning strategies. The final report of the GYCC process identified two areas of coordi-
nation: resource management planning with state agencies and development of informa-
tion centers throughout the greater Yellowstone region (Greater Yellowstone Coordinat-
ing Committee, 1991). Those management goals should be encouraged.
Finally, the tourist experience requires management. The inherent conflicts among
allocentric, midcentric, and the less adventuresome psychocentric user groups will con-
tinue to grow as visitation increases and recreational experiences are compromised.
Some regulation of the "product mix" could be implemented through a zoning process
that addresses not only biological concerns within the resource, but temporal (emotive/
experiential) and spatial (recreational site) concerns as well. These zoning processes
need to consider, among other variables, recreation patterns, visitor demand, and sea-
sonality of demand (Calantone and Mazanec, 1991; Pearce, 1987; Snepenger, Houser,
and Snepenger, 1990).
An alternative or adjunct approach to management of tourism in the greater Yellow-
stone region is use of market forces, where applicable, to address some of the impacts of
tourism. The solutions posed by advocates of a new resource economics range from a
private lease mechanism for public lands to complete privatization (Baden and Lueck,
1986). The paradigm explains the failure of public management in terms of market
failure and misplaced incentives acted on by nonproperty holding public institutions
(Baden and Stroup, 1979). Anderson and Leal (1991) pointed out that although, visits to
Yellowstone National Park increased by 8% between 1986 and 1987, the entrance fees
per vehicle increased from $2 to $5—a 2.5% increase. They suggest this failure to
increase rates at the same pace as visitation reflects underpricing, and therefore it is
economically inefficient. How the concept of market driven incentives would apply to
tourism and its impacts in the greater Yellowstone region is difficult to ascertain, but the
ideas may hold many valuable contributions for tourism management.
Conclusion
The life cycle concept incorporates alternatives for future directions within the greater
Yellowstone region. These futures for tourist destinations moving beyond the develop-
ment stage do not follow a linear development process. Rather, as Getz (1992) observed,
"consolidation, decline and rejuvenation can be collinear and perpetual, as the industry
and planners deal with arising problems . . . and seek to enhance attractiveness and
competitiveness to die destination. The term "maturity" is a much more accurate de-
scriptor for this state of tourism development and its planning" (pp. 767-768). The
greater Yellowstone region exhibits colinear life cycle stages between the human and the
biological components.
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Society & Natural Resources: An

Application of the tourism life cycle

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Application of the Tourism Life Cycle Concept

Abstract Tourism development in the greater Yellowstone region is examined using

Received 12 May 1992; accepted 12 October 1992.

The Tourism Destination Life Cycle

CRITICAL RANGE OF ^ X REJUVENATION STAGE

CONSOLIDATION STAGE ' ' ' ' • B

The development stage is identified by a well-defined tourist market and a peak

make it a useful framework for model building and research.

Monitoring the Tourism Destination Life Cycle

Visitation as a measure of development of a tourism resource is a common measure of

Visitors (demand) Visitation rates 1970-1990 Yellowstone National Park

1971 1976 1981 1986 1991

Tourist Type Attraction Preference

Allocentric Nontouristy areas

Source: Adapted from Plog (1974) and Gunn (1988).

The fires are one of the most

The recent fires have not

Source: Snepenger, Peterson, and Bench (1989).

Tourism in the Montana portion of the greater Yellowstone region, as measured by

8% growth, the Yellowstone Country (a state-defined tourism region) experienced 16%

1980 1989 % Change

Mining (including oil and gas) 279 109 -60

Local Service Sector

Source: Bureau of the Census (1991).

Location Category Expenditure

Jackson Hole, Wyoming Nonresident fishing $6.8 mil (1985)

1970 1975 1980 1985 1990

AMUSEMENTS/REC HOTELS/LODGING EATING/DRINKING

Tourists are inconsiderate to local residents 28.3

The Biological Component

Summary of the Findings

Tourism Life Cycle Implications

The Role of State Governments

The Role of Public Land Managers

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